Ambition within the Bounds of the Declaration of the Conference at St. Gerâ—ans they would not only take â—ognizance of the Affairs of War but also dispose of the Fortune of Ministers of State change 'em remove 'em and settle others in their rooms aâ— their pleasureâ— that there was reason enough to feaâ— that aâ— length they would Attacque the most priviledg'd Persons in the Kingdom that the Condiâ—ion o◠〈…〉 liament would be a Dignity to be 〈◊〉 if they come once to impose Laws upon 〈…〉 and the Condition of the Princes 〈…〉 be more miserable should they 〈…〉 to creep to ' em That this new sort 〈…〉 woâ—nded the Constitution of the Monar 〈…〉 which was Absolute and Indepenâ—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 it was particularly contrary to the Con 〈…〉 and the Institution of French Par 〈…〉 Tâ—at if any Abuses were crept into the 〈◊〉 â—hey ought to be reform'd by the Assem 〈…〉 General and not by the Decrees 〈…〉 whose Suffrages carry things rather b◠〈◊〉 then consideration That every time the 〈◊〉 hâ—d exceeded the Bounds of their Duty they had been always severely check'd sometimes by 〈…〉 King sometimes by Henry IV. sometâ—â—â—s by Charlâ—s IX and other Kings their Predecâ—â—â—ors upon less dangerous Occasions then what 〈◊〉 noâ— in Dispute That Great Empires were neâ—er supported by Cowardly Counsels That he 〈…〉 Trial of his Coâ—rage and his Forces in 〈◊〉 â— Weighty Conjuncture and that the Justâ—â—â— of Soveâ—aigns consisted in their Power That he◠〈…〉 of Conde was concern'd to support the Cardâ—â—â—lâ— because the Resolutions which had been tak'n 〈◊〉 â—he Person of his Eminency tended to the Dâ—â—â—rucâ—ion of the Royal Family and that if the 〈◊〉 of Orleans and himself did not stand firm and 〈◊〉 oppose an Enterprize of this Nature the 〈◊〉 with her Children would be constrain'd to imploâ—â— tâ—e Aid of the Princes in League with the 〈◊〉 Now besides that the Prince believ'd that the lit 〈…〉 the Parliament had taken to conform to the 〈◊〉 wounded the Honour of those that were 〈…〉 the Conference and undermin'd the Foun 〈…〉 the Peâ—ce that had been Establish'd these Discourses made so deep an Impression in his Mind that he would no longer hear of a Neutrality so that abandoning all his Care of losing the Affection of the Publick he had recourse to those Thoughts which inclin'd him to the most violent Extremities In short going along with the Duke of Orleans to the Palace he carried himself with so much Heat and Passion as did him a great deal of Injury in the Hearts of the People He had no sooner taken his Place but the President Viole who had great Credit in the Company rose up and took upon him to say That the occasion of their meeting was of that great Importance that they could not make one step which did not lead 'em either to Honour or Infamy nor was there any probability that they could enter into a good Beginning till they had first implor'd the Assistance of the Holy Ghost and he was preparing for the Solemnity of the Duty However in regard that while the President was talking he let fall some disobliging Expressions against the Cardinal the Prince of Conde threatning him at the same time with his Looks and Hand could not forbear to bid him hold his Tongue and then addressing himself to the First President in a great Passion told him That he wonder'd that he who was the Head of so Famous an Assembly did not endeavour to suppress the Liberty which some People gave themselves who under the pretence of the Publick Good went about to excite the People to Sedition Adding withall That if the King's Youth and his want of Experience were the cause of the Disorders which had happen'd in the Kingdom he would have him to know That the Duke of Orleans who was there present and himself were able to supply both the one and the other and that the King would not want good Subjects to reduce the Male-contented to their Duty These words offended the whole Assembly But in regard they â—ell from the Lips of a Prince of whom they stood in awe every body was profoundly silent contenting themselves to utter their disgusts in priâ—ate As for the first President he was extrâ—amly zealous for the Honour of the Assembly which the Prince had affronted in threatning one of the Members of it However he was not much troubl'd at what had happen'd because he thought that when so great a Prince had declar'd himself those of the Parliament whose heat and violence he did not approve would bethink themselves and become more moderate Nevertheless he told the Prince That he could not forbear complaining of his reprimanding so severely a Member of an Assembly that were only met to remedy the Distractions of the State and not to kindle new Flames That he was confident that what he had done was out of a good Intention but in regard that Suffrages were to be permitted he took the liberty to tell him That if he had taken another course he would have done better Lastly That he read in the Countenances of those who compos'd the Assembly a great Emotion and great Discontent That if he saw some that made no outward shew of any thing yet they were never a wâ—â—t the less sad in their hearts and never the less afflicted That they were in hopes a Prince whose 〈◊〉 Atchievements had equall'd him to the Greatest Captains in the World would have join'd with 'em to re-establish the Tranquility of a Kingdom whose Frontiers he had so well