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A19822 The first part of the historie of England. By Samuel Danyel; Collection of the historie of England. Book 1-3 Daniel, Samuel, 1562-1619. 1612 (1612) STC 6246; ESTC S109259 103,119 238

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fidelity to her The next day she was receiued with solemne procession into the Bishops Church at Winchester the Bishop leading her on the right hand and Bernard Bishop of Saint Dauids on the left There were present many other Bishops as Alexander Bishop of Lincolne and Nigel Bishop of Ely the nephews of Roger lately imprisoned Robert Bishop of Bath and Robert Bishop of Worcester with many Abbots Within a few dayes after came Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury to the Empresse inuited by the Legat but deferred to do fealty vnto her as holding it vnworthy his person and place without hauing conferd first with the king And therefore he with many Prelats and some of the Layty by permission obtained went to the king to Bristow The Councell brake vp the Empresse keepes her Easter at Oxford being her owne towne Shortly vppon Easter a Councell of the Clergie is againe called to Winchester where the first day the Legat had secret conference with euery Bishop apart and then with euery Abbot and other which were called to the Councell the next day he makes a publicke speech Shewing how the cause of their Assembly was to consult for the peace of their country in great danger of vtter ruine Repeates the flourishing raigne of his vnkle the peace wealth and honour of the kingdome in his time and how that renowned king many yeares before his death had receiued an oath both of England and Normandy for the succession of his daughter Maude and her Issue But said he after his decease his daughter being then in Normandy making delay to come into England where for that it seemed long to expect order was to be taken for the peace of the countrey my brother was permitted to raigne And although I interposed my selfe a surety betweene God and him that he should honour and exalt the holy Church keepe and ordaine good lawes Yet how he hath behaued himselfe in the kingdome it gricues me to remember and I am ashamed to repeate And then recounts he all the Kings courses with the Bishops and all his other misgouernments And then saide he euerie man knowes I ought to loue my mortall brother but much more the cause of my immortall Father therfore seeing God hath shewed his iudgment on my brother and suffered him without my knowledge to fall into the hand of Power that the kingdome may not miscary for want of a Ruler I haue called you all hither by the power of my Legation Yesterday the cause was moued in secret to the greatest part of the Clergie to whom the right appertaines to elect and ordaine a Prince And therefore after hauing inuoked as it is meete the Diuine aide we elect for Queene of England the daughter of the peacefull glorious rich good and in our time the incomparable king and to her we promise our faith and allegiance When all who were present either modestly gaue their voyce or by their silence contradicted it the Legate ads The Londoners who are in respect of the greatnesse of their City as among the optimacie of England we haue by our messengers summoned and I trust they will not stay beyond this day to morrow we will expect them The Londoners came were brought into the Councell shewed How they were sent from the Communaltie of London not to bring contention but prayer that the King their Lord might be fred from captiuitie and the same did all the Barons receiued within their Liberties earnestly beseech of my Lord Legate and all the Clergie there present The Legat answers them at large and loftily according to his speech the day before and added That the Londoners who were held in that degree in England ought not to take their parts who had forsaken their Lord in the warre by whose Councell the Church had beene dishonoured and who fauoured the Londoners but for their owne gaine Then standes there vp a Chaplayne to Queene Maude wife to Stephan and deliuers a letter to the Legat which he silently read and then said alowd that it was not lawfull in the assembly of so many reuerend and religious persons the same should be publikly read containing matter reprehensible The Chaplayne not to fayle in his message boldly reades the letter himselfe which was to this effect That the Queene earnestly intreates all the Clergie there assembled namely the Bishop of Winchester the brother of her Lord to restore him vnto the kingdome whom wicked men which were also his subiects held prisoner To this the Legat answeres as to the Londoners and shortly after the Councell brake vp where in many of the Kings part were excommunicated namely William Martell an especiall man about the King who had much displeased the Legat. Hereupon a great part of England willingly accepted of Maude in whose businesses her brother Robert imployes all his diligence and best care reforming iustice restoring the Lawes of England promising relieuements and whatsoeuer might be to winne the people the Legat seconding all his courses But now she being at the point of obtayning the whole kingdome all came sodainly dasht by the practise of the Londoners who adhering to the other side began openly to inueigh against her who in something whatsoeuer it were had displeased them and they had plotted to surprize her in their Cittie whereof she hauing notice secretly