they assail me in my Strength and shall find my Deeds as ready and confident Justifications as my Words But it is not my Faith or Aspiring they here would bring in doubt they have a further Strain For as before they made my Name a Fume to disquiet the Head now they make it a Poyson to carry Infection into the Body For What is the Parliament but the Body of the Kingdom And why do they stain it with the hateful Name of Puritan but to make it odious to the King Indeed such Names help the Jesuits in Disputes of Religion when they are driven from all real Defences and would they practice this deploâ—able Art in the Matters of State if they were not in his Case that called Christ Galilean when he was vanquished by his Power For who knoweth not the Upper House of Parliament consisteth of all the Preâ—ates and Peers and the Nether House of near 500 Knights and Burgesses Elected and sent out of all Parts of â—he Kingdom And are all these Puâ—itans Do my Plots receive better Enâ—ertainment amongst them than with â—he Council of State And doth this reâ—roachful Comparison honour or disâ—onour those Able and Wise Men who are here presented to be well â—ffected to their Cause but their end â—as no Man's Honour It was to break â—he Parliament by setting Faction aâ—ongst the Members of both Houâ—es as well as with the Head and their â—and is most evident in misrepresenting the Case For where they say that almost every one of the Council both liked and allowed of the Propositions of the Catholick King and found therein no Cause to dissolve the Treaty They conceal that the Proposition was then made for the Palatinate alone supposing the Treaty of the Marriage should proceed And in that Case it mighâ— seem reasonable to very Wise Menâ— that the other Treaty should not bâ— broken off But in Parliament where both Parties come in Question together not one of those Able and Wise Men for they were all Memberâ— of the one House or the other dissented from the Council of dissolving them both The Altars of Provocation may then be objected to Worshippers of Saints or to them that appeal to their Idol at Rome and noâ— to Us who acknowledge no Sovereign upon Earth but our King to whom both Council of State and Parliament yield Odedience in all things How then may it be said thaâ— the Parliament is now above the King Or how can they hope that such shameless and impious Suggestions can make a prudent and good King jealous and doubtful of a most obsequious and dutiful People Especially at this time when it may truly be said That the Spirit of Wisdom in the Heart of the King hath wrought the Spirit of Unity in the Hearts of his Subjects which made the Success more happy than former Parliaments have had And this indeed is the matter which the Devil and they storm at For who can doubt that they and their Faction cannot endure without much trouble of Mind as they confess to see the weightiest Affairs and of greatest Moment to be now referred to the Censure of the Parliament when their fair Promises and Pretences can no longer prevail Yet let them tell us what greater and more Honourable Senate they have seen in Spain or elsewhere Besides Do not the very Writs for the Summons of Parliament express That is for the great and weighty Affairs of the Kingdom And have not our greatest and wisest Kings heretofore referred Treaties of Leagues of Marriages of Peace and War and of Religion it self to the Consultations of their Parliaments Those then that take upon them to undervalue this High Court do but expose their own Judgments to Censure and Contempt not knowing that Parliaments as they are the Honour and Support so they are the Hand-maids and Creatures of our Kings inspired formed and governed by their Power And if Charles the Fifth oâ— France by his Parliament of Paris recovered a great part of that Kingdom from this Crown and if Succeeding Kings there by the Assistance of that Court redeemed the Church from the Tyranny of the Pope We have no cause to doubt that our King by the Faithful Advice Assistance and Service of his Parliament shall be able both to recover the Palatinate which they here make so difficult and to protect our Neighbours and Allies and either to settle such a Peace as we really desire or to execute such Vengeance as God's Justice and their Sins shall for their Ambition assuredly draw upon them But they proceed and tell the King that it is said I have propounded many things to the Parliament in his Name without his Advice or Consent nay contrary to his Will And is not this to abuse the Ears and patience of a Prince to tell him many things are said and yet neither specifie the Matters nor the Men Or is not this to dally with my Name by Hear-says when with a harsh and incoherent Transition they suddenly fall upon