likely Rome should not haue beene suffered to haue encroched so fast on her neighbours Now we haue seene the times in which this Citie was built let vs next view how many Kings successiuely reigned ouer it and how long this gouernment continued â—â—râ—t Romulus began and there succeeded him after one yeeres interregency Numa Pompilius then Tullus Hostilius after him Ancus Martius his successor was Tarquinius Priscus next to him Seruius Tullius and last of all Tarquinius Superbus All whose reignes being gathered together amount to the number of 240. yeeres and hath beene compared by Florus to the infancy of a man and commonly accounted the infancy of Rome though I cannot finde that they were much vnder the Rod till this last Kings Reigne who to his cost found them already growne too stubborne The next gouernment of this State was Consulary Libertatem Consulatum Lucius Brutus instituit Liberty and the Consulship Lucius Brutus brought in Euery one that hath read the Roman Histories can tell how much this act of Lucius Brutus hath beene magnified insomuch as they instituted in the honour of it an Holiday by the name of Regifugium and how the imitation of it drew another of the same race and name into such another action who came not off with the like applause though otherwise with the like fate But I shall neuer thinke otherwise of it then thus ProsperuÌ„ foelix scelus Virtus vocatur For it was but a priuate wrong and the fact not of the King but the Kings Sonne that Lucretia was rauished Howsoeuer this together with the pride and tyranny of the King gaue colour to his expulsion to the alteration of gouernment And this is by the Author entitled Liberty not because bondage is alwayes ioyned to Monarchy but where Kings abuse their places tyrannize ouer their Subiects and wink at all outrages and abuses committed against them by any either of their children or fauorites such vsurpation ouer mens estates and natures many times breakes forth into attempts for liberty and is hardly endured by mans nature and passion though reason and Religion teach vs to beare the yoke So that it is not the gouernment but the abuse that makes the alteration be termed Liberty This Consulary gouernment began about Anno Mundi 3422. not long after the beginning of the second generall Monarchy which was of the Persians amongst whom reigned Cambyses Xerxes and Artaxerxes all within the space of fiftie yeeres or thereabouts And in the Athenian State liued Themistocles and Aristides in those dayes famous Now during this Consulary gouernment there were others intermixt Dictaturae ad tempus sumebantur Dictators were chosen but vpon occasion This Magistrate for power was limited onely by his owne will For time hee had limits from the Senate and those so short that their power could doe little hurt and bred little ambition They had now authoritie like absolute Kings and by and by had no more then a King in a Play But when it came to the hands of such as could not easily be constrained to lay it downe they found it of that power that by the colour thereof the people were bereaued of their liberty and enthralled to Sylla during pleasure and to Caesar during life But the Dictatorship is not to bee accounted another forme of gouernment but onely an Office in the Common-wealth though for the time supreme Neque Decemviralis potestas vltrabiennium The Decemviri passed not two yeeres After the people had deliuered themselues from the authority of Kings and came themselues to vndergoe the cares of gouernment they grew perplexed at euery inconuenience and shifted from one forme of gouernment to another and so to another and then to the first againe like a man in a feuer that often turneth to and fro in his bed but finds himselfe without ease and sicke in euery posture They that could not endure one King were soone weary of ten Tyrants and for their extreame ambition vexation and cruelty as also because of the liceÌ„tious and barbarous lust of Appius Claudius one of the number who for the satisfying of his appetite had iudged a free womaÌ„ to slauery they soon extirped that authority but indeed the thing they most feared was that they saw those who possessed the power for the present would not giue it ouer but sought to make it personall and perpetuate it to themselues They were iealous of their liberty and knew not in whose hands to trust it and were often at the point to lose it but at this time licentious and inordinate lust gaue them once more an occasion to shake off the yoke As afore the Tarquins so now the Decemviri suffer for the same offence They for the rauishing of a Wife these for the intended deflowring a Virgin the first acted and her selfe reuenging it on her selfe by her owne hand the second purposed but preuented by a Fathers hand in the murther of his owne Daughter This alteration in gouernment began 58. yeeres after the expulsion of Kings about Anno Mundi 3500. And 19. yeeres after this time began the Peloponnesian warres In these times liued Pericles Alcibiades and Thucidides in the State of Athens Neque