withdrawing herselfe accompanied with her vnkle Dauid King of Scots who was come to visit her and her brother Robert vnto Oxford a place of more securitie The Legat himselfe takes or makes an occasion to be flacke in her cause vpon her denying him a sute for his Nephew Eustace the sonne of Stephan about the inheritance of his Earldome of Mortaigne in Normandie Besides the Queene regnant watchfull ouer all oportunitie found meanes to parle with the Legat sets vpon him with her teares intreatie promises and assurances for the Kings reformation in so much as she recalled him to the affections of nature brought him about againe to absolue such of the Kings part as he had lately excommunicated The Earle of Glocester seeing this sudden and strange relaps of their affaires striues by all meanes to hold vp Opinion and re-quicken the Legats disposition which to keepe sound was all He brings the Empresse to Winchester setles her and her guard in the Castle where she desires to speake with the Legat who first delayes then denies to come Whereupon they call their best friends about them Queene Maude and the Lords incompasse the Towne and cut off all victuall from the Empresse so that in the end the Earle of Glocester wrought meanes to haue her conueyd from thence to the Vies but himselfe was taken and in him most of her This sets the sides both euen againe into the Lists of their triall the two prisoners are to redeeme each other The disproportion of the quality betweene them shewed yet there was an euennesse of power and the Earle would not consent to the Kings deliuery who onely in that was
surnamed Atheling to say the noble Edgar either by reason of his youth which yet was no barre to his right or being borne and bred a stranger little knowing or knowne to the kingdome had his claime neglected vpon the death of this pious king ANd Harald sonne to the Earle Godwin the next day after was preferredto the Crowne whether by any title he might pretend from the Danicque kings as discended from that nation and as some report sonne to Githa sister to Swayne or by meere election of the greater part of the Nobilitie we cannot say but it seemes the pressing necessitie of the time that required a more man to vndergo the burthen of warre and that trouble the world was like to fall into by reason of the claimes now made both by the Dane and Norman cast it suddenly vpon him as the most eminent man of the kingdome both by the experience of his owne deseruings and the strength of his alliance Neither did he faile but in fortune to make good this election taking all the best courses both for the well-ordering of the State and all prouisions for defence that a politicke and actiue Prince could do But being to deale in a broken world where the affections of men were all disioynted or dasht with the terror of an approching mischiefe failing as vsually is seene in these publicke feares both in their diligence and courage to withstand it soonefound more then enough to do And the first man which began to disturbe his new gouernment was his owne yonger brother Toustayne who in the time of the late king Edward hauing the gouernment of Northumberland was for his pride and immanities shewed in those parts banished the kingdome and now by reason of his former conceiued hatred against his brother easily set on by the Duke of Normandie and Baldouin Earle of Flanders whose two daughters the Duke and he had maried assailes first the Isle of Wight and after sets vpon the coast of Kent whence he was chased by the power of Harald and forced to withdraw into the North parts and there seeking to land was likewise repulsed by the Earles Morchar and Edwyn whose sister Harald had maried Then craues he aide of the Scots and after of Harald surnamed Harfager king of Norwey being then taking in the Orchades and exercising piracie in those parts whom he induced with all his forces to inuade England And landing at Tinmouth discomfeiting their first incounters they marched into the heart of the kingdome without resistance Neere Stamford king Harald of England met them with a puissant armie and after long and eager fight ended the day with victory and the death of his brother Toustayne and the king of Norwey But from hence was he called with his wearied and broken forces to a more fatall businesse in the South For now William Duke of Normandie pretending a right to the Crowne of England by the testament of the late king Edward his kinsman vpon the aduantage of a busie time and the disfurnishment of those parts landed at Pemsey not farre from Hastings in Sussex neere to which place was tried by the great Assize of Gods iudgement in battell the right of power betweene the English and Norman Nation A battaile the most memorable of all other and howsoeuer miserably lost yet most nobly fought on the part of England and the many wounds of Harald there slaine with the heapes of thousands of the English shew how much was wrought to haue sau'd their country from the calamitie of forraine seruitude And yet how so great a kingdome as England then was could with one blow be subdued by so small a prouince as Normandy in such sort as it could neuer after come to make any generall head against the Conquerour might seeme strange did not the circumstances fore-noted and other concurrent causes in the next booke to be declared giue vs faire and probable reason thereof Besides the indisposition of a diseased time as it is described by such as liued neerest it may giue vs