â—he Prince who is the next true Mark their Malice shooteth at And when Malice it self cannot but acknowledge his Ingenuity and great Gifts and that in all things he shewâ—th himself an obedient and good â—on yet these Attributes they will â—eeds qualifie with a Nevertheless which cannot charge me as with a â—ault that I am confident in his Favour Or that I therefore despise all men to which Vice of all other my Nature is least inclin'd but indeed taxeth the Prince at least with participation of my ill Intentions by suffering me to make those persons subject to my Will which are most conformable to His. Whom they mean I know not but pray God that those Men they thus recommend to his Highness's neareâ— Trust prove not more dangerous to his Person than I have hitherto been refractory to his Will But having shot this Bolt they come back again to me as to their Stalking-horse to chuse a new Mark. And first for a preparative to the Prince Attention they wish that my Action were directed to his Good Then tâ— give at least some Varnish to theiâ— Work they tell him that good me believe meaning such as believe theâ— with an implicite Faith that I whâ— have imbroiled the Match with Spain will not be less able to break any other his Highness should affect iâ— which Speech if a Man will dive tâ— the Bottom of their Malice he must descend into Hell But for the Match with Spain can any man believe that his Majesty sent his Son that he went in Person that he both trusted Spain so far and did that Kingdom so much Honour and yielded to such Conditions or that I underwent that Hazard and Charge and pressed their King importuned his Favorite and Council and subjected my self to so many Indignities or that so great a Fleet even into their own Ports with Minds to interrupt or embroil or not rather to remove all Impediments to â—asten the Marriage and to bring â—ome
any that hath such Letters â—f Mark or Reprisal from any foreign â—rince or State whatsoever nor otherwise â—mploy themselves in any warlike serâ—ices of any foreign State upon the Sea â—ithout special license obtained from our â—elf or from our High Admiral as they will answer the contrary at their perils And for as much as although we are in peace with all Christian Princes and States yet during the continuance oâ— the War between the King of Spain and the Arch-Dukes on the one side and the United Provinces of the Lowâ— Countries on the other side many chances may happen as some already have hapned of difficult interpretation to our Officers and Subjects how to behave themselves in such Cases unless they be explained unto them We have thought it convenient to make anâ— open Declaration how our said Officers and Subjects shall demean themselves toward the Subjects as well of the King of Spain and Arch-Dukes as also of the States united in the Cases following First our pleasure is that within our Ports Havens Roads Creeks or other places of our Dominions or so near to any of our said Ports or Havens as may be reasonably construed to be within that Title limit or precinct there shall be no force violence surprise or offence suffered to be done either from man of War to man of War or man of War to Merchant or Merchant to Merchant of either party but that all of â—hat Nation soever so long as they â—all be within those our Ports and plaâ—s of our Jurisdiction or where our â—fficers may prohibit violence shall be â—nderstood to be under our protectiâ—n to be ordered by course of Justice â—nd be at peace each with other And whereas some of the men of War of each side have used of late and â—â— is like will use in time to come though â—ot to come within our Ports because â—here they know we can restrain vioâ—ence yet to hover and hang about the â—kirts of our Ports somewhat to Seaâ—oard but yet so near our Coasts and â—he entry of our Harbours as in reason â—s to be construed to be within the exâ—ent of the same and there to await the Merchant of the adverse part and do â—eize and take them at their going out of our Ports which is all one in a manner as if they took them within our Port and will be no less hindrance to the trade of Merchants Our pleasure therefore and commandment is to all our Officers and Subjects by Sea and Land that they shall prohibit as muâ—â— as in them lieth all such hovering 〈◊〉 men of War of either side so neâ—â— the entry of any of our Havens 〈◊〉 our Coasts and that they shall receiâ—â— and succour all Merchants and other that shall fall within the danger of anâ— such as shall await our Coasts in so neaâ— places to the hindrance of Trade anâ— Traffique outward and homeward from and to our Kingdomes And foâ— the better instructions of our Officeâ— in the execution of these two Articleâ— We have caused to be sent to theâ— plats of those