Anchor a while and claspe up this first Booke with the Relation of his better Fortunes Explicit Lib. I. THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE HISTORY OF KING RICHARD THE THIRD The Argument of the Second Booke THe Earle of Richmond practiseth with Forreigne Princes and with the English Nobles for assistance and Forces to make his first and second invasions of England He came first to Poole with ill successe secondly to Milford cum bonis avibus What Bastards are and whereof they are capable who be of the House of Lancaster how Lancaster and Beaufort or Sommerset differ Bastards of Kings must not take the Sirnames of the King or Kingdome The honourable priviledge of the name of Plantagenet Prince Edward and Queene Anne John de la Poole proclaimed Heire of the Kingdom by Richard the Third Bastards of John Duke of Lancaster made legitimate and capable of Offices Honour and of Heritage by Richard 2 and the Parliament What the Legitimation of the Pope is Armes and Names of Princes Bastards The Nobility of King Henry 7 th He affied not much in the Titles of Yorke and Lancaster The Pope giveth to him the Title de jure belli de domo Lancastriae The greatnesse of the Title of Yorke of Counsell and Connsellours The Prerogative of the King in Iudgements and Controversies The Earle of Richmond landeth at Milford Haven His entertainment there and in Wales His aptnesse for divers wives he marcheth to Bosworth King Richard and he sight Richard is overcome and slaine also the Duke of Norfolke by the Earle of Oxford ut Creditur The Earle of Richmond is straight Crowned King in the field The fatall Errour of King Richard Kings loved Combate The Titles of King Henry 7 th Kings go not now to warâ— Cruelties committed upon the body of King Richard He was attainted of Treason though against the Laws of Nature and of Royall Majesty with many of his followers and servants The Earle of Surrey how released out of prison his Geneology from Hewardus walter de Buck and his Progeny The Second Booke WE left King Richard the Third in the growth of a flourishing and promising Estate and his fate now in the rise of a peacefull and prosperous Raigne of a calme and hopefull presage But Fortune that lends her smiles as Exactors do mony to undoe the Debtor soone cald for the Principall and Interest from this Prince to whom she was meerly Novercall and he might well call her with the expert Heros in Euripides fortuna diurna i. e. fortune of a daies life for in her best mood she is most slippery in her favours and redious in her mischiefes as was aptly considered by a grave man Fortuna adversas res cupido animo inducit secundas parco she is a mother but a little while a stepdame a long time and for ever to some here then we are aggressing into the turbulent and luctuall times which were towards the end and period of his Life and Raigne the formall and finall causes happening from the invasions attempted by the Earle of Richmond I will begin the Second Booke there and may say invasions because he twice invaded the Kingdome though by errour or ignorance of our Vulgar Historians they are confounded and made one which corruptly maimes the Story and conceales and pretermits some very remarkeable agitations particularly the true cause of the Duke of Buckinghams ill successe and defeate is misunderstood or not at all known To come to it therefore more certainly we must take notice of the first preparation by the Earle of Richmond who was resolved to advance his claime that way and unbosomes himselfe to the Duke of Brittaine his possibility and advantage by friends if he could raise but sufficient strength to set him safely in England The Duke gives him all good wishes to his undertaking but opposes against all Arguments of drawing him in first his Amity and League with England which in honour and justice he was not to violate Then his wants by the long Civill and cruell Warres with his Barons that had so exhausted his Coffers as durst he dispense with the former cause yet that might render him excused being unable to furnish him at least in so short a time as his expedition required beyond which answer for the present the Earle thought not fit to presse him But having a prompt and strong affiance in his good fortune makes up to some of the Dukes most honourable and powerfull Friends to lay siege that way to him by private advantages for by his ingenious demeanour he had won the inclinations of many great ones being Master of a pleasant acute wit which was well supplied in him by the straine of all Courtly Acts to those he had the helpe of the French Tongue which he spoke excellently well and to give all the more plausible accesse and influence hee was as Philip de Comines who knew him testifies a very compleat and well featur'd Gentleman which makes