great euidence in this examination For they say the people of this kingdome were by their being secure from their former enemy the Dane and their long peace which had held in a manner from the death of king Edmond Ironside almost 50 yeares growne neglectiue of armes and generally debaushed with luxurie and idlenesse the Cleargie licentious and onely content with a tumultuary learning The Nobility giuen to gluttony venery and oppression the common sort to drunkennesse and all disorder And they say that in the last action of Harald at Stamford the brauest men perished and himselfe growing insolent vpon the victorie retaining the spoyles without distribution to his souldiers not inured to be commanded by martiall discipline made them discontent and vnruly and comming to this battell with many mercinary men and a discontented Army gaue great occasion to the lamentable losse thereof Besides the Normans had a peculiar fight with long bowes wherewith the English then altogether vnacquainted were especially ouerthrowne And yet their owne Writers report how the maine battallion of the English consisting of Bils their chiefe and antient weapon held in a body so close lockt together as no force could dissolue them till the Normans faining to fly drew them to a disordered pursuite And so they excuse the fortune of the day And thus my noble Lord haue I in the streightest course the vneuen compasse of Antiquitie could direct me got ouer the wide and intricate passage of those times that lay beyond the worke I purpose more particularly to deliuer The end of the first Booke THE SECOND BOOKE of the Historie of England The life of William 1. I Come now my noble Lord of Rochester to write of a time wherin the State of England receiued an alteration of lawes customes fashion manner of liuing language writing with new formes of fights fortifications buildings and generally an innouation in most thinges but Religion So that from this mutation which was the greatest it euer had wee are to beginne with a new accompt of an England more in dominion abroade more in State and ability at home and of more honour and name in the world then heretofore which by being thus vndone was made as if it were in her fate to get more by her losses then her better fortunes For as first the conquest of the Danes brought her to the intyrest Gouernment shee euer possest at home and made her most redoubted of all the kingdomes of the North so did this of the Norman by comming in vpon her make a way to let her out and stretch her mightie armes ouer the Seas into the goodly Prouinces of the South For before these times the English nation from their first establishment in this Land about the space of 500 yeares neuer made any sally out of the Isle vpon any other part of the world but busied at home in a deuided State held a broken gouernment with the Danes
was deuided into Sheires or Shares euery Sheire consisting of so many Hundreds and euery Hundred of a nomber of Boroughs Villages or Tythings containing ten housholders whereof if any one should commit an vnlawfull act the other nine were to attach and bring him to reason If he fled 31 dayes were enioyned him to appeare If in the meane time apprehended he was made to restore the damage done otherwise the Free-boroughead to say the Tythingman was to take with him two of the same Village and out of three other Villages next adioyning as many that is the Tythingman and two other of the principall men and before the officers of that hundred purge himselfe and the village of the fact restoring the damage done with the goodes of the malefactor which if they suffized not to satisfie the Free-boroh or Tything must make vp the rest and besides take an oath to be no way accessarie to the fact and to produce the offendor if by any meanes they could recouer him or know where he were Besides euery Lord and Maister stood Boroh for all his familie whereof if any seruant were called in question the Maister was to see him answere it in the hundred where he was accused Yf hee fled the Maister was to yeild such goodes as he had to the King If himselfe were accused to be aiding or priuie to his seruants flight hee was to cleere himselfe by 5. men otherwise to forfeit all his goodes to the King and his man to be out-lawed These lincks thus intermutually fastened made so strong a chaine to hold the whole frame of the State together in peace and order as all the most pollitique regiments vpon earth all the interleagued societies of men cannot shew vs a streighter forme of combination This might make the Conqueror comming vpon a people thus lawbound hand and foot to establish him so soone and easily as he did This Boroh-law being as a Cittadell built to guard the Comon wealth comming to be possest by a conquering Maister was made to turne all this ordinance vpon the State and batter herselfe with her owne weapon and this law may be some cause wee finde no popular insurrection before the Conquest For had not this people beene borne with these fetters and an idle peace but liued loose and in action it is like they would haue done as noblie and giuen as many and as deepe woundes ere they lost their Country as euer the Brittaines did either against the Romans or the Saxons their predecessors or themselues had done against the Danes a people far more powrefull and numerous then these The Conqueror without this had not made it the worke of one daie nor had Normandie euer beene able to haue yeilded those multitudes for supplies that