against Philip was uncerteine Whiles the kings embassadors delivered these points in the assemblie of the Rhodians there arrived a post with newes that the warre was ended by meanes of a victorie ' atchieved by the Romanes against Philip at Cynoscephale These tidings being once heard the Rhodians past all feare now of Philip were of advise to meet Antiochus at sea with their navie For they had a second care besides which they neglected not to maintaine the libertie of those allied cities perteining to king Ptolome against which warre was menaced from Antiochus Some they succoured with sending aid unto them and others by fore-cast and geving them warning of the designements and enterprises of their enemies whereby they were a cause that the Caunij Myndij they of Halicamassus and Samos enjoyed still their entier freedome But needlesse it is for me to prosecute all the occurrents and affaires that passed in these parts considering how I shall have enough to do and hardly be able to set downe and go through with those that properly concerne the Romané warre At the same time also king Attalus was brought sick from Thebes to Pergamus and there departed this world in the 71 yeere of his age when he had reigned 44. This man was beholden to fortune for nothing els but riches that might commend him to the hope of a kingdome He employed the same with such wisedome and magnificence that first in his owne conceipt and afterwards in the judgement of others he was not thought unworthie to be a king Afterwards when he had vanquished in one battaile the Gaules a nation at that time newly arrived in Asia and therefore the more dread and terrible he tooke upon him to be stiled king and ever after caried a mind answerable to the grandeur and majestie of that name His owne subjects he governed with singular justice To his allies he shewed himselfe most fast and faithfull His friends he used with all kindnes and bountie A wife and foure children he had living when himselfe died and left his kingdome so sure and well setled that the possession thereof continued firme to the third discent and generation after him Whiles things stood thus in Asia Greece and Macedonie and the warre with Philip scarcely ended or at leastwise peace not fully concluded there arose a mightie warre in the province of Spaine beyond the river Iberus M. Helvius at that time was governour there who by his letters advertised the Senate That Colcas and Luscinus two princes in those parts were gone out and had taken armes that with Colcas there banded seventeene townes and with Luscinus the strong and puissant cities Cardo and Bardo that the whole sea coast which hitherto by open revolt shewed not their rebellions heart would doubtlesse upon the commotion of those their neighbours make likewise an insurrection together with them After these letters were red by M. Sergius the Pretour who had the jurisdiction betweene citizens and aliens the LL. of the Senate ordeined that after the election of new Pretours was past he to whose lot the government of Spaine fell should propose unto the Senate in all convenient speede as touching the warre in Spaine About that very time the Consuls repaired to Rome from their provinces who held an assembly of the Senate in the temple of Bellona and when they demaunded triumph in consideration of their good service and happy exploits in warre atchieved C. Atinius Labeo and C. Visanius Tribunes of the Commons required That the Consuls should speake severally by themselves concerning triumph for suffer them they would not jointly to propound that thing in the house to the end that equall and semblable honour should not be conferred upon persons of unlike qualitie woorth and desert And when Minutius inserred againe and said That the province of Italie fell unto them both in one commission and Cornelius seconded him with all avening That hee and his companion in government had managed all their affaires with one mind by common counsell and advise that the Boians who passed over the river Po against him for to succour the Insubrians and Caenomans were forced to turne backe againe to defend their owne by reason that the other Consull his colleague made such wast and pillage in their fields and villages The Tribunes confessed that Cornelius indeed had atchieved so worthy exploits in warre that there was no more doubt to be made of his triumph than of rendring praise and thanks to the immortall gods but neither hee nor any other citizen stood ever at any time in such grace favour and credit that having obtained the honour of a triumph for himselfe hee should impart that glorie unto his colleague and fellow if hee were so shamelesse as to crave it As for Q. Minutius say they he made some sleight skirmishes with the Ligurians not worth the talking of mary in Fraunce he lost a good number of his souldiers And with that they named T. Invencius and Cneus the brother of Labeo two colonels or Tribunes of the campe who were slaine in an unfortunate battaile with many a brave and hardie man besides as well citizens as allies And to conclude there were some few towns and villages colourably yeelded and rendred up for the time without any assurance and securitie These janglings and debates betweene the Consuls and the Tribunes continued for two daies but in the end the Consuls being overcome with the importunitie of the Tribunes were content to propose the matter distinctly by themselves And with the generall voice and accord of all a triumph was decreed for Cn. Cornelius The Placentines also and men of Cremona were a great cause that this Consul found more favour by reason that they gave him thankes and reported on his behalfe that they were delivered by his good meanes from the siege yea and most of them recovered from servitude out of the hands of their enemies Q. Minusius having only cast a proffer and made an assay of proposing his cause to the Senate seeing them wholly banded and set against him said aloud That in maintenance of Consular authoritie and by vertue of that place yea and according to the good example of divers noble and renowned personages he would triumph and aske them no leave in the mount Albane But Cn. Cornelius whiles he was still in office triumphed over the Insubrians and Caenomanes He carried in pompe before him a number of militarie ensignes he caused great store of French spoile and pillage to passe in a pageant upon charriots taken from the enemies Many noble men of Fraunce were led in a shew before his owne triumphant chariot among whom as some write was Amilcar Generall of the Carthaginians But above all others the goodliest fight was a number of coloners inhabitants of Cremona and Placentia who with bonets or caps of libertie on their heads followed his chariot Hee bare in triumph 237500 Sesterces 79000 Bigates of silver coine He divided among his
feasting and banquetting from my mirth and good cheere by his means have I bene haled hither not halfe waked bu t with mine eies full of sleepe to aunswere in the case of parricide forced I am to plead mine own cause without my counsell without my proctor or advocate If I had bene to speak in the defence of another I would have taken time to studie premeditate frame an oration And yet what was I to hazard there but the reputation of wit and lerning Insteed therof I not knowing for what cause I was sent for heard your majesty first wroth and angry as you were to command us to plead our causes then my brother who hath stood up to accuse me As for him he hath pronounced an Oration studied for devised long before hand but I was allowed no longer time than whiles I heard my selfe accused to bethinke mee what to plead or to examine take knowledge of the matter that he hath laid forth against me In that present moment of time could I thinke you so sodainly taken as I was either give eare to my accuser or consider thinke duly of mine own plea astonied so I was with that sodain trouble unexpected occurrent that much ado I had to understand what I was charged with so far was I from devising what to speake in mine own defence What hope should I have now and in what case were I if I had not my father for my judge at whose hands albeit I am not so well beloved as mine elder brother is yet since I am the partie defendant I ought at leastwise to find as much pittie and compassion For I beseech you ó father to save mee in regard of my selfe and you but he requireth you to take away my life onely for his own assurance and better securitie And what will hee do against me thinke you after you have made over the crowne scepter into his hands who now alreadie thinketh it meet and reason to dispose of my bloud at his good pleasure In uttering of these words the teares gushed forth so aboundantly that they stoppped his mouth so as uneth hee could either speake or draw his breath Then Philip after hee had commaunded them to go apart and communed a while with his friends spake said That he wold not decide their cause upon these words of theirs nor upon one hours debating but by enquirie into both their lives and observing their behaviour in deed and word as well in great matters as in small Hereby they all saw well enough that the accusation of the precedent nights act was sufficiently refuted and evicted and the only thing in Demetrius to be suspected was the over-great favour that the Romanes bare toward him This was the verie seed of the Macedonian warre sowed as one would say during the life of Philip but the warre was after to bee waged most of all against Perseus The two Consuls tooke their journie into Liguria the sole consular province of them both and because they had atchieved their exploits fortunately there ordained there was a solemne procession for one day It fortuned that there came two thousand Ligurians or thereabout to the utmost frontier of the province of Gaule where Marcellus lay in leaguer requesting to bee received under his protection Marcellus after hee had commaunded the said Ligurians to give attendance upon him in the same place required by his letters the advise of the Senat. The Senate gave order to M. Ogulnius the lord chiefe justice of the cittie to write backe againe unto Marcellus to this effect That it was more meete that the Consuls unto whom that government appertained should give order and determine as touching the Ligurians who yeelded and submitted what was expedient for the common weale in that behalfe than the Senate As for them if they were to give their opinion they thought it not good to accept of the Ligurians surrender and being once received then to be disarmed but they were of this mind and advise that it was requisit they should be sent and referred over to the Consuls The Pretours at the same time arrived in their provinces to wit P. Manlius in base Spaine where he had bene governour before during his former Pretourship and Q. Fulvius Flaccus in the higher where he received the armie of Terentius for that other side of Spaine beyond Iberus had bene left without a lord Deputie by occasion of the death of P. Sempronius the Pro. pretour Whiles Fulvius Flaccus assaulted a towne in Spaine named Vrbicula the Celtiberians made head and came upon him where many and sundrie hote skirmishes passed and wherein many Romane souldiours were both hurt and slaine How beit Fulvius held still his resolution and by no forcible meanes whatsoever could be brought to levie the siege The Celtiberians toiled out of heart with divers combats retired and departed The cittie then seeing their succours dislodged and gone within few daies was forced and ransacked and the Pretour gave the pillage thereof to his souldiours Thus Fulvius after hee had gained this towne and P. Manlius when hee had retired and rallied his forces into one place which had beene dispearsed without any other memorable act performed brought their armies within the wintering harbours And these were the exploits in Spaine during that summer season Terentius who was departed out of that province before entred the cittie of Rome in a pettie triumph by way of ovation He carried before him in shew eight thousand three hundred twentie pound weight of silver and fourescore of gold besides two golden coronets weighing 67. pound The same yeare the Romanes were chosen Arbitratours betweene the people of Carthage and king Masanissa as touching their territories came personally to see the place in controversie And thus stood the case Gala the father of this Masanissa had woon the ground in question from the Carthaginians Syphax afterward disseized Gala thereof and consequently to gratifie Asdruball his wives father freely gave the same to the Carthaginians and set them in possession again Now last of al even this very yeer Masanissa had dispossessed the Carthaginians of the same This matter was debated by the parties of both sides in the presence of the Romans with no lesse courage and servencie of spirit than at other times when they tried the issue by dent of sword in open field The Carthaginians laid claime and put in their plea For that first it appertained to their ancestors in right of inheritance afterwards was conveighed to them by the free gift and donation of Syphax Masanissa counterpleaded againe and alledged that hee had both recovered the said territorie as parcell of his fathers realme and also held it by the law of nations and that the case was cleere on his side in regard as well of the just title as also of the present possession wherein he was saying that in this cause he doubted nothing else but that the modestie of
now the Commonweale without any soveraign magistrat of the chaire and of State went together and made an Interregent and whiles they strove whether Consuls or Tribunes should be created the Interregent continued many daies The Interregent and the Senate laboured that there should be an Election of Consuls the Tribunes on the other side and their Communaltie were for the Tribunes Consular But the Senatours prevailed because both the people seeing they were to conferre the one office or the other upon the Nobles surceased to strive any more and also the cheese of the Commons chose rather to have that Election wherein they should not be once propounded than wherein they were sure to take the repulse as unworthie The Tribunes also gave over to contend any longer to no purpose and without effect seeming thereby somewhat to gratifie and pleasure the LL. of the Senate So T. Quintius Barbatus the Interregent chose for Consuls L. Papyrius Mugilanus and L. Sempronius Atratius Whiles these were Consuls the league with the Ardeates was renued And this is the onely evidence and proose that they were Consuls that yeare for that neither in the auncient yearely records nor in the kalenders of the magistrates they are found at all I take it because the militarie Tribunes were created in the beginning of that yeare and therefore although these Consuls were in their stead chosen yet their names were left out as if the other had remained in office the whole yeare Licinius Macer affirmeth that they are mentioned both in the composition with the Ardeates and also in the linnen bookes or registers in the church of Iuno Moneta Albeit there had ben so many terrors and bravadoes threatened from the borderers yet both abroad at home all was quiet And whether Tribunes onely or Consuls also chosen in the roome of Tribunes governed in this yeare certaine it is that the next following had Consuls M. Geganius Macerinus the second time and T. Quintius Capitolinus the fift time This was the very yeare when the Censors office came up first A thing that rose of a small beginning which notwithstanding afterwards increased to that height that it had governement of the manners and discipline of the Romanes and under the jurisdiction thereof the Senate and Centuries of the order of knights the distinction of worship and shamefull disgrace were reduced Likewise the survey of publicke and private Aedifices yea and the tributes revenues subsidies of the people of Rome were at the disposition ordering discretion of that office The beginning of which thing arose upon this occasion For that the people in many years space had not ben assessed and numbred and seeing the Cense could be deferred no longer nor the Consuls by reason of warres from so many nations imminent had