the rule certaine and well animating Gratior est pulchro veniens e corpore virtus The beauties of the mind more gratious are When as the bodies features are more faire In the number of those eminent persons he had gained during his faire imprisonment more fortunately he had applyed himself unto the Lady Margaret Dutchesse of Brittaine Daughter of Gaston de Foix a great man in the Westerne parts of France whose Ancestors were well affected to the English and Madam de Bevier the Dutches so farre countenanced him in his designe that she became an earnest suitor unto the Duke her husband and prevailed both for his liberty and aide for caution and pledge herein he was only to kneele at the High Altar before the blessed Sacrament in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Vannes there to make his religious Vow justly and truely to observe what restitution he privately had promised to the Duke and Dutches which protestation made he had three Ships well rigged and furnished with Men Armes and Victuals as my Author relates Au Conte de Richmond furent aux despens du duo trois grosses Navires de Brittannia charges de gens de Armes c. qui se misent in mer. But by the favour of this Brittish Writer the Earle staid many daies at Saint Malo to receive and send intelligence and made it the beginning of October 1484 before he came to Saint Poole in Dorset where he lay some time at Anchor to send his Boates a shore as Explorers or Spies for discovery of the Coasts where the Kings Armie or his friends lay who returned without any particular satisfaction but that there was many Armed men about the Country The Earle who in all things was circumspect and cautiously rimerous resolved immediately to loose from thence but the night following a terrible tempest constrained them with all hast to weigh Anchor and make into the Maine the Storme and darkenesse of the night severing and dispersing their
masculine line from Edmond Plantagenet alias de Langley the first Duke of Yorke and the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third who was the most renowned and glorious Progenitor to those Princes of Yorke and Lancaster and the first King in a Lineall descent from that great Henry sirnamed Plantagenet famous for his great Prowesse and many victories King of England in the right of his Mother the Empresse Matilâ—â— or Maud daughter and heire of King Henry the first and stiled Anglâ—rum Domina sometime wife of the Emperour Henry the fifth by which he was also sirnamed filius imperatricis The French men called him Henry du Court Manteaâ— or Court Mantle because he wore a cloake shorter then the fashion was in those times By his Father Galfride or Geoffry Plantagenet he was Earle or Duke of Anjou for then Dux Comes and Ducatus Comitatus were Synonomies promiscuous words he was also Earle of Maine of Torraine and hereditary Seneschall or High Steward of France and by his marriage of Elianor Queene of France Repudiate Daughter and heire of William Duke of Gascoigne and of Guiene and Earle of Poictou He was Duke and Earle of those Principalities and Signiories also by the Empresse his Mother Duke of Normandy He was Lord of Ireland by Conquest and confirmed by Pope Adrian But these were not all his Seigniories and Dominions for after he was King of England he extended his Empire and Principate in the South to the Pyrerean mountaines The Confines of Spaine and France in the North to the Isles of Orkney and in the East and West with the Ocean as Giraldus Cambrensis Gâ—l Neubrigensis Ioannes Sarisburiensis grave and credible Authors affirme who stiled him Regum Britanniae maximus and doubtlesse he was the greatest King of Brittaine since King Arthur But it is controverted amongst the Antiquaries and Heralds which Earle of Anjou first bare the sirname and Sobriquet of Plantagenest or Plantagenet after the vulgar Orthodoxe by what occasion and for what cause it was taken and borne and from what time and age it had beginning Some would have the forenamed Geoffry Plantagenet Father of this Henry the first Earle of Anjou which bare it But we shall finde stronger reasons to derive it from a much more ancient Earle of Anjou and better causes then can be found in him if we step but a little backe to their stories and compare the men and their times Geoffry Plantagenet being a man of a gallant and active fire disposed to the Courts of Princes to Justs Turnaments c. and to the Courtship of faire Ladies those of the highest ranke and had so amorous a Star That Philippe le Grosse K. of France suspected him for too familiar commerce with his bed But it was of better influence when he archieved and married the Empresse Matilda by which we may very well calculate he neither had nor would be intent or at leisure for such a mortified and perilous