many battails must haue had But now 1. the strickt executing this law 2. disweapning the Comons 3. Preuenting their night-meetings with a heauie penalty that euery man at the day closing should couer his fire and depart to his rest 4. Erecting diuers fortresses in fit parts of the kingdome 5. And collating all offices both of commaund and iudicature on such as were his made his domination such as he would haue it And where before the Bishop and the Alderman were the absolute iudges to determine all businesse in euery sheire and the Byshop in many cases shared in the benifite of the mulcts with the King now he confin'd the Clergie within the Prouince of their owne Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction to deale only in businesse concerning rule of soules according to the Cannons and lawes Episcopall And whereas the causes of the kingdome were before determined in euery sheire and by a law of King Edward Senior all matters in question should vpon especiall penaltie without further deferment be finally decided in their Gemote or conuentions held monthly in euery hundred now he ordeined that foure times in the yeare for certaine dayes the same businesses should be determined in such place as he would appoint where he constituted iudges to attend for that purpose and also others from whom as from the bosome of the Prince all litigators should haue iustice and from whom was no appeale Others he appointed for the punishment of malefactors called Iusticiarij Pacis What alteration was then made in the tenure of mens possessions or since introduced wee may find by taking note of their former vsances Our Auncestors had onely two kinde of tenures Boke-land and Folkland the one was a possession by writing the other without That by writing was as free-hold and by charter hereditarie with all immunities and for the free and nobler sort That without writing was to hold at the will of the Lord bound to rents and seruices and was for the rurall people The inheritances discended not alone but after the German manner equally deuided amongst all the children which they called Landskiftan to say Part-land a custome yet continued in some places of Kent by the name of Gauel kin of gif eal kin And hecreupon some write how the people of that Countrie retayned their auncient lawes and liberties by especiall graunt from the Conqueror who after his battaile at Hastings comming to Douer to make all sure on that side was incompassed by the whole people of that Prouince carrying boughes of trees in their handes and marching round about him like a mouing wood With which strange and suddaine shew being much moued the Arch-Bishop Stigand and the Abot Egelsin who had raised this commotion by shewing the people in what danger they were vtterly to lose their liberties and indure the perpetuall misery of seruitude vnder the domination of strangers present themselues and declared how they were the vniuersall people of that Countrie gathered together in that manner with boughes in their handes either as Oliue branches of intercession for peace and libertie or to intangle him in his passage with resolution rather to leaue their liues then that which was deerer their freedome Whereupon they say the Conqueror granted them the continuation of their former Customes and Liberties whereof notwithstanding they now retayne no other then such as are common with the rest of the kingdome For such as were Tenants at the will of their Lords which now growne to a greater number and more miserable then before vpon their petition and compassion of their oppression he relieued their case was this All such as were discouered to haue had a hand in any rebellion and were pardoned onely to enioy the benefit of life hauing all their liuclihood taken from them became vassals vnto those Lords to whom the possessions were giuen of all such lands forfeited by attaindors And if by their diligent seruice they could attaine any portion of ground they held it but onely so long as it pleased their Lords without hauing any estate for themselues or their children and were oftentimes violently cast out vpon any small displeasure contrary to all right whereupon it was ordained that whatsoeuer they had obtained of
furtherance my noble Lord Viscount Rochester to write a briefe Historie of the principall affaires temporall of England especially from the comming of the Norman to the end of the line of Tewdor A worke I know great and difficult being to be raised of many scattered peeces variable vncertaine relations of times diuersly affected wherein notwithstanding I vow to bee of no other side then of Truth or as neer truth-likelinesse as I possibly can get Nor will produce any thing but out of the best approued Monuments domesticall and forraine Holding it an impietie to misfashion the memorie of times past and sute them to our present liking and discourse or to mis-leade the credulitie of men by making vp the opinion of Antiquitie with improbalities considering we are not so tyed to stand to the fame of things as to suffer our vnderstanding to be abused nor yet so freed to trafficque all vppon our owne coniectures without custome of tradition or so to vnder-valew the discretion of former times as if ours were of a greater dimension and peremptorily to censure those actions whose causes and counsels we know not hauing nothing but the euents as dead carkasses to shew vs what their liuing motions were And though I had a desire to haue deduced this Breuiarie from