Tribunorum militum Consulare ius diu valuit Neither did the Consularie authority in Tribunes of the Souldiers remaine long in force After the Decemvirate they returned againe to Consuls they were not long content with them but bestowed the same authority on Tribunes of the soldiers and weary of these they had againe recourse vnto the Consulship For the State at that time being young and weake loued change variety of gouernments but the emulation of the Commons to equalize the Nobility did giue the principall occasion to these alterations For on whomsoeuer the commons conferred the supreme authority the Senate and Nobility still gained in all suites and offices to be preferred before them which was the cause of most of the seditions and alterations of the State Non Cinnae non Sullae longa dominatio The domination of Cinna Sulla did not long endure It is true that these men attained vnto supreme power by violence force but yet I cannot think that to haue beene the cause why their power was so soone at an end For though violence cannot last yet the effects of it may and that which is gotten violently may bee afterwards possessed quietly and constantly For Augustus also tooke vpon him the Monarchy by force and yet he so settled it as the State could neuer recouer liberty These tooke no order and it may be had no intention to reduce the State of the Commonwealth to a Monarchy more then for their owne times else they might peraduenture haue found waies how to haue mollified or extinguished the fiercer allured the gentler sort prepared the whole State to a future seruitude and what they had obtained by armes haue assured to themselues by politike prouisions which not doing was the cause that their authoritie came
be set forth in painting the Martyrdomes as they call it of such as suffered persecution and death for their Religion in England And in this now amongst the rest are Campian and Garnet and the Hangman and Tyborne as perfectly described as if they were better acquainted with the place and person Here is also a Library consisting most of Controuersies To the maintenance of this Church and Colledge there bee some lands appointed besides other pensions that they receiue from the Pope and King of Spaine The persons here bee all English and were gouerned by a Rector of the Iesuites order called Father Owen lately dead They are al Priests and yong Youths sent thither out of England to bee brought vp in Philosophy and Diuinitie in number about 120. all going in the habit of Schollers and no sooner come thither but they take vpon them false and supposititious names as the Rector himselfe told mee This towne is full of Monasteries and Religious houses many publique Schooles where Diuinitie and Philosophy are read in Lectures and many publique Libraries Besides there be sundry Hospitals for strangers maymed poore sicke and madde folkes The number of the Churches be about 140. And so I will leaue this part Now for my obseruation it is this to shew the Policy that they vse for confirmation and establishing of their Religion and consists first in an outward shew of deuotion with strange expressions of humility set forth in the poore and austere life of many orders in their sundry acts of penitence in their dayly visitation of their Churches in their outward actions of griefe and repentance at the celebration of Masse Wherein is inserted all possible inuentions to catch mens affections and to rauish their vnderstanding as first the gloriousnesse of their Altars infinit numbers of images priestly ornaments and the diuers actions they vse in that seruice besides the most excellent and exquisite Musike of the world that surprizes our eares So that whatsoeuer can be imagined to expresse either Solemnitie or Deuotion is by them vsed Their next way is in their acts of Charitie wherein they exceed and imagine this a great argument to make the world beleeue the truth certainty of their Religion The third is their boasting of miracles with which they make such a noise and would haue them infallible arguments to vphold their faith but when a man sees the ridiculousnesse and finds proued the falsitie of them they are of great force to perswade the contrary For example if a man going down a payre of stayres by chance his foot should slip he would presently make a miracle of it and say that in that instant he called vpon Saint Francis or San Carlo or some other Saint by whose prayers hee was relieued that otherwise he had maymed himselfe or lost his life Or if in riding in a Coach it by chance be ouerthrown he presently attributes to some Saint whom he then inuoked the liberation of him froÌ„ an imminent danger and with the expressions of these miracles all the Churches be hung full But for others that be more straÌ„ge it is certaine hath been proued that many of them are false and broached onely to delude the people which may giue a great suspition to the rest But more it is the Iesuites doctrine and they labour to proue it lawfull to forge a miracle for the furtherance of their Religion By which Position