leisure to goe about and accomplish that busines the Senat therefore made a motion that the charge being painefull and not for the majestie of Consuls to busie themselves in required a special Magistrate and a peculiar officer by itselfe Vnder whome should attend the Secretaries and Clearkes who likewise should the keeping and charge of the rolles and publick records and at whose discretion should passe the schedules instruments of all Assesments The Senatours therefore accepted gladly of this ouverture although it were but a trifling matter yet because there should be the more Magistrates of the Nobilitie Supposing I wene it would come to passe as it prooved indeed that shortly the power and wealth of those who bare the office should win more authoritie and credite unto the thing Yea and the Tribunes also made no great adoe but suffered it to passe being an office as it was in truth no other at that time rather of necessitie and attendance than of shew port or honour because they would not seeme to be crosse and peevish in every small matter When as therfore this dignitie was of the principall of the cittie refused the people by their voices chose to that Office Papyrius and Sempronius of whose Consulship there was some doubt to the end that by that office they might supplie and make up the defect and misse of a Consulship And of the exercise and function it selfe Censors were they called Whiles these things were a doing at Rome there came Embassadours from Ardea craving as well in regard of their most auncient amitie as also of the late league renued their helping hand for their cittie welnigh undone and overthrown For peace which wisely and by right good advise they had kept and maintained with the people of Rome they might not enjoy at home by reason of inward debate and domesticall quarrels The cause and beginning whereof as it is reported arose from siding and factions which have been and will be to most States more pernicious than forraine warres than famine or plague or other adversities which men at attribute to the anger and wrath of God as the extremitie of all publicke calamities whatsoever There was a maiden a Commoners daughter no better by birth but for her rare beautie of singular note and passing renowne whom two young men were suiters unto The one of the same condition or estate that the maiden was of and who relied upon her guardians and tutors who also were of that degree and calling the other a gentleman enamoured on her onely for her beautie As for him he had the good wils of the best in the cittie by whose meanes the strife of partaking entred even into the house of the damosell For the Gentleman in the mothers judgment was the more welcome and better liked of whose desire was that the maiden should be preferred by mariage and be most worshipfully bestowed The Guardians also banded themselves and laboured for their partie But when as the matter might not be ended within dores it came touit in law And when the reasons and allegations were heard both ofth mother and also of the Guardians the Iudges pro having amongst those of their bend and faction complained of that injurious award with a troup of men by force set the maiden out of the mothers house Against whom arose a stronger power of the gentrie and followed the young Gentleman who was incensed and set on fire upon this injurie offered Whereupon insued a cruell fray The Commons being defeated went forth there unlike to the Commons of Rome armed as they were out of the cittie and tooke for their hold a hil and invaded the lands of the Nobles with fire and sword and having gathered to them a multitude of Artisanes and handicrafts men whom in hope of spoile they had called forth they purpose and prepare to besiege the cittie also which asoretime had been altogether unacquainted with the like sturres In such sort as no kind of calamitie that followeth warre was wanting as if the poore cittie had been tainted infected and poisoned with the furious madnesse of two brainesicke young men seeking a wofull and deadly marriage with the
now be offended and so male content if they who have some new commoditie comming to them be enjoined also new labor proportionablie For never lightly is there travell any where without gaine nor gaine commonly without travell and emploiment Paines and pleasure things of themselves in nature most unlike yet by a natural kind of societie I know not how are linked together The soldier aforetime thought much to bestow his labour and service upon the Commonweale at his owne proper charges yet was he glad with all his heart that one part of the yeare he might looke to home husband his land and get maintainance to find himselfe and his both at home in cittie and abroad in warre Now taketh he contentment and is well pleased that the Commonweale is gainfull to him and with joyfull heart receiveth his wages Let him likewise bee content with patience to forbeare his house and familie since hee is at no great charge somewhat longer than ordinarie Might not the Common-wealth if shee would call him to a reckoning justly say Yearely pay thou hast performe therefore thy yearely service Doest thou thinke it reason to receive full wages for the whole yeare and to bee emploied but sixe moneths for it Much against my stomacke ô Quirites enforce I this point and dwell still in this one part of my Oration for in this wise ought they to reason that have mercenatie and hired souldiours but we will use them as fellow citizens and thinke it meet likewise that they entreat us kindly and speak unto us as to their native countrie Either it behoved us not to have begun the warre at all or els to proceed forward now it is begun yea and for the honour of the people of Rome to finish it with all speed possible And finished it will be if we presse upon our enemies thus besieged if we depart not afore we have accomplished our hope by the winning of Veij And surely if ther were no other cause but this even the very shame and indignitie of the thing might force us to continue siege unto the end In olde time the whole power of Greece laied siege full ten years to one cittie and that for one only woman How farre good god from their owne home how many lands and seas betweene Are we then loth and weary being within 20. miles of our dwelling place and almost in the sight of our ownecittie to endure the toile of one yeares siege Because forsooth we have but small cause given us to warre and not griefes enough that might justly provoke us to abide and see the end Seventimes alreadie they have rebelled In peace never were they true Our countrie have they spoiled and wasted a thousand times The Fidenates they have caused to revolt from us Our inhabitants there by us placed they have slaine and against all law of nations they were the principall instruments of that unworthie and unhumane murder of our Embassadours All Hetruria would they have raised up against us and at this day about it they go And when our Embassadours came to demaund amends they had like to have runne upon them and killed them And ought we then with these kind of men to stand at a bay and to warre coldly and by leisure But if so just an hatred as this move us not doe these things I pray you nere a whit move you neither Their cittie is environed and beleagured with deep trenches blocked with mightie skonces whereby the enemie is pent up and pinned within his owne wals His fields he cannot till and whatsoever was afore tilled hath been destroied by war If we dislodge and withdraw our armie backe who doubteth but that they not for desire onely of revenge but upon necessitie also and constreint to prey of other mens goods having lost their owne will invade and overrun our countrie So that by this meanes we defer not the war but bring it within our owne borders and confines But now as touching that which properly indeed concerneth souldiors of whom our good Tribunes of the Commons would now in all the hast seeme to have so great regard from whom ere while they would have wrested their wages but what is that I say A trench they have cast a rampier and platforme they have raised matters of exceeding travaile and labour so far about skonces at the first a few but after as their armie increased they have erected very thicke in every place Forts they have built not onely to commaund the towne but also looking toward Hetruria to impeach the avenues if any aid should from thence come What should I speake of the rolling frames and toures the mantilets and other Fabricks What should I speake of the tarraces torteises rams and all other engins of assault and batterie Thinke yee it meet that after so great toile and paines taken now that the workes at length are brought to an end these things should be left and abandoned that against summer we should be newe to begin againe and sweat a fresh about the same How much lesse travaile rather is it to keepe these munitions alreadie made to be instant and constant to endure and abide yea and to rid our hands of all the care at once For surely we may soone dispatch the service if it be plied throughly and followed on still without stay and if we ourselves by these intermissions and respites between e make not a long piece of worke of it and drawe our hope a length Thus much of the labour and losse of time What els Considering these so many parliaments these diets and Councels continually in Tuscane about sending aid to Veij can we forget the danger that we incurre by deferring the warre Indeede as thinges now presently stand I confesse the Tuskanes with the Veientians are angrie they hate them and denie to send and for any thing by them done we might win Veij out of hand But who dare warrant that if the warre be delaied they will hereafter be of the same mind Seeing that if the Veientians have any rest and breathing time given them they are like to send oftner their embassages and those more honourable than heretofore Also the King who newly is set up and created at Veij the onely thing that now offendeth the Tuscanes in processe of time may be changed for another governour either by agreement of the State thereby to reconcile the hearts of the Tuscanes or of his own accord who will not peradventure that his princely regiment should be hurtfull to the safetie of his subjects See how many things how many inconveniences follow and ensue upon that course and manner of proceeding The losse of the fabricks and fortifications with so great labour alreadie prepared and achieved the imminent and present wasting our owne borders the Tuscanes warre in steed of the Veientians These your devices o ye Tribunes are much what like to his that offering a sicke man some kinde of meat or drinke for the very present
of this new dignitie and promotion Some thinke that for his brother Cn. Cornelius his sake who had been the yeare afore a Tribune Militarie and had given to the horsemen triple pay hee was through favour drawne in and called to so great honour Others for that himselfe had picked out a convenient time and made a plausible Oration that both Nobles and Commons liked very well concerning the agreement and unitie of the States The Tribunes of the Commons rejoycing highly for this their victorie in the Election remitted and called in the Inhibition of the subsedie or imposition aforesaid the thing that most of all prejudiced the service of the C.W. By meanes whereof paiment was made in all dutifull obedience and sent it was unto the armie Then within short time was Anxur in the Volscians countrie recovered by occasion that on a feastivall holyday the watch and ward of the citie was neglected This was a yeare notable and famous for the cold and snowie winter so as the high waies were choked up and Tyberis was unnavigable Howbeit by reason of provision brought in aforehand the price of comarose not And for because P. Licinius as he entred his government without any troubles with greater joy and contentment of the Commons than indignation of the nobles so also ruled and executed it all the yeare long accordingly therefore their teeth watered the next election also to make Tribunes militarie of their owne bodie One'y M. Veturius of all the Nobilitie that stood in suit for the dignitie had a place among them But as for the other Tribunes militarie in Consular authoritie all the Centuries in a manner chose Commoners to wit L. Titinius P. Menenius Racilius Cn. Genutius and L. Attilius After this hard Winter either by reason of a distemperature and disposition of the weather suddainely chaunging to a contrarie or upon some other hidden and vnknowne cause there followed presently a contagious and dangerous summer by occasion of a pestilence noisome to all kind of living creatures Of which incurable maladie when as neither the reason could be found nor any end thereof seene the bookes of Sibylla were by a decree of the Senate perused and Duumvirs appointed for divine rites and ceremonies by celebrating a Lectisterne then first instituted in the citie of Rome to appease and pacifie Apollo Latona and Diana Hercules Mercurie and Neptune feasted them as it were for the space of eight daies together and for that purpose they set out three beds or banquetting tables with as magnificent and stately furniture as could be for that time possiblie devised Which solemnitie was privately also performed All the gates and doores through the cittie stood wide open all sort of viands were set out abroad to be used in common open house kept for all commers one with another as wel vnknown strangers as their acquaintance with all friendlie welcom interteinement Kindlie courteouslie would they talke and devise even with their adversaries all chiding and brauling was laid aside and put under foot The prisoners also for that time were enlarged yea conscience made afterwards that any should be laid or kept in yrons unto whom the gods had vouchsafed that gratious meede But all this while much trouble there was and many al'armes before Veij by reason that three warres were joyned now in one For when as all at once the Capenates and the Falisci came in manner as afore about the fortifications and trenches of the Romans for to rescue the besieged they were forced to make head and hazard a doubtfull bartaile against three armies But the best helpe they had was the remembrance of the late condemning of Sergius and Virginius Therfore having conducted by a neerer way their forces from the greater campe which before lay stil and would not come to succour they set upon the Capenates backes as they turned against the rampier of the Romanes The battaile there begunne made the Falisci also afraid in which affright of theirs they suddainlie sallied out of the lesser hold in so good time that they forced the enemies to turne their backes all quaking for feare And having gotten the upper hand they followed the traine of the victorie and in the chase made a verie great slaughter carnage of them And not long after the forraiers that wasted the land of the Capenates as they raunged abroad heere and there encountred the residue and remnant of this battaile as if fortune of purpose had presented them to their hands and swoopt them up cleane Also many of the Veientians as they fled backe into the cittie were cut in peeces before their verie gates whiles they within for feare least the Romanes at once should rush in made the gates fast so shut out the hinmost of their owne men These were the atchievances of this yeare And now approached the Election of the Tribunes militarie whereof the Nobles had in a manner a greater care than of the warre as who saw now that the soveraigne rule was not onlie parted with the comminaltie but welneer on their own behalfe quite lost Therfore albeit of set purpose they had prepared most noble and excellent men to stand in suite whom to passe by and overhip they thought the people would have bene ashamed yet nevertheles they themselves as if they had bene the parties that stood tried everie way and not onely sought the helpe of men but also craved it at the hands of the gods making it great scruple a matter of conscience and alleadging that the elections for two yeares past were not according to the will of God as appeared by this say they that in the former yeare there was an intollerable winter and such as portended some heavie judgements from above how also the yeare following there were no prodigious tokens shewed aforehand but even the verie events and effects therof were seene and felt namelie the pestilence both in countrie cittie through the verie indignation no doubt of the gods for that in the fatall bookes of Sybilla it was found out that they ought to have bene pacified for the diverting away of that pestilent influence As if in those solemne assemblies which ought in the name of the gods and religiouslie to be held the gods thought it an indignitie and unseemelie thing that the honourable offices of state should be made common no distinction of degrees no difference of houses observed but all confused and shuffled together The people therfore being driven into a maze not onelie in regard of the majestie and dignitie of those that were competitors but also of a verie remorse of conscience chose for Tribunes militarie in Coss. authoritie all of the Nobilitie a good part of them the most honorable personages of the rest to wit L. Valerius Potitus the first time M. Valerius Maximus M. Furius Camillus the third time L. Furius Medullinus the third time Quintius Servilius Fidenas the second time Quintus Sulpitius Camerinus the second time
