by learned Fathers and Divines by Synods and generall Councels but by great Lords and Barons yea by the whole Peerage of these Kingdomes of England and France Peter Lord Primandy and Barree who writ the French Academy and dedicated the same to Henry the 3. King of France and Poland in that booke and chapter of the causes that bred change saith that Bishops and Prelates neglecting their charge to bestow their times in worldly affaires grew to misliking and contempt have procured great offences and marvellous trouble which may more easily be lamented then taken away or reformed being such abuses as have taken deepe root And what he affirmeth did the Peeres of France unitely deliver That Bishops should follow Saint Peters steps to winne soules and not to meddle with wars and murder of mens bodies But to come neere and to speake of this Kingdome of England let us heare what the English Lords did declare we read that they did decree in the time and reigne of King John that Bishops should not intermeddle in civill affaires or rule as Princes over their Vasâ—alls and the reason is â—enderd for Peter say they received no power but onely in matters pertaining to the Church and further enlarging themselves use these words It appertaines not to Bishops to deale in secular affaires since Peter onely received of our Saviour a power in matters Ecclesiastic all what say they hath the Prelats to entermeddle with wars such are Constantines successors not Peters whom as they represent not in good actions so neither doe they in authority Fie on such Rascal Ribaulds the words in Paris are Marcidi Ribaldi how unlike are they to Peter that usurpe Peters place But this point of intermedling in secular affaires though I have often digressed and intermingled with the former parts is proved in its proper place to bee unlawfull viz. in that part that treateth therof craving pardon for this deviation I will pursue the present argument the obnoxiousnesse of their sitting in Parliament and come to the points I intended to insist on viz. the entrance of Bishops into the Parliament house and by what meanes they came there and continued That they have sate there from the first Parliament to this is not denied But as we are not now to consider an suerunt but an profuerunt so are we not to debate and discusse an factum but an sieri debuit for it was the argument of a Pagan viz. Symmachus to the Emperor Theodosius recorded by Saint Amb. servanda est tot saeculis fides nostra sequendi sunt majores nostri qui secuti sunt faelicitur suos Our religion which hath continued so many yeares is still to be retained and our ancestors are to bee followed by us who happily traced the steps of their forefathers but with Tertullian nullam vâ—lo conâ—uetudinem defendas if good no matter how short since if bad the longer the worse Antiquity without truth as saith Cyprian is but ancient error The first Parliament as I reade began 1116. or thereabouts and in the sixteeneth or seventeenth yeare of King Henry the first who being an usurper brought in by the Bishops to the disherison of Robert his elder brother admitted the said Bishops to be members of the said high Court partly ingratefulnesse but rather for that he durst not doe otherwise for was not Ralfe the then Archbishop of Canterbury so proud and insolent a Prelate that was read of him that when Roger Bishop of Salsbury was to celebrate the Kings Coronation by reason of the palsie of the Archbishop this â—holerick outdaring Prelate could hardly be intreated by the Lords to withhold his hands from striking the Crowne from the Kings head Of such spirits were these spirirituall Prelates and the jealousie to lose their pompous preheminence of honors yet had he no other reason for this his sauâ—ines and bold attempt but for that Roger did not this by his appointment At the same time Tâ—urstoâ— was Archbishop of Yorke who though a disloyall and perjured man by breach of his oath to the King yet was hee highly favoured and countenanced by the Pope and put into that See by him in dispite of the said King And as hee so the rest of the Bishops not lesse guilty nor much lesse potent were likewise admitted members of that high Court and to speake plainly how could he spare their being in that house who were to justifie his title to the Crowne Now passe we to King Stephen another usurper nephew to the former King Henry him though he had an elder brother and before them both the title of Anjou by his wife Maud the Empresse as also of his son Henry to precede the Bishops did advance to the Royal Throne no lesse persidiously then traiterously having formerly sworne to Maud the Empresse We are also to understand that the Bishop of Winchester was his brother a very potent