if any thing happen which may seeme a wonder as in the recouery of some desperate sicknes wound or the like in the attribution of it to some particular Saint or extraordinary operation by their meanes they diminish the power and glory of God And if any signe should happen to confirme it of which they will nominate thousands as the bleeding of a Crucifix the speaking of an Image c. It may as well shew the now delusiue power of the Diuell still blinding the eyes of the world in this kinde as hee hath formerly done by Oracles Now the last policy is in the course of their teaching and disciplining which I will onely exemplifie by the practice of our English there First there shall no scandall passe that they will not be sure to lay vpon our Religion And this at the first they beate and insinuate into the eares of their Nouices Next they vse all possible Art to magnifie their owne in the meane time barring the reading of any defence of our parts and put them to studie such bookes as bee written against vs so that they will conclude a Iudgement before both parts bee heard But when they haue them more strongly grounded and they bee sure that their opinion is preiudicated they will suffer them then to reade some of our bookes but by the way this libertie is seldome giuen to Italians and then for our selues that be so strongly instructed of one side and strangely opinionated of the other hee is a rare man and receiues from God a great blessing that euer findes the true difference And thus being wouen in their nets they be in a manner destitute of all possibility of recouery And so much for this Now next in order it followes that somthing be said of the present strength of this place and of what force it is against forraigne or domestique enemies And in my opinion it is of no great power For examples haue shewed that it hath suffered diuers surprizes so that of necessity it must be of lesse ability now to withstand then before For place of strength it hath onely the Castle of Saint Angelo and that also very weake to withstand any strong assault But the truth is there be so many Princes in league with this Sea and â—yed in so diuers obligations vnto it that it is free from danger without the Turke should make a warre and then there is so strong opposition like to be made by the Princes of Italy and other forraigners that it will be hard to preuaile against it if the Emperour Italy it selfe the King of France and Spaine should not cast off their yoke and subiection if so then it were impossible for the Bishop of Rome by his owne strength to oppose or subsist Now for the gouernment of this place it is wholly subiect to the Pope which hee holds as a temporall prince but solely guided by spirituall Ministers all causes of iudgement in matters diuine are brought hither as to the last Court of Appeale for finall sentences For the Popes Reuenue that which hee receiues from his own principalities is the least part the rest consists in the Fayre of Indulgences liberation from Purgatory conferring of Church-liuings sale of Offices Pensions from other Princes and the like The treasure is neuer great in respect of the changes of their Gouernours who for the most part haue employed all the Reuenue of the Church to their owne priuate families and friends If vpon occasion they bee forced to make any great and suddaine supply they make bold with the
secluded the knowledge of Religion to multitudes But where God hath declared himselfe there good gouernments if not Religious withall doe commonly precede some stroke of Gods Iustice Knowledge reuealed alwayes requiring obedience therunto which should awake the diligence of Superiours to see the seruice of God and true substance of our Religion not in name onely to agree but in truth to bee answerable to our profession not that God stands in neede of our deuotions and worship but proceeding from his abundant loue to mankinde to supply our naturall and spirituall necessities which commonly comes not vnbegged nor stayes not vnacknowledged and this you shall euer find where Religion is not truely esteemed and had in due respect mens manners turne so depraued that the force of other lawes can hardly restraine them This is a law that workes as well vpon the restraining of inward thoughts as outward actions working vpon the minde and inclination but our corrupt desires and deeds if Religion be wanting nothing but the curbe of lawes can keepe within bounds and in actions that be forced there is little assurance so that we may conclude All the vicious and disorderly behauiour of our conuersation springs from our simplicitie and neglect in Religion Primae scelerum causae mortalibus aegris naturam nescire deorum So saith Silius Without this there could be no safe commerce and conuersation amongst men The best can but bee enclined to doe good one to another but this tyes all sorts to doe it take away this bond and we plunge our selues into a sea of al kinde of mischiefe No man no Prince no State can be confident one of another though wee haue often seene pretenders to