forth two proclamations not long before published in France and very aduantageable for the English for the which he had a letter of thankes to the King his master Lastly which was indited the maine of his message and whereto all other were but insinuations he desired that certaine Frenchmen taken vpon the coâ—…st of England might be released Hereto he receiued answere that they were Pirats and that some of them should by iustice be punished and some might happily by 〈◊〉 be spared so with this dispatch he returned for France But before it was conceiuâ—…d he could be fully at home he came againe to the English court and there declared to the King how the King his master would deliuer 4 shipps against which iudgment had beene giuen And that hâ—…e would appoint men of good sort and sufficiency to heare the English Merchants at Paris and that he would alter his ordinances for marine affaires of which emendations he then sent a copy to the King The King appointed his Secretaries to consider therof And after some passages of time Uillandry had his answere That the King intended not by receiuing fower ships freely to preiudice his right in the rest That the appointing of an inferior counsell to heare Merchants at Paris after former tedious suits in a higher court he thought would be but dilâ—…tory and so to little purpose because the inferior counsell would neuer vndoe that albeit good cause should appeare which had bin iudged by a higher counsell That the new ordinances he liked no better then he did the olde and therfore desired no other then the customes which oflate times had beene vsed in France and then continued in force betweene England and the low countries Lastly he desired no more words but deeds And now were letters returned from M r Pickering out of France wherby he aduertised the King how Stukely neuer discouered any of those speeches to him which since he had charged vpon the French King And further that he neuer was either in credite or conuersant with the French King or with the Constable nor euer resorted vnto them except once when he was interpreter betweene the Constable certaine English pioners wherfore as it was very like so did he verily belieue that as the French King was alwaies close reserued amongst his best knowne friends so would he not be open and vncircumspect to impart a matter of such import to a meere stranger and in a most vnseasonable time Hereupon Stukely was examined againe and then sir ding it dangerous alike to confesse a truth or stand to a ly he became more vnconstant and variable then he was before wherfore he was committed to the Tower and notice was giuen to the French Kings Embassador of all those proceedings to the intent that he might acquaint his master with them Letters were also sent to the Kings Embassador in Frace directing him to aduertise the French King of all these matters and that for two speciall ends One to manifest the Kings considence in his amity with France the other to bring the French King into suspition against all English fugitiues who resorted daily to his court And so because no better person was the author incredible fables were not belieued But herevpon some began to discourse that the accusations against the Duke of Somerset were no lesse improbable and vpon the credict of no better persons and therefore might happily be no lesse vntrue But the difference is great betweene both the persons and the facts of a soueraigne Prince and of a subiect And now when the French K. vnderstood aswell the imputation which Stukely had raised as his imprisonment First he deepely protested his innocence in his particular and his generall sincere meaning for preseruing amity with England Then he much blamed Stukelies villany and nolesse thanked the King aswell for that he had not afforded a credulous care to such mischeiuous devises wherein the tender touch of his estate might happily haue excused his error as for his Princely manner in acquainting him therwith On the other side whâ—…n M r Morrison the Kings Embassador with the Emperor had opened the mattâ—…rs giuen him in charge touching a league against the Turke and against his confederats The Emperor much thanked the King for his gentle offer and promised to procure the Regent to send ouer some persons of credâ—…te to understand the Kings further meaning Soone after M r Thomas Grosham câ—…me from Antwerp into England and declared to the counsell how Mounsier Loâ—…gie the Emperors Treasurer in Flanders was sent to him from the Regent with a packet of letters which the Burgundians had intercepted in Bullonois sent as it was said from the Dowager of Scotland wherein she set forth how she had imprisoned George Paris an Irishman because she vnderstood that vpon grant of his pardon he had a meaning to come into England and how she had sent Oconners sonne into Ireland to giue encouragement to the Irish Lords Also he shewed instructions giuen about 4 years before vpon the fall of the Admirall of France to a gentleman then coming from England that if any were in England of the Admiralls faction he should doe his best to excite a trouble The deputy of Ireland was at that time ready to transport into England But vpon this aduertisement S r Henry Knowles was sent in post to stay him there yet with caution that he should pretend to stay vpon his owne occasions and therevpon deferred his departure from weeke to weeke least the true reason should be discerned Letters of thankes were also sent to the Regent for this gentle ouerture And the messenger was directed to vse pleasing words in the deliuery of the letter and to wish a further amity betweene the two states And further to acquaint her with the French Kings practise in waging 5000 Scottish footmen and 500 horsemen how he tooke vp 100000 l by exchange at Lubecke whereby the coniecture was evident that he had some meaning against the Emperor in the spring then next following Doubtlesse the aduertisement of neighbour Princes are alwaies much to be regarded for that they receiue intelligence from bâ—…tter Authors surer grounds then persons of inferior note and sort About this time one of the Earle of Tyrones men was committed to the tower for making an vntrue complaint against the deputy and counsell of Ireland And for bruting abroad how the Duke of Northumberland and the Earle of Pembrooke were fallen into quarrell and one of them against the other in the field In Aprill in the 6 th yeare of the raigne of the King he fell sicke of the Measles wherof in short time he well recouered afterwards he sickned of the small poxe which breaking kindly from him was thought would proue a means to clense his body from such vnhealthfull humors as commonly occasion long sicknesse or death And herof he also so perfectly recouered that in the soâ—…mer next following he rode his progresse
it could not be done by his ordinary power without a parliament yet he would so farre extend his authority roiall and absolute as to giue charge to his commissioners to trauaile with all persons within their counties to reduce lands to their former rents where at they were farmed 40 yeares before and that rents should be paid at Michelmas then next ensuing according to that rate that such as would not presently yeeld to his commissioners for that redresse should at the parliament which he would forthwith summon be overruled Concerning their complaint for price of wolles hee would forthwith giue order that his commissioners should cause clothiers take wolles paying only two partes of the price wherat they were commonly sold the yeare next before and for the other third part the owner and the buyer should stand to such order as the parliament should appoint At which time also he would giue order that landed men to a certaine proportion should be neither clothiers nor farmers and farther that one man should not vse divers occupations nor haue plurality of benefices nor of farmes generally that he would thē giue order for all the residue of their requests in such sort as they should haue good cause not only to remaine quiet but to pray for him and to adventure their liues in his service This parliament he promised should beginne in the beginning of October then next ensuing against which time they should appoint 4 or 6 of their countey to present bills of their desires and in the meane season apply themselues to their harvest and other peaceable businesse at home and not to driue him to necessity whereof he would be sorry by sharper meanes to maintaine both his owne dignity and the common quiet These letters carrying the Kings name in the front and the protectors with the kings signature at the foote were sent by a heralde to Monsholde a place guarded with great but confused and disordered strength of the seditious herewith also the King sent his generall pardon in case they would quietly desist and dissolue But the seditious were so farre from accepting these of any other offers of accord that herevpon they discharged the first shot against the citty and because their Artillery being planted on a hill could little or nothing endammage the walls they remoued their batterie to a lower ground but because their citty was weake and the cittizens but weakely disposed against them with no danger and little travaile they made themselues masters thereof Here they imprisoned the Maior and many other of the chiefe cittizens and ordered all things at