secur'd by his Illustrious Victories This same Speech did not equally satisfy all people The more ancient and prudent sort found that he had spoken much in a few words and that considering the Conjuncture of Affairs the first President could not have done much better then he did But the younger sort were not so reserv'd for they began to murmur one among another So that the Prince who was not well pleas'd with the plaints that were made of his proceeding as not being accustom'd to hear Truths told him nor to receive any opposition to his Will was so little master of his own Inclinations that instead of making amends for what he had done amiss he turn'd toward the younger sort and threaten'd them as he had the President Viole that is to say with his looks and hand The Court was overjoyd that the Prince had so openly declar'd in their favour And in regard that after what had pass'd he found him self-interested by his own Quarrel in the Differences of the Court he greedily listen'd to all Proposals that were made him for reducing the Parliament Thereupon it was no hard matter to persuade him that the best way would be to besiege Paris â— and that a Siege would not fail to make the People cry out and mutiny against the Assembly Or whatever happen'd that the Parisians wanting Leaders and Men and being accustom'd to Plenty and Ease would
in four days notwithstanding the continual Rains and Winds all the Fortifications of the Camp were finishd and the Sluces prevented from doing any more harm The Downs also that were fortifid for defence lookt like so many great Bastions and surpriz'd the Eyes of those that beheld ' em Nay even they that fortifi'd 'em could not but wonder how such prodigious Works could be brought to perfection in so short a time Surely if we consider â—eriously all the Circumstances of those Works which I have so faithfully describ'd and afterwards examine those which are to be found in the Greek and Roman Histories which we never read without astonishment will find by a just Comparison that the Prince has hardly been out done While they were working at the Entrenchments the Prince receiv'd news that the Orders which he had sent for securing the Places which the French held upon the Lis had been punctually obey'd That La Ferte Seneterre together with Rovigny and de Piennes were departed from Bethune with all their Men to put in a Convoy of 500 measures of Corn and some bundles of Match into Courtray which that Place stood in need of And it was said that because they would make the more haste and for that they understood that the Enemy had thrown Trees cross the High-ways they left the Wagons and loaded the draught Horses which they unspang'd from the Wains beside that every Horseman was order'd to carry a Sack behind him and so crossing the Enemies Country in the Night got safe to Courtray where they left 500 Men of the Regiments of Antragnes Tavanes Lamberte and the Swiss Guards and Provision enough for two months for 3000 Souldiers Lastly that they were return'd to Armentiers from whence they could send all ther Men to the Prince At the heels of this came other News no less acceptable Tourville return'd from Holland and gave a better account of the Success of his Negotiation then the Inclination of that Republick seem'd to promise Frederick Henry Prince of Orange whose Authority till then had constrain'd the United Provinces to continue the War then lay labouring under a lingring Distemper which had much enfeebld the Vigour of his mind and renderd him less capable of Business In the mean time the Deputies of the States taking the Government into their hands several among â—em sway'd by their old Inclinations to Peace others corrupted with the Gold of Spain and deeply concern'd for their want of Trade had set forward their Treaty with the Spaniards and the Catholick King granting almost all their demands 't was much to be fear'd thâ—t the Treaty would be concluded which happen'd to be an â—â—seasonable Conjuncture for the French in regard they could expect no succour from Hollaâ—d â— However Tourville had so dextrously follow'd his Instructions which the Prince had given him that in spite of all these troublesome Obstacles the Dutch not only promis'd to break the Trace but engagâ—d to make a great Diversion in Brabant and to undertake the Siege of Liere or Malines Now tho the Prince built no great hopes upon these Promises of the Hollandâ—â—◠◠〈◊〉 pompous then realâ— nevertheless becâ—â—se he made no question but their Army would be 〈◊〉 Motion were it only to make some show of fulfiâ—â—ng their Promises he thought he should get advantage eâ—â—ugh by their March since it would oblige 〈◊〉 Spaniards to divide their Forces and in regard they that lay at Newport were too feeble to fight him alone he should the more easily accomplish the Siege While things thus pass'd in the Camp the Enemies Generals no longer doubting but that Dunkirk was besieg'd assembl'd at Newport which was the next place to the Siege and therefore most Commodious for Conference and Execution Picolominy â—â—amboy were there being come to joyn Caracena who had never stirr'd since the taking of Furnes Beck was also expected who was hastning thither with long Marches These Captains being of several Nations and having various Interests pretending to be Independant one from the other tho Picolominy had some Authority above the