Pilgrimage to Jerusalem But if we would know the man let us looke upon the first Fulke Earle of Anjou who lived about an hundred yeares before the Norman Conquest of England and was Sonne of Godefray or Geoffry Grisegonell the first Earle of Anjou according to du Haillon Ancestor and Progenitor to the foresaid Geoffry Plantagenet some seven or eight degrees in the ascending Line as Paradin accounteth a man raised upon the foundation of a great courage and strength two of the best Principles when they have good seconds and make too a glorious man where they serve his vertues not affections as in this Prince they did whose disposition on the other side being let out into as vaste an ambition and covetousnesse ne're looked upon the unlawfulnesse of his desires how horrid soever which amongst the many rest run him upon the shelves of wilfull perjury and murder the one for defrauding spoiling a Church of certaine Rights and the other for contriving the Tragedy of his young Nephew Drogâ— Earle of Brittaine to make himselfe Lord of his Countrey and Principallity The secret checke and scourge of those crimes had a long time to worke upon his conscience and of a great sinner made a great Penitent being old and having much solitary time and many heavy thoughts which naturally accompany old age and suggest better considerations of our former and youthfull sinnes he opens the horrour of them and his afflicted mind to his Confessor as great Constantine to AEgyppus who enjoyned him to make the same confession before the holy Sepulcher at Jerusalem which Pilgrimage the Earle performed in all lowly and contemptible manner passing as a private and unworthy person without traine or followers save two of his meanest which he tooke rather for witnesses then servants whose service was when they came neare Jerusalem the one with a cord such as is used for the strangling of Criminals thrown about his Masters neck to draw or leade him to the holy sepulcher whilst the other did acoustré and strip him as a condemned person and with extremity scourge him untill he was prostrate before the sacred Monument where he gave evidence of his unfained contrition and sorrow Amongst other devout expressions uttering this Mon dieu Signeur recâ—y a Pardon le perjure homicide miserable Foulque And after this pilgrimage he lived many years of prosperity in his Country honoured of all men To justifie this there be many Examples of other Princes and Noble Persons who lived about the yeare of our Lord one thousand and somewhat before and in three or foure ages after who under went the like Pilgrimages imposed under base and mechanicke nick-names and persons as of a Carpenter a Smith a Fisher-man a Mariner a Shepheard a Woodman a Broome-man c. In my Inquiry after that of Plantagenet I met with an ancient Manuscript that afforded me a large Catalogue of many such by the French called Sobriquets from whence I have transcribed these few for a taste Sobriquets Berger Shepheard GrisegoÌ„nelle gray-coat Teste de Estoupe Head of towe Arbuste A Shrub Martell A Hammer Grande boeuf Ox-face LaZouch Branch upon a Stem Houlette a sheep-hook Hapkin Hatchet Chapelle Hood Sans-terre Lackland Malduit Ill taught Geffard Ieuvencas or Heyfer Filz de Fleau Son of a Flaile Plantagenest the Plant or stalk of a Broome And under the name and habit of a Broome-man our Pilgrim performed this Penance and tooke the Sobriquet of Plantagenest from wearing a stalke of Broome or plant of Genest this is generally received but the time and reason neither set downe nor rendred by any of our Heralds and Antiquaries French or English for the time when he performed this I observe it about the yeare of our Lord one thousand certainly But for the particular relation this Count had to chuse the genest plant or Broome stalke before any other vegitall or thing I shall lay downe that opinion which is mine owne
what that purpose was and what they had in Agitation at that instant is not disertly said onely from other places of the Story And those which follow Sir Thomas Moore it may be conceiv'd they doubted him for his affectation of the Soveraigntie some practice against the King and his Brother for those be the charges they presse upon him although it is neither said nor made good by any direct and just proofe But admit he was now growne jealous of him and sent Sir William Catseby a man in great credit with the Lord Hastings to â—ound what opinion he held of that Title and Claime he might lay to the Crowne who presuming upon Catsebies gratitude and trust that had beene advanced by him without circumstance and even with indignation exprest an utter mislike thereof and engaged himselfe his uttermost power and abilitie against it peremptorily adding he had rather see the death and destructions of the Protector