their pleasure but maintained the chiefe seat at Mansholde where it was before The Maior of Norwitch and some other gentlemen of credite they constrained to be present at all their counsells with intention to countenance their actions with some authority but in no sort to be guided by them All this time the Kings forces advanced but slowly being imploied in appeasing the like disorders more neere the heart of the kingdome So that it is most certaine that had these seditious beene so mischievously bent as in number they were great they might haue proued more dangerous then they were but they aimed not at ambitious ends their rude earthly spirits were neuer seasoned with any manly adventurous thought and therefore they were content with a licentious idle life wherein they might fill their bellies by spoile rather then by labour to this side their companies ranged in all parts thereabouts and tooke away for their vse much houshold-stuffe and goods but especially they brought to their stations many droues of cattle for besides deere out of parkes besides beeues besides fowles of all kinds within a few daies were brought out of the country 2000 muttons such numbers of sheepe were daily brought in that a fat weather was sold for 4 d. This was interpreted for a present plentie but it made such scarcitie afterwards as could not in many yeares be repaired S r Edmond Kneuet Knight with such company as he could assemble charged vpon one of their watches by night but he was so farre inferior vnto them that it was esteemed a great fortune that he departed from them with his life But soone after the Lord William Parre Marquis of Northampton was sent against them with 1500 horsemen and a small band of Italians vnder a Captaine named Malatesta he was accompanied with the Lord sheffield the L. Wentworth with divers knights and gentlemen of principall estimation when he approached within a mile of the citty the magistrates and chiefe cittizens vpon summons resorted to his standard yeelded vnto him the citty sword and professed their owne loialty and excused others of inferior force who neither by ignorance fauoured the seditious or through feare durst not declare against them with these the Lord Marquis entred the citty at Saint Stephens gate the citty sword being borne before him and therewith caused the chiefe cittizens to assemble in the market place both to giue aduice and to take direction how the citty might best be defended In the meane time the strangers who came with him whether by appointment or by adventure issued forth of the citty to view both the numbers and orders of the seditious They againe first put forth their Archers then their horsemen lastly a company ran furiously forth without either direction of others or iudgement in themselues intending to haue enclosed the Italians but here might haue beene a great difference betweene men practised to fight and men accustomed only to spoile For the Italians in so well advised order receiued the seditious coming rashly vpon them without either feare or skill that divers of the tumultuous numbers were slaine at the last the Italians perceiuing themselues almost invironed cast themselues into a ring and retired backe into the citty But they left one gentleman of their company behinde who being overthrowne from his horse fell into the hands of the seditious who like sauages spoiled him of his armour and of his apparell and hanged him ouer the walls of Mount Surrey This caused the seditious to remaine the first part of the night within their station which by reason of the nastines of the beastly multitude might more fitly be termed a kennell then a campe Within the citty diligent watch was kept which was often visited and relieued The souldiers remained in their armor all night and kept so great a fire in the market place that all parts of the citty were lighted therewith The seditious about midnight began to shoote off their great artillerie very liuely and thicke hereupon the Lord Marquis directed part of his forces to rampart the gates and ruinous places of the walls which the seditious espying with a hideous roaring and rage they powred themselues vpon the citty some endeavoured to fire the gates some to mount ouer the walls and some to passe the riuer the fight continued three houres and it is almost incredible with what rude
furnished he should awaite occasion to sollicite the same Lastly that he should carry a nimble eare as well touching any variation in all these â—…atters as for other occurrences in France Spaine Italie Almaine and thereof advertise the king But notwithstanding all these cautions and preventions of peace or truce betweene the Emperour and the French the king of England finding the Emperour slow in his performances and much suspecting his secret ends entertained a treatie of peace with France but secretly and a farre off and to bee governed as occasions should vâ—…ry and in regâ—…rd hâ—…reof agreement was made that all ships and goods which had bin surprised at sea by the English vpon the French or by the French vpon the English since the beginning of that treatie should be freely discharged And albeit the English had great aduâ—…ntage in value of reprisalls as being alwaies both more strong and actiue at sea yet the king by his proclamation commanded that forthwith restitution should be made Hostility being thus suspended with France preparation was made for warres against Scotland the occasion whereof did thus arise MARY STYWARD sole daughter heire to Iames the 5. King of Scots began her raigne ouer the Realme of Scotland vpon the 18 of December 1542 being then not aboue 7 daies olde so as the Sunne no sooner almost saw her an infant then a Queene and no sooner was shâ—…e a Queene but she was desired of Henry then King of England to be assured in marriage to Prince Edward his only sonne being then not much aboue 6 yeares of age Vpon this ouerture the gouernor of Scotland assembled the nobility of the Realme at Edenburgh where after much debatement of the coÌ„modities or discommodities like to ensue they concluded in the end that in March then next ensuing a Parliament should be held to giue perfection and forme to that businesse In the meane time S. Ralph Sadler knight was sent embassador from England to the Gouernor and other Lords of Scotland who followed his charge with so good diligence and advice that in the same parliamenâ—… authority was giuen to William Earle of Glancorne S. George ' Douglasse S. William Hamilton S. Iames Leirmouth knights and to one of the secretaries of state to conclude this marryage These commissioners came into England with whom before the end of Iulie the same yeere all covenants were concluded instruments of the contract of marriage interchangeably sealed and sworne and a peace established for ten yeares which time expyred both the Prince and the Queene should be of age to consent The French King all this tiâ—…e was so enteartined with warres against the Emperor that he had no sence of these proceedings but when he vnderstood that these agreements were passed as well for marriage as for peace he bâ—…nt his best endeuour to dissolue them both First with intention to impeach both the greatnesse and strength of the English nation after with desire to winne this marriage for Francis who afterwardes was King of France To this purpose the French K. sent for Mathew Earle of Levenoxe who then serued vnder his pay in Italie and furnished him with mony forces and friends and aboue all with many encouragements to take vpon him brauely the honour of his house and Ancestors to remoue the Earle of Arraine from the Regency of Scotland and to reverse such pactions as he had made The Earle at his first arrivall in Scotland was ioyfully received as a man most engaged in domesticall factions He alwaies vsed curtesie and modestie disliked of none sometimes sociablenes and fellowship well liked by many generally he was honoured by his nation and well reputed by strangers in favour of him the Pope sâ—…nt the Patriarch of Apulia his Legat into Scotland who in the Popes nâ—…me did faithfully assure that both forces mony should be sent into Scotland to resist the English Heâ—… drew the greatest of the Cleargie on his side who were most powerfull to draw on others On the other side the king was not negligent to support his party with supplies wher by great troubles ensued in Scotland which fell not within the times that I hauâ—… in hand In the end the Earle of Arraine abandoned the king of England and applyed himselfe only to the French by reason whereof the Regencie was confirmed to him which otherwise he had bin vpon adventure to loose And as the Earle of 〈◊〉 did forsake the English and adioine to the French so the Earle of Levenoxe being forsaken by the French applyed his service wholy to the English which did not only continue but much encrease the calamities of Scotland during the time of king Henries raigne King Henrie at the time of his death gâ—…ue a spâ—…ciall charge to the Lords of his counsaile that they should omit no â—…ndevours whereby the said marriâ—…ge might be procured to take effect Herevpon they pursued this quarrell in the same stâ—…te the king left it But before they attempted any thing by Armes the Lord Protector assailed the Scottish nobility with a friendly letter Herein he remâ—…mbred them of the promises seaâ—…es and oathes which by publike