For what interest or title had the Gaules in Tuscane They againe stoutly made answere That they caried their right in their swords point and that valiant men were lords of all the world So they were on both sides so set on fire that they ran to their weapons and skirmished with the Tuscanes Then against all law of nations a thing that hastened the destruction of the Romane cittie the Embassadours tooke armes Neither could this be so secret but it was known For even before the ensignes of the Tuscanes there were sene three most noble valiant knights of the Romanes for to fight so farre exceeded the valor of those strangers above all the Clusines Moreover and besides Quintus Fabius riding out of the battaile on horsebacke charged his lance upon the captaine of the Gaules as he fiercely assailed the ensignes and battaile of the Tuscanes ran him through and slue him and as he rifled and disarmed him the Gaules tooke knowledge of him and throughout the whole host notice was given that it was an Embassadour of the Romanes So leaving their quarrell against the Clusines they sound the retreat and threatened the Romanes There were of them that thought good presently to advance forward to Rome but the elder sort prevailed that there should be sent Embassadors first to complaine of the iniuries and to require that for the law of armes broken the Fabij should be yeelded unto them Whenas the Gaule Embassadours had declared their message according to their commission the Senate nothing liked of the Fabians deed and thought the barbarous Gaules required nothing but just and reason Howbeit suit of friends and private respectes would not permit to make an Act of that in personages of so great marke and nobilitie which they deemed meet and requisite Therfore to the end it might not be imputed to them and they blamed if peradventure any foile or overthrow should happen unto them by warring with the Gaules they referred the hearing discussing of the Gaule demands unto the people Where might and favour so much prevailed that even they who were in question to be punished were created for the yeare folowing Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authoritie At which the Gauls being offended as good cause they had with open threats menaces of warre returned again to their companie There were with the three Fabij P. Sulpitius Longus Quintus Servilius the fourth time P. Servilius Maluginensis Whenas now so great danger was toward neere at hand see how fortune blindeth mens eies when as she will have her sway and not be hindered that cittie which against the Fidenate and Veient enemie other nations bordering therby tried the utmost help oftentimes made a Dictatour now being threatned with a strange enemie never heard of before comming to war upon them from the Ocean sea and the farthest parts of the world sought neither for governour nor helpe more than ordinarie Even those Tribunes by whose rash dealing that war was first caused had the managing of all made no more choise nor mustering of soldiors than usually had been in common wars making but a light matter of it and of no consequence and setting little by and elevating the rumour of the warre The Gaules in the meane time having heard how for the nonce those breakers of humane law were soone advanced to honour and how their embassage was deluded and dalied with all on a fire as they are a nation that way impatient and in anger outragious pluckt up their standards forthwith and marched with all expedition on their voiage At whose noise and hurliburly as they passed by in such hast when as the townes thereby were put in feare and ran to their weapons and the countrie pesants fled away they with open mouth gave out and signified that they went to Rome All the way as they journeied what with horse and men both in length and breadth they tooke up a mightie roome in their march But what with the fame that went before and the messengers of the Clusines and of other people that followed one at the heeles of another this speedie comming of the enemies brought right great feare and terrour to Rome For notwithstanding that they went with a power of men in all hast sodainly mustered hardly met they them at eleven miles end where as the river Allia running downe from the hils of Crustuminum with a very deepe channell not much beneath the highway dischargeth it selfe into the Tyber And now by this time the whole countrie before them and all the coasts about were overspread with the enemies And as they are a nation naturally given to vain tumults and therein born bred with an hideous and dissonant kind of singing like a blacke Santus they filled all about with a fearefull and horrible noise There the Tribunes Militarie without getting aforehand a convenient place to pitch their tentes in without fortifying the same with any trench or rampiers whereunto they might safely be take themselves even without any regard of God whom at leastwise they should have been mindfull of if they had forgotten man without Auspices and bird-tokens without reconciliation to God by sacrifice full unhappily and in an ill houre ranged their battell devided into wings for feare of being compassed with multitude of enemies Yet might not the vaward answere the breadth of the enemies notwithstanning they made their rankes and files so thin that the middle ward of the battaile was weake and skant joyning close together On the right hand there was a little higher ground where they thought to bestow men for supplie which as it gave the first occasion of feare and running away so was it the onely safetie of them that flâ—d For Brennus the Duke or prince of the Gaules fearing exceedingly in that small number of the Romanes some stratageme and supposing that the higher ground was for this purpose kept That when the Gaules should have encountred with the forefront of the legions then the rescues would charge them both upon their backes and their flankes displaied and advanced his standerds against those in rescue nothing doubting but if he had once driven them from their holde upon higher ground on the plaine he should soone have the victorie considering that in number he overwent them See how the Barbarians had not onely lucke but pollicie also on their sides Contrariwise the Romans in their camp were nothing like themselves either for captains or souldiors Their mindes were so possessed with feare thinking of running away and so forgetfull besides that the greater part of them chose rather to flie to Veij their enemies citie although the Tyber were full in their way than to take the streight course to Rome to their wives and children For a while the advantage of the ground defended those that were for rescue but in the rest of the hoast so soone as they that were next heard the shout from the sides and those that were farthest off from
Romanes for good turnes past it well appeared that he pointed out directly the Aetolians girded at them Wherupon Alexander a principall and chiefe man of their nation inveighed first against the Atheniens who having bene in times past the head captaines and mainteiners of freedome betrayed now the common cause for love of their owne private flatteries Moreover he complained that the Achaeans who first served Philip in his warres and at the last when they saw him downe the wind and fortune to frowne upon him fell away like disloyall traitours and possessed themselves of Corinth to their owne behoofe practising also to compasse and gaine unto them the citie of Argos As for the Aetolians the first and principall enemies of Philip and alwayes allies and friends to the Romanes howsoever they had expressely and precisely covenanted in the league to enjoy their townes and tetritories after Philip was vanquished were notwithstanding put besides Echinum and Pharfalus He charged the Romanes with fraud and faiterie who pretending an outward shew a vaine title and colour of libertie held the cities of Chalcis and Demetrias with strong garisons and yet when Philip made some stay and hasting to withdraw and void from thence his armed guards they were ever wont to object and say that Greece would never be in freedome so long as Chalcis Demetrias and Corinth were in his hand and finally he alleadged against them that under pretense of Argos and Nabis they sought occasion to remaine still in Greece and keepe their armies there Let them quoth he transport their legions once into Italie the Aetolians would then undertake and promise that Nabis should remove his garison out of Argos upon composition with good will or else they would compell him by force and armes to be over-ruled by the puissance of all Greece united together in one generall consent By this vaine bable of his he roused Aristenus first the Pretor of the Achaeans who spake in this wife Never will Iupiter Opt. Max. quoth he and Queene Iuno the patronesse of Argos suffer that citie to be the recompence or prize betweene the Lacedemonian Tyrant and these pilling and theeving Aetolians to be brought to this hard point and these termes of extremitie as to susteine more miserie and calamitie when it is recovered by us than when it was woon and taken by him O Quintius it is not the sea lying between us them that can defend us from these robbers What will then become of us in case they should make themselves a fort and castle of strength in the mids of Peloponnesus Nought have they of the Greekes but their language like as they carie nothing of men but their shape and visage For looke into their manners their fashions and behaviour they are more rude and cruell than any barbarians nay they are more savage than the most wild and ravenous beasts that be We beseech you therefore ó Romanes both to recover Argos out of the hands of Nabis and also to establish the State of Greece in such sort that ye leave these parts also safe secure enough from the robberies theeving hostility of these Aetolians The Romane Generall Quintius seeing them of all sides to blame and rebuke the Aetolians said that he would have answered them himselfe but that he perceived them all so hatefully bent against them that more needfull it was that they were to be appeased than farther provoked And therefore holding himselfe satisfied and contented with that opinion which was conceived of the Romanes and Aetolians he said that he would demaund what their pleasure was to advise concerning the warre against Nabis unlesse he rendred Argos to the Achaeans And when they all were of one mind to make warre he exhorted them to send aids proportionably to the power and strength of each state and citie To the Aetolians he sent an embassadour more to discover and lay open their intention as it fell out accordingly than upon any hope he had to obteine ought at their hands Vnto the Provost Marshals of the camp he gave commandement to send for the armie from Elatia About this time when the Embassadours of king Antiochus came unto him to treat about alliance and a league he answered That hee could say nothing to them nor determine of that point in the absence of those Delegates abovesaid and therefore they were to repaire unto the Senat of Rome Then himselfe in person prepared to make an expedition and voyage against Argos with those forces which were brought from Elatia And when hee was about Cleonae Aristaenus the Pretour with 10000 foot of Achieans and 1000 horse met him in the way and not farre from thence they joyned both their forces and encamped togither The next day after they came downe into the plaine of Argos and chose a place to fortifie and lie in leaguer about foure miles from Argos Now was Pythagoras the captaine of the Lacedemonian garrison who had both married the tyrant his daughter and was his wives brother besides This Pythagoras against the comming of the Romanes had fortified with strong guards both the castles for two there are within Argos and other places which either had easie accesse or were suspected But as he was imployed in these provisions and preparatious he could not dissimule and hide the feare which this arrivall and approach of the Romanes strake into him and beside this forraine terrour from without there happened also an intestine mutinie within There was one Damocles and Argive a young gentleman of more spirit and courage than wisdome and discretion who at the first by interposing a mutuall and reciprocall oth had conferred with certaine persons of good sufficiencie about expelling the garrison but whiles he studied to strengthen the conspiracie and his owne side hee was not well assured of their fidelitie and could not judge which of them were true and which not As he talked upon a time with his complices the captaine of the garrison sent for him by one of his guard whereupon hee perceived that his complot was revealed hee exhorted therefore the conspiratours that were in the way to take armes with him rather than to die by torture upon the racke and so with some few about him he marched forward into the market place crying estsoones aloud That as many as loved the safetie of the common-weale should follow him as their head and maintainer of their libertie but no man mooved he with his speech to go after him and take his part for no hope saw they of any succour at all neere at hand so farre off were they from making good account of a sure guard of defence And as hee spake those words the Lacedemonians were come round about him and killed both him and his fellowes After this were others also apprehended the more part of them were slaine and some few cast into prison A great number the night following slid downe the wall by ropes and fled to the Romanes These