limits within which 〈◊〉 are resolved that these Orders shall bâ— observed And where it hath happened and 〈◊〉 like to do often that a ship of War 〈◊〉 the one side may come into some of ouâ— Ports where there â—â—all be a Merchanâ— of the other side In such Case for thâ— benefit and preservation of the lawfuâ—â— Trade of Merchants our pleasure is that all Merchants ships if they will require it shall be suffered to depart ouâ— of the said Port two or three Tide before the man of War to the intent that the Merchant may be free from the pursuit of his Adversary and it it so happen that any ship or ships of War of the one side do find any ship or ships of War of the other side in any our Ports or Roads aforesaid like as our pleasure is that during there abode there all violence be forborn so do we likewise command our said Officers and Subjects both on Sea and Land that the ship of War which came in first be suffered to depart a Tide or two before the other which came in last and that for so long time they shall stay and detain any ship of War that would offer to pursue another out of any of our Ports immediately And where we are informed that notwithstanding the severity of our Laws against Receivers of Pyrates goods many of our Officers of our Ports and other Inhabitants within and near unto them do receive daily goods brought in from Sea by such as are indeed Pyrates if they and the getting of their Goods were well examined we do hereby admonish them all to avoid the receiving or buying of any goodâ— from sea coming not into the Realm by lawful course of merchandize for that they shall find we are resolved so to prevent all occasion and encouragement of Pyrates to be used by any ouâ— Subjects as we will cause our Laws to be fully executed according to their true meaning both against the Pyrates and all Receivers and Abettors of them and their goods Given at Thetford the first day of March in the second year of our Reign of Great Britain c. Anno Dom 1605. in An. Reg. Jac. 3. An Act for the granting of three entire Subsidies and six Fisteenths and Tenths granted by the Temporaltie to His Majesty with the reasons why granted and the great advantages his Majesty hath been to this Kingdom MOst Gracious Soveraign as at the first entrance of your Majesty into this Kingdom there appeared universally in all your Loving Subjects greater demonstrations of affection towards your Royal person than ever hath been observed towards any former King upon a joyful and foreruning expectation of your Majesties Religious Just and Gracious Government so finding by the grounded experience of three years now compleat of the same your happy Government that your Majesty hath turned our hopes into sensible and actual benefits we cannot but still settle and increase in Love Zeal and Duty towards you which we think fit more and more to make manifest to your Majesty not by externe showes but by real effects And therefore We your most Loving and Loyal Subjects being by your Royal Authority assembled in Parliament to consult of the great and important causes of this your Kingdom have entred into due consideration both of your Majesties great Benefit and of your present estate in the support whereof the continuance of these benefits doth principally consist wherein we do in the first place call to mind that by Gods great mercies and blessing and your Majesties Religious care in execution of the good Laws for that purpose ordained the true Religion of Almighty God freed and delivered from the servitude of blind and Forrain superstition is continued unto us and that in such sort as considering your Majesties constant and Judicial profession thereof and the Religious Education of your Children we rest assured that
what impeachment is it to the Justice of any Judge although his sentence be revoked and and a contrary sentence given by another Judge when the parties between whome the suite is either cannot or through negligence or collusion will not alleadge or make such proof before him the first Judge as they might but afterwards before the second Judge good and sufficient proof is made a matter which falleth out every day here in England in every Civil and Ecclesiastical Court upon Appeal made from one Court to another and the like falleth out in all other Countries and yet the former Judge whose sentence is reversed thinketh not himself any whit impeached of injustice thereby That the absurdities which would ensue may by example more plainly appear if the Law should not be as we say Put this Case a Widdower in the Confines of England towards Scotland marrieth a Wife in a Parish Church publickly in the presence of a hundred Witnesses and afterwards they live together by the space of a year and have a Child at the years end upon