the beginning of the first British Kings as they are registred in their Catalogue yet finding no authenticall warrant how they came there I did put off that desire with these considerations that a lesser part of time and better knowne was more then ynough for my abilitie and it was but our curiositie to search further backe into times past then wee might well discerne and whereof we could neither haue proofe nor profit how the beginnings of all people and states were as vncertaine as the heads of great Riuers and could not adde to our vertue and peraduenture little to our reputation to know them Considering how comonly they rise from the springs of pouertie pyracie robberie and violence how soeuer fabulous writers to glorifie their nations striue to abuse the credulitie of after ages with heroycall or miraculous beginnings Seeing states as men are euer best seene when they are vp and as they are not as they were Bisides it seemes God in his prouidence to checke our presumption wraps vp all things in vncertaintie barres vs out from long antiquitie and boundes our searches within the compasse of a few ages as if the same were sufficient both for example and instruction to the gouerment of men For had we the perticular occurrents of all ages and all nations it might more stuffe but not better our vnderstanding We shall find still the same corespondencies to hold in the actions of men Virtues and Vices the same though rising and falling according to the worth or weaknesse of Gouernors the causes of the ruines and mutations of states to be alike and the trayne of affaires carried by precedent in a course of Succession vnder like coulors But yet for that the chayne of this busines hath a linke of dependancie with those former times we shall shew the passage of things the better if we take but a superficiall view of that wide and vncertainly related state of this Land since the candle of letters gaue vs some little light thereof Which was since the Romans made it a tributarie Prouince to their Empire For before as it lay secluded out of the way so it seemed out of the knowledge of the world For Iulius Caesar being but on the other side in Gaule could not attayne to any perticular information of the state of Britayne by any meanes he could vse but by certaine Marchants of whome he got together as many as he could who tolde him somthing of the cost-townes but of the state and condition of the in-dwellers they could say nothing either so incurious were they offurther knowledge then what concern'd their trade or the people here so wary to keepe their state reserued vnknown to strangers And yet Caesar gaue out that they sub-ayded the Gaules against him and made it the occasion of his quarrell and inuasion of the Land whereof he onely subdued the South parts and rather shewed it then won it to the Romane Empire But now what was the state and forme of gouernement among the Britaines before this subiection the first certaine notice we haue is also by the same Caesar who tels vs how they were deuided into many seuerall states nominates 4. Princes of Kent by the title of Kings how Casseuillaunus by the comon counsell was elected in this their publicque daunger to haue the principall administration of the state with the businesse of warre and afterward how the citties sent their hostages vnto him Whereby we perceiue it was no Monarchie as it is reported to haue beene but like to the Gaules with whom it was then one in religion much alike in fashion language deuided into a multitude of pettie regiments without any intire rule or combination As now we see all the west world lately discouered to bee and generally all other countryes are in their first and natural free nakednes before they come to be taken in either by some predominant power from abroad or grow to a head within themselues of strength and vnderstanding to ouermaister and dispose of all about them introducing such formes of rule as ambition or their other necessities shal beget And such was thē the state of Brityane Gaule Spaine Germany and all the west parts of Europe before the Romans ouergrowing first the people of Italy in like manner deuided did by strength and cunning vnlocke those liberties of theirs And such as were then termed Kings were but as their Generals in warre without any other great iurisdiction within those small limits they held So that to tell vs of the state of a Monarchie in this Land before that time as if alone vnlike or more in State then all other nations is to giue entertainment to those narrow conceits as apprehend not the progresses in the affaires of mankind and onely the inuention of such as take all their reason from the example and Idea of the present Customes they see in vse For had there bene an absolute Monarch in these parts which might haue affronted the Romans with the powre of a well-vnited state it had bene impossible for them hauing oftentimes much to do euen with some poore Prince of a small territorie to haue circumuented or confounded with all their stratagems iniustice the peace and libertie of the world in such sort as they did And though the Britaynes were then simple and had not that fire-brand of letters yet seemed they more iust and honest and brought forth on the stage of action men as magnanimous and toucht with as true a sence of honour and worthynes as themselues But hauing no firme combinements to chayne them together in their publique dangers they lay loose to the aduantage of the common enemy working