authority had passed for concluding this marriage that these being religious bonds betwixt God and their soules could not by any politike act of state be dissolved vntill their Queene should attaine vnto yeares of dissent Hee farther added that the providence of God did then manifestly declare it selfe in that the male princes of Scotland failing the kingdome was left to a daughter and in that King Henry left only one sonne to succeed That these two princes were agreeable both for yeares and princely qualities to bee ioyned in marriâ—…ge and thâ—…reby to knit both Realmes into one That this vnion as it was like to bee both easily done of firme continuance so would it be both profitable and honourable to both the Realmes That both the easinesse and firmnâ—…s might be coniectured for that both people are of the same language of like habit and fashion of like qualitie and condition of life of one climate not only annexed entirely together but sevâ—…red froÌ„ all the world 〈◊〉 For as these are sure arguments that both desâ—…ended from one originall and had bin vnder one governement so by reason that likenes is a great cause of liking and of loue they would be most forceable meanes both to ioine and to hold them in one body again that the profit would rise by extinguishing warres betweâ—…ne the two nations by reason whereof in former times victori sabroad haue bin impeachâ—…d invasions and seditions occasioned thâ—… confines of both Realmes laid wâ—…st or else made a nurserie of rapines robberies and murthers the inner parts often deepely pierced and made a wretched spectacl to all eies of humanity and pittie That the honour of both Realmes would enerease as well in regard of the countries sufficient to furnish not only the necessities but the moderate pleasures of this life as also of the people
and intentions of the Scots wholly vpon them The Lord Wharton and the Earle of Leuenoxe entred Scotland on the west marches with 5000 men and hauing marched two miles they wonne the church of Anan a strong place and alwaies much annoying the English there they tooke 62 prisoners fired most part of the spoyle and ouerthrew the fort with powder passing 16 miles further they tooke the castle of Milke which they fortified strongly and planted a garrison therein and after much spoile and wast of the country returned safely into England These successes did strike such a terror into many of the Scots that the Earle Bothwell and diuerse cheife gentlemen of 〈◊〉 and Meers supposing to finde more easy conditions by yeelding then by striuing submitted themselues to the King of England and were receiued by the Lord Generall into protection But it is most cerraine that the English made not their best improuements of these fortunate euents and that especially by two miserable errors â—…unctation in prosecuting and haste in departure But doubtlesse the vnion of these two realmes was a worke most proper to Gods omnipotent arme which afterwards effected the same as by milder meanes so in a more durable manner then they could haue bin vnited by Armes This high appointment of God we must reuerence and admire but not omit to obserue the errors committed First therefore after the retreit the English lodged the same night in the place where the battaile had bin fought Where and in the villages not farre distant they soiourned fiue daies without doing any thing in the meane time the English searched the riuers and hauens whether the Scottish ships were retyred in such sort as they left few ships of war vnspoiled or vntaken the army also gathered the spoile of the field whereof 30000 iacks and swords 30 peices of great artillery were shipped for England The English hauing thus long breathed and thereby giuen breathing to their enimies fired Lieth tooke S t Colmes Broughticragge Rockesborough Humes castle Aymouth Fial castle Dunglasse Kilnecombe and diuers other small pieces whereof parte they ruined parte they enlarged and fortified and furnished them with able souldiers accustomed with often and prosperous successe Herewith as if they had beene weary of their faire fortunes they suddainly brake off the enterprise and returned another way into England hauing staid not aboue 25 daies in Scotland and lost vnder 60 men The pretence of their departure was worse then the departure it selfe namely for that the yeare and their prouisions were far spent and the country afforded little forrage Assuredly as nature taketh least care for those things which she formeth in hast so violent and storm-like fortunes how terrible so euer are seldome durable Now the Lord Gouernor of Scotland being of great courage and sober iudgement as a man might well read in his face as he had amply performed his duty both before the battaile and in the field so especially after the fight he declared himselfe to be of a stout and vnbroken spirir For first he assembled the dispersed forces of the Scottish army albeit not in sufficient manner to giue a fresh battaile by reason that much of their armor was lost yet able to keepe the English from ranging at largâ—… Then hee presented the English with diuers offers of â—…reaty touching matters in difference vntill the country was dischargâ—…d of them lastâ—…y knowing right well that counsels are commonly censured by euents and that in matters of armes albeit the praise of prosperous successe is shared amongst many yet the blame of misadventures is charged vpon one And fearing hereby mutinies amongst his owne people and contempt of others hauing first assured the young Queene in place of good defence he assembled the Scottis nobility and vsed words to this effect I assure my selfe that many of you my Lords and more of the vulger are much displeased with me for that I haue advised this warre whereof so sad euents haue followed for this cause I haue assembled you together to reduce you to a better opinion or to blame you deepely either if you remaine offended or if you cast downe your courage throw feare the betrayer of all succors which reason can afforde for tell me if you are discontented with me for aduising this warre doe you not condemne your selues for following the aduice It is certaine that at the first you were all of my opinion and that I did nothing without your approuement If now vpon one misadventure you change your iudgements and charge the fault only vpon me you doe me wrong and discouer your owne weaknesse in being vnable to endure those things which you knew were casuall and which you were resolued to endure But I make no doubt but the same reasons which induced you to entertaine this warre will induce you also to prosecute the same howsoeuer sodaine and vnexpected euents dismay your iudgments for the present Touching my selfe I was alwaies of opinion and shall never change that it is better the kingdome should be in good estate with particular losse to many of the people then that all the people should be well and the state of the kingdome altogether lost or dishonourably impaired euen as it is better that a ship should be preserued with some discommodity to the sailers then that the sailers being in health the ship should perish or as it is lesse dangerous when diuerse parts of a tower are decaied and the foundation firme then when the foundation is ruinous albeit the parts remaine entire For the common estate is but weakned by calamities of particular persons but the ruine of the state inâ—…olueth all in a generall destruction And therefore they are to be blamed alike both who moue and who decline warre vpon particular respects the comeither honour or necessity must bee the true measure of both But the cause of this warre is no other then that wee will not incontinently submit our selues to doe what our neighbours require That is because at the first word wee are not forward to thrust our necks vnder the girdles of our enimies yea our old enimies yea our only enimies of any accompt for many years who in their gluttenous hope haue devoured our kingdome who by the bloody execution of their late victories haue shewen what curtesie wee may expect at their hands In doeing whereof wee shall abandon our ancient and approved friends who as they neuer failed vs in our extremities so are they now prepared with large aides to relieue vs who will not feare or pause at the least before he leap vpon this sodaine changeâ—… who will forsake long tryed friends to rely vpon those who alwaies haue beene ready by Armes to infest vs. Not at all times vpon desire either of revenge or spoile but to bring vs vnder their ambitious dominion which of vs had not rather dye this day then see our enimies in our strongest castles and yoakes of garrisons cast vpon our necks Who