man in the State and it is worthy our noting that the Bishops did endeavour to salve their disloyalty and perjury by bringing in the Salicke Law to this Kingdome traiterously avowing that it was basenes for so many and so great Peers to be subject to a woman Nay it seemeth the Bishops did not intend to be true subjects to him though a brave and worthy Prince had his title to the Crowne been as good as the Prelates at his election did declare for read we not that the Bishops of Salisbury Lincolne Ely and others did fortifie Castles against him and advanced to him in armed and warlicke manner nay did not his brother the Bishop of Winchester forsake him and in a Synod of Clergie accursed all those that withstood the Empresse Maud blessing all that assisted her Surely this curse ought to have fallen on himself and the Archbishop who did trouble the Realm with fire and sword Sure as these were too great to bee put out of Parliament so were they very dangerous therein Vnto Stephen succeed Henry 2. In this time Thomas Becket was Archbishop of Canterbury what his demeanour toward his Soveraigne was and what mischiefe was by him occasioned to the Kingdome would take too much time to declare and though some Papists that adore him for a Saint will say he resisted on just cause yet I will deliver what I read and render him with the Chronicles an Arch-traytor and tell you that the Doctors in Paris did debate whether he were damned for his disloyalty Rogerus the Norman avowing that he deserved death and damnation for his contumacie toward the King the Minister of God From him I passe to his sonne Richard the first who had two brothers that were Bishops the one of Duresme the other of Lincolne and after Archbishop of Yorke and going to the holy Land appointed for Governour of the Kingdome William Longchampe chiefe Iusticiar and Lord Chancellour of England and Papall Legat. This Viceroy or rather King for so
and wicked Archbishop and Bishops cursing all that should rebell against it which impudent and traiterous disloyalty saith Matth. Paris and Matth. Westm. the Monks did detest asking with what fore-heads the Priests durst thus impaire the Kingly Majesty expressely against their sworne fidelity to him Here we see the Monks more loyall and honest then the Lord Bishops wee have cashiered the poore Monkes and are we afraid of the Bishops Lordlinesse that they must continue and sit in Parliament to the prejudice of the King and people And so we may observe that this traiterous Bishop did make this King as the former had done his father meerely titular From him I passe to his son Edward the first In his reigne Boniface was Archbishop of Canterbury and Brother to the Queene what he and the rest of the Prelats did in prejudice to the regall authority and weale publique I will passe over the rather for that they declare themselves in his sons reigne so wicked and disloyall that no age can parallell of which thus in briefe doth not Thomas De la More call the Bishop of Hereford Arch plotter of treason Omnis mali Architectum and not to speake of his contriving the death of the late Chancellour and other particular villanies he is branded together with Winchester then Chancellour and Norwich Lord Treasurer to occasion the Dethroning of this Prince nay after long imprisonment his very life taken away by Bishop Thorltons aenigmaticall verse though he after denied it Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum est But this Adam de Orleton alias Toâ—leton and his fellow Bishops in this Kings reigne I may not slightly passe over Therefore I desire wee may take a further view of them First of this Adam Bishop of Hereford we finde that he was stript of all his temporalties for supporting the Mortimers in the Barons quarrell Hee being saith Thomas de la More a man of most subtile wit and in all worldly policies profound daring to doe great things and factious withall who made against King Edward the second a great secret party To which Hâ—nry Burwash Bishop of Lincolne for like causes deprived of his temporalties joyned himselfe as also Ely and others Walter Stapleton Bishop of Exeter a turne-coat left the Queen and came to England to inâ—orme the King of his Queenes too great familiarity with Mortimer which after cost him his head Perhaps some now as Thomas de la More will say he was therein a good man yet I will take leave to thinke nor doe I feare to speake it This was no part of Episcopall function But I will passe him by not concluding him either good or bad every man may thinke as hee pleaseth I will declare the traiterous and disloyall actions of the other Bishop formerly mentioned This Bishop of Hereford whom I finde called the Queens bosome Councellour preaching at Oxford tooke for text My head my head aketh 2 Kings 4. 