Religion who make it but their countenance to disguise their deceitfull purposes and corrupt thoughts and yet these me thinks if they entred into the consideration of their mortalitie and the vastnesse of eternitie with the succeeding happinesse or miseries they must endure they would be more circumspect in the wayes of their liues which causeth and continues all the good present and to come they can desire or expect Aspiciunt oculis superi mortalia iustis So Ouid and Horace Qui terram inertem qui mare temperat ventosum vrbes regnaque tristia This acknowledgement was yeelded to Religion euen in Paganisme The pure and primitiue part of Religion ought to bee kept cleere and vnspotted and they who innouate therein are to bee cast off and constrained to recognition not onely for Gods cause whom whosoeuer neglects disclaimes all interest in his mercy and fauours but euen in Policy also for innouation in Religion commonly precedes alteratiō in Gouernment and generally most seditious and conspiring actions haue their cause and pretence from different opinions and establishments of Religion which euen the Heathen were so carefull to auoid and found to bee of so dangerous consequence that both the Athenians and Romans had particular lawes against such as introduced new opinions in Religion for attempting of which Socrates was condemned at Athens and both the Iewes and Caldeans banished Rome Let it then be the endeuour of all good men so to establish this vnity that it may bee said of them as of the people mentioned in the Acts 4. verse 32. And the multitude of them that beleeued were all of one heart and one soule It was the politick aduice of Maecenas to Augustus as Dion notes it that in matter of Religion hee should shew all outward deuotion and reuerence according to the Law and forme of his Country and force others to do the like and that as well in forme as substance in which case men are alwaies tyed to the rule of the Law and bound to obserue it which caused Seneca with more affection then religion to write that sapiens seruabit ea tanquam legibus iussa non tanquam Dijs grata By which you see the maintaining and continuing of vnity in Religion was held a point of gouernment policy But though it be true we cannot force religion because no man is constrained to beleeue whether hee will or no and that I subscribe to Saint Bernard that sides suadenda est non imperanda yet there is no doubt but that in all Christian good gouernments the people haue been forced to yeeld their outward obedience to the religion publikely professed otherwise ineuitable confusion would follow and Religion would grow into contempt To preuent which it is better for a time to force men to outward cōformity though mixt with Hypocrisie then suffer them to continue refractary Of reading History OF all studies either for ornament or vnderstanding I preferre History because by an exquisite expression it doth shew vnto vs the Acts Councels of precedent times And it is certain that where neither Affection nor Flattery nor Feare beare sway you shall finde perfectly delineated the image of truth without obsequiousnesse or detraction committed to perpetuall memory the most worthy and noblest Acts of Great men without colouring their defects but leauing both their good and euill to posteritie the one for a patterne of Honour and Vertue the other for a direction that wee may not follow their steps where they tread awry lest wee leaue to our selues nothing but an euerlasting memoriall of infamy the true property of an Historian being Vera non falsa scribere sine ostentatione Of Histories some are Naturall some Ciuill of Ciuill some concern the state of the Church and some the affaires of the Common-wealth To them both appertaineth the History of places which is Geography of times which is Chronology of descents which is Genealogy and of actions which is that I now am to speake of and is principally singly and by a kinde of prerogatiue called History And the other three namely Geography Chronologie and Genealogie are but assistants to the same This kinde of History therefore which I hold most necessarie profitable may bee written either by way of Commentaries which are only a meere relation of things done without either the Councels occasions pretexts speeches or any other circumstances of action or else more completely by ioyning together both times persons places councels and euents And this is that History that addeth if it be read with attention and vnderstanding so must strength to a mans knowledge and iudgement But not to reiterate the so many and so much decantate vtilities and praises of History nor to prescribe the best way to an Historiographer the one being a vaine and needlesse the other a presumptuous taske but onely to shew the meanes how by reading them to reape most benefit for a mans priuate instruction I thinke that the first considerable point is the end wherfore History is to be read and held in estimation And that is as is the end of all humane knowledge to make a perfect man namely of an vnderstanding well informed of what is true and of a Will well constantly disposed to that which is good For whosoeuer