Rest frequently retarded the welfare of their Party through their private and particular Passions and many times while they opposd those Counsels which were not giv'n by themselves their own misunderstandings frustraâ—ed good designs At this time the Importance of the thing being joynd with the loss of their Reputation which the continual Victories of the French had very much lessend oblig'd 'em to give their opinions generously and to bethink themselves of an entire Union and which way to force the French to raise their Siege Nor were they at the bâ—ginning without hopes They found themselves more numerous then the French promising themselves as they desir'd and not without great probability that the Hollanders by a quick conclusion of the Peace would leave 'em at liberty to draw out their Frontier Garrisons and oppose the D. with very great Forces Besides the Inconveniencies of the D's being encamp'd in such a place and the badness of the Season gave 'em hopes that they might defeat the French Army full of Diseases and tyr'd and enclos'd between their Forces and â—he Town besides that they lay open toward the Sea were but badly entrench'd along the Downs For they could not imagine that in so fâ—w days it had been possible to fortifie the Sea-shore nor to raise in the Sand such good Defences as the French had done Nevertheless not being willing to hazard any thing rashly and because Beck was not yet come to Newport to take the most certain measures they concluded to draw out of all their Bodies a good number of Horse to take Prisoners and to inform themselves the best they could of the state of the French Camp They also thought it necessary to prepare at Newport as many Frigates as they could get ready to the end that if their Negotiation with England succeeded they might assist the English Men of War to force the Confederates Fleet or if they miss'd of Forraign Ayd that they might attempt the putting in Relief into Dunkirk by the Favour of Wind and Tyde In the mean time the Prince resolvd to carry the Place by main Force for being a Person of a deep Fore-sight he rightly conjectur'd that only the length of the Siege could ruine his Design Victuals came with great diâ—ficulty to the Camp the Sea grew tempestuous and ran high and the Sea-men being forc'd out of Calais and not daring to venture for fear of losing their Vessâ—ls kept themselves within the Canal of Mardike with so much obstinacy that the Officers of that Fort were constrain'd to let fly with their Great Guns upon 'em and to sink one of the Beelands to terrifie the rest and cause â—em to bear away to the Camp Nor was the Shore more favourable to 'em then the Sea many of their Vessels being thrown against the Sands and stav'd to pieces Moreover the Rain continually falling soak'd into the Souldiers Hutts
the Churâ—h of Nostre Dame in Paris â— where their Majesties were present as well as 〈◊〉 Sovereign Societies and the Corporations of the City And to the end that from this Success they might not only reap considerable Advantages over the Enemy without but over those whom the King's Council look'd upon as Enemies within the Kingdom the Câ—uncilâ— were of Opinion That it behov'd 'em to makâ— use of this favourable Opportunity which 〈◊〉 Câ—râ—mony of Te Deum presented them to seize upon some of the Principal Members of the Parliament who had started those Paradoxes which no way pleas'd the Court and were follow'd by the whole Cabal of â—he Slingers So that upon the very day that Te Deum was sung several Companies of the Regiment of Guards being posted in several Quarters of the City M. de Broussel was seiz'd against whom the Court had a particular Peek as being the Head of the Slingers He was a Councellor of the Great Chamber a Person of ancient Integrity but of no great Capacity He had been all along a great hater of Favourites and was much reverenc'd by the People who call'd him their Father Now although he run a great hazard that seiz'd him by reason of the singular affection which the People bore himâ— yet M. de Cominges undertook to do it and perform'd what he undertook He seiz'd him while the Companies of Guards were drawn up in a row in the Streets so that M. de Broussel together with M. de Blancmesviâ— Nephew to the Bishop of Beauvaise was carried with a good Guard to Bois de Vincennes Orders were also left with Mr. Laisne Councellor also of the Great Chamber to retire into Province and M. Loizel was banish'd into Montes The noise of the seizing of de Broussel was no sooner nois'd about Paris but the People betook themselves to their Arms the Chains were drawn cross the Streets the Barricado's were set up in all the Corners of the public Places and the Shops were shut up The Queen thereupon gave orders to reduce the People and suppress the Sedition but 't was impossible to be done so that the Court was constrain'd to give the Prisoners their liberty So soon as de Broussel appear'd among the People he was saluted with Volleys of small Shot and accompany'd with loud Acclamations to the Palace where he and M. Blancmesvil receiv'd the Complements of the Parliamentâ— and from thence he was conducted as it were in triumph by the same people to his Lodging Now in regard the Antipathy which the Slingers and the People had against the Cardinal were the cause of this Uproar and for that they believ'd that the good of the Kingdom requir'd