19. concluding more like a Butcher then a Divine that an a king and sick head of a kingdome was of necessity to be taken off and not to bee tampered with by any other physicke whereby it is probable that he was the authour of that aenigmaticall verse formerly recited Edwardum occidere c. And well may wee beleeve it for we finde that he caused Roger Baldock Bishop of Norwich the late Lord Chancellour to die miserably in Newgate Not much better were Ely Lincolne Winchester and other Bishops that adhered to the Queene Mortimer and others of her part Nor can I commend those Bishops that were for the King and the Spencers The Archbishop of Canterbury and his Suffragans decreeing the revocation of those pestilent Peers the judgemen given against them judged aâ— erroneous Thus these Lord Bishops as all in a manner both before and after in stead of feeding the flock oâ— Christ only plotted dismall warres death and destruction of Christians I might tell you how in this Kings reigne as in others they perswaded the Lords and Peeres of the Realme that they had power and right not onely to reform the Kings House and Councell and to place and displace all great Officers at their pleasure but even a joynt interest in the regiment of the Kingdome together with the King And now will any say No Bishop no King yet one word more before I part with these Bishops What ground-worke they layd and what meanes they used for the ruine of King and Kingdome was it not their working upon the impotence of a womans will insinuating what indignity it was that a she daughter of France being promised to be a Queene was become no better then a waiting woman living upon a pension and so nourishing in her great discontents perswaded her going to France which was the matter and Embrion and as I may say the chiefe cause of common destruction which after ensued God keep all good Princes from hearkning or consenting to the pernitious counsels of such pestilent Priests and prating Parasites To declare all their disloyalties in Parliament and out would fill a large volume But now Brevis esse laboro therefore I onely say that as it was not for their goodnesse but greatnesse that they satâ— in Parliament so their sitting there did I thinke I may say almost evert Monarchy yea Regality with what face can they inculcate that aspersion No Bishop no King Certainly by what I have already delivered and shall now declare in the reignes of succeeding Princes it will appeare quite contrary that where Lordly Bishops dominsere and beare rule and sway neither Kings nor Kingdoms themselves or subjects are secure Now to the reigne of King Edward the third did not John Archbishop of Canterbury perswade and incite this King and the Parliament to a most dangerous warre with France whereby the death of millions hath been occasioned To such mischiefe dâ—e they use their learning and eloquent Orations in Parliament What Epiphanius delivered of Philosophers that they were In re stulta sapientes so may we say of such Bishops that they are In malo publico facundi But to passe by particular men and actions I shall only deliver unto you some notable passages in Parliament Anno 1371. The Parliament did petition the King to have them deprived of all Lay Offices and government they being commonly the plotters and contrivers of all treasons conspiracies and rebellions the very incendiâ—ries pests and grievances both of tho Church State the chiefest instruments to advance the peoples usurped authority though with prejudice of the kings which they never cordially affected and the Arch-enemies of the Common-wealth through their private oppression covetousnesse rebellion and tyranny when they have been in office as may appeare by Antiquitates Ecclesiae Britannicae in the lives of Anselme Becket Arundel c. Here we see that they never affected the authority of Kings but rather were scourges to their sides and thornes in their eyes Now wee come to Richard the second his
his equall and his fellow Minister And as I am not for equality and parity so I would not have too great a distance the danger whereof to any Estate be pleased to heare as I receive it from an Authour formerly mentioned in these words rendred Too much increase and unproportionable growth is a cause that procureth the change and ruine of Common-weâ—les For aâ— the body is made and compounded of parts and ought to 〈◊〉 by propoâ—â—â—on that 〈◊〉 may sleep a â—ust treasure so eâ—â—ry Common-weale beiâ—g compounded of orders and estates as it were of parts they must bee maintained in concord one with another as it were with equall and due proportion observed betweene each of them For if one estate be advanced too much above