reasons to leaue that Title the first is of lesse weight except in Grammar and that is the impropriety of that word applyed to him that hath charge alone being proper onely to such as be three in Commission The second is because the name was too meane For till this time the Triumviri were rather for ouerseeing then gouerning sometimes appointed to looke to one businesse sometimes to another but neuer had any whole charge of gouernment of the Commonwealth till such time as Augustus Antony and Lepidus being three men equally interessed in the State gaue themselues that Title But the chiefe cause was this that the name carried with it a remembrance and rellish of the ciuill warres proscriptions which were hatefull to the people And a new Prince ought to auoid those names of authoritie that rubbe vpon the Subiects wounds and bring hatred and enuy to such as vse them Consulem se ferens ad tuendam plebem Tribuntiio iure contentū Calling himselfe Consul and content with the authoritie of a Tribune to maintaine the right of the Commons This officer of Tribune was ordained anciently so alwaies cōtinued for a protector of the people and a defender of their rights immunities and priuiledges against the violence and incrochment of the Nobles The authoritie therefore of this officer together with the Title of Consul Augustus tooke to himselfe that euen of the old offices he might haue those that were both for name and effect of greatest consequence And for authoritie there was none now greater then that of Tribune of the Commons Insomuch as Tacitus saith in another place Id summi fastigij vocabulum Augustus reperit ne Regis aut Dictatoris nomen assumeret ac tamen appellatione aliqua caetera imperia praemineret Augustus found out that name of chiefe dignitie that he might auoid the name of King Dictator and yet haue a Title of preeminence aboue other Magistrates But the main cause why hee affected the Title of Tribune was this because hee thought it best to make his faction sure with the Commons who at that time were the strongest part of the State by hauing the Title and Authoritie of their Protector And seeing it is impossible to please all men it is therefore best for a new Prince to ioyne himselfe to and obtaine the fauour of that part in his State which is most able to make resistance against him This Augustus neglected not But rather vsed all meanes to draw all men to bee contented with his present gouernment Militem donis Populum annona cunctos dulcedine otij pellexit He allured the Souldiers by largesse the people by prouision of corne and all men by the sweetnesse of ease and repose Souldiers are most commonly needy and next to valour they thinke there cannot bee a greater vertue then liberalitie from which they thinke all Donatiues proceed when if the truth were examined it would appeare that such gifts came not from the vertue Liberalitie but were meerely the price of their Countries libertie But this the Souldiers were too rude to examine An open hand drawes their affections more then any thing else whatsoeuer The same effect in the minde of the people is produced by prouision of corne which if they can buy at a lower price then formerly they could haue done though peraduenture the measure be as much lessened as the price they thinke then the State to bee excellently gouerned How effectuall this kind of liberalitie hath beene appeared long before this in the same State when as Spurius Cassius by distribution of mony and Spur. Melius by largesse of Corne were very neere obtaining to themselues an absolute soueraignty and tyrannie ouer the Commonwealth This is also one of Augustus his designes Hee steales the peoples hearts by sustenance and reliefe as hee did the Souldiers by his mony Further he pleaseth them all with the sweetnesse of ease and repose They saw that to beare the yoke of Augustus was to bee freed of other vexation and to resist was to renew the miseries they were lately subiect to When they were much stronger they could nor make sufficient resistance now they are weake they can much lesse doe it Therefore being weary they could not but be much wonne with the present ease and vacancy of Warre especially ciuill warre So Augustus tooke in this the best order that can be to assure a new soueraignty which is to to afford the Souldier money the People a good market and all men ease and quietnesse Insurgere paulatim munia Senatus Magistratuum legum in se trahere Hee beganne by degrees to encroach to assume the businesse and charge of the Senate of the Magistrates of the lawes to himselfe Augustus hath hitherto dealt with the State as one that tameth wilde horses first he did beate and wearie them next tooke care not to frighten them with shadowes then shewed them hope of ease and made prouision of corne for them and now he begins gently to backe the State Hee gets vp by little and little For it is not wisedome for one that is to conuert a free State into a Monarchy to take