and Duke of Buckingham then the young King deprived of the Crowne Which reply Catseby being more just to his employment then honour in this poynt returnes the Protector who layd hold upon the next occasion to seize his head which is the greatest and bloodiest Crime that brings any proofe against him and yet not so cleare but that there may be some other State-mistery or fraud suspected in it Let us leave it up on that accompt and but consider how much more wee forgive the fames of H. 1. E. 3. H. 4. E. 4. H. 7. because they had their happy Starres and successe and then Prosperum scelus virtus vocatur there is applause goes with the Act and Actor Iulius Caesar was and ever will be reputed a wise and a great Captaine although his Emulation cost an infinite quantitie of excellent humane blood and his Nephew Octa. Augustus never ceased proscribing banishing and massacring untill he had dispatched all his proud Emulators Iulius Caesar thought it Crimen sacrum vel crimen Regale or Crimen sacrum Ambitio whoâ—e rule was Si violandum est jus regnandi gratiâ Violandum est ali is rebus piet atem colas If right for ought may e're be violate It must be only for a Soveraign State Drawing it from that rule though Apocrypha in Euripides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Si injuste agere oportet pro tyrannide aut regno pulcherrimum est injuste agere in aliis pietatem colere expedâ—t And Antonius Caracalla alledged the Text to justifie the killing of his Brother Geta his Collegue in the Empire Polynicâ—s the Brother of Eteocles was of the same Religion and said A Kingdome could not be bought at too high a rate put in Friends Kindred Wife and Riches Via ad potentiam est tollere â—â—â—ulos premere Adversarios which the great Mâ—ster of Axiomes allowed hath beene countenanced by many great examples of State-reason and policie in all times even since the Ogygian Age for an old observation and generall in all forraigne Countries saith Regnum furto Et fraude ademptum antiquum est specimen imperii So King Atreus by his owne experience could say Vt nemo doceat fraâ—dis sceleris vias Regnum docebit But what those Ages call'd Valour Wisedome and Policy in those great Schollers of State who with credit practised their Artes Imperii and rules of Empire comes not under the license or warrant of our Christian times yet we may speak thus much for Richard to those who cry him so deepe an homicide that he had either more conscience or lesse cruelty then they attribute to him that by the same Act of power could not secure himselfe of others he had as just cause to feare especially Iasper Earle of Pembroke his Nephew Richmond and the subtill Doctor Morton who was extreamly his Enemy and the Chiefe Instrument that secretly mov'd against him And although the King had no certain notice which way his Engins wrought yet he knew enough to suspect him for and to remove him from the Councell-Table unto the custody of the Duke of Buckingham the man he had reason to suppose nearest to his trust though his expectation leaned on a broken Reed there for the Duke was now secretly in his heart defected from the King and become male-content Morton but toucht his pulse and knew how the distemper lay which he irritated into such sparklings as gave him notice where his constitution was most apt and prepared yea so subtilly mastred it that he had leave to steale from Brecknock Castle to Ely so for good store of Coine found safe passage into France whither his desires vehemently carried him in hope to fashion the Earle of Richmond to his Plot and under pretence of a Lancastrian Title to stirre him to take up Armes and invade England with the Assurance of many mightie friends here which would make the Designe of an easie and quick dispatch nor forgot he how much Artificiall and Eloquent perswasions adde to the Blaze of Ambition knowing the Earles temper like other mens in that and observing him with a kind of pleasure listen he gave such a studied glosse and superlation to the Text that the Earle was now so full of encouragement and hope for the invasion that their purposes spread as well into England as in France The Protector having also certaine intelligence of some particular Designes disposed himselfe in his actions more closely and knew what Friends and Confederates had engaged themselves to Richmond who yet kept a face of love and fidelitie towards him as did the Duke of Buckingham and the Countesse of Richmond who appeared at this instant an earnest Sutor to reconcile her Sonne into favour and that the King would bee pleased to bestow on him any of King Edward the fourth his Daughters But this took not the vigilancy of his eye from him and his partie the cause being of greater danger and apprehension now then in King Edwards time for the Earle had