L. Aemilius Paulus who stepped forth and enformed against him in these termes That they had bene sent in commission to assist Cn. Manlius for the making of a peace with Antiochus and finishing of that accord and those covenants and conditions which were commensed and begun betweene him and L. Scipio Yet Cn. Manlius say they endevoured all that ever he could to trouble that peace yea and to have surprised and entrapped Anticchus by traines of ambush if he had ever come in his way or within his reach But the king being ware of the Consull his fraud and deceit albeit there was made great meanes many a time to have caught him by coulor of parley and conference yet avoided evermore not onely to have speech and communication with him but also to come within his sight And when Maulius would needs have passed over Taurus hardly and with much ado could he be keptback notwithstanding all the commissioners prayed and befought him to stay and not to hazard himselfe and incurre the danger of a notable losse and overthrow foretold by the verses and prophesies of Sibylla to light upon them that would passe beyond the bounds limited by the fatail destinies All this notwith standing he advaunced forward and approched with his armie yea and encamped neere the very pitch and top of the mountaine where all the water that falleth from above runneth contrary wayes into divers seas And when he could find no quarrell there for which he might make war because the kings people subjects were still and quiet he turned the armie about to the Gallogreeks against which nation there was no warre intended either by warrant and authoritie from Senat or by graunt and commission from the people And what man was ever so hardie and bold as to warre upon his owne head The wars against Antiochus Philip Anniball and the Carthaginians are most fresh in each mans remembrance and of all these the Senate was consulted with and the people graunted their ordinance Embassadors many a time and often were addressed before restitution amends were by order demaunded and last of all heralds were sent solemnly to denounce proclaime war Now tell me Cn. Manlius VVhich of all these things were done that wee may call this by the name of a publicke warre allowed by the State of the people of Rome and not rather a privat brigandage robberie of your own But contented you your self with this did you no more marched you directly forward and tooke you nothing but that which was in your way leading your armie agaisnt those onely whome you tooke to be your enemies or rather at all turnings and quarrefours nay at every sorked high way leading on both hands when you were at a stand followed not you like a mercenarie and waged Consull unto Attalus king Eumenes his brother with the Romane aremie what hand soever he turned and marched There was not a cranke and nouke but you visited there was not a corner that you left unsearched in all Pisidia Lycaonia and Phrygia There was not a tyrant prince not potentate there was not a lord of any borough or castle how farre soever out of the way but you had a saying to them to pill and poll them and to picke with out of their purses For what businesse had you with the Oroandians What had you to doe with other nations as innocent and guiltlesse as they Now as concerning the warre in regard whereof you demaund a triumph in what sort managed you it Fought you a battaile either in place commodious or time convenient Cerres I must needs say great reason you have and good cause to require that honor and praise be given to the immortall gods first for that their gracious will and pleasure was that the armie should not smart for the temeritie and rashnesse of their chiefe leader warring as hee did against the law of nations then in that they presented unto us not men indeed for enemies but very beasts and no better For yee must not think that it is the name only of the Gallogreeks which is mingled and compounded for long time before both their bodies and minds have beene mixed and corrupted and the men themselves bastard and degenerate from their first nature Had they been the same Gaules with whome we have fought a thousand times in Italie and with doubtfull issue and lost as much as we woon and every foot received as good as we brought thinke yee there would have returned one messenger from thence to bring us newes for any good at least-wise that our Generall there did Twise he came to conflict with them twise he encountred them in place of disadvantage mounting with his armie against the hill and raunged in the botome of the valley even under the enemies feet in such sort that if they had lanced no darts against us from the higher ground but onely come upon us with their naked and disarmed bodies they had beene able to have overcome us and gone over our bellies And what happened hereupon God-amercie the good fortune of the people of Rome wee may thanke I say the great and terrible name of the Romanes The fresh renow me of the late ruines and overthrowes of Anniball Philip and Antiochus amased and astonished as one would say these men with their so corpulent and mightie bodies with slings and arrow-shot onely were they discomfited and put to flight so affrighted were they There was not a sword once bloudied in all this Gaules war at the first twang of the bow and singing of the arrow they fled away like swarms of bees with ringing of basens And yet beleeve me even we the same no other as if fortune would admonish and shew what had become of us if we had affronted an enemie indeed in our returne when we fortuned to light upon certaine pettie robbers and theeves of Thrace were soundly beaten killed and put to flight and spoiled and well stript of our bagge and baggage Q. Minutius Thermus by whose death we have susteined a farre greater losse than if Cn. Manlius had miscaried whose rashnesse was the cause of all this calamitie and misfortune with many a tall and valiant man besides lost his life in this skirmish Our hoast bringing away with them the spoile and pillage of king Antiochus was dismembred and parted into three troupes the vaward in oneplace the rereguard in another and the cariages in a third were faine to take up their lodging one whole night amongst bushes briars and brambles and lurke within the caves and dennes of wild beasts Are these the brave and worthie exploits for which you demaund a triumph But say that you had received in Thrace neither domage nor dishonour which be the enemies over whome you would needs triumph in all the hast I trow they be those whome the Senate and people of Rome destined and assigned to be your enemies for so was triumph graunted to this L. Scipio here in place so
this flinching of his and absenting himselfe by intimation of another act and law provided in that behalfe namely That if he entred not into the citie of Rome before the Ides of November immediately following it should be lawfull for C. Licinius to proceed in judgement and give sentence against him in his absence This cord towed and haled him to Rome with a witnesse and when he was returned and entred into the Senat they were upon his top and gave him such a welcome thither as testified their displeasure and hard conceit of him After hee had been well baited and shaken up among them an act of Senate was entred in this wise That so many of the Ligurians as had not beene enemies after the time that Q. Falvius and L. Manlius were Consuls those the Pretours C. Licinius and Cn. Sicinius should restore and establish in their former state of freedom and that the Consull C. Popilius should set them out lands to occupie and possesse beyond the Po. By vertue of this arest many a thousand were set free and enfranchised who being transported over the river Po had land assigned unto them accordingly Now M. Popilius upon the law Martia promulged by the two Marij Tribunes of the Commons answered for himselfe judicially twise before C. Licinius At the third time the Pretour overcome with a respective grace and favour to the Consull absent the earnest praiers of the whole name house of the Popilij adjoiurned the defendant to make appearance in the court upon the Ides of March on which day the new magisrates were to enter into their offices and this hee did because himselfe by that time should be a private person againe and therefore not to sit upon the bench as judge to heare pleas and to determine Thus the foresaid act as touching the Ligurians finely shifted and cunningly avoided came to just nothing At that time the Carthaginian embassadours were at Rome with Gulussa the sonne of Masanissa betweene whome hard hold and much debating there was in the Senate The Carthaginians complained that over and besides the lands about which there had been sent commissioners from Rome before-time to view the place and to enquire into the cause Masanissa within the last two yeeres had by force and armes possessed himselfe of more than threescore and ten townes and castles within the Carthaginian domaine and territorie And an easie matter was it for him to doe who made reckoning of nothing nor had regard of any person whereas the Carthaginians were so tyed and obliged by their capitulations to the good-abearing that they held their peace for inhibited they were to beare armes without their owne countrey And albeit they knew assuredly that they should war within their owne confines if they desseized the Numidians of those peeces yet feared they that one expresse article of the accord wherein they were debarred in plaine tearmes to wage warre against the associates of the people of Rome Howbeit the Carthaginians could no longer endure his pride crueltie and avarice Sent therefore they were unto the Senate as humble oratours that to might please them to graunt one of these three requests to wit That either they might debate with indifferent audience before them being allies to both alike as touching the right of the one the other or that they would permit the Carthaginians to defend themselves by just and lawfull armes against unjust and ungodly force or else finally if partiall favour swayed more with them than the truth of the cause to set downe at once what their pleasure was should be given away out of their owne to Masanissa For they yet would have some gage of their hand and know what they gave whereas he himselfe had no stay nor would ever see to make an end so unsatiable was his lust and appetite But in case they might obtaine none of these points and that there could be found any fault or trespasse of theirs committed since the peace graunted unto them by Scipio then that they rather than any other would chastise them For leifer they had to live in servitude under the siegnorie of Romanes with safetie than enjoy such as libertie as should bee exposed to the injuries of Massanissa And better were it for them to perish and die once for all than to live and languish under the yoke of a most cruell and bloudie butcher At which words the tears trickled downe their cheekes and downe they fell at their feet Lying thus prostrate upon the ground as they moved pitie and compassion to themselves so they procured despight and malice against the king Then thought good it was to demannd of Gulussa what hee had to answere as touching these matters or els if he had so rather himselfe to declare before for what cause upon what occasion he was come to Rome Gulussa made answere That neither it was easie for him to deale in those points wherof he had no commission from his father nor for his father to give him any such charge considering that the Carthaginians shewed not unto him of what business they would treat ne yet made him so much as privie of their comming to Rome This only was known that there was a close counsell holden for certaine nights by the principall States of Carthage within the temple of Aesculapius from whence embassadors were dispatched to Rome with hidden and secret messages And this was the cause that his father had sent him to Rome to beseech the Senat not to give credite to the slanderous accusations that should be preferred against him by those that were common enemies as well to them as him who hated him for no other cause but for that he had continued so constant in his sealtie allegeance to the people of Rome The Senat thus having heard what they could say of both sides sat in counsell as touching the demands of the Carthaginians and at length commaunded this aunswere to bee returned How their advise and pleasure was that Gulussa should presently depart and goe into Numidia and give his father to understand from them that with all speed hee send his embassadours to the Senate as concerning those complaints which the Carthaginians had made of him also to give intimation and knowledge unto the Carthaginians that they repaire likewise thither to debate their contoverasies and differences betweene them And if it lay in their power to effect ought for the honour of Masanissa they would be as willing to doe it hereafter as they had been readie heretofore Marie to minister justice for savour and affection that they would not doe in any wife Willing they were that every man should know and hold his owne and keepe him within compasse neither minded they to set out new limits but to observe the old bounds Indeed they had granted to the Carthaginians after they were conquered both townes to inhabite and territories to possesse not to this end that in time of peace they should
unbound her head let her haire loose and pittiously called upon her dead spouse by name This lamentable wailing of the sister presently upon victorie and amid so great and publicke joy moved the prowd and haughtie young man to wrath and drawing out his sword there with ran the silie damsell through and with these bitter words rebuketh her also Get thee hence quot he to thy spouse with thy unseasonable and foolehastie love forgetfull as thou art of thy two brethren dead and him that is alive forgetfull of thy native countrey and the honour therof and so with a mischeefe goe she what ever she be that shall bewaile an enemie of Rome A cruell and horrible fact this seemed as well to the Senatours as to the commons but his late and fresh desart made it the lesse trespasse yet for all that was hee apprehended and brought before the king The king that hee might not seeme the authour of a judgement so unpleasant and odious unto the people and consequently of punishment according to the doome assembled the people together and said I ordaine Duumvirs to sit upon Horatius in triall of a criminall cause of felonie and to judge him according to the law in that case provided The tenor of the law runneth thus in a dreadfull kind of forme THE MAGISTRATES CALLED DUUMVIRS SHALL IVDGE THE PARTIE ACCVSED IN A CAPITAL ACTION OF FELONIE IF HE SHAL APPEALE FROM THE DUUMVIRS LET HIM TRAVERSE HIS APPEALE IF THEY OVERTHROW HIM THEN HOODWINKE HIM OR COVER HIS HEAD HANG HIM UPON A CVRSED GALLOW TREE BY A ROPE AND STRANGLE HIM HAVING WHIPPED AND SCOVRGED HIM BEFORE EITHER WITHIN THE POMOERIE OR WITHOUT By vertue of this law were the Duumvirs created who by the rigour of that law thought they might not quit so much as a guiltlesse person and having once condemned him then one of them gave sentence and said I judge thee O Publius-Horatius a murtherer and enemie to the state of Rome Goe Lictor therefore and bind his hands together Then came the Lictor and cast a cord about them But Horatius by the advise of Tullus a gentle and mild interpreter of the law I appeale quoth he So upon his appeale was the matter debated and to be tried before the people who were not a little troubled in deciding or judging this cause and most of all in regard of Publius Horatius the father crying out and saying That he deemed his daughter was justly and worthily killed otherwise hee would himselfe have punished his sonne by his fatherly authoritie Beseeching moreover that they would not now make him childlesse whom erewhile they saw with a goodly companie of children about him And there with all the old father embracing the young man and shewing the spoiles of the Curiatij set up and hanging in that verie place which now is called Pili Horatia i. Horatius his pillar And can yee indeed O ye Romanes quoth hee abide to see him bound under a gallowes yea and whipped and tormented whom a while afore yee beheld to march in great glorie and jolitie for his atcheeved victorie So unseemely and foule a sight as which the Albanes themselves can hardly suffer Go Lictor goe bind those hands fast which armed a little before wan the people of Rome their dominion Go I say and hoodwinke his head who saved and delivered this cittie from bondage hang him by the necke and strangle him upon a cursed tree scourge him and spare not either within the circuit of the wals so it bee among those javelins and spoiles of the enemies or without the wals so it bee within the compasse of the Curiatian sepulchres For to what place can you lead this young gentleman where his honourable acts may not save him from so unworthie and shamefull punishment The people could no longer endure either the teares of the old father or the constant resolution of the youth his son who shewed himselfe still the same not to change for any danger So they quit him in the honorable regard rather of his prowesse valor than in the right and equity of his cause Yet to the end that the murder so manifest and openly knowne should be in some sort expiate and satisfaction made therefore his father was charged to purge his sonnes sinne and make amends at the expences of the cittie Who having performed certaine purgatorie sacrifices which afterward belonged to the house and familie of the Horatij put a rafter or beame crosse overthwart the street and caused the young man with his head covered to goe under as under a yoke or gallowes which remaineth yet unto this day from time to time at the cittie charges repaired and they call it Sororium Tigillum i. the Sisters beame And in that verie place where Horatia was wounded and fell downe her tombe was erected of foure-square stone But not long continued the Albanes in quiet and peace For the common people finding fault and greatly discontented that the whole state of the weale publike was put into the hands of three souldiors infected so and poisoned the vaine and shittle head of the Dictator that for as much as plaine and upright dealing sped no better he began to win againe the hearts of his commons by crooked meanes and indirect courses Seeking therefore warre in time of peace as before in time of warre he sought peace and seeing his people had more heart than hand and their strength not answereable to their stomackes hee stirred up other nations openly by way of proclamation and defiance to make warre and reserved his owne men under a colour of league and consederacie for to practise treason and falshood The Fidenates a colonie of the Romanes having made the Veâ—entians partakers of their counsell and combined with the Albanes to forsake the Romanes when time came and turne unto them brake out and tooke arms When Fidene had thus openly revolted Tullus sent for Metius and his power from Alba and setteth forward against his enemies and passing over the river Anio encamped neere the confluent where both streames meet together Betweene which place and Fidene the armie of the Veientians had crossed the Tyber who put themselves in the right wing of the battell fast by the river and the Fidenates in the left neerer to the mountaines Tullus directly opposeth his owne forces against the Veientians and placeth the Albanes to affront the Fidenates The Albane captaine having as little heart as honestie and truth neither durst keepe his standing nor openly turne unto the enemie but by little and little withdraweth himselfe toward the mountaines and when hee thought hee had gained vantage ynough hee mounted up the hill with all his companies and with a wavering mind to spend the time displaieth his ranckes His intent and purpose was on what side fortune seemed to give the better with them to joine and take their part The Romanes that stood next perceiving their flanckes naked by reason of the departure of their