that Mazarin should no longer continue in the weighty Employment of Chief Minister but rather that he should be banish'd the Parliament who found themselves encourag'd by what had happen'd persisted with redoubl'd vigour in their first Sentiments and renewâ—d their strength against the Court. And several Persons of Quality some out of Interestâ— some desirous of Change most violently engag'd to ruine the Cardinal The principal Reasons which that Party alledg'd were That it was a thing unheard of and ignominioâ—s to a flourishing Kingdom That a Foreigner and a born Subject to the King of Spain should be the prime Minister of France and that this Minister should also have so absolute a Power as to be the Umoire of War and Peaceâ— That the conferring of Honours Employments and all Favours should be at the sole disposal of his will and pleasure not to be bestow'd as the Rewards of Merit good Service high Quality but but to gratify particular devotion to his Interest That his Ambition had carried the Arms of France into Tuscany at a vast Expence and without any Advantage to the Nationâ— only to make himself formidable in Italy and to purchase Principalities for his Kindred That for his own Interests he had refus'd to admit of the Treaâ—y of Peace concluded at Munster which he had eluded by the Sedulity of Servien â— his Creature That out of Jealousie he design'd the Ruin of Marshal Gassion a little before his death That he only understood Foreign Affairs and that by his Italian Politicks he had effac'd that Confidence and good Opinion which the Consederates of France had of the Confidence and Sincerity of the French Nation which Cardinal Richlieu had establish'd during his Ministry That as for the Domestic Affairs of the Kingdom he was uncapable of managing 'em in regardâ— the State was become full of Division and Uproâ—râ— during his Government That he rul'd the Kingdom by Foreign Maxims no way agreeable to the French Nation That he had introduc'd such palpable Jugling and Tricking Quirks of State that he had expos'd an Illustrious Court to the Contempt and Railleries of all other Nations In a word That he was unable to bear so great a Burthen and that â—e had lost his Credit among the People To this Mazarin's Party made answer That 't was no such strange thing for Foreigners to have the Government of the State witness the Cardinal of Lorrain and the Cardinal of Brague the Duke of Neveâ—s â— Marshal de â—ets and Marshal de Ancre that Mazarin had been nominated to the Cardinalship by France after he had done her considerable Services That Cardinal Richlieu who understood Men had appointed him his successor in the Ministry That the deceas'd King who had a perfect knowledge of the good Qualities of all that were about him made him President of his Council after the death of Richlieu That the Queen Regent had suffer'd him to continue in the same Dignity merely through the necessity of Affairs and in obedience to the King 's last Will and Testament That all these things were approv'd by all the Wise men of the Realm and by all the Princes in league with France That having by his Services answer'd her Majesty's Expectations she could not lay him aside without doing the Kingdom an Injustice and without being ingrateful to a Servant so beneficial and so faithful That he was so far from favouring only those who were devoted to the Interests of the Court That the common Complaint wasâ— That in conferring of Honours and Employments he had too particular a regard to the Servants of the Duke oâ— Orleans and Monsieur the Prince That all Affairs were propos'd to the Council who took such Resolutions as they thought most convenient That the Accusation against him for opposing the Conclusion of the Peace was without any ground neither was it a thing probable in regard that besides the general Interestâ— his Eminency's particular Interest oblig'd him to Crown his Ministry which so many Successes had render'd glorious with a Treaty that would have eterniz'd him in the Affection of the People That it was certain the Spaniards had always cross'd that Treaty as the Duke of Longueville and the Princes themselves could testify That the Expedition against Orbitello and
were come to join ' em The Prince during his Imprisonment at Vincennes had written a long and elegant Discourse to justifie his Innocency to all France and to all the world and to display the Malice of his Grand Enemy The beginning of this Discourse was put into the hands of a considerable person by a Soldier who being won by 〈◊〉 â— was wont to bring News how the Duke did and â—hen the Princes were carri'd to Marcoussy anothâ—r Soldier that escap'd in the hurry brought the Remiâ—der The Piece is nervously and eloquently compil'd and justifies that the Illustrious Author knew more then how to manage his Sword Had it not beeâ— so long as it is we would have inserted it in this History but it would almost compose a Tome of iâ— self 'T is enough to let you know That the Prince all along keeps within the Bounds of Respect to their Majesties and that without murmuring at theâ—â— Orders he discovers the Malice of those who had rais'd so great a Persecution against him and gives admirable and home Answers to all their false Accusations But thaâ— you may the better see both the Accusations â—â—d the principal Answers we shall here insert the King's Letter to the Parliament