drawne unto him many of the English Nobilitie and Gentry and some Forraigne Princes had in favour to him promised their aydes But in the time of King Edward his Title and he was so little understood by his blood of Lancaster that the better judging-sort of the English Nobilitie and Gentry King Lewis the eleventh of France Francis the second Duke of Brittaine and other Forraigne Princes looked very slightly upon it And yet as Iohn Harding observed the King might be jealous of him being given out for an Heire of the House of Lancaster and Nephew to Henry the sixt With this he considered that some Forraigne Princes stood not well-affected to him or that some at home envying his House and Posteritie would catch at any sparke to trouble his peace and kindle a Sedition therefore he had good reason to thinke that as his libertie might make these beginnings more popular so their ends more dangerous and ingratefull the vulgar tasting all things by the eare and
complaints made to the King by the Subjects of the King of France and of Denmarke which was well expedited Anno Regni 2. That Treatie of Peace and League with Scotland began before was continued and finished by Commissioners sent from Iames the fourth King of Scotland and by other Commissioners delegate for the King of England those for Scotland were Coli Earl of Argile Chancellor of Scotland N. Bishop of Aberdene the Lord Lisle the Lord Dromonde of Stobhall Master Archibald Quhitlaw Arch-Deacon of Lodion Secretary to the King Lion King at Arms and Duncan of Dundas they came to Nottingham in September Anno Domini 1484 and were honourably receiv'd in the great Chamber of the Castle the King sitting under his Royall Cloth of State Master Archibald Quhitlaw stepping before the rest addrest a very Eloquent Oration unto him in Latine which reflected upon the praise of Martial men Art Military including much to the honour and praise of King Richard This Treatie aimed partly at a Truce and Peace partly at a Marriage betweene Iames the Prince of Scotland and the Lady Anne Daughter of Iohn de la Poole Duke of Suffolke and Neice to King Richard Commissioners for the King of England were Iohn Bishop of Lincolne Richard Bishop of Asaph Iohn Duke of Norfolke Henry Earle of Northumberland Master Iohn Gunthorpe custos privati sigilli Sir Thomas Stanley Lord Stanley Sir N. Lord Strange Sir N. Lord Powis Sir Henry Lord Fitz hugh Sir Humphry Lord Dacres Master Thomas Barrow Master of the Rowles Sir Richard Ratcliff William Catesby and Richard Salkeld The other for the Treatie of Alliance and Marriage were Thomas Arch-Bishop of Yorke Iohn Bishop of Lincolne Iohn Bishop of Worcester Iohn Duke of Norfolke William Earle of Nottingham Iohn Sutton Lord Dudley N. Lord Scroope of Upsall Sir William Hussey Chiefe Justice of the Kings Bench Sir Richard Ratcliffe and William Catesby But the successe of that and many other good intendments were interposed by the inconstancy and contraste of the times The Lady Anne de la Poole upon the the breach thereof resolving to accept no other motion forthwith tooke a religious habit in the Monastery of Sion There was another Treatie of Peace and Truce in this second yeare betweene him and the Duke of Brittaine or at the least given out for peace yet was indeed but a part and pretext of the Treatie for the maine negotiations on the Kings side was how to get the Earle of Richmond out of his custody into his owne or be as well secured of him there as his Brother King Edward was And for this Treatie the chiefe Negotiators were the Bishop of Lincolne and Sir Thomas Hutton for the King the Bishop of Leon and others for the Duke The Treatie began Anno Domini 1484. and was finished and ratified in the yeare following but the Duke violated his part immediately by giving ayde to the Kings Enemies In the same yeare there were Letters made which are yet extant in the Treasury of the Exchequor that moved a Peace and Truce beweene King Richard and Charles the eighth King of France wherein it must be understood the tribute before mentioned was Articled Also in this yeare and the yeare before there was a private Treatie which we must not passe by for the Marriage of the Lady Elizabeth with King Richard himselfe what the successe of it was and how farre it proceeded will more aptly present it selfe in another place Wee are now to take notice of the Duke of Buckinghams revolt for this was the preparative and fourrier of the rest And to give it the more taking feature and specious pretence it must be given out That the cause was the Reformation of an ill Government and Tyranny under which species for Treason is ever fairely palliated and seldome wants the forme of some plea though at the Barre they must take up Armes against the King And here as some Rivers deriv'd from the Sea cannot