some discontentment they both being disirous to be ridd the one of the other the woman in England sueth her Husband to be divorced from him pretending that at such time as he married her he had another wife living and produceth witnesses which prove that he had married another wife before he married her and peradventure make some probable shew that that wife was living when he married his second wife who in truth was dead before as the man could have plainly proved by twenty witnesses if he had listed Notwithstanding the husband being willing to be ridd of his wife either would not plead that his former wife was dead or else would not make any proof thereof Whereupon the woman obtaineth sentence against the man whereby the Marriage between them two by this Collusion and errour is pronounced void from which sentence there was no Appeal or provocation Now within a Month after this Divorce this man goeth into the Confines of Scotland not Ten Miles from the place where he and his divorced wife formerly dwelt and there he marrieth another woman being ignorant of the former wife and Collusory Divorce and there Cohabiteth and dwelleth with her This woman shortly after understanding of the premises and that she could not be his lawful wife but lived in Adultery with him desireth before the Judge in Scotland under whose Jurisdiction they both dwell to be devorced from him and to be delivered from her Adulterous living with him and offereth to prove all the Premises most manifestly were it not now a most absurd and abominable thing that this woman should have no remedy any where but be inforced to live still in Adultery with this man because the sentence of divorce was given by a Judge in England pronouncing the marriage between the man and his second wife to be void whereas it can be most manifestly and apparently proved that the first wife was dead before his second Marriage and so the sentence was given against the apparent Truth And what impeachment of Justice can this be to the Judge in England before whom it was never proved that the mans first wife was dead to have his sentence reversed upon new proofs made before the Judge in Scotland Now between the Ladies Case and this Case there is no difference in truth of matter and point of Law only by reason of the multitude of the witnesses the nearness of the time and place when and where these things in this Case were done the truth whereof may more easily and readily be proved than in the Ladies Cause it can though with more difficulty the cases are all one If any man shall yet doubt whether this cause can be heard and determined by the Ecclesiastical Courts in England it is desired that Sir John's Councel considering the Marriage was made here in England and the Lady and Sir John do both dwell here and by Law Sir John is not compellable to appear in any other place than in England for this matter I would tell before what Judge this matter should be heard and determined for it is to be presumed that when two persons live in Adultery together and so in continual sin and the one of them seeketh redâ—ess and to be freed from that sinful and Adulterous Life no man will say that he or she shall be compelled to live notoriously in Adultery still and have no Judge at all to separate them and remedy this enormity If further doubts be made how where or in what manner proof shall be made in this Cause It is said that this Question doth not concern the Question what Court or or before what Judges the Cause shall be heard and determined But to this it is answered That the Proofs shall be made in such manner as they be ordinarily in all other Cases that is by the answers of the contrary part upon Oath by such witnesses as they can procure voluntarily to come before the Judges here from whence or out of what Country soever they can procure them If they will not come voluntarily then if they be within the Jurisdiction of the Judge and the Party producent think so good he shall have process to compel them to come before the Judge if they dwell so far off as that it will be too chargeable to bring thâ—m before the Judge then a Commission shall be granted to some Commnsioners to examine them near the places where they dwell and this if they dwell within the Judges Jurisdiction but if the witness dwell out of the Juâ—ges Jurisdiction in any other place Realm or Country then the Judge of the Cause may direct requisitory to the Judges of the places or Countries where the witness dwells to intreat them to examine the witness remaining there by their Authority and to send them depositions to the Judge of the Cause Also by the Records of other Courts or any other Instruments or Writings which may any way further the Cause these being the ordinary and usual courses used for