of Pâ—ris concerning the Prince's Imprisonment and another from a private person to the Parliament which answers the King's Letter very home without omitting any thing essential And this last Letter which appear'd some time before their Removal induc'd the Paâ—liâ—ment to seek all the most proper ways to releasâ— the Princes from such an Unjust Captivity The King's Letter to the Parliament of Paris touching the Imprisonment of the Princes THE Resolution which we have been forc'd to take by the Advice of the Queen Regent our mâ—sâ— Honour'd Lady and Mother to secâ—re our Persoâ—s from our Cousins the Princes of Conde and Conti and the Duke of Longueville is of that Importance for the Welfare of our Service that altho we owe to God alonâ— the Account of our Actions and oâ— the Administration of our Kingdom we thought however that we could not let both you and the Publick know too soon the Motives that induc'd 〈◊〉 to it to the end that all our Subjects being informâ—â— of the absolute Necessity which through the ill Conduct of those Princes and the Duke constrain'd us to proceed with so much Rigor to prevent the irreparable Mischiefs that threaten'd this Monarchy may all redouble their Affection and concur so far as lies in their power with us in that aim which we propose to our selves to establish a firm Tranquility within our Kingdom as having understood by experience to bring our Enemies to reason whose opposition to Peace proceeds from no other cause but only in hopes that the Divisions which have for some time vex'd this Kingdom will at length turn all things Topsie-turvie which by the Assistance of God we hope to prevent We promise our selves that the Remembrance which all Christendom will resume of the Moderation and Mildness of our Counsels which we have follow'd since our coming to the Crown which has been such that often what has proceeded from our natural Indulgence or Prudence for other stronger Reasons has been imputed to the weakness of our Government will convince every body That we had not had recourse to this last Remedy till after we had found all others were of no force And in truth when we were to deliberate upon the Arresting a Prince of our Blood whom we have always tenderly lov'd and who is otherwise highly to be valu'd for his many Noble Qualities a Prince so often victorious over his Enemies against whom he has so frequently signaliz'd his Courage Certain it is that tho he soon made an ill use of that Honour which we gave him the opportunity to purchase and that his proceedings in divers Enterprizes have given us just occasion from time to time to 〈◊〉 his Deâ—igns we could not without extreme 〈◊〉 determine his Imprisonment and we â—â—uld have wink'd at all the Imprudences of his evil Câ—â—â—â—ct but only the imminent danger that the Kiâ—gdom was in to be torn in piecesâ— and unless we 〈◊〉 palpably discern'd that considering the way which the said Prince took and wherein he made large steps every day one of these two mischiefs was inevitable Either the utter destruction or the Diâ—â—olution of this Monarchy by the ruin of our Authority upon the preservation of which principally dâ—pends the Tranquility and Happiness of the people which God has submitted to our Obedience It is so nâ—tural to all men to love their own works and to desire as much as in 'em lies the kind acceptation and merit of 'em that there is no body witâ—out doubt but will presume in regard we have afforâ—â—d opportunities to our Cousin by means of those Military Employments wherewith we have entrusted him to acâ—uire a high Reputation and for that we have â—eap'd upon his Family and his own Person Favours of all sorts no body we dare say will believe that unlâ—ss Necessity had compell'd us we would hâ—â—e been willing to have lost the fruits of all our Favoursâ— and to have depriv'd our selves of the Services which our Cousin might have done us both by his Counsels and Performances in times of difficulty such as are those of a long Minority had he not deâ—iated so far as he has done from the Path of his Dutyâ— or if he could have satisfy'd his Ambition with living the Richest Subject this day in Christendom And câ—â—tâ—inly upon due consideration of the vast Settlements that belong to his Family either in Employments or Governments of Provinces or great Towns in Lands or Ready-Money or Church Reâ—â—nues it must be acknowledg'd that so many Favourâ— nor so considerable as we have conferr'd upon our said Coâ—sin were never in so short a time bestow'd upon any one Family not to reck'n in ouâ—â—rants to his Relations and Friends at his Requesâ— and out of the Respect we had for him He cannot deny but that he holds at this day from our Bounty solely all that he enjoys of Places or Governments in regard all became vacant upon the Death of our Dear Cousin his Father and that it was in our full Power to have dispos'd of 'em to such other persons as we should have thought sit to have preferr'd before him But to go a little higher every body may call to mind how that so soon as the Queen Regent our most Honour'd Lady and Mother foresaw the Misfortune wherewith Heaven was about to afflict France by the loss of the Deceased King our most Honour'd Lord and Father and that there was no longer any hopes of recovering a Health so precious to the Kingdom she apply'd her self to obtain the good will of our said Cousins giving order so soon as she was design'd Regent in the King 's â—houghts to those in whom that Great Prince put greatest Confidence to make it their business to perswade him to confer