people might haue destroied the Nobility and gentry who are the defence and safety of the people and so at pleasure haue reduced all vnder his tyrannous subiection Which how insupportable it would haue beene may well be coniectured by his actions already past what pride and insolency of his men made vp of naught What instruments had he in euery shire to worke his purposes to spread his rumors to harken and to carry tales And those what flatterers What lyers How greedily gaping for other mens liuings How vigilant to grope mens thoughts and to picke out somewhat whereof they might complaine and such vile vermine how deere were they to him and namely Iohn Bonham his one hand in Wiltshire Sir Gyles Partridge his other hand in Glocestershire his customer in Wells Piers country his minister in Deuonshire besides many his bad conditioned minions in courte what monsters were they How esteemed they his fauour aboue all mortall respects And further to accomplish his ambitious ends he devised to make the French king his friend by bewraying vnto him the Kings fortresses beyond the seas which the late noble K. Henry with great charge courage and glory had brought vnder his power which practise was so caryed that no man but such as discerned nothing but did perceiue it And that aswell by his often private conference with the French Embassadors and their secretaries as by failing to furnish those pieces with necessarie supplies as also by the speeches which himselfe and his servants cast abroad that Bulloine and the fortresses about it were an vnprofitable burthen to the realme But for the charge no man will conceiue that he wanted money to keepe them who vndertooke so great a charge as the conquest of Scotland and wasted euery day a 100â—… vpon his phantasticall building Besides it hath beene often heard from his owne communication how he intended to procure a resignation of the rights of the Kings Maiesties sisters and others who are entitled to the possession of the Crowne and to haue entailed the same vpon his owne issue which when he had effected and hauing the Kings person in his power the chaine of soueraignty could not long haue tied him short he might haue atchieued all his ambitious intentions at will Wherefore surely he hath thus put on the person not only of a robber and of a murtherer but of a traitor to the state since we haue euidently discouered both his lofty and bloody minde It behoueth you to ioyne in aide with the Lords of his Maiesties privy counsaile as in extinguishing a raging fire as in repelling a cruell enimie for assuredly wee must either weakly yeelde to his rule and commande or else the ambitious author must be taken away In the afternoone of the same day the Lord Maior assembled a common counsaile in Guildhall where two letters arriued almost in one instant one from the King and the Lord Protector for 1000 men to be armed for defence of the Kings person another from the Lords at London for 2000 men to aide them in defence of the Kings person both parties pretending alike but both intending nothing lesse The Recorder whose voice accordeth commonly with the Lord Chancellor did so well set forth the complaints of the Lords against the Protector that many were inclinable to fauour their side But one named George Stadlowe somewhat better aduised stept vp and spake vnto them as followeth This businesse right Honorable Lord Maior the residue of this court as it is a very high passage of state so it is worthy of serious consideration that vpon sodeine aduice nothing be done or determined them least happely by being serviceable to the designes of other men whose purposes we know not we cast our selues into the throat of danger which hitherto wee doe not see two things I much feare in case wee afford present aide to the Lords either of which should cast vpon vs a bridle rather for stopping a while then for stepping or stirring too soone or too fast at their incitement One is the certaine dangers of the citty the other the vncertaine aduenture of all the realme First then if wee adioine to the Lords whether they prevaile or not wee engulph our selues into assured danger an example whereof I finde in Fabian whose report I entreat you all to obserue In the time of King Henry the third the Lords in a good cause for maintenance of divers beneficiall lawes desired aide of the citty ogainst the King Ayde was granted and the quarrell brought to the arbitrement of the sword In this battaile the King and his son â—…e were taken prisoners vpon their enlargement free pardon was granted not only to the Lords but the cittizens of London which was afterwards confirmed both by oath and by act of Parliament But what followed Was the displeasure forgotten Noe verily nor euer forgotten during that Kings life for afterwards the liberties of the Citty were taken away strangers were appointed governors and the cittizens perpetually vexed both in their persons and in their estates So heauy and durable is the wrath of Kings That Solomon saith The indignation of the King is death For it is naturall for princes to vphold their soveraignty and to holde it in highest esteeme in no case to endure their supreame authority to be forceably either oppressed or dispressed by their subiects Insomuch as they mortally hate such subiects as haue once attempted either to ouerrule them by power or to cast any terror vpon them And howsoeuer they may be either constrained or content to beare saile for a time yet are they so sure paymasters in the end that few haue held out their liues I will not say prosperously but safely who haue offered enforcements against their King Now touching my seare for the commonwealth I much suspect these considerations I alwaies expect from them some lurking mischiefe which the more cunningly it be kept in the more dangerously it will breake forth For albeit there be many hands in this action yet one is the head who doubtlesse hath skille to play his owne game and albeit the pretences giuen forth are alwaies faire and for the publique good yet are the secret intentions commonly ambitions only aime at priuate ends yea many times the end is worse then the first intent Because when a subiect hath obtained the hand against his prince I will not say he will be loath but doubtlesse it is not safe for him to giue ouer his advantage wherefore I am of opinion that for the present if wee will not be so vneurteous as to delay and suspend our giuing aide to the Lords for a time Vpon this aduice the courte resolued to arme 100 horsemen and 400 foote for defence of the Citty To the King they returned answere that they would be ready vpon any necessity to apply all their forces either for his defence or for his honour But they intreated him to bee pleased to heare such complaints as were
obiected against the Lord Protector before he assembled forces in the field which in those tempestuous times as it could not be done without great danger so without great cause it should not To the Lords they answered that they were ready to ioyne with them in any dutifull petition to the King but to ioyne with them in armes they could not vpon the sodaine resolue The next day the Lordes at London dispatched a letter to the Lords at Windesore wherein they charged the protector with many disorders both in his priuate actions and in his manner of gouernment requiring that hee would disperse the sorces which he had raised and withdraw himselfe from the King and be content to be ordered by iustice and reason That this done they would gladly commune with the rest of the counsaile for the surety of the Kings person and for ordering of his estate otherwise they would make no other accompt of them then they might trust to finde cause and would assuredly charge them according to their demerits The King all this time was so farre from gouerning his Lords that he was scarce at his owne liberty and considering that the late rebellions had but newly weared themselues into quiet and fearing new rages among the vnstabie people daily threatned and vpon such occasion not vnlike to take slame conceiuing also that the confederacy trenched no deeper or that the only remedy was to seeme so to conceiue dissolued his companies except only his guarde but charged them vpon warning to be ready so it is most certaine that the troublesome times were a great aduantage to the Lords Had the people beene well setled in subiection or the Protector a man of spirit or witt they hâ—…d beene in danger to haue beene vndone but the protector instead of vsing his authority sent secretary Peter who vnder pretence of gravity couered much vntrustinesse of heart to the Lords at London with some secret instructions sent especially to perswade them that for a publique benefit all either priuate guardes or vnkindnesses might be laid aside But neither did hee returne to Windesore neither was any answere returned from the Lordes After this he wrote two letters one in his owne name to the Earle of Warwicke the other in the name of the Lords at Windesore to the Lords at London in both which he so weakly complained expostulated intreated yeelded vnder their hande as it was sufficient to haue breathed courage into any enimy once declared against him And indeed herevpon the Lords forthwith published a proclamation vnder the hands of 17 persons either for nobility or authority of office well regarded werein the causes of such calamities and losses as had lately before happened not only by inward diuisions which had cost the liues of many thousands of the Kings subiects and threatned more but also by the losse of diuers pieces beyond the seas which had beene wonn by great adventure of the late Kings person and consumption of his treasure they perceiued that the only roote from whence those mischiefes sâ—…rung was the evill gouernment of the Lord Protâ—…ctor whose pride couetousnes and ambition couered only his priuate ends and therefore he was deepely busied in his spatious and specious buildings in the hottest times of warre against France and Scotland whilest the poore souldiers and seruitors of the King were vnpaide and laboured to make