makeing of Proof in every Cause every day and will not be denyed by any acquainted with the proceedings in any Ecclesiastical or Civil Courts Anno Dom. 1611. An. Reg. Jac. 9. The Commission and Warrant for the Condemnation and burning of Bartholomew Legatt who was burnt in Smith-feild in London 1611. for Heretical Opinions JAmes by the Grace of God King of England Scotland France and â—reland defender c. To our right Trusty and well beloved Councellor Thomas Lord Elsmere our Chancellor of England Greeting Where the Reverend Father in God John Bishop of London haveing judicially proceeded in a Cause of Heresy against Bartholomew Legatt of the City of London in the Diocess of the Bishop of London concerning divers wâ—cked Erours Heresies and Blasphemous Opinions holden affirmed and published by the said Bartholomew Legatt and châ—ifly in these thirteen Blasphemous Posâ—â—ons following viz. That the Creed called the
unto Overbury who perused them copied them registred them made Table-talk of them as they thought good so I will undertake the time was when Overbury knew more of the Secrets of the State than the Council-Table did Nay they were grown to such Inwardness as they made a Play of all the World besides themselves so as they had Cyphers and Jurgons for the King and Queen and Great Men of the Realm Things seldom used but either by Princes or their Confederates or at the least by such as practice and work against or at the least upon Princes But understand me My Lord I shall not charge you with Disloyalty at this day and I lay this for a Foundation that there was great Communication of Secrets between you anâ— Sir Thomas Overbury and that it haâ— relation to matters of State and thâ— great Causes of this Kingdom But My Lords as it is a Principlâ— in Nature that the best things are in their Corruption the worst and the sweetest Vine maketh the sourest Vinegar so it fell out with them that this Excess as I may say of Friendship ended in mortal Hatred on my Lord of Somerset's Part. I have heard my Lord Steward say sometimes in the Chancery that Frostâ— and Fraud end foul and I may add a Third and that is the Friendship of Ill Men which is truly said to be Conspiracy and not Friendship For it fell out some twelve Months or more before Overbury his Imprisonment in the Tower that the Earl of Somerset fell into an unlawful Love towards that unfortunate Lady the Countess of Fsseâ— and to proceed to a Marriage with her this Marriage and Purpose did Overbury mainly impugne under â—retence to do the true part of a â—riend for that he accounted her an â—nworthy Woman but the Truth â—as Overbury who to speak plainly â—ad little that was solid for Religion â—r Moral Vertue but was wholly â—ossest with Ambition and Vain Gloâ—y was loth to have any Partners in â—he Favour of my Lord of Somerset â—nd especially not any of the House â—f the Howards against whom he had â—ways professed Hatred and Opposiâ—tion And my Lords that this is no siniâ—er Construction will appear to you when you shall hear that Overbury â—ade his Brags that he had won him â—he Love of the Lady by his Letters â—nd Industry so far was he from Caâ—es of Conscience in this point And certainly my Lords howsoâ—ver the Tragical Misery of this poor Gentleman Overbury might somewhat â—bliterate his Faults yet because we â—re not upon point of Civility but to â—iscover the Face of Truth before the Face of Justice For that it is material to the true understanding of the Statâ— of this Cause Overbury was noughâ— and corrupt the Ballads must be meâ—ded for that point But to proceed when Overbury saâ— that he was like to be Possessor oâ— my Lords Grace which he had poâ—sessed so long and by whose Greatness he had promised himself to dâ— Wonders and being a Man of an unbounded impudent Spirit he begaâ— not only to dissuade but to deteâ— him from the Love of that Lady anâ— finding him fixed thought to find â— strong Remedy and supposing thaâ— he had my Lord's Head under his Giâ—dle in respect of Communication oâ— Secrets of State as he calls them him self Secrets of Nature and thereforâ— dealt violently with him to make hiâ— desist with Menaces of Discovery anâ— the like Hereupon grew two Streamâ— of Hatred upon Overbury the one froâ— the Lady in respect that he crossed her Love and abused her Name which are Furies in Women the other of a more deep Nature from my Lord of Somerset himself who was afraid of Overbury's Nature and if he did break from him and fly out he would wind into him and trouble his whole Fortunes I might add a â—hird Stream of the Earl of Northampton's Ambition who desires to be first in Favour with my Lord of Somerset and knowing Overbury's Malice to himself and to his House thought that Man must be removed and cut off so as