then should it be thought strange that the Prince after he had consented to make use of Force of Arms to abate the Power of the Parliament of Provence and strike a terror in the People should for Reasons no less considerable give quite contrary Counsel to remedy the Troubles of Bourdeaux He thought at first with those of the Council that Force was the most sure way to Disarm the People and that only Terror was the means to reduce 'em to their Duty But having experimented the contrary in the Affair of Provence was it not very proper to alter such a dangerous Method Is it to be thought strange that the Prince who was accus'd to be the Author of all the violences that were committed should be tir'd out with so many Prosecutions and that he should represent it to the Court that the disorders in Guyenne would be more easily appeas'd by ways of mildness and moderation besides that he clearly saw the design which Mazarin drave on to carry things with a violent hand and he knew that his aim was to draw the Duke of Espernon into his Alliance and bring about the Marriage of one of his Neices with Monsieur de Caudale Is the Prince to be accus'd for having oppos'd such pernicious designs by the justice of his Councels and for having made use of all his endeavours to stop the course of a revenge so costly to the State and so contrary to the zeal which Subjects ought to have for the repose and tranquility of the Kingdom But my Lords if Cardinal Mazarin had been well advis'd he would for his own Interest have suppresâ— this Crime of which the Prince is accus'd For can we speak of the Insurrections in Guiâ—â—â—â— without believing him to be the cause of all those Disorders Do we not well know that he has endeavour'd to ruine that part of the Kingdom to gratify the revenge of the Duke of Espernon And thence ought we not to infer that he would make no scruple to overturn the whole Monarchy for the satisfaction of his own particular Interest For in short if you would be inform'd in few words all the Crimes of Monsieur the Prince are to be reduc'd to this That he hinder'd the Marriage of the Cardinal 's Three Nieces He openly oppos'd his design of Matching the Eldest to the Duke of Mercoeur he engag'd as they pretend the Duke of Richlieu to marry Madam de Pons for whom the Cardinal had design'd the other and by the Peace of Bourdeaux he disappointed the Alliance he would have made with the Duke of Espernon which the Duke never promis'd him but in case he could bring about his revenge And thus we see likewise that as soon as the Prince was arrested the Three Nieces were fetch'd out of their Convent the better to conceal his Designs how they were brought back in Triumph to the Palace-Royal and how one of the Matches was privately accomplish'd the Cardinal not thinking it proper to publish his intentions and to let all the world know that he had not perswaded the Queen and the Duke of Orleans to cause the Prince to be arrested but because he obstructed his Designs Nevertheless they would fain have it that every thing which the Prince has done tends to the Ruin of the Kingdom and that he never had any other aims in the Counsels which he had given but his own particular Grandeur But my Lords by one convincing Argument to overthrow all that they have alledg'd against him to make him appear Guilty and his Imprisonment just is it not true that they accuse him of nothing else but an irregular Ambition and that all his particular actions which they charge upon him without any proof are invented to no other design then to convince People that he had no other intention then to set himself up for a Sovereign and to Aggrandize his own to the prejudice of the Royal Authority But how easie a thing is it to demonstrate the contrary to all the world by recent Examples We cannot judge of Passions but by outward Effects Nor is there any but God alone who knows the motions which they produce in the Heart Now when was it that the Prince displai'd these marks of an ambition so irregular Rather what apparent proofs has he not given of the contrary but very lately Had he been possest with such a vehement desire of Sovereignty would he not have declar'd for the Parisian Party At what time he was proffer'd advantages enough to have tempted the most regular Person in the world They cry out he was capable of all Undertakings to Aggrandize himself and that he would never mind the overturning of the State so soon as he thought himself in a condition to establish his Grandeur upon the Ruin of it and yet when every thing favour'd the pernicious Designs of which he is accus'd when every thing contributed to satisfy that Ambition which was laid to his charge when he is to declare himself head of a Party and that the more to encourage him to it they give him to understand that his Power shall be unlimited he stands off he refuses the Propositions made him and is so far from putting himself at the head of the Partyâ— that he undertakes the Ruine of it Is this his having a desire of Grandeur deeply engrav'd in his heart never to make use of the Opportunities when they present themselves Is this the giving marks of an Ambitious Spirit capable of puting all the Provinces into an