away all the shew of their libertie at one blowe and on a suddaine make them feele seruitude without first introducing into their mindes some preuiae dispositiones or preparatiues whereby they may the better endure it Hastinesse in any action especially of importance is most times the ouerthrow of it and to doe that at once which must bee done successiuely is an argument of a rash and intemperate man that cannot containe himselfe and stay for his desires Also to a people so long weaned from a Monarchicall gouernment it was most probable hee might gaine by degrees insinuation and continuance of time more then on any suddaine hee could Therefore hee takes vpon him the businesse and charge of the Senate of the Magistrates and of the Lawes and begins now to assume what hee had long looked for and expected For whereas all the plots and policies hee had before vsed were to this end if hee had not also come to fruition hee might haue beene iustly condemned of leuity and his actions to haue proceeded from a vaine-glorious and vnconstant braine and his authoritie would haue in time come into contempt For action and continuall managing of businesse is the onely thing that preserueth the life and vigour of authoritie And all men giue their respect and thinke it due to those to whom they haue recourse in the dispatch of their weighty affaires Nullo aduersante cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cecidissent No man now opposing him the stoutest men being falne either in battaile or by proscriptions This encroching on the libertie of the State in former times neuer wanted opposers but now the stout Patriots were rooted out For such men being forwardest and busiest in Armes must needs waste sooner then the rest and finding too much resistance must therefore breake because they were of a
nature vnapt to bend And againe in the proscriptions these onely were they that were aymed at whereas the lesse violent aduersaries found safety in contempt The Proscription here spoken of being that of the Triumviri where the heads of the factions ioyning abandoned and as it were sacrificed their old friends to this new friendship it could not be that almost any stout and dangerous man of what faction so euer should bee left aliue And it may bee it was no lesse aduantageous to the designes of Augustus that some of his own faction were slaine then was the slaughter of those that tooke part with Anthony and Lepidus For they might haue expected for the requitall of their seruice to haue been paid with participation of his authority which hee might not suffer or else haue growne auerse and haue plucked him downe though they had with his fal crushed themselues to death But Augustus was now rid of those stubborne companions Caeteri nobilium quanto quis seruitio promptior opibus et honoribus extollerentur ac nouis ex rebus aucti tuta et praesentia quam vetera periculosa mallent The rest of the Nobility as any one of them was most ready to serue so hee was exalted to wealth and honour and being enriched by the change liked rather the present State of things and that which was safe then the former and that which was dangerous It is both iustice and good policy to reward with preferments those that yeeld their obedience readily and willingly for it stirreth emulation in men to exceed each other in diligence And on the contrary to heape benefits on the sullen and auerse out of hope to win their affection is vniust and preiudiciall For first they shall lose one benefit after another through vaine hope of winning them and not losing the thanks of their first benefit and then also others will learne and thinke it wisdome to bee auerse and stubborne by their example Also those that were rewarded for their seruice must needs striue to maintaine the present State and helpe to keepe off the Ciuill warres For times of tranquillity bee alwayes best for the rich men In warres and trouble they pay for all and in desolation their losse is greatest For Ciuill warre is commodious for none but desperate vnthrifts that they may cut their Creditors throats without feare of the gallowes men against whom the Law and the sword of Iustice maketh a fearfull warre in time of peace But the rich and such as were in loue with titles of honour found more ease and contentment heere then they could expect in the Ciuill warre and did accept the present with securitie rather then striue for the old with danger Neque Prouinciae illum statum rerum abnuebant suspecto Senatus populique imperio ob certamina potentum auaritiam magistratuū inualido legum auxilio quae vi ambitu postremo pecunia turbabantur Neither did the prouinces dislike this state of things for they mistrusted the gouernment of the Senate and people because of the contention of great men and couetousnesse of the Magistrates for the ayd of the Lawes was weake being infringed by force canuassing and lastly by mony The Romane State did not consist in the magnitude of that one City of Rome or in the extent of Italy alone but in the multitude greatnesse of Prouinces that were