certainly it was resolved and Decreed that Overbury must die That was too weak and they were so far from giving way to it as they crossed it there rested but two ways of Quarrel Assault and Poyson For that of Assault after some Proposition and Attempt they passed from it as a thing too open and subject to more â—ariety of Shame That of Poyson likewise was an hazardous thing and subject to many Preventions and Caution especially to such a Working and Jealous Brain as Overbury had except he was first fast in their Hands Therefore the way was first to get him into a Trap and lay him up anâ— then they could not miss the Mark And therefore in Execution of thiâ— Plot it was concluded that he should be design'd to some Honourable Employment in Foreign Parts and should under-hand by my Lord of Somerset be encouraged to refuse it and so upon Contempt he should be laid Prisoner in the Tower and then they thought he should be close enough and Death should be his Bail yet were they not at their End For they considered that if there were not a fit Lieutenant of the Tower for their purpose and likewise a fit Under-keeper of Overbury First They should meet with many Impediments in the giving and exhibiting of the Poyson Secondly They should be exposed to Note and Observation that might discover them And Thirdly Overbury in the mean time might write clamorous and furious Letters to his Friends and so all might be disappointed And therefore the next Link of the Chain was to displace the then Lieutenant Wade and to place Yelvis a Principal Abettor in the Impoysonment to displace Cary that was Under-keeper in Wade's Time and to place Weston that was the Actor in the Impoysonment and this was done in such a while that it may appear to be done as it were in a Breath Then when they had this poor Gentleman in the Tower close Prisoner where he could not escape nor stir where he could not feed but by their Hands where he could not speak nor write but through their Trunks then was the time to act the last Day of his Tragedy Then must Franklin the Purveyor of the Poyson procure five six seven several Poysons to be sure to hit his Complexion then must Mrs. Turâ—er the Lay-mistress of the Poysons â—dvise what works at present and what at distance then must Weston â—e the Tormentor and chase him with Poyson after Poyson Poyson â—n Salt Meats Poyson in Sweet Meats Poyson in Medicines and Vomits until at last his Body by the use of Treacle and Preservatives was so fortified that the force of the Poysons was blunted upon him Weston confessing when he was chid for not dispatching him that he had given him enough to poyson twenty men And Lastly Because all this asked time Courses were taken by Somerset both to divert all the true means of Overbury's Delivery and to
they made him a Confessor in Spain as their Faction long since made his Royal Father in his Honor a Martyr And for his Carriage he converseth with us daily and knoweth us much better than any stranger can and therefore we trust his own Experience and good Opinion of us against all they can suggest And for the Prince Palatine we love his Nation from which we were extracted and we love his Religion which was the Ground of the Alliance with him and we much esteem that Noble Princess by whom he participateth with that Duty and Affection which from the King as the Root in due proportion disperseth it self in all the Branches yet so as whensoever they shall divide from the Head or the Body they cannot but know that their Moisture will dry up And for Count Mansfield it is worth the observing how they labour to dissemble and divert that Fear of him which they cannot have for us but indeed for themselves least he who hath already so troubled them in Germany should disturb them elsewhere Now whereas they conjure King and Prince to foresee the Vengeance of God provoked by my Practises and the Fury of Parliament for Testimonies and Libels against the Honour of Spain How much more Cause have they both and we all to consider and praise God's Miraculous Goodness in preserving their Persons and blessing their Endeavours in so happy a Discovery and Prevention of those Dangers which the Treaties would have brought upon our Religion and State And thereby rest assured that he will still bless where they curse and establish the Scepters of the Defenders of his Faith and in powring his Vengeance upon the Beast and the Enemies of his Truth And if the Testimonies published against Spain and believed in Parliament were not true why do they not convince them and satisfie them and satisfie the World And for those bitter and ignominious Libels they mention why can they not be read without Ignominy to our Nation as well as Pasquin's in Rome and like Libels in France Germany and other Nations with