uproar to refuse the Grandeur that is offer'd him provided he will but consent to be declar'd head of a Party Who was ever accus'd of passionately desiring a thing who refus'd it when 't was proffer'd him What more favourable Opportunity could the Prince have expected to display his Ambition Had he been so violently possess'd with this Desire the Court would not have been in a condition to have made use of this pretence to Arrest him or had his Ambition over-sway'd his Zeal for the King's Service and the Queen's Interests she would never have had an opporâ—unity to have treated him with so much Cruelty But this is not the first time that Ingratitude has been the Vice of the Court And that great Services have been repaid with like Rewards when their Benefactors have gain'd too much Honour by their Noble Actions Merit is a Crime in Princes under the Tyrannick Government of Ministers who can never endure the Power of which they are Jealous So that of necessity they must be reduc'd to live in a drowsie slothfulness pernicious to the State or else resolve to fall into ineviâ—able Dangers These Ministers that strive to exalt themselves into Soveraigns and Gods as much as lyes in their power never dart their Thunder but against the most Lofty Heads so that there is no way to avoid their Tyranny but by an humble Lowliness which way has been always so odious to the Prince of Conde that he rather chose
Rampart between the Rampart the Moate The taking of Cirk The Prince of Câ—nâ—e arrives at Court and leads a numerous Reinforcement into Germany Hâ— returns to Court The Advantages of the taking of Thionville Why the Siege of this place was opâ—osâ—d The Prince refuses the Encomiums of the Court. The Queen turns out some Ministers â—â—kes Mazarine Negoâ—iations oâ— Peace Fruitlâ—â—s 1644. The Prince of Conde acts in Germany where he resolves to relieve Friburgh or fight the Enemy â— A Relation of the Campaign of Friburgh 1644. by M. La Chapelle Great Beams of Timber with Stakes driven into 'em bearing their points outwards resembling a Hedg-hog The Siege and Taking of Philipsburgh Wormes Maâ—ence and several â—ther â—lgâ—es taken He dyed at Spire within a â—â—w days after Three things not observ'd in the Campaign of Friburgh The Prince of Conde made Governour of Champagn and Brie 1645. The taking of Lichtenaw the Castle of Stolburâ— and Kirppenheimâ— Tureâ—ne beaten at Meriendaâ— The Battel of Norling Lannoy â—aâ—en Mardicke taken 164â— What the Prince did after the Siege of Dunkirk Gassion quarrels with the Prince The D. of Breze slain Great Solicitations for the D. of Breze's Employments for the D. of Enguien The Prince leagues himself with the D. of Orâ—leance The Pr. of Conde the Father dies The Pr. of Conde has the Command of the Army The Prâ— succeeds in his Father's Employments 1647. The Pr. of Conde goes to command the Army in Catalonia He besieges Lerida and raises the Siege He besieges and takes the City and Castle of Ager The Original of the Troubles in France 1648. The Pr. of Conde besieges Ypres The Spaniards take Courtray while Ypre is besieging Ypre taken The Spaniards take Furnes The Pr. retakes it The Battle of Lens The Pr. wounded Monsieur de Broussel seiz'd Reasons for the Cardinal's Ruine The Answer of Cardinal Mazarin's Party The taking of Lens The Pr. returns to Court Chatillon and Grammont the Princes Confidents Declaration of the 28 th of October The Court has recourse to the Duke of Orleans and the Prince Grammont and Le Tellior perswade the Prince to take the Court Party The P's heat in the Parliament They resolve to besiege Paris 1649. The King leaves Paris privately The Pr. attacks Charenton The Causes of the Civil War that ensu'd upon the Imprisonment of the Princes 1650. The Detenâ—â—on of the Princes The Parisians rejoice at the Imprisonment of the Pr. The Princes Innocency The Count of Tavane's zeal for the Prince of Conde What happen'd in Burgundy after the Imprisonment of the Princes Bellegarde taken What passed in Normandy during the Imprisonment of the Princes The Siege of Bourdeaux The Progress of Turenne's Army The Court is incens'd at the Princes being remov'd to Marcoussy and the Cardinal complains against the Coâ—djutor The Coadjutor's Complaints Madame de Chevreuse writes to the Cardinal in favour of the Coadjutor The Cardinal's Answer Dispositions towards an Accommodation in Guienne The Treaty of Bourg * A Câ—stle so called The Dukes of Bouillon and de la Rochefoucault propose powerful Reasons to the Cardinal to engage him to put the Princes at Liberty * A Faction so called Refusal of a Cardinal's Cap for the Coadjutor The Cardinal's Dissimulation They talk about removing the Princes into some strong place Monsieur opposes the Princes being removed to Havre Monsieur consents to the Princes being removed to Havre He alters his mind The Princes are remov'd to Havre The measures of the Princes Friends are broken The Cardinal publickly refuses the Cardinal's Cap for the Coadjutor The Effects of the Victory of Rhetel They Treat about the Liberty of the Princes 1651. Conditions of the Treaty Monsieur breaks wâ—th the Carâ—inal The Cardinal retires to St. Germans The Assembly of the Palace of Orleance The Cardinal goes to Havre in order to set the Princes at Liberty The Princes go from Havre to Paris An universal Ioy for the Liberty and Return of the Prince of Conde The