himselfe strong in all countries whilest within the realme lawes iustice and good order preuerted prouisions for the forts beyond the seas neglected and the Kings subiects by most dangerous diuisions by his means either raised or occasioned much disquiet That hereupon the Lords of the counsaile for preuenting aswell present dangers to the Kings person as the vtter subuersion of the state of the realme concluded to haue talked to him quietly without disturbance to the King or to the people for reducing him to liue within reasonable limits and for putting order for safety of the kings person and preseruation of the commonwealth of the realme and so to haue passed ouer his most vnnaturall and traitâ—…rous deseruings without further extremities But he knowing that he was vnable to answere for any part of his demeanour began forthwith to spread false rumors that certaine Lords had conspired against the Kings person vnder pretence whereof hee leuied forces in a disordered vproare albeit the treason rested in him and some other his complices wherefore seeing he troubled the whole realme for accomplishing his traiterous ends and vsed the King in his tender age for an instrument against himselfe causing him to put his hand to many of his owne deuises and to speake things tending to the destruction of himselfe they desired and in the Kings name charged all subiects not to obey any precepts licenses or proclamations whereunto the Protectors hand should be set albeit he should abuse the Kings hand and seale vnto them but to quit themselues vpon such proclamation as should proceede from the body of the counsaile protesting therewith their faithfull hearts to the King and their loialty towards the people Instantly after the publishing of this proclamation the Lords directed their letters to Windesore ond addressed to the King another to the Protector the third to the houshold which was openly read The letter to the Protector was guilded ouer with many smooth words intimating faire promises and full of hope but the other two did fully and fowly set forth his obstinacie his auarice his ambition his rash engagements into warres in the Kings vnsetled both age and estate his negligences his deceits and all other insufficiences mentioned before Herewith S r Robert Wingfield captaine of the guarde was sent from the Lords to Windesore who so well persuaded the King both of the loyall affection of the Lordes towards him and of their moderate desires against the protector who then was in presence that partly thereby but chiefly in regard of the turbulent times the Protector was remoued from the Kings person a guard set vpon him vntill the next day when the Lords at London were appointed to be there So the next day diuers of the counsell rode from London to Windsore but the Earle of Warwick rode not with them for he was a perfect Master of his craft he had well learned to put others before him in dangerous actions and in matters of mischiefe to be seene to doe least when in very deed all moued from him He had well learned of the ape to take nuts out of the fire with the pawe of the cat These Lords comming before the King did againe runne ouer their complaints against the Protector and also vnder colour of loue and duty aduiseth the King to beware of such as were both powerfull ambitious mischieuous and rich Affirming that it would be better surety vnto him if this great authority should be committed to many who cannot so readily knit in will or in action as when the whole mannage resideth in one In the end the Duke of
Somerset for hereafter he must be no otherwise called was committed into their power and committed to custody in Beâ—…uchampe tower within the castle The next day he was brought to London as if he had bin a captaine caried in triumph He rode through Holborne betweene the Earles of Southhampton and of Huntington and was followed with Lords and Gentlemen to the number of 300 mounted on horsebacke At Holborne bridge certaine Aldermen attended on horsebacke and the cittisâ—…ns housholders stood with halberds on all sides of the streets through which he passed At Sopherlane he was receiued by the Maior Shâ—…riffes Recorder and diuers Knights of especiall note who with a great traine of officers and attendants bearing halbeards carryed him forthwith to the Tower all this was to beare in shew both that the Duke was a dangerous man and that the common both aide and applause concurred in his restraint Forthwith the King was brought to Hampton courte where all things being borne as done well because nothing was ill taken seauen of the Lords of the counsaile and 4 Knights were appointed by turnes to attend the Kings person The Lords were the Marquis of Northhampton the Earles of Warwicke and Arundell the Lordes Russell S t Iohn and Wentworth the knights were these S r Andrew Dudley S r Edward Rogers S r Thomas Darcy and S r Thomas Worth As for affaires of state the gouernment of them was referred to the whole body of the counsaile Soone after the King rode to his house in Southwarke then called Suffolke place there dined all-After dinner he rode in great estate through the citty to Westminster as if the people should be giuen to vnderstand that nothing was dâ—…minished either from the safety or glory of the King by imprisonment of the Duke And now when the Duke had breathed a small time in the tower certaine Lords of the counsaile were sent vnto him who after a shorte preface in such termes as hate and dissimulation could temper together remembring how great the amity had beene betweene them and of what continuance Then acknowledging what offices seruices he had done for the commonwealth yet enterlacing some errors defects wherewith they seemed to reproach him Lastly they presented him certaine articles as from the residue of the priuy counsaile desiring his present answere whether hee would acknowledge them to be true or else stand vpon his iustification The articles obiected against him were these 1 That he tooke vpon him the office of Protector vpon expresse condition that he should doe nothing in the Kings affaires but by assent of the late Kings executors or the greatest part of them 2 That contrary to this condition he did hinder iustice subuert Lawes of his owne Authority aswell by letters as by other commande 3 That he caused diuers persons arrested and imprisoned for treason murther manslaughter and felloâ—…y to be discharged against the lawes and statutes of the realme 4 That he appointed Lâ—…euetenants for Armies and other officers for the weighty affaires of the king vnder his own writing and seale 5 That he communed with Embassadors of other realmes alone of the weighty matters of the realme 6 That he would taunt and reproue diuers of the kings most honourable counsailors for declaring their aduice in the Kings weighty affaires against his opinion sometimes telling them that they were not worthy to sit in counsaile and sometimes that he needed not to open weighty matters to them and that if they were not agreeable to his opinion he would discharge them 7 That against law he held a court of request in his house and did enforce diuers to answere there for their freeholde goods and did determine of the same 8 That being no officer without the aduice of the counsaile or most part of them he did dispose offices of the Kings guift for money grant leases and wards and presentations of Benefices pertaining to the King gaue Bishoprickes and made sales of the Kings lands 9 That he commanded Alchimie and multiplication to be practised thereby to abase the Kings coine 10 That diuers times he openly said that the nobility and gentry were the only cause of dearth Whereupon the people rose to reforme matters of themselues 11 That against the minde of the whole counsaile he caused proclamation to be made concerning enclosures wherevpon the people made diuers insurrections and destroied many of the Kings subiects 12 That he sent forth a commission with Articles annexed concerning enclosures commons highwaâ—…es cottages and such like matters giuing the commishioners authority to heare 〈◊〉 determine those causes whereby the lawes and statutes of the realme were subuerted and much rebellion raised 13 That he suffered rebells to assemble and lie armed in campe against the nobility and gentry of the realme without speedie repressing of them 14 That he did comfort and encourage diuers rebells by giuing them money and by promising them fees rewards and seruices 15 That he caused a proclamation to be made against law and in fauour of the rebells that none of them should be vexed or sued by any for their offences in their rebellion 16 That in time of rebellion he said that he liked well the actions of the rebells and that the auarice of gentlemen gaue occasion for the people to rise and that it was better for them to dye then to porish for want 17 That he said the Lords of the Parliament were loath to reforme enclosures and other things therefore the people had a good cause to reforme them themselues 18 That after declaration of the defaults of Bouline and the pieces there by such as did surview them he would neuer amend the same 19 That he would not suffer the Kings pieces of Newhauen and Blacknesse to be furnished with men and prouision albeit he was 〈◊〉 of the defaults and aduised thereto by the Kings 〈◊〉 whereby the French King was emboldned to attempt vpon them 20 That he would neither giue authority nor suffer noble men and gentlemen to suppresse rebells in time conuenient but wrote to them to speake the rebells â—…aire and vse them gently 21 That vpon the fifth of October the present vâ—…ere 〈◊〉 Hampton courte for defence of his owne priuate causes hee procured seditious bills to be written in counterfeit hands and secretly to be dispersed into diuerse parts of the realme beginning thus Good people intending thereby to raise the Kings subiects to rebellion and open warre 22 That the Kings priuy counsaile did consult at London to come to him and moue him to reforme his gouernment but he hearing of their assembly declared by his letters in diuers places that they were high traitors to the King 23 That he declared vntruly aswell to the King as to other yong Lords attending his person that the Lords at London intended to destroy the King desired the King neuer to forget but to reuenge it and required the yong Lords to put the King in remembrance thereof