their Reproach Especially considering as the Spaniards of all People are most pursued with Writing of this kind so the English of all other do punish Libels with most Severity and Rigour But that which followeth is yet more remarkable It is apparent say they that the League is broken and Histories will witness it Surely those Histories must be of their Writing for true histories cannot record any breach on our part The Treaties are indeed dissolved First materially by them and then formally by us But are those Treaties any Articles of the League Or is it in the Power of any Subject be he never so willful to break the Leagues of Princes without due Justice demanded and refused But now the Ambassadors publick Ministers of State have made such Declaration How far that extendeth his Majesty may consider and wheâ—her it be not an Advantage cunningly â—ought to countenance the first blow And the rather because immediately after this peremptory Declaration which may seem a degree to a Denunciation of War they use all the Oratory to lull his Majesty asleep and to persuade both him and the Prince to prefer Peace and Quiet ever before their Kingdoms which thereby may be lost And what Confidence is this Do they think their Learning sufficient to teach my Master to understand his own Note who can much better teach them that Pacifici beati are not passive but Active And that the Sworâ— maketh Peace both in Governmenâ— and in War by supporting Justice wherein the happiness of all Society doth consist But whosoever construeth the Speeches of these men by the litteral sence cometh short oâ— their meaning For what are all these specious Adornings of his Majesty and the Prince in the Long Robes oâ— Peace but a Figurative menacing them with the Consequences of War And to see what the Love of the one or fear of the other may happily work by Peace i. e. by a quiet submitting the Marriage of the Palatinate and the safety of the Kingdoms and Allies to the Devotion of Spain First His Majesty may believe his Symbol as they say is verified in his Person and that he is extolled and admired through the World Or that otherwise he shall enjoy neither Happiness nor Honour And Secondly That the Prince can no other way succeed peaceably into the Hereditary Possession of these Kingdoms or the Honour of his Father or shew that he is indeed of his Blood or beareth him Love as if all these should be questioned if he do not entertain the same Peace with those Princes whose Alliances his Majesty hath so well procured and deserved meaning by giving them way to work out all their Ends And this being the sence clouded up in their unjointed Applications all they gain thereby is to give these due Acknowledgments to his Majesty and the Prince First That their Royal Dispositions and Endeavours ever tended to peace Secondly That of themselves they intended no alteration without violent Motions on the other part And Thirdly Those which force them if at the very Entrance into War they want a just Cause as the Jews called for Vengeance against themselves so these men truly prophesie that they shall have their Success Hitherto I have been brought upon the Stage to play other mens parts Now followeth my own Indictment in more particular Terms First Concerning my Carriage of the Negotiation in Spain And Secondly For my Personal Actions and Behaviour For the Spanish Business because greater Persons are still involved in their Censure they make their way as Poets do in Tragedies by raising me as a Ghost to possess King and Prince and to terrifie all men that oppose my Designs Surely I think they smiled when they writ this passage For they cannot think me so predominant nor so terrible a Creature But to satisfie the World in those four first Questions which contain the Substance of all the Business in Spain I will briefly as I can repeat the Proceedings which have been related in Parliament more at large and justified by Letters and Records and allowed not only by the most temperate men they speak of but by general and unanimons Votes from which no one did dissent But First having the honour to be of my Master 's inward Council in these things I must testifie to the Renown of his Wisdom and especially of his Goodness that as in the Marriage of his Daughter his chief Intention was to settle and corroborate the Party of our Religion where it is most improved so by the Marriage of his Son in some powerful House of the other Religion he sought not only the strengthening and assuring is own Peace and Succession but the Universal Good of all Christendome and a means to qualifie by the Cooperation of those Princes the Spiritual Usurpations whereby in time some better accord in the Differences of Religion might be made From these Intentions and that special