Prince goes to the Parliament Addition of Glory to the Prince of Conde It was his due The Prince of Conde 's Glory tarnish'd The Prince of Conde 's Qualifications different from Caesar ' s. The Queen endeavours to dispose the Prince to consent to the Cardinal's return Dispositions towards an absolute breach Chavigny induces the Prince to break off the Treaty Imbroilures Reasons which induced the Prince of Conde to break the Match between his Brother Mademoiselle de Chevreuse Several persons abandon the Prince of Conde 's Party Disadvantageous Reports against the Prince of Conde Engagements between the Queen and the Coadjutor Plots against the Prince of Conde The King 's and the Prince's Coach meet in the Ring The Prince quits Paris to retire to St. Maur. A pleasant Alarm The Prince's Court at St. Maur. The Prince of Conde 's Complaints The Prince returns to Paris Complaints of the first President against the Prince of Conde 's Conduct Foundation of those Complaints Marshal Turenne refuses to take the Prince's Party The Prince of Conty 's Answer Effects of the Iourney and Mariage of the Duke of Mercoeur Monsieur 's Declaration The Prince of Conde 's Manifesto The Prince of Conde demands Iustice of the Parliament against his Accusers Disorder in the great Hall The Duke of Orleance 's Expedient The Prince of Conde justify'd * The Barbons or people wearing long Beards A just cause of Complaint of the Prince The King's Majority The Prince of Conde will not assist at the Ceremony of the King's Majority The Prince of Conde endeavours to engage the Duke of Longueville in his Party * The place where the Parliament Assembles The Duke de la Rochefoucault endeavours to engage considerable Persons in the Prince's Party The Duke de la Rochefoucault Treats with the Duke of Bouillon on the Prince's behalf Monsieur de Longueville refuses to declare himself The Prince of Conde goes from Trie to Chantilly The Prince's Retreat Monsieur dispatches Croisâ—y to the Prince of Conde about an Accommodation The Civil War extracted out of the Memoirs of the Duke de la Rochefoucault * La Taille a Duty exacted by the King * O â—atent during Life * The first Princess of the Blood se call'd 1652. * A place like the Ring in Hide-Park The Battel of the Suburb of St. Anthony * The Duke oâ— Orleance 's Daughter The Duke of Nemours 's Death The Duke of Bouillon 's Death 1652. The King's Return Several Persons are order'd to quit Paris The Prince of Conde 's Motion The Duke of Orleance 's Accommodation * The Dutchess of Orleance The Spaniards endeavour to surprize the Cardinal at Bouillon The Cardinal and Monsieur de Turenne meet The Prince of Conde is made Generalissimo of the Armies of Spain His trouble The Count of Tavannes refusâ—s to yield the Command to the Prince of Tarente Count Tavannes 's Discontents Count Tavannes retires 1653. The Cardinal returns to Court The Prince of Conty 's Marriage The Rebellion continues in Burgundy and Guienne The Marshal de la Ferté 's Exploits Commercy taken Success of the King's Forces in Guienne L' Hormee persists in the Rebellion The Peace of Bordeaux Cromwel refuses to espoâ—se the Prince of Conde 's Party The Prince of Conde takes Roye Rocroy taken by the French Army Mouson taken by the Spanish Army St. Menehoult taken by the Marshal Plissis 1654. The Prince of Conde impeach'd by the Parliament * The place where the Parliament sits The Sieges of Stenay and of Arras The Siege of Arras rais'd 1655. 1656. The Siege of Vallenciennes The raising of the Siege of Vallenciennes 1657. The taking of S. Guiâ—lain and Conde * Souldiers in ordinary pay for the guard of Fâ—â—nâ—â—er Towns The Prince of Conde enters Cambray and causes the siege to be raised 1658. The siege of Dunkirk The Battel of the Downs 1659. * The Tenure or Honour and Iurisdiction of a Castle-ship 1660. The King receives the Prince of Conde 1661. 1667. War in Flanders 1668. Bezancon surrenders to the Prince of Conde The taking of Salins Dole Gray and other places 1672. The War of Holland The Prince of Conde besieges and takes Welâ—el Passages of â—â—e Rhine The Prince of Conde passes 1673. Honours done to the Prince of Conde at Utrecht 1674. The Battle of Senef The Siege of Oudenarde rais'd 16â—9 Marshal Turenne 's Death 1675 1676. The Prince of Conde retires to Chantilly 1679. Divers Reasonings upon that Râ—treat 1655. 1679. Oâ—â—upations of the Prince of Conde at Chanâ—â—â—ly 1680. The Prince of Conde 's passion for War Visits from the Prince of Conde to the King 1681. Every body is earnest to visit the P. of Conde at Chantilly The King visits the Prince of Conde at Chantilly The Prince of Conde 's last Sickness â—6â—6 The Duke of Enguien 's Arrival Addition of the Prince of Conde's Letter to the King The Prince of Conde blesses his Children The Prince of Conty 's Arrival Father Dechamps 's Arrival The Prince of Conde desires his Body may be carry'd to Valery and his Heart into the Iesuits Church * In the Diocess of Sens. †In the Church of the House of the Iesuits Sententiâ—â—â— words of the Prince of Conde The Prince of Conde 's Death The Prince of Conde 's Letter read at Court The Duke goes to Versailles He goes back to Paris The Prince of Conde 's Body is carried to Valery and his Heart to the Church of St. Lewis at Paris 1687. Funeral Orations in Honour of the Prince of Conde * Our Lady's Church The Prince of Conde 's Picture 1686.