the end that the Dictator might be out of office before they made returne to the cirtie and so his word and promise like as the Consuls before him should come to nothing drave him perforce to leade up to his armie rashly and at aduenture against the hils This being an enterprise ill ordered and an error escaped fell out notwithstanding verie well through the cowardise of the enemie who before they were come within shot and the darts cast amazed at the venturousnesse of the Romanes fortooke their holdes which they had in most defensible places and leapt downe into the vallies ouer against them There was bootie and pillage good inough and abloudlesle victorie Hauing sped thus fortunately abroade in three several wars the Senatours and commons were not carelesse of home-affaires what would be the issue thereof The Bankers and Vsurers what with fauor what with subtile and cautelous pollicie had devised aforehand and wrought such meanes as might frustrate are and disappoint not onelie the commons but also the Dictator and put them by their expectation For Valerius after there turne of Velasius the Consull dealt first and above all other matters and causes at the Counsell table in the behalfe of the people that had atchieved such victories and propounded to know their minds What should be done with those endebted endangered and imprisoned persons Which motion of his being disliked and rejected I see well quoth he that I cannot please you so long as I persuade to concord and unitie with ye will trust me truely e're it be long that the comminaltie of Rome had more Patrons and advocates like my selfe As for me I will neither beare my citizens any longer in hand to deceive them nor be a Dictator in vaine to effect nothing Ciuile discord at home and forraine war abroade caused the State to have neede of this office Now when peace is gotten without behold it is crossed and hindered within yet had I rather bee present at the fight of a mutinie insurrection when I am a priuate person than whiles I am a Dictatour Thus went he out of the counsell house and yeelded up his Dictatourship with all The Commons saw plainly what the matter was and how upon a discontentment and griefe that he tooke in their behalfe for verie pittie and compassion of them he gave over the place and therefore as if thehad fully discharged himselfe of this faithfull word to them giuen for that there was no default in him but it had been performed indeed they accompanied him along home to this house with hearty affection praising and commending him all the way they went The Lords of the Senate began then to feare least if the armie were broken up and discharged there would be some secret conventicles and new conspiracies contrived therefore albeit the musters were taken by the Dictatour yet because the souldiours had sworne alleageance to the Consuls supposing they were still bounde to warfare by vertue of that oath and pretending a colour that the Aequians renued war they commanded the legions to be led forth of the cittie This hastened the sedition the sooner set it forward At first as men said they complotted and laid their heads together about murdering and making awaie the Consuls to the end they might be acquit of their oth unto them but afterwards being better schooled and advised that no mans conscience can be clered of scruple discharged of an oth once taken by committing a sinfull act and working mischiefe they withdrew themselves out of the way by the persuasion of one Sicinius and without congé of the consuls departed as farre as mount Sacer on the farther side of the river Anio three miles from the citie This is the riser report and goeth more currant than that whereof Piso is the author namelie that the commons retired themselves within a trench and rampiar and kept quiet for certaine daies neither taking nor doing harme as having caried with them such things onelie as were necessarie for the sustenance of their life Great feare there was in the citie and in this mutuall and reciprocall feare all men were perplexed and to seeke what to doe The commons sorlorne of their fellow commoners doubted the violence of the Senatours the Senatours againe stood in feare and jelousie of the commons that remained stil behind and were in suspense whither it were better they abode still among them or followed after their fellowes For how long trow ye will a multitude once disbanded rest in quiet Againe in case any forrain warre should arise in the meane time what might ensue there upon in the end In conclusion there was no hope behind to be looked for but in the concord of citizens and therefore the commons one way or other either by reasonable conditions or unreasonable were to be reconciled again and reduced into the citie there was no remedie So it was thought good and agreed upon that one Menentus Agrippa a saire spoken and eloquent man gratious with all and welbeloved among the commons for that he was from them d escended should be sent as an Orator to treat with them Who being received into the campe after that old and harsh kind of eloquence in those daies spake as men saith to this effect and told this tale and parable Whilome quoth he when as in mans bodie all the parts therof agreed not as now they do in one but ech member had a several intent meaning yea and a speech by it selfe so it besel that all other parts besides the belly thought much repined that by their carefulnes labor ministerie all was gotten yet all little enough to serve it and the bellie it selfe lying still in the mids of them did nothing else but enjoy the delightsome pleasures brought unto her Whereupon they mutined conspired altogether in this wise That neither the hands should reach convey food into the mouth nor the mouth receive it as it came neyet the teeth grind chew the same In this mood fit whiles they were minded to famish thepoore bellie behold the other lims yea the whole bodie besides pined wasted fel into anextreme consumption Then was it well seen that even the very belly also did no final service did no final service but fed the other parts as it received food it selfe seeing that by working and concocting the meat throughlie it digesteth and distributeth by the veines into all parts that fresh and perfect blood whereby we live we like and have our full strength Comparing herewith and making his application to wit how like this intestine and inward sedition of the bodie was to the full stomacke of the commons which they had taken and borne against the Senatours he turned quite the peoples hearts Then began some treatie of unitie and concord and among other articles it was conditioned and granted that the Communaltie should have certaine sacred and inviolable magistrates of
was no need that the people thus should gather togither for his meaning was to proceede onely by order of law and not with any violent course And so he cited her to the court minding to commense his action against her and put her in suite Then they that were present to assist her persuaded her to follow Now when they were come before Appius sitting judicially upon his tribunall seate the plaintife or challenger aforesaid declareth against her and telleth a tale full well knowen to the judge himselfe being the authour and deviser of the whole matter and argument Namely that the maiden was borne in his house and by stealth was from thence conveied home to Virginius and so was his supposed and reputed daughter this he averred to have certaine knowledge of by pregnant evidences and witnesses and would make proofe thereof to be most true and let Virginius himselfe be the judge whom the greater part of this wrong deeply touched in the meane while it was but meete and reason that the bond maid should go with her master The friends and advocats of the damosell having alleaged and pleaded in her behalfe that Virginius was absent and emploied in the affaires of common-weale and if he had word therof would not faile but be at home within two daies that it was no reason that whiles a father was away he should be in contention and controversie about his children they required of Appius therefore to defer and put off the hearing of the whole matter untill her fathers comming and that according to a law by himselfe in that case made and provided he would grant her to be at large and stand at libertie for to bring in proofest that she was not bond and that he would not suffer a maiden of those yeares ripe and readie for a husband to be more in hazard and danger of her good name than prejudiced in the triall of her freedome Appius made a long preface and discourse before his decree namely how much he favoured and tendered the cause of libertie and to that effect alledged the selfesame law which the friends of Virginius pretended for their purpose and demaund But so farre forth and no otherwise should there be in that law assured safegard of freedome as the case altered not in circumstance of causes and persons For this priviledge and benefit held onely in those that were claimed to bee free where any man whosoever might goe to law and plead As for her who was in her fathers hand and at his disposition there was no other man els unto whom the Maister that maketh challenge is to yeeld the right of his possession His pleasure therefore was and thus he decreed That the father should be sent for and that in the meane reason hee that made title to her should not bee prejudiced thereby but that he might lead away the wench promising and assuming to have her forthcomming and to present her in court at the returne of him who is pretended and nominated to bee her father Against this injurious decree when as many men rather muttered and murmured than any one durst refuse and contradict it P. Numitorius the maidens uncle by the mothers side and Icilius her espoused husband happened to come in place and having way made them through the throng and prease the multitude thought verily that by the comming especially of Icilius Appius might have been resisted and crossed But then the Lictor pronounced that Appius had passed an order and decree alreadie and put Icilius backe who cried out alowd for so manifest and horrible a wrong had been ynough to have mooved a very Saint and set on fire a right mild natured person Nay Appius quoth he thou hadst more need to set me backe with force of arms if thou wouldest goe cleare away and not be spoken to for that which thou wouldest doe in hucker mucker This maid I tell thee I meane shall goe with me I purpose to have her to my selfe an honest and pure virgine and enjoy her in lawfull marriage as my wedded wife call therefore unto thee all the Lictors besides thou were best that belong to thy companions cause both rods and axes to be made readie I tell thee Icilius his espoused wife shall not abide in any place without hir fathers house What although yee have taken from the Commons of Rome the Tribunes assistance and protection and the priviledge of Appeale two principall bulwarkes for defence of their libertie yee are not therefore allowed to rule and tyrannise and to fulfill your lust upon our children wives too Exercise your rigour and crueltie and spare not upon our backs and sides in scourging us yea upon our necks and heads also in taking them from our shoulders so yee forbeare to assaile our chastitie and honestie Wherunto if any violence shall be offered I will for my part call for the helpe of the Quirites here present in the behalfe of my spouse and Virginius for himselfe will call to the souldiours in regard of his onely daughter we will crie for helpe of God and man and cost it shall our lives before thou goe away with this decree and put it in execution I require and charge thee O Appius therefore to be well advised and looke how farre thou doest proceed Let Virginius when he is come see to his daughter how he dealeth about her and let him know thus much for certaine that if he give place to his plaintifes assertion and forgoe the present possession of her he shall goe seeke his estate and proprietie that he hath in his daughter As for me in this quarrell of maintaining the freedome of my spouse I wil lose my life before I faile in my faithfull promise to her made Hereat the whole multitude was moved and like it was that some mutinie and fray would presently have ensued For the Lictours had hemmed in Icilius on everie side Howbeit they proceeded no farther than to big words and high threats whiles Appius laid hard to Icilius That he did not this so much in the behalfe and defence of Virginius as being himselfe an unrulie person and even alreadie breathing forth a Tribunes spirit sought meanes and picked occasion of an uprore and sedition Howbeit for his part he would not that day minister unto him any matter thereof And that he might now well know that he did not this to feed his malapert saucinesse but in regard of the absence of Virginius and for the name of a father and the tender respect of freedome hee would not that day fit to heare and determine the matter nor award a definitive judgement in that case but would request Mar. Claudius to suspend his action and to forbeare and yeeld so much of his owne right as to suffer the maiden to be bailed and goe under sureties and to be at her libertie untill the next day But in case her father appeared not in court the morrow after he gave Icilius and such