on foote 4000 l accounting the gulden at 3 s 4 d but accounting it more as without a higher valuation little seruice happily some mischiefe might be expected the monethly pay to strangers amounted higher Hereby a great error was discouered in that the strangers for defence of Boulaine were of greater strength then were the English Now the English commissioners hauing first procured some releife both for victualls pay prepared a tent without the towne for meeting with the French But they erected a house on the further side of the water within their owne territory in a manner halfe way betweene their forte and the towne The English perswaded the French to surcease their building pretending but for their fantasies it was not necessarie because neither their treaty was like to continue long neither was it by solemne meeting that the businesse in hand must be effected But in truth they feared least if peace should not follow the French might in short time either with filling or massing the house or else by fortifying make such a piece as might annoy the hauen or the towne Notwithstanding the French not only proceeded but refused any other place of enteruiew At their first meeting much time was spent in ceremony of salutation Then the commissions were read then M r de Mortier in a sharpe speech declared that the French King their M t had vpon iust grounds entred the warre for recouery of his right and defence of his allies yet was he well minded for an honourable peace so as the things for which the warre began might be brought to some reasonable appointment and hearing of the like disposition of the King of England he had sent them to treat of those affaires nothing doubting but that the English would accord to the restitution of Bouline and other pieces of their late conquest which so long as they should keepe so long they may be assured the warre would continue He further added that Bouline was but a bare ruinous Towne without territory or any other commodity to ballance the charge of defending it against the power of France Lastly he said there should want no good will in them to bring matters to good appointment hopeing to finde the like affection in the English After that the English commissioners had conferred a while the Lord Paget answered that the causes of the warre both with them and their Allies whom he tooke to be the Scots being iust and honourable The towne of Bouline other pieces subdued aswell by their late great master against them as by the K. their then M r against their Allies were acquired by iust title of victory and therefore in keeping of them no iniury was offered either to the French King or to the Scots But the further declaration hee left off vntill their next meeting because both the time was spent and the tide summoned them to departe Touching the good inclination of the King their M r hee had declared it well by sending them thither in whom they should finâ—…e such good conformity that if good successe ensued not the fault should be which they expected not in the French Nothing else was done sauing a surcease of hostility concluded for 15 daies which was proclaimed in both the frontires At the next meeting the Lord Paget spent much speech in setting forth the King of Englands title to Bulloine and to his debts and pension from the French king with all arrerages together with the iustice of his warre against the Scots The French were as earnest in maintaining the contrary wanting no words whatsoeuer their reasons were For betweene great Princes the greatest strength carrieth the greatest reason At the last M r de Mortier roundly said that to cut off all contentions of words he would propose two means for peace All that for old matters of pensions debts and arrerages the English should make white books and neuer mention them more but for Bulloine to set the higher value or else said he let old quarrells remaine so as your right may be reserued to clime and ours to defende And let vs speake frankly of some recompence for Boulloine As for the Scottish Queene For this had beene also mentioned before our King is resolued to keepe her for his sonne and therefore we desire you to speake thereof no more but of what other points you please so as we may draw shortly to an end The Lord Paget answered for the other commissioners that they had greatest reason to desire a speedy end but the matters whereupon they stood were of greater importance then to be determined vpon the sodaine For said he you may make doubts as you please But if the debt to our King be not iust being confessed iudged sworne and by many treaties confirmed wee know not what may be deemed iust neither is it a summe to be slenderly regarded being 2000000 crownes cleere debt besides 12000 crowns resting in dispute The iustice of the warres against Scotland he maintained aswell in regarde of breach of treatise with themselues as for that contrarie to their comprehension in the last treaty of France they had inuaded England in these entercourses the whole afternoone being spent it was agreed that both parties should advise vpon such matters as had beene propounded vntill the next meeting But the French either hauing or supposing that they had aduantage ouer the English partly by reason of their firme intelligence in the English court and partly because they found the English commissioners much yeelding to their desires as first in cumming into France then to Bouline lastly to a house of their owne erecting began to be stiffe and almost intractable sharpely pressing both for speedie resolution and short times for meetings But Guidolti continually trauailed to draw both parties to conformity the French being willing to be entreated by their friend to their most dissembled desires Guidolty in steed of the Queene of Scots propounded that the French kings daughter should bee ioyned in marriage to the King of England affirming that if it were a drie peace it would hardly be durable but hereto the English gaue no inclinable care Then he deliuered 17 reasons in writing for which he said it was necessarie for the English to conclude a peace The English demanded how many reasons he had for the French he answered that he had also his reasons for them which he intended likewise to deliuer in writing At the next meeting the French shewed themselues as before peremptory and precise standing stifly vpon their owne ouertures which they had they said no commission to exceede and therefore they refused to treat either of the pension or debt demanded by the English and declared themselues rather desirous then willing to breake off the treaty The English answered that before their comming Guidolti had declared from the French King that so as Bulloine might be rendred all that was owing from him to the King of England should be paid which Guidolti
haue lost their heads and that the Earle of Arundell was made acquainted with the practise by S r Michaell Stanhope and that it had bin done but that the greatnesse of the enterprise caused delaies and sometimes diuersity of aduice and further said that the Duke of Somerset once faining himselfe to be sicke went to London to assay what friends he could procure This Crane was a man who hauing consumed his owne estate had armed himselfe to any mischiefe Hamonde confessed that the Duke of Somersets chamber had beene strongly watched at Greenwich by night All these were sworne before the counsaile and the greatest part of the nobility of the realme that their confessions were true and as fauourably set downe in behalfe of the Duke as with a safe conscience they could and forthwith vpon the information of Crane the Earle of Arundell and the Lord Paget were sent to the Tower so were Stradley and S t Albones seruants to the Earle of Arundell the Lord Strange voluntarily enformed how the Duke desired him to moue the King to take to wise his third daughter the Ladie ◅ane and that he would be his especiall about the King to aduertise him when any of the counsaile spake priuatly with him and to acquaint him what they said Herevpon to giue some publique satisfaction to the people the Lord Chancellor who had words at will wit enough to apply them declared openly in the starre chamber all these accusations against the Duke of Somerset letters were allso published to all Emperors Kings Embassadors chiefe men in any state wherein these matters were comprised By other letters