subiect vnto it And therefore it much concerned the surety of Augustus his gouernment to haue also them content with this alteration which they were for two causes First a Popular State if the great men growe once too mighty for the lawes is to the Prouinces not as one but many tyrants so that not knowing to which faction to adhere they procure the enimitie alwayes of some and sometimes of all and become subiect to the rapine of whosoeuer first seazeth it and to be the prize of their contention At home they are commanded by contrary factions contrary Acts so that they can neither obey nor disobey without offence but are hurried and haled somtimes to this faction and sometimes to that Those that were deputed to do iustice amongst them must not administer the same according to the Law but according to the humour of him whom himselfe followeth which may bee now one and anon fortune changing another At Rome if they sued for any thing though they could all bee content their sute should passe for the matter it selfe yet the furtherance that one faction should giue it would stirre vp contradiction in the other and so crosse it Therefore it is better for a Prouince to bee subiect to one though an euill master then to a potent if factious Republique Next they found couetousnesse in the Magistrates For when they expected that hauing truth and equity on their sides their causes and sutes should not goe amisse they found contrarily that by that their iudgements were not ballanced but that they distributed iustice rather by weight then measure That purse that was heauiest that bribe that was greatest carried the cause Iustice was not seene but felt a good bribe was their best Aduocate Such in those times were the Magistrates and Iudges Euery thing was carried by might ambition and corruption He that was not ambitious was neglected and he that was not corrupt was esteemed vndiscreete In this time the Prouinces would haue beene cōtent with a Monarchy or tyrannie rather then to be troubled with so different and ill humours of diuers men But there may also be couetousnesse in Magistrates when one hath the soueraignty being a fault of the person and not of the forme of the gouernment Indeed there may bee bribing in such a State but in a factious and diuided Commonwealth it cannot bee otherwise For where the State is vnited the Magistrates will haue some respect vnto that but being diuided euery one is for himselfe and must looke to strengthen and enrich himselfe by any meanes how ill soeuer For faction hath no strength but from Iniustice and Rapine One remedy there is for such an inconuenience and that is if the Lawes bee strengthned with authoritie which also wanted in the former times For force friends and mony ouerthrew their validitie For what Law was so strong that the force of Cinna Sylla Marius Iulius Caesar and others in their times could not haue broken thorow Nothing is more prouerbiall then that Lawes are like Spiders webs onely to hold the smaller Flyes Then fauour and friendship made way euen for the weake men to breake thorow And lastly money gaue the easiest passage of all Wherefore the Prouinces conceiuing better hope of the rule of Augustus could not dislike but were rather glad of the alteration Thus farre the acquist and assurance of the Monarchy to Augustus now his wayes to perpetuate the same and deriue it to posterity are to be considered Augustus subsidia dominationi Claudiū Marcellum sororis filium admodum adolescentem Pontificatu curuli Aedilitate extulit
and make him Colleague of the Empire and partaker of the authority of Tribune which was authority equall to his owne for the present and then to cause the armies to yeeld him their respect and acknowledge him for their next Lord. These fauours Liuia had beene long solliciting for by insinuation detraction deceit and whatsoeuer Art else is requisite to the supplanting of a Riuall in a Princes affectioÌ„ But now the way was so cleere by reason of the Emperours age fit to be wrought on and the rudenesse of Agrippa that shee durst openly moue Augustus to dis-inherit his owne issue and preferre hers But the fauour that Liuia shewed to Augustus children besides the suspition of causing the death of two of them was cleane contrary Nam senem Augustum adeo deuinxerat vti nepotem vnicum Agrippam Posthumum in Insulam Planasiam proijceret For she had so tyed vnto her Augustus who was now an old man that hee confined his onely Grand-sonne Agrippa Posthumus into the Iland Planasia I haue not found so great a defect in Augustê° his iudgemeÌ„t in al his former actions as in this so farre to follow her will as to banish and confine his owne bloud for the aduancement of hers But as Tacitus saith hee was now growne old and so the weakenesse that accompanieth old age may excuse that fault which in his younger and more mature iudgement peraduenture hee would neuer haue committed It was hard for him being now in yeeres to want the comfort of his Wife to liue with her and not to haue her pleased intolerable and against the dignity of an Emperour