these wordes full of ire and wrath the multitude of themselves gave backe and made way so the poore silly wench stood all forlorne and left as a prey to their injurious clutches Then Virginias seeing all past helpe and no other remedie Well Appius quoth he pardon me first I beseech thee if upon a fatherly affection and griefe of heart I have letfall some shrewd and curst words against thee more than was be seeming Then give me leave here before the virgin to enquire of her nourice the truth of this matter that if I have fathered her untruly I may goehence better apaid satisfied in my mind Leave being granted he led his daughter and the nource apart from the rest neare to the church of Venus Cloacina hard at the shops called at this daie Nova Taberna i. the new shops or standings and and there having caught a knife from a butcher he thus spake My sweete daughter no other meanes have I but this onely to set thee free and so he strake the damfell to the heart and looking presently to the judgement seat Here with this bloud I sacrifice thee Appius thy head to the divell Appius with the crie that arose upon so horrible a fact being much troubled commanded Virginius to be apprehended but he with bloudie blade in hand made way where he went untill with a number that followed him apace to beare him companie he recovered the gate Iulius and Numitorius tooke up the bloudlesse corps and held it alost to the people blaming and cursing the wickednesse of Appius pittying the unhappie and unfortunate beautie of the damsell and bewailing the hard exigent and extremitie of the father The Matrones followed after and cried Is this the condition and fortune allotted unto parents for getting bearing children Is this the hire and guerdon of chastitie and virginitie with other like speeches which in such a case women in their griefe of mind use to utter whose sorrow as it is more heavie proceeding from weake and tender hearts so it yeeldeth and affordeth more pittifull and lamentable words as they make their plaints dolorous mones But the men and Icilius above the rest had no other talke but of the Tribunes authoritie and the appeale unto the bodie of the people how they were taken away from them and of other publike indignities and common discontentments The whole multitude partly upon the hainousenesse of this wicked acte and partly for hope by this occasion to recover againe their liberties were all up at once in an uprore Appius one while commanded Icilius to be called another while for his disobedience and contumacie to be attached and convented before him At the length seeing no way made unto the Apparitours for to come by him passed himselfe with a crew of tall gentlemen of the Nobilitie that were of his guard through the throng and commanded to have him away to prison By which time there were gotten about Icilius not onely the multitude but the chiefe captaines and ringleaders of the multitude L. Valerius and M. Horatius who having thrust the ferjeant backe said withall that if Appius had anything to charge him with by order of law they would baile Icilius and maintaine his cause against him who was but a privat person but if he went about to offer violence he should soone meet with his matches Hereupon grew a fierce braule and broile The Decemvirs officer serreth upon Valerius and Horatius to lay hold upon them but his rods were by the multitude broken to fitters The Appius gerreth him up into the commonplace of audience for to speake unto the people Horatius and Valerius follow after him up to doe the semblable Them the assembly heard with patience but they hissed at Appius and cried out against him Then Valerius tooke upon him and commanded the Lictors to give attendance no longer upon a privatperson Whereupon Appius his heart was done and his courage quailed to standing in fear of his life he was same to cover his face and to withdraw himselfe in disguised manner tooke an house over his head neare unto the common place unknown to his adversaries there to save himselfe Sp. Oppius for to rescue succour his colleague rushed from another side into the place and there he might see force might to have gotten the upperhand of authoritie After many devises and consultations wherwith he was distracted framing himselfe to yeeld consent on everyside at length by the advise persuasions of many there about him in great fear he commanded the Senat to be called togither This appeased the multitude for that they were in hope that by meanes of the Senatours who many of them seemed to mislike the acts and proceedings of the Decemvirs that government of theirs should come to an end The Senat devised and tooke order not to provoke the Commons too farre and withall to have a more provident and specialleie that the comming of Virginius into the campe bred no mutinie in the armie Whereupon were sent certaine of the punie Senatours unto the hoast that lay encamped upon the hill Vecilius who advertised the Decemvirs from the Senat to endeavour all they could to keep the souldiors in good order from commotion and sedition But there Virginius raised a greater uprore and tumult than hee had left behind him in the cittie For besides that he was seene comming with a crue and traine almost of foure hundred men who incensed with the indignitie of the late accident accompanied him voluntarie from the cittie his naked drawne knife and himselfe bespreint and embrued with bloud caused the whole campe to turne their eies upon him Moreover their gownes seene in fundrie places within the campe made a greater shew of citizens in number than was indeed Being demanded of them what newes and what the matter was hee wept and for a good while held his peace At the last when as now the multitude that for feare ran confusedly togither began to stand still and keepe silence he declared orderly from the beginning to the end everything in particular as it was done Then lifting up his hands to heaven and calling to all his companions and fellow souldiors hee be sought them not to impure that soule act unto him whereof in truth Appius Claudius was the authour and cause nor to detest and abhorre him as a parricide and murderer of his owne children saying that his daughters life was more deare unto him than his owne if she might have lived free and honestly But when he saw her once haled by force as a bondmaid to be ravished and made a strumpet he thought it better to be berest of his children by death than by contumelie and reproch and so upon meere pittifulnesse incurred the shew and apparance of crueltie And but that hee reposed some hope in the aid of his fellow souldiors trusting that they would be revenged for his daughters death he would not have remained a livesman
wrong And if ever at anytime you meane to shew yourselves dread and to be feared when you have once recovered your Magistrates and ordinances againe when ye have the law in your owne hands to censure and judge according to your owne discretion then may yee give your doome of our lives and goods as each cause requireth Now for this time it sufficeth that yee claime and have your freedome againe Hereupon they all submitted themselves to the deputed Delegates permitting them to doe what they would Who seeing they had brought all matters to so good a conclusion promised to returne with al speed So they took their leave And when they had declared to the Senatours the demands of the Commons all thereft of the Decemvirs perceiving no mention at all made of their punishment a thing more than they looked or hoped for denied no one point thereof But Appius man of a fell and cruell nature and who above all the other was most odious and lay open to the malice of the people and measuring the hatred of others toward himselfe by his owne ranckour that hee bare against other men I wot well quoth he what ill fortune will betide me shortly and I see plainly that our adversaries hold off to bicker and buckle with us no longer than untill they have weapons given them in their hands To satisfie this their malice and hatred we must part with our bloud nothing else will content them For mine owne part to renounce my Decemvirship I weigh not neither passe I how soone I doe it Then was an Act made by the Senat that the Decemvirs out of hand should surrender their place that Q. Furius the Archbishop or High priest should create Tribunes of the Commons provided alwaies expressely that the mutinie of the souldiors and insurrection of the Commons should turne no man to displeasure and harme These Actes being passed and the Counsell risen the Decemvirs came abroad into the open place of assemblies and there to the exceeding joy of all men they resigned up all their power and authoritie Tidings here of were carried to the Commons by the mediatours aforesaid and looke what people soever remained behind in the citie went now forth to accompanie them As this multitude passed along forward they were encountred upon the way with another joyfull companie from out of the camp Who rejoyced mutually one in the behalfe of the other that both freedome and concord were restored to the cittie againe Then the mediators in the generall assembly of them all spake and said To the great good happinesse and selicitie of you and of the C.W. be it spoken Returned in Gods name into your owne countrie to your houses wives and children but see that as ye have demeaned yourselves modestly in your way hither hurting and spoiling no mans lands and possessions notwithstanding the neede ye were driven unto of so many things so ye carry the same moderation and stay of yourselves homeward into the cittie Go into the Aventine from whenceye came and there for good lucke sake where ye laid the first foundation and ground-worke of your libertie create ye shall your Tribunes of the Commons There will the high priest be readie and give attendance to call an assembly for the graund Election Great was accord alacritie and cheerefulnesse that they shewed in approving all that was propounded So from thence they turne their standards and ensignes and as they marched to Rome they strove avie with all they met on the way who could shew most joy and gladnesse they passe on through the cittie armed as they were yet peaceably and without noise untill they came into the Aventine Where the chiefe priest immediately held the Comices in which they created for Tr. of the C. first and formost L. Virginius next after him L. Icilius and P. Numitorius Vackle by the mothers side of Virginia all authours of their insurrection and departure then C. Sicinius descended from him in right line who was the first Trib. of Comm. created in mount Sacer as we finde in records and M. Duillius who before the choosing of Decemvirs had right worthely and notably borne the Tribuneship and in all combats bickerments with the Decemvirs stuck close to the comminaltie and never failed them After these were elected more for hope than any former defart M. Tilinius M. Pomponius C. Apronius Ap. Iulius C. Oppius Then C. Icilius immediately in the very entrance into the Tribuneship preferred a bill unto the Commons and the Commons enacted it That the departure and insurrection of the common people against the Decemvirs should not be laied to any mans charge nor bring him into trouble Then without farther delay M. Duillius went through with an Act of his own to wit That there should be Consuls created with reservation of libertie to appeale unto the people All these things passed in the Comices of the Commons assembled in the meddowes named Flaminia which now they call Circus Flaminius Then by an Interregent were Consuls created L. Valerius and M. Horatius who presently began their government Whose popular Consulship as it was without wrong doing to the Senatours and Nobles so it was not without some offence committed of their part For whatsoever was provided for the liberties of the Commons they supposed it abridged somewhat of their power and authoritie And first and formost whereas it was a question and cotroversie not well cleared in law Whither the Nobles were bound to stand to the Acts of the Commons they made a law now in a general Session by the suffrages of the Centuries That what ordinance soever the Commons being parted by Tribes had by their voices granted it should comprise and bind the whole bodie of the people By which law the Tribunes actes were armed with a most sharpe and keene weapon to strike withall Moreover The other consular law concerning Appeale the onely fort and strength of libertie which by the Decemvirs absolute power had been overthrowen they not onely revive againe but also fortifie the same for the time to come by making a newlaw forbidding expressely that no man should create any magistrate absolutely without the libertie of Appealing whosoever should create any such he might rightfully and lawfully be killed and that murder should not bee counted a capitall crime And when they had sufficiently strengthened the Commons on the one side with the benefit of appealing and on the otherside with the Tribunes power in favour of the Tribunes themselves that they also might seem sacrosainct and inviolable a thing now almost grown out of remembrance they renewed that high priviledge with certain solemne ceremonies which having ben of long time sorlet and neglected were now brought up againe and put in ure And they ordained them to be inviolate as well in a reverent regard of religion scruple of conscience as also by a speciall law in that behalfe provided namely that whosoever hurt
to reclaime their Commons to their due obedience to their Nobles saying moreover That the native countrie the common mother of them all calleth unto the Tribunes and craveth their aid now that the territories are wasted and the cittie at hand to be assaulted Whereupon they all agreed generally o decree a muster and presently to make a levie of souldiors And when the Consuls had pronounced before the whole people then and there assembled that it was no time as then to heare excuses but that all the younger sort should betimes the next morning by day light be readie to attend in Mars field and that after the warre was ended they would find out and appoint a time to enquire into their allegations and reasons that entred not their names and that he should be taken for a traitour and rebell whose excuse they allowed not the whole manhood and youth of the cittie shewed themselves the morrow after in readinesse Each cohort or regiment chose their centineres or captaines and every Regiment had two Senatours for their provost marshals All this was performed by report with such speed and expedition that on the very same daie the standerds and ensignes were by the Questors had forth of the Armorie and chamber of the cittie and brought into Mars field and by the fourth houre or ten a clocke the same day set forward and advaunced out of the field And this new armie with a few bands of old souldiors who willingly of their owne accord followed them marched on and rested at ten miles end The day following they discovered their enemies and at Corbio encamped close unto them And by the third day there was no stay on both hands but they must needes encounter and fight For why The Romanes for anger were sharpe set the enemies againe upon a guiltie conscience that they had so often rebelled were grown desperate Now whereas in the Romane armie the two Consuls were in egall commission yet gave Agrippa place unto his brother Quintius and yeelded unto him the entire and absolute command A course most profitable in the managing and execution of great affaires And being thus preferred he againe in curtesie answered and requited the others gentlenesse and inclination to submission in this wise by imparting unto him all his counsels by parting with him all his honour and praise and by making him his equall who was indeede his interiour and underling In the battaile Quintius commanded the right point Agrippa led the left Sp. Poslbumius Albus the Lieutenant generall had the conduct of the maine battaile And P. Sulpitius the other Lieutenant they set over the horsmen The footmen of the right point fought most valiantly and the Volscians received them with equall valour Sp. Sulpitius with his men of armes brake through the maine battaile of the enemies and albeit he might have retired himselfe the same way againe unto his companie before that the enemies could bring their rankes againe into order that were disaraied yet he thought it better to charge them upon their backs And in one moment he had discomfited and quite defeated his enemies by assailing them behind and thus affrighting them on both sides but that the Volscian and Aequian horsmen recharged him held him plaie in his owne fight and so kept him occupied a good while Thereat Sulpitius said it was no time now to linger and to drive off but to beltirre themselves crying out aloud that