another dissention ariseth equality being the nursing mother of peace and contrariwise inequality the beginning of all enmity factions hatred and part-taking But seeing it is meet that in every well establisht policy there should be a difference of rights and priviledges betwixt every estate equality may continue if provision be made that one estate grow not too much before the other but more of this elsewhere in its more proper place And as for these reasons I yeelded my vote for the unlawfulnesse and inconvenience of their sitting there therefore I wish they may be no longer members of that most Honourable House I humbly crave leave to adde a word or two to what I formerly spake I am not ignorant that the foresaid assertion No Bishop no King is received as the delivery of King James but though it might be admitted in the sense he meant and intended to wit that those that dislike a Church-government will hardly admit Regall rule yet we can no way allow thereof as it is commonly offered and pressed that the Regall power cannot subsist without the present Episcopacy Now what that wise learned and religious King did conceive of the rules and tenents of Bishops and Prelates how consonant to the majesty of temporall Princes or whether he thought them rather to tend to the trampling thereof under foot and laying their honour in the dust may appeare by his quotations in the latter end of his Apology for the Oath of Allegiance which I thought fitter to annex hereunto then to have delivered then in the proper place when I spake of Bishops in the reigne of E. 2. being then desirous to continue the Historicall narration of their sitting and actions in Parliament having too much transgressed by my so often enterweaving other passages therewith I overpassed the same King Iames Collection out of Cardinall Bishop Bellarmine are as followeth 1 That Kings are rather slaves then Lords 2 That they are not onely subjects to Popes to Bishops to Priests but even to Deacons 3 That an Emperour must content himselfe to drinke not onely after a Bishop but after a Bishops Chaplaine 4 That Kings have not their authority nor office immediately from God nor his Law but onely from the law of Nations 5 That Popes have degraded Emperours but never Emperour degraded the Pope nay even * Bishops that are but the Popes vassals may depose Kings and abrogate their Lawes 6 That Church-men are as farre above Kings as the soule is above the body 7 That Kings may be deposed by their perple for divers respects 8 But Popes can be deposed by no meanes for no flesh hath power to judge of them 9 That obedience due to the Pope is for conscience sake 10 But obedience due to Kings is onely for certaine respects of order and policy 11 That those very Churchmen that are borne and inhabit in Soveraigne Princes countries are notwithstanding not their Subjects and cannot be judged by them although they may judge them 12 And that the obedience that Churchmen give to Princes even in the meanest and meere temporall things is not by way of any necessary subjection but onely out of discretion and for observation of good order and custome Here we find what base estimation Prelates had of Princes may we not then justly except against their delivery as it is by them urged No Bishop no King Hollinshead Rand. Higden Policron lib. 6. cap. 24. Gervasius Dâ—â—oberneâ—sâ— William Malmsbury Wâ—ll Malmsbury W. Caxtonâ— Eadmerus Matth Paris â—no 1119. 〈◊〉 â—7 c. 15. â— Stephen Matth. Paris â— Huntingâ—n â—â—ndâ—ver â—â—is â—â—lmsbury H. 2 Caesarius Dial. lib. 8. c. 69. Bâ—le Bâ—â—â— Cent. 2. R. 1. Fox â— 289 Paâ—iâ— Hovedon â—llâ—â— Guil. Nuâ—â—â— â— 4. â— 14. Hovedon Nub. l. 4. c. 17. Hovedon p. 399. Matth. Paris Hollin â—n 〈◊〉 John Paris â—â— major Matth. Paris R. Hovedon Girald Carâ— who called him Principio â—â—aenum Paris H. 3. Paris Westm. R. 2. â—ho Walâ—ngham H. 4. 〈◊〉 yward Ioh. Stow ex â—onymo â—â—al â—ron Ioh. Stow. â—â—nâ—ll â—â—â—l ex Tho. Walsingh Fabian 1. concor Hall ex Fab. H. 5. Hall in 8. R. a. Matt. in E. 5. Rich. 3. H. 7. Goodw Caâ—â—l of BB in Bath c. pag. 309. Paulus Jovius â—ede â—s supplic â—i ry 8. 31. â— â—ry 8. 37. â—ry 8. 25. â— 6. â—x acts and â—n Speed Q Maries Lâ—tter to the BB. and LL. from Keningâ—ll 9. July 1553. Their answer from the Tower die anno praedict. B. Ridley his Sermon at Pauls crosse defending Ianes title Jo. Stow pag. 1034. Conference at Hampton court upon Thursd. January 12. 1 De laicâ—â— câ— 7. 2 De Pont Rom. l. 1 cap. 7. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. de clâ—r cap. 20. 5 De Pontif lib. 3 cap 16 * Lib. 5. cap. 8. 6 De Laicâ—s ◠〈◊〉 7 De Pontif l. b. 5 cap. 8. 8 De Pontif. lib. 2. cap. 26. 9 De Pontif. lib. 4 cap 15. 10 De Clericis cap 28. 11 Ibidem 12 Ibidem