and to extinguish her ambition impossible So that if he had seene her drifts vnlesse they had broken out into some violent actions hee must in a manner haue beene forced to dissemble it For it is contrary to the dignitie of a Prince to take notice of that fault which he is not able to amend But hee saw them not for what cannot the craft of some wiues through opportunitie continuall flatterie and arguments framed with all the Art that can be vsed worke vpon the weake iudgement of an old man The place of Agrippa's exile being a small and vninhabited Iland where hee was rather imprisoned then banished was in a manner a sure argument that hee should not long out-liue his Grandfather for as the feare of Augustus kept him now aliue so the feare of his owne Title would make Tiberius neuer let him escape out of his fingers Rudem sane bonarum artium robore corporis stolidè ferocem nullius tamen flagitij CompertuÌ„ Ignorant to say the truth of good Arts and bearing himselfe foolishly fierce of his strength of body but not detected of any crime These are the causes for which Agrippa was put by the right of his succession and wanted the respect which was otherwise due vnto his birth Hee had not good education That vvas the summe of all his faults And in a State which might freely elect their Prince the same had beene a iust cause to passe by him For it is a great misfortune to a people to come vnder the gouernment of such a one as knowes not how to gouerne himselfe For where it is said hee was vnfurnished of good Arts it is not ment of letters though that also be good in a Prince and of ornaments the chiefe for hee may want these rather then iudgement valour or goodnesse of nature But the Art that hee is principally taxed to want seemeth to haue beene the Art of conforming to times places and persons and consisteth much in a temperate conuersation and ability vpon iust cause to containe and dissemble his passions and purposes and this was then thought the chiefe Art of gouernment And whereas he is said to be vndetected of any crime that made not much for the matter in hand for though he might proue no ill man hee might bee neuerthelesse an ill gouernour But Agrippa's defects were not the sole cause of his dis-inheriting though they were the sole iustification of it when it was done The hope of succession notwithstanding the care of the Emperour being reduced by the Art of Liuia to one only man Augustus againe takes order for the bringing in of one more At hercule Germanicum Druso ortuÌ„ octo apud RhenuÌ„ legionibus imposuit adscirique per adoptionem à Tiberio iussit quamquam esset in domo Tiberij Filius iuuenis sed quo pluribus munimentis insisteret But yet hee made Germanicus the sonne of Drusus Commander of eight Legions vpon the Rhine and commanded Tiberius to adopt him although Tiberius had a young sonne of his own but this he did to haue the more supports Augustus is still of this iudgement that the succession ought not to depend on the life of one man and therefore wil haue more props to establish it But as the aduancing of Tiberius was thought to bee the ruine of Caius and Lucius so now the making of Tiberius to adopt Germanicus might haue proued the ruine of Tiberius if the Ambition of Germanicus had beene answerable to his power For Augustus put eight Legions into his hand the which afterwards would not only haue beene ready to haue giuen him the Empire but also went about to put it vpon him by force Therefore if a Prince raise many to the hope of reigning he ought to prouide against the emulation ambition and mutuall iealousies that ordinarily arise thereof For else he shall hardly bring any of them to the fruition or if one then all the rest to vntimely ends Augustus here gaue Liuia indeed no occasion to worke against this last choise of his being one of her owne Grand-children but yet to command Tiberius who had a sonne of his owne to adopt another must needs breed a hart-burning in him because he knew by himselfe how much rather men desire to possesse then expect such authoritie And fearing therefore that Germanicus might beare the same minde he afterwards as is thought tooke a course to bring him to his end wherby may be perceiued in what danger an honest man standeth being neere vnto one that is ambitious either before or behinde him whose nature is to destroy before him out of hope and behinde him out of feare After that Augustus had mastered quieted taken order for the succession of the Empire the Author sheweth next the state of the present times And first for matter of warres abroad Bellum ea tempestate nulluÌ„ nisi aduersus Germanos supererat abolendae magis infamiae ob amissum cum Quinctilio Varo exercitum quam cupiditate proferendi Imperij aut dignum ob praemium There remained at that time no warre sauing against the Germans and that rather to wipe off the disgrace for the losse of the Army with Quintilius Varus then out of any desire to enlarge the Empire or hope of worthy recompence Warres are necessary onely where they are iust and iust onely in case of defence First