they were environed round enclosed within their enemies excluded from their owne fellowes unlesse they set to and bent their whole force quickly to dispatch the horse-fight and that it would not serve to put the horsemen to flight and save their lives but kill both horse and man that none might ride backe againe from thence into the battaile to renew the fight And to make head and resistance against him and his horsemen they were never able since that the maine thicke battaile of footmen had given him ground alreadie Good care they gave to his words and soone harkned to his direction with one entire assault they gave a fierce charge and defeated the whole power of the Cavallerie unhorsed and dismounted a number of them and with their javelins goared both them and their horses And there 's an ende of the horse-service Then they set upon the battaile of the footmen and dispatched messengers unto the Consuls with newes what they had done where also by that time the battaile of the enemies began to shrinke And when tidings came unto the Romanes that were alreadie upon the point of victorie they verely were more encouraged but the Aequians that were about to recuile were strucken with greater feare In the maine battaile first began the overthrow namely whereas the men of armes before had broken the array After them the left point also began to be distressed and driven backe by Quintius the Consull But in the right there was hardest hold and most a doe Where Agrippa being a tall man of his handes and young withall seeing in every part of the battaile things go better than where he was caught the ensignes from the ensigne-bearers advanced them forward his owne selfe yea and fell to flinging some of them against the thickest of his enemies For feare therefore of so shamefull a disgrace the souldiorsbeltirre themselves and freshly assailed the enemie And so on all hands alike they atchieved the victorie and won the field Then came a messenger from Quintius and brought word that he had the better hand and was now readie to give an assault upon the campe but would not breake in and enter thereinto before he knew for certaine that they in the left point also had gotten the upper hand and made an end of the battell In case therfore he had discomfired the enemie he should joine his forces to him that the whole armie altogether might gaine the spoile and pillage of the tents So Agrippa who also for his part was victor came to his brother Consull and the campe of the enemies and met with mutuall congratulation one to the other There finding but a few to defend whom they discomfited in the turning of an hand they brake into the rampier and munitions without conflict or skirmish and so besides the recovery of their owne goods againe which they had lost by the overrunning of the country they gained also a rich bootie and retired back with their whole armie I cannot learn that either they themselves required triumph or the Senat offered them any and no cause appeareth upon record why they should either refuse or not hope for that honor For mine own part so far as I can guesse in so long distance of times seeing that Valerius and Horatius who over and besides the conquest of the Volscians and the Aequians had the honour also of dispatching and finishing the Sabines warre were denied triumph at the Senates hand these Consuls might not with modestie sue for the same having performed but halfe the
good service of the others least if they had gotten it graunted there might have seemed more regard had of the persons than of the deserts But this noble and honourable victorie over the enemies abroad thus atchieved was obscured and foulie distained with a shamefull dome of the people in a controversie of their allies about the bounds and meeres of certaine lands The inhabitants of Aricia and Ardea having warred oftentimes one with the other about some lands in question betweene them and by giving and taking sundrie foiles and overthrows outwearied chose the people of Rome their Vinpire to decide and determine this quarell And when they were come with their counsell to plead the case the Magistrates graunted a court of Assises of the people Where was much arguing and dispute on both sides before them and after the witnesses were deposed and that at length the Tribes should be called to the scrutinie and the people give their voices there steps forth an old father one P. Scaptius a Commoner And I quoth he for my part O Consuls if it be lawfull to speake for the good of the State wil not suffer the people to erre and be deceived in this question When as the Consuls denied him audience as being an old foole and of no credite and commanded bim as he cried still that the publicke cause of the cittie was betraied to behad away he calleth for the assistance of the Tribunes The Tribunes then who lightly are ever over-ruled by the multitude rather than able to rule them yeelded unto the Commons That for as much as they were desirous to heare what the old man could say Scaptius should speak his mind at large Then setteth he the tale on end and beginneth thus I am quoth he fourescore winters old and three on the head of it and even upon that very ground for which all this strife and variance is I served as a souldior when I was no young man neither but one that had been prest to warres and received pay twentie yeares afore And it was I remember well during the siege before Corioli Hither am I now come to give evidence of a thing by long continuance of time worne out cleane and forgotten of other men but fresh in my knowledge and remembrance to wit that the lands thus litigious and in controversie had been sometime within the confines of the Coriolanes and after the winning of Corioli were seised by right of conquest to the Commons of the people of Rome I marvell much therefore by what custome and prescription the Ardeates and Aricines who never had right and interest and were not postlesled of the land so long as Corioli stood in prosperitie should hope to defeat the people of Rome thereof whom being the LL. in fee of the ground they had chosen for their Arbitrator As for mee I have but a small while to live and one foot alreadie is in grave and yet I cannot find in my heart but to that land which whilome I being a young and lustie souldior did my best to fight for and conquered with sword in hand make claime now that I am aged by word of mouth the onelie meanes left mee to recover it I advise the people therefore in good sadnesse that in a vaine respect of bootlesse modestie they condemne not their owne cause nor give away their right The Consuls marking well what audience was given to Scaptius and that he was heard not onely with silence but also with good liking and contentment cried out upon this abominable practise calling both heaven and earth to witnesse and therwith sent for the Lordes of the counsell and joyning with them went to the Tribunes fell in hand with them and instantly besought them not to go forward with this most leud action for the present a more shameful precedent for the time to come namely that Vmpiers and daies-men should convert the thing in suit unto their own and proper vantage especially considering that Admit it were a lawful thing for a judge himselfe to have an eie and regard to his own commoditie yet would there not be so much gained and gotten by comming thus betweene and interverting the land as there would be dammage and hinderance another way in alienating by those hard courses the hearts of their good friends and Allies For the losses verely and cracks of name and credit are such as may not be valued at any price And should the embassadours indeed say they go their waies home with this goodly catch and make report abroad how they have sped should our confederats heare this should our enemies come by the knowledge thereof with what griefe the one with what joy the other Thinke ye that our neighbour nations will impute attribute and ascribe this unto the speech made by Scaptius a prating old busie body one that loveth to heare himselfe speake in assemblies Nay this is certaine well may Scaptius be famous and much talked of in the playing of this pageant but the people of Rome shall incurre the obloquie to have acted the part under the visour of Scaptius of a cunning promoter and a false interceptour to himselfe of other mens right in suite For what judge at any time in a private matter hath done the like as to award the thing in question unto himselfe Why even Scaptius past all shame and grace as he is would never have done it These and such like words spake both Consuls and Senatours alowd in all their hearing But the covetousnesse of men and Scaptius that first set them a longing and their teeth a watering prevailed more than they all The Tribes were called to the Scrutinie of their voices gave judgment That the lands pertained to the common Territorie of the people of Rome Neither can it be denied but it would have so appeared indeed in case it had been tried before other judges But now for all the goodnesse of the cause is not the ignominie of the arbitrement one jote the lesse Nay the Aricines and Ardeates themselves thought not more shamefully and hardly of it than the very Senatours and Peeres of Rome The rest of the yeare continued quiet from all troubles as well domesticall as forraine THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the fourth Booke THe law concerning marriage betweene the Nobles and the Commons was proposed and with much ado enacted by the Tribunss of the Communaltie not withstanding the Nobles withstood it Tribunes militarie with full authoritie of Cousuls were created Vnder this kind of Magistracie was the State ruled for certaine yeares both in cittie and in warre The lands of the Ardeates which had been awarded from them by an arbitvement of the people of Rome were restored againe unto them and Coloners sent to inhabite the same In the time of a great dearth and famine at Rome one Sp. Melius a Romane
shall we suffer him to governe the Commonweale or no And whether will ye have our Consuls such rather as the Decemvirs the most wretched and wicked persons under the sunne who by your leave were at that time of the Nobilitie than strangers and new commers which of all the Kings were simply the very best But forsooth presently after the KK were deposed and expulsed there was not one of them Com. a Consull What of that ought no new thing to be ordained and which hath not been already taken up asore For many things have not yet been practised as in a state newly incorporat ought not such then to be put in use if they be thought expedient While Rómulus reigned there were no Bishops nor Augurs by Nyma Pompilius they were created There was no Sessing of the people at all in the cittie no description of Hundreds and Classes By S. Tullius they were instituted Coss. were never heard of before when the KK were driven out they were elected The time was when neither the absolute rule nor yet the name of a Dictator was knowne In our fathers daies it first began Tribunes Aediles Questors there have been none it was ordeined they should be made Within this ten yeares we have both created and also abolished our of the common-weale Decemvirs for the making and penning of our lawes And who doubteth but in a cittie founded for ever to endure and increasing still infinity there will be brought in new governments new priesthoods and sacerdotall dignities new priviledges both of kindreds and privat persons And even this one thing in question to wit that the Com. and Nobles might not joine in marriage were not the Decemvirs they that first within these few years made that Edict A most shamefull ensample and precedent in a free state and tending to the manifest wrong of the Commons Can there be any greater or more notorious injurie than that there should be in a cittie one part and member as defiled and polluted thought unworthie of the bond of marriage What els is this but to suffer exile and confining within the samewals when they debarre us that we should not be either allied in affinitie or knit in kindred They provide forsooth and take order that bloud should not be mixed nor families confused How then If this doe pollute this great gentrie of yours which most of you descended from the Sabines Albanes have not by right line from the Patritians but by cooptation and election into the number of the Nobles as being chosen either by the favour and graceof the Kings or els by the peoples voices after the KK were expelled could not your wisedomes have kept your bloud uncorrupt by some private meanes and provision namely by taking heed neither to espouse wives from among the Commons nor to suffer your daughters and sisters to be married to any other than Nobles No commoner ye might be sure would have forced a daughter of any noble house no these insolencies of lascivious lust are appropriat to gentlemen onely of the Nobilitie none of us would have compelled any of you against his will to make covenant and contract of matrimonie But y vis that by an expresse law it should be forbidden and that marriage betweene Nobles and Commons should be condemned that is it which to the cominaltie is a plaine contumely and open injurie And why conferre ye not and lay your heads together that the rich may not mary with poore That which at all times and in all places hath been a matter left unto particular pollicie consideration namely That into what house soever a woman cast a liking fancie there she might be married and into what familie a man obliged himselfe by word promise and covenant from thence he might take a wise even that restraine ye within the bonds of a most proud and tyrannicall law whereby ye might breake in sunder all civile societie and of one cittie make twaine Why forbid ye not by a positive law that a commoner should not dwell by a Nobleman or go the same way that he doth or frequent the same feast or converse in the same market or common place of assembly For in effect what difference is there if a gentleman mary a commoners daughter or a commoner espouse a gentlewoman What right I pray you or condition of state is thereby changed surely the children still take after the father Neither seeke we for any thing els by matching with you but only this that we may be reckoned in the number of men and of cittizens Neither is there any cause why you should so contend and stand upon it unlesse it doe you good to crosse and take a pleasure to exercise your selves in working us disgrace and shame Finally I would gladly know whether the soveraigne government of the state resteth in you or in the people of Rome When the Kings were driven out got you thereby to your selves lordly soveraigntie or purchased all men equall liberrie It must needs be granted that the people of Rome may at their pleasure publish and ordaine a law And will ye then as soone as any law whatsoever is by them proposed appoint a muster presently for their punishment and as soone as I that am Tribune shall begin to call the wards to give their voices shall you that are Consuls by and by sweare all the younger sort presse them to warfare lead them forth unto the field and menace the Commons menace I say the Tribune also What If ye had not twise alreadie good experience howe little these goodly threats of yours prevailed against the Com. when they agreed and stucke together it were somewhat Will ye say that ye forbare to strive ye tendered our good and for pittie spared us Nay rather to say a truth was not this the cause that no sray was made For that thestrongerside was also the more coole and modester of the twaine Neither O Quirites will there now I warrant you bee any combat nor blowes dealt they will alwaies assay and found what stomackes and hearts ye have but never will they seele your fists and trie how keene your swords be Therfore to these wars be they falsely pretended or truly indeede or reported O ye Consuls the Commons are readie prest to follow you provided alwaies that by granting them libertie of mutuall marriage ye will make at length this cittie one that they may be linked joyned and united unto you by privat alliance and affinitie that hardie and valiant men may have hope and possibilitie to honours and dignities that they may be allowed fellowship and societie in the Commonweale Finally that which is due unto equall libertie they may one with another in alternative course obey annuall magistrates and be obeied againe in their turnes If any of you shall gainsay and withstand these conditions prate still and talke at your pleasure of wars multiply and make them as many and as great as ye will There