the muster of the Gendarmorie was deferred for certaine moneths other letters were directed to Sir Arthur Darcy to take charge of the tower and to discharge Sir Arthur Markham For that without acquainting any of the Lords of the counsaile he suffered the Duke of Somerset to walke abroad and permit entercourses of letters betweene Dauid Seymor and M rs Poynes Whilest these matters were in trauerse messengers arriued from Duke Mauris◅ of Saxony the Duke of Mickleburge and Iohn Marques of Brandenburge Princes of the religion in Germanie to vnderstand the Kings minde whether he would agree to aide them with 400000 dollars in case any necessity should assaile them they consenting to doe the like to him in case he should be ouercharged with warre the King gaue them an vncertaine answere but gentle and full of faire hopes that because their message was only to know the Kings inclination and not to conclude he could giue them no other answere then this that he was well enclined to ioyne in amity with them whom he knew to agree with him in religion but first he was desirous to know whether they could procure such aide from other Princes as might enable them to maintaine their warres and to assist him if need should require and therefore he willed them to breake this matter to the Duke of Prussia and other Princes about them and to procure the good will of Hamborough Lubecke and Breme then he desired that the matter of religion should be plainly set downe least vnder pretence thereof warres should be made for other quarrells lastly he willed that they should furnish themselues with more ample instructions from their Lords to commune and conclude of all circumstances pertaining to that businesse The Kings answere was framed with these vncertainties and delaies least if the King had assured his consent at the first it might haue beene taken as breach of league with the Emperor afterwards they and other Princes of Germany made a league offensiue and defensiue with the French King against the Emperor into the which the French King desired the King of England to come but because the French K. was the chiefe of the league the King did plainly perceiue that the warre was not for the cause of religion wherefore he answered that he could not doe it with breach of his league with the Emperor against whom hauing no pretence of hostility he was not so desirous of warres as without iust cause of his owne to pull them vpon him About the same time the Lord admirall was sent into France as the Kings deputie to be Godfather at the baptisme of the French Kings sonne also a French man who had committed a murther at Diepe and fled into England was remitted into France and deliuered vpon the borders to receiue iustice by the same lawes against which he had offended And now the Duke of Northumberland being impatient of long working wickednesse the 4 th act of the Duke of Somersets tragedie must not be delaied least thereby feare abating as being false it could not be durable either the Kings gentle disposition or the loue which he had formerly borne to his vnkle might happily returne to their naturall working So the Duke of Somerset after a short aboad in the tower was brought to his triall at Westminster The Lord William Paulet Marques of Winchester and Lord treasurer sate as high Steward of England vnder a cloath of estate on a bench moūted three degrees the Peeres to the number of 27 sate on a bench one step lower These were the Duke of Suffolke and of Northumberland the Marques of Northampton the Earles of Darby Bedforde Huntington Rutland Bath Sussex Worcester Pembrooke and Here◅orde The Barons Abergauenny Aud◅ly Wharton Euers Latimer Borough Louch Stafford Wentworth Darcie Sturton Windesore Cromwell Cobham and Bray First the inditements were read in number 5 containing a charge of raising men in the north parts of the realme at his house of assembling men to kill the Duke of Northumberland of resisting his attachment of killing the Gendarmorie of raising London of assaulting the Lords and deuising their deaths when the prisoner had pleaded not guilty and put himselfe vpon triall of his Peeres the examinations before mentioned were read and by the Kings learned counsaile pressed against him Hereto albeit he was both vnskilfull and much appalled causes sufficient to driue him out of matters yet after a short entreaty that words either idly or angerly spoken might not be enforced to any high crew to the points obiected he answered That he neuer intended to raise the north parts of the realme but vpon some brutes he apprehended a scare which moued him to send to S r William Herbert to remaine his friend That he determined not to kill the Duke of Northumberland or any other Lord but spake of it only and determined the contrary That it had beene a mad enterprise with his 100 men to assaile the Gendarmory consisting of 900 when in case he had preuailed it would nothing haue auailed the pretended purpose and therefore this being senselesse and absurd must needs dis◅redid other matters which otherwise might haue beene belieued That at London he neuer proiected any stirre but euer held it a good place for his surety That for hauing men in his chamber at Greenwich it was manifest he meant no harme
heare matters of greatest moment debated because in these high passages nothing was thought to be done truly with maiesty nothing agreeable to the dignity of the state but in the presence of the King Generally all the counsaile agreed that none of them should make suit to the King for land or forfeitures aboue xx l or for reuersion of leases or any other extraordinary matter vntill the state of his Reuenewes should be further knowen Besides these commissions another went forth to ouersee and order the Kinges reuenewes and to cut off superfluous charges to ouersee all courts especially those of new erection as the court of augmentation and of first fruits and tenths and to prouide that the reuenewes were answered euery halfe yeare another went forth for debts owing to the King and to take accompt of paiments since the 35 of K. Henry the 8 th and in what manner the King had beene deceiued either by not accompting or accompting falsely Another also for taking away needlesse Bâ—…ulwarkes by vertue whereof diuerse were dimolished vpon the sea coasts in peace chargeable and little seruiceable in warre And further for more orderly and speedy dispatch of causes the King deliuered to his counsaile these Articles following 1 That all suits ' petitions and common warrants deliuered to the priuy counsell be considered by them on mundaies in the afternoone and answered oâ—… saturdaies in the afternoone and that those daies and no other be assigned to that purpose 2 That such suits and petitions as pertaine to any courts of law be referred to those courts where properly they are triable others to be determined with expedition 3 That in making warrants for money it be forseene that they be not for such matters as may be dispatched by warrants dormant least by such meanes accompts should be vncertaine 4 That vpon Sundaies they intend publique affaires of the Realme dispatch answeres to letters for good order of the state and make full dispatches of all things concluded the wâ—…cke before Prouided that they be present at common praier 5 That on Sunday night the Secretaries or one of them deliuer to the King a memoriall of such things as are to be debated by the priuy counsaile and he to appoint certaine of them to be debated vpon seuerall daies viz. Munday afternoone Tuesday wensday Thursday and Friday beforenoone 6 That on friday afternoone they shall make a collection of such things as haue beene done the fower daies before what they haue concluded and what the time suffered not to peruse Also the principall reasons which moued them to conclude of such matters as seemed doubtfull 7 That on Saturday before noone they present this collection of the King and enquire his pleasure vpon all things which they haue concluded and also vpon all priuate suits 8 That none of the priuy counsell depart the court for longer time then two daies vnlesse eight of the counsell remaine behind and vnlesse the King haue notice thereof 9 That they make no assembly in counsell vnlesse they be to the number of foure at the least 10 That if they assemble to the number of fower and vnder the number of sixe then they may reason or examine the commodities or inconueniences of matters proposed and make things plaine which seeme diffused at the first opening and if they agree then at the next full assembly of sixe a perfect conclusion thereof shall be made 11 That if there be vnder fower and a matter arriseth requiring expedition they shall declare it to the King but not giue answere vnlesse it requires extraordinary hast 12 That if such matters shall arise as it shall please the King to heare the same debated warning shall be giuen that the more may be present 13 That if such matter arise as cannot be ended without long debating the counsaile shall not intermeddle with other causes vntill they haue concluded the same 14 That no priuate suit be entermedled with great affaires but shall be heard on Mundaies only 15 That when matters for scantnesse of time be only discussed and not brought to an end then it shall be noted to what point the businesse is brought and what haue beene the principall reasons that when it shall be treated