suddenly loose their taste of saltnesse they discovered their ancient taint and inconstancy which the Prince wisely suspected from the first For the Duke of Buckingham how affably soever he trim'd his countenance it should seeme departed male-content from Court yet made not that generall publick pretended cause of the Kings Crimes all his quarrell but challenged him by some private grudges as denying to give or restore to him the Earledome of Hereford and Constableship of England for they went together a long time which he alledged belonged to the Partage that fell to his great Grand-mother the Lady Anne Daughter and Heire of Thomas Plantagenet alias Woodstock created by King Richard the second Duke of Glocester and Earle of Buckingham and of his Wife Elianor daughter and co-heire of Humphry de Bohun Earle of Hereford and Constable of England Which claime had he considerately look't upon could not rightly revolve to him but rather was for the Kings part For Humphry de Bohun Earle of Hereford of Essex and Northampton Lord of Brecknock and Constable of England in the time of King Edward the third and the last Earle of the Family of the Bohuns had by the Lady Iane his Wife Daughter of Richard Fitz-Allan Earle of Arundel two Daughters and Heires Elianor and Mary Elianor was Married to the same Thomas Plantagenet alias de Woodstock youngest Sonne of King Edward the third Duke of Glocester and Earle of Buckingham Mary the second Daughter was Married to Henry Plantagenet Duke of Lancaster and after King of England by the name of Henry the fourth and the Earledome of Hereford fell to his Wife In favour whereof he was Created Duke of Hereford by King Richard the second and the Earledome now a Dutchy and the rights therof remained in the King and in the Kings Heires and Successors untill the death of King Henry the sixt who dyed without Issue then all the Estate of Lancaster especially that of the Royall Family of Lancaster escheated to King Edward the fourth and from him it came to King Richard as Heire to his Brother and all his Ancestors But the Duke of Buckingham pretended Title to that Earledome by his said Grandmother Anne who was one of the Daughters and Heires of the aforesaid Lady Elianor Wife of Thomas de Woodstock Duke of Glocester and the Wife of Edmond Stafford Earle of Stafford and Grand-father to this Henry Duke of Buckingham who the rather presumed to make this Claime because the Issue of the other Sister Mary being extinct he tooke himselfe also to be her Heire But King Richard relishing something in this neare the disposition and inclination of Bullingbrooke answered That the Earledome of Hereford was of the inheritance of Henry the fourth who was also King of England though by tort and usurpation and will you my Lord of Buckingham Claime to be Heire of Henry the fourth You may then also happily Assume his spirits and lay Claime to the Crowne
noâ— condiscend to thought the King peremptorily avowed and maintained he might justly assume and beare it having as a Conquerour entred the Land fought for the Crowne and wonne it they answer as peremptorily that he was beholding to them both for his Landing and Victory and by their permission had that faire and prosperous fooâ—ing upon their Coasts not by any stroke of his French which were not so many as the least Legion of the Romans and had found but bloudy entertainment by the valiant English if ever they had landed besides the instigation of a mortall hatred against the Invader never to be extinguished but with an utter expulsion and destruction which they humbly prayed might be worthy of his consideration and not to take from his loving people the just due of their Affections by ascribing so much of his victory to the French or his Welsh Sword Sith they voluntarily opened their Armes and Country to receive him and put the Crowne upon his head that this was their free and voluntary Act they hoped he could not forget and if so why would he make such an Atchievement a Conquest or a purchase of the Sword tearmes of a most harsh and disonant sound to the English who reputed them as Barbarous and Tyrannicall their ends and events to enslave them their Goods and Fortunes under a Licentious power that might Act and will any thing Quicquid Victor audet aut Victus timet The examples of the conquering Gothes and Vandalls Longobards in Italy and Spaine Saxons and Normans in England and lately the Spaniards in America with many other cruell Lords estated onely by their unjust Armes and Swords being fresh and bleeding instances that when but mentioned stirre up thoughts of horrour and detestation of the Swords Title But the more they oppos'd it the more he is constant to have it assented by the Pope with his Title of Lancaster which he thought would be a stronger bridle to check all murmurs but yet indeavoured it not directly and disertly but under a close and borrowed praetext the out-side of his Embassage being only to obtaine a dispensation and pardon for his marriage praetending a feare of Incest his Wife being his Kins-woman Et quarto Coâ—sanguinitatis forsan affiinitatis gradu which Pope Innocentius the eight granted the first yeare of his raigne and afterward upon what occasion I cannot say he renewed the same suit to Pope Alexander the sixt who confirmed and ratified the pardon and dispensation made by his Predecessors in the fourth yeare of this Kings Raigne But it is observable that the Pope herein taketh not upon him to confer or give any new Titles neither did the King publikely solicite the Pope to confirm these two Titles his Embassador had that particular in his private instructions So that by this the Pope seemeth only to make a rehearsall of those Titles as due and proper to him before and the Titles de jure Belli de jure Lancastriae seem'd not as any matters or subject of the Bull but rather some desire the Pope had to expresse a love and honour to the King and that he was pleased Ex proprio mero motu certa scientia sua to make such honourable memoriall of all the Majesticall Titles in the Kings right as the more stately embroideries to his glorious Letters of Apostolicall indulgence for the dispensation of the said marriage conveyed and in these words Hic Rex Angliae de domo Lancastriae originem trahens ac qui notorio jure indubitato proximo successionis titulo Praelatorum procerum Angliae Electione concessione c. Etiam de jure Belli est Rex Angliae After for the more cleare reparing and curing all flawes and defects of Titles the Pope addeth this gracious clause Supplemusque omnes singulos defectus tam juris quam facti si qui intervenerint in regno dicto And then in the end not in the front this Bull is intituled Pagina confirmationis nostrae approbationis pronunciationis constitutionis declarationis suppletionis monitionis requisitionis prohibitionis Benedictionis inhibitionis excommunicationis Anathematizationis in quosâ—unque qui pâ—esumpserint infringere vel ausu temeritatis contravenire his literis Apostolicis For all this must be held and thought to be done Autoritate Apostolica i. by the Authoritie of the Apostles Saint Peter and Saint Paul And thus the King received of the Pope the two Titles De Domo Lancastriae and De Iure Belli without any seeking or solicitation as wee are led to credit for there appeareth not any expresse suit or motion by the King to that purpose though by circumstances and probabilitie it was preferred under hand for the other things were but of slight request and no necessitie nor obnoxious to any danger when those two Titles were the present markes his aime was strongly and mainly directed to Though I must confesse after a while he was a lightly satisfied in these notwithstanding the Popes thunder and lightning added to them as in the Titles of Yorke and Lancaster which he discovered and not obscurely when he moved the Estates in his first Parliament to grant an Estate Hereditary and entail'd of the Crowne and Kingdome with all the Appurtenances to the Heires of his body beyond this he could not require much nor they give which was unanimously condiscended unto as a gift of a new Title confirmed by their Act the Copy whereof I have transcribed where I come to rehearse the Titles of our Soveraigne Lord the King that now is Nor is the Devination of this peece so darke but that the cause may be guessed at why he held himselfe not safe in the Titles of Yorke and Lanacster of Beaufort and Somerset already toucht at but may fall more seasonably elsewhere into our Stories without confounding it with Historologies and presenting matters out of their time and place my purpose onely being to take so much light from the Story of Henry the seventh as shall but properly conduce to the true shadowing and proportioning of King Richards being necessarily inforced to inculcate such matters as may seeme of no present conclusion yet loosing their observation wee shall want the knowledge of many things much pertinent to the credit and honour of King Richard and his Actions To which according to the Order and Affaires of time I am now to come againe And here upon our accompt wee shall find it neare upon tenne months since the Duke of Buckingham was suppressed and the Earl of Richmond driven from Poole with the storme who was now againe very busie raysing fresh preparations in France and King Richard upon the intelligence as stickling to Levy Souldiers and reinforce all his Havens and Frontier places But the Earle of Richmond found it not so easie a matter now as at first to draw a party and concurrence from France having sped so ill in his former undertakings