againe it may the sooner come to conclusion 16 That in tedious or difficult matters two or three or more may be appointed to prepare and report the same that being lesse cumbrous and defuse they may the more easily be dispatched 17 That no warrant for reward aboue 40 l or businesse or affaires aboue 100 l passe but vnder the Kings signet 18 That if vpon aduertisements or other occasions matters of great importance appeare which require hast such matters shall be considered and determined notwithstanding those Articles which appoint businesse for seuerall daies so as this order be not generally or commonly broken Assuredly albeit the King declared both his iudgment and his diligence and care of affaires of the realme Yet is there one rule more and not by him neglected for all great officers which if it be not sufficient in itselfe to hold matters in order yet are no rules sufficient without it And this is to choose persons both for ability and integrity well reputed albeit happily they be not alwaies vsed For besides that these will be a rule to themselues it is a great satisfaction to the people and keepeth them both from murmuring and curious enquiring into counsailes of State which is neuer good and often dangerous when they know or at least suppose matters to passe vnder such mens iudgements In theese times it was conceiued by many that by erecting of a Mart in England the realme would be much enriched and made more famous and lesse obnoxious to other countries The time was then esteemed fit by reason of the warres betweene the Emperor and the French King The places deemed most meete were Hull for the east countries and Southampton for the South London was thought no ill place but Southampton was iudged most conuenient for the first beginning This matter detained the Lords of the counsell in a deliberation both serious and long with great strength and variety of reasons on both sides which because they may giue some light to the like question which in times ensuing may happily againe be set on foot I will here declare them in the same manner as they were collected by the King Against the Mart these octiections were made 1 That strangers could haue no accesse into England by land which they had at Antwerp where the Mart then was 2 That the ill working of English cloaths made them lesse esteemed abroad 3 That the great quantity of English cloathes in Flanders would make them lesse desired from hence 4 That the Merchants had then established their dwelling places at Antwerp 5 That other Nations would forbeare their resort into England for a while vpon commandement of the Emperor 6 That the deniall of the requests of the Merchants of the Stilliard
that he had made leases in reuersion for more then xxi years for these offences he surrendred his office and submitted himselfe to be fined at the pleasure of the King So his fine was gessed at 6000 l whereof 2000 were remitted vpon condition that the other 4000 should be paid within the compasse of that yeare This he endured with a manly patience as knowing right well that he held all the residue of his estate vpon curtesie of those who hated him at the heart It was at the first suspected and afterwards expected by all that among other matters obiected against the Lord Paget the chiefe or at least one should haue beene for contriuing to Banquet the Lords at his house and vnder pretence thereof to take off their heads which was the only cause for which the Duke of Somerset lost his head But because no mention was made thereof because about the same time the Lord Gray of Wilton Bannister and Crane and a little after the Earle of Arundell were freely discharged hauing beene imprisoned for this conspiracy the conceit was taken that the Dukes head was the only aime and that the residue were vsed but as a countenance of state to dazle the people Letters were sent to the gouernor of Gernesey that divine seruice should there be vsed according to the forme of the Church of England A King of Armes named Vlster was newly instituted for Ireland his prouince was all Ireland and he was the first 4 th King of Armes the first herald appointed for Ireland Whilest these matters were in action the Emperors Embassador in England deliuered letters to the King from the Regent in the low Countries importing that whereas the King was bound by a treaty betweene the Emperor and the Kinges Father at Lutrect in the yeare 1542 that if the low Countries should be inuaded the King should aide him with 5000 foote or 70 crownes a day during 4 moneths and that this aide should be performed within one moneth after request For so much as the French King inuaded Luxembourg the Emperor required aide of the King of England according to the effect of that treaty Herevpon order was giuen that if the Embassador did moue for answere to this letter he should be told by two of the counsell that during the Kinges progresse his counsell was dispersed whose aduice he was desirous to heare And further that the K. had committed the same treaty to be perused by men whose iudgments as he did much respect so would he expect a time vntill their opinions might be heard And in case that after this the Embassador should againe require an answere then they should say that the King hauing lately wrestled out of most dangerous warres wherewith his yong years were ouerburthened he hoped well that the Emperor would not desire to thrust him into the like againe That he had sworne amity with the French King which he could not with his honour breake therefore if the Emperor should deeme it so meete he would mediate a peace as a friend to both which he should best effect by forbearing to vse hostility against either And in case the Embassador should still perseuere to vrge the treaty they were lastly directed to answere that the King did not hold himselfe bound by that treaty as both made by his Father and euidently preiudiciall to his real◅ for albeit agreements of peace are perpetuall bind the successor yet it is not so in agreements of society cōsederation And this the Emperor did right well vnderstand for whē the King in his last warres desired to enter a new treaty with the Emperor he returned answere that it should not need for albeit the King were discharged by his Fathers death yet the Emperor was still bound And againe the Emperor had not for his part performed the treaty as well in hindring the carriage of horses armor and munition which the King had prouided for his warres as also in neglecting to send aide when the low Country of Calais was forraged and therefore he did not iustly demand performance thereof from the King I know it hath beene often in like sort answered that treaties dissolue by death of those who made them for so the Fidenates held themselues discharged of the league which they had made with Romulus after his death And the Latines did the like after the death of Tullus and likewise after the death of Ancus The Etrurians affirmed the like after the death of Priscus And the Sabines after the death of Seruius And againe after that Tarquinius was cast out of state I know also that the difference is great betweene a league of peace and a league of society confederation But I will not touch euery string of this question which Hottoman calleth a noble question and much tossed and debated partly because it consisteth of many knotty and thorny distinctions wherein approued authors doe not well agree but chiefely because at this time it fell not to be a difference betweene the Emperor and the King For when the Embassador first came for answere to this letter M r Wotton and M r Hobbie answered according to the first branch of their instructions wherewith he departed well satisfied for the present and before he called for answere againe one Stukely arriued out of France and declared to the counsell how the French King being persuaded that Stukely would neuer returne into England because he departed without leaue vpon apprehension of the Duke of Somerset his master bewraied to him that if he could procure peace with the Emperor he intended to besiege Calais and was in hope to carry the towne by way of the sand hills and that from thence winning rice banke he might both famish the Towne and beate the market place how he further said that he intended to land in some angle of Scotland about Falmouth because boulewarkes there might easily be wonne and the people were for the most part Catholiques And further how at the same time Mounsier de Guise should enter England by the way of Scotland not only with good leaue but with aide and conduct from the Scots Vpon this discouery the King assembled his counsell at Windesor entred with them into deliberation whether it were either safe from him or to no disaduantage to rely so securely either vpon the strength or faith of France as either to refuse or neglect to afford aide vnto the Emperor and thereby happily incurre his hostility Many were of opinion that the King should condescend to aide the Emperor First for that if the King were desirous to hold the Emperor bound by the treaty made with the Kinges father he must also be obliged thereby Otherwise it was a lame halting league and could not possibly goe vpright Then for that if the Emperor should not be aided the house of Burgundie was like to be deuoured by the French whereby their greatnesse might grow dreadfull especi◅lly to England Then for that againe