afore the Senat about the sedition which Mecilius Metilius had raised by a Largesse of dangerous consequence such speeches were by the principall of the Nobles delivered that each one for himselfe confessed that now they were to seeke for counsell and saw no other helpe nor remedie but in the authoritie of the Tribunes to the protection and safegard of which Magistracie the Commonweale betooke her selfe and fled for succour as being beset with daunger like some poore private person and had no other means to save her selfe saying That it would be both for themselves and also for their authoritie an honorable thing if it might appeare that the puissance of their Tribuneship were not more imploied in molesting the Senate and making discord among the States than in resisting the peevish wilfulnes of their colleagues Wherupon arose a great noise through the whole companie of the Senatours whiles out of all parts of the Court there assembled they called upon the Tribunes for their helping hand Then after silence made they who for the favour of the Lords of the Senat were made aforehand to their cause declared and confessed that they were readie to crosse that act by their fellowes published seeing the Senate judged it to be prejudiciall to the Commonwealth These Tribunes for the offer of their good service were by the Senate highly thanked But the authours and patrones of the Act aforesaid calling together an assemblie of the Commons when they had inveighed against their fellows most sharpely tearming them betraiers of the Commons wealth and slaves to the Nobles and using other bitter speeches gave over their action and suit Two greevous warres had continued all the yeare next following wherein P. Cornelius Cossus C. Valerius Potitus Quintius Cincinnatus and M. Fabius Vibulanus were militarie Tribunes in Coss. authoritie but that the Veientian war was deferred by the superstitious feare of their owne princes whose grounds Tybris overflowing the banks had spoiled overthrown also the villages houses that stood therupon The Aequians likewise by reason of their losse received three yeares before made no great hast to aid and assist the Volanes a people of their own nation For they had made certaine rodes into the Lavicanes countrie confining upon them and warred upon the inhabitants lately there planted Which trespasse by them done they hoped to have ben able to maintaine by the banding and assistance of all the Aequians but being forsaken of their allies they lost both their towne and territorie onely by siege and one light skirmish and never fought for it anymemorable war L. Sextius also Tribune of the Commons assaied to make an Act that there might be sent to Volae as wel as to Lavicos Coloners to people it but by the negative of his confreeres who shewed that they would not suffer any Statute of the Commons to passe without the assent of the Senate it came to nothing In the yeare following the Aequians having recovered and woon againe Volae and brought a Colonie thither fortified the towne with a fresh power at what time were Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authoritie at Rome Cn. Cornelius Cossus L. Valerius Potitus Q Fabius Vibulanus the second time and M. Posthumius Regillensis The warre against the Aequians was committed to this Posthumius a man of a crooked disposition as his victorie shewed more than the whole course of the warre For having levied an armie in hast and brought it before Volae after some small skirmishes he â—amed the Aequians and at length entred the towne And when he had done with the enemies hee began to quarrell with his owne souldiors for whereas during the time of the assault he had given out by proclamation That they should have the saccage after the town was once woon he brake promise with them For I am induced to beleeve that this was the cause rather why the armie mutined and was discontented than for that in a towne lately sacked before and in a new Colonie there was found lesse spoile than the Tribune made boast of But this displeasure and anger once conceived was made the worse after that he returned into the citie for being sent for by his fellowes upon occasion of the Tribunitian seditions there escaped him an indiscreet speech I must needs say yea and without all sence wit and honestie Which he let fall in an assemblie of the Commons wherein it happened that as Sextus a Tribune of the Commons was preferring the law Agraria saying withall That he would propose an Act that Coloners should likewise bee sent to Volae for that they were worthie to have both the towne and lands of Volae who had by sword and speare conquered the same Posthumius caught the word out of his mouth And that shall my souldiors deerely abie quoth hee unlesse they bee more quiet Which word being overheard offended not so the Com. presently there in place assembled as the Lords of the Senat a while after Moreover the Tribune aforesaid an active man and eloquent withall having among his adversaries met with a prowd humourous spirit and an insolent and intemperate tongue which walked so freely and so long by his provocation that hee uttered these speeches which bred not onely ill will and displeasure to himselfe but also wounded the cause and the whole state of the Patritij This Sextus I say was busie and quarrelling with none of all the Militarie Tribunes more than with Posthumius And even at that time taking advantage of the same cruell and unhumane speech of his Here yee not ô yee Commons quoth he how hee threateneth mischeefe unto his souldiours as unto bondslaves And yet his beast yee will thinke more worthie of so great dignitie wherein yee have placed him than those that indue you with house and land that send you abroad to inhabite Colonies that provide habitation for you against old age that tendering your wealth take part and defend you against so cruell and prowd adversaries Begin now henceforth to mervell why so few take in hand to maintain your cause For what may they looke for and hope at your hands for honours which yee bestow rather upon your adversaries than those that are affectionate defenders of the people of Rome Yee sighed even now and groned again at the words uttered out of this foule mouth But what matter makes that If yee were now to goe to an election and to give your voices ye would no doubt for all that preferre this man who threateneth to mischeefe you afore them that are willing and desirous to establish your lands your dwelling places and the whole state of your substance and living But when that leaud language of Posthumius was reported once to the souldiours it bred a farre greater indignation besure within the campe How now say they is hee who hath intercepted our bootie and defrauded us poore souidiours of our due not content therewith but must menace mischeefe besides unto us as his varlets When
tooke armes by no publike commission yet such as would of themselves serve for hier or wages followed the wars At the bruit of which enemies for they were alreadie come over into the countrie of the Latines and Hernicks whiles Valerius the Consull mustered his men and levied souldiors M. Menenius a Tribune of the Commons a publisher of the Agrarian laws opposed himselfe against him And when as by reason of the protection and assistance of the Tribune no man would be compelled to take a souldiors oath against his will sodeinly newes came that the Castle of Carventus was by the enemies forced This dishonour thus received as it was a cause that Menenius was hated among the noblemen so it gave to the rest of the Tribunes who were alreadie framed and prepared to withstand the law Agraria more just cause to resist their collegue The matter being thus for a long time protracted by much debating the Consuls called both God and man to witnesse that whatsoever shame or losse either had been alreadie received or were like to be susteined by the enemies the blame should be imputed to Menenius who hindered the mustering And Menenius protested againe aloud that if the unlawfull landlords would surrender the tenure of the common fields which they unjustly deteined he would not stay the musters Then the nine Tribunes by setting down a decree between them made an end of the strife pronounced by authority of their colledge that they would assist C. Valerius the Cos. all contradiction of their collegue notwithstanding to award any penaltie restreint or chastisement upon them that refused to be enrolled for warfare The Cos. being armed with this decree and warrant after he had caused some few to be had away by the necke laid fast that called upon the Tribune for helpe the rest for feare were sworne to serve Thus the armie was led forth to the Castle of Carventus And although the souldiors were as odious to the Consull as wickedly bent against him yet at the very first comming having manfully and lustily dispossessed the garrison they recovered the fort The souldiors who were slipt away from the hold and gone a boothailing by their negligence gave the Romanes a fit opportunitie to enter and to surprise it And a good bootie there was by reason that they had continually gotten prises and laid up all there as in a place of safetie Which being sold in portsale the Consull commanded the treasurers for to bring the mony into the common chamber of the cittie giving out these words withall that the armie should then have part of spoile when they denied not their service in warre Hereupon both Commons and souldiors were more angrie with the Consull And therfore when as by a decree of the Senate he entred the cittie Ovant in a petie triumph the souldiors according to their licentious manner in that case permitted followed after with songs and sonnets answering one another in rude rime and grosse meerer by alternitive staves Wherin the Consull was greatly blamed but Menenius the Tribune his name was set out to the height his praises were blasoned and extolled aloft and at every time that he was named the affectionate favour of the people that stood in the streets appeared by clapping of hands and great applause striving avie to exceed the songs chanted by the souldiors Which caused the Nobles to looke to it and troubled them more than the malapert saucinesse of the souldiors with their Consuls which is an ordinarie and usuall fashion among them And Menenius who doubtlesse had ben one of the Militarie Tribunes if he had sued for it was excluded from that dignitie by an Election of Consuls So there were created Consuls Cn. Cornelius Cossus and L. Furius Medullinus the second time Never took the Com. the matter more to the hart that the Election of Tribunes escaped their hands which griefe of theirs in the Election of Questors they both shewed revenged For this was the first time that the Questors were made of the comminaltie so that in chusing of 4 there was but one place left for C. Fabius Ambustus a Nobleman and 3 of the comminaltie Q. Silius P. Aelius P. Pipius were preferred before yong gentlemen of most noble houses I find that the persuaders of the people to use their full libertie in bestowing their voices were the three Icilij descended of that house which ever was most malitiously bent against the Nobles who were for that year chosen Tribunes of the comminaltie possessed the peoples heads with a world of great matters after which they gaped greedily but so as they flatly gave out and said They would not stirre at all if the people had not courage enough so much as in the election of Questors which onely the Senat had left indifferent to the comminaltie and Nobilitie to effect that which so long they had desired and now by law was warranted Thus the Commons assured themselves hereby of a mightie great victorie and esteemed not the dignitie of Questourship to be the end and type of honor but that thereby they seemed to have made a way and ouverture for new risen upstarts to be advanced to Consulships and triumphs The Nobles contrariwise stormed not for that their dignities were made common and imparted to other but for the utter losse thereof protesting that if things went so on end they would neither get nor bring up children any more who being put from their Auncestours place and seeing others in possession of their dignitie should be disabled for bearing rule and authoritie in the stare and be good for nothing but onely to be made priests for Mars and Flamines for Iupiter imploied about nothing els but to sacrifice forsooth for the people Thus on both parts were their mindes netled and provoked whiles the Commons tooke heart and had three champions of great reputation to back them and maintaine their cause and the Nobles seeing all would prove like to the Questors Election if it lay in the peoples choise addressed themselves to the Election of Consuls which as yet was not so free and indifferent both for Commons and Nobles Contrariwise the Icilij persisted still and urged the point that in any hand Tribunes Militarie should and must be created For now it was more than time that the Commons had their part in offices of state But no Action hitherto belonging to the offices and charge of the Consuls had been presented unto them by the hindering whereof they might wring from them that which they desired and sought for But see how even then in wonderfull good opportunitie word was brought that the Volscians and Aequians were departed out of their owne Confines and made an expedition into theLatine pale for to rob and spoile To the which warre when as by vertue of an order from the Senat the Consuls began to muster the Tribunes laboured tooth and naile to hinder it giving out that this occurrent fortuned happily
to gratifie him withall to please his palate and to content his talage maketh his disease long and peradventure incureable who might have been recovered out of hand in case at once he would have resolutely endured the right cure of a skilfull physitian And certes if it were not materiall to the managing of this warre in hand yet would it import much to martiall discipline that our souldiors should be acquainted not onely with the sweet fruit of a victorie atchieved but also if occasion required longer time to abide this tediousnesse and to wait for the end of their hope be it never so long and if war be not finished in summer to stay for winter and not as sommer birds by andby in the fall of the leafe to looke about and seeke for housing harbour and covert Consider I beseech you and see The love and pleasure of hunting carrieth men into mountaines woods and forests through frost and snow after their game shal not we then use the like sufferance in the needfull exploits of warre which pastimes sports and delights are wont to draw and fetch out of us Thinke we the bodies of our souldiors so effeminat their hearts so tender and delicat that they cannot for one winter abide in campe and forbeare their home but must needs warre as men at sea watching times and seasons and observing the quarters of the yeare Cannot they endure both parching heat and chilling cold They would blush and be abashed verely if a man should therewith charge them and they would stand stifly in this and avouch That they had both in bodie and mind manlike sufferance and patience and that they were souldiors as well for winter as sommer and that they set not the Tribunes a worke for any patronage of cowardise shelter of idlenesse but remembred wel enough that their forefathers were not under shade for feare of sunburning nor had their houses over their heads for taking cold when they first created and ordeined that magistracie of Tribunes This rather is beseeming the valour of your souldiors this fitteth well the name of Romanes not to have their eie upon Veij onely and this warre now in hand but to seeke for fame and glorie both by other exploits and also with other nations in time to come And thinke yee that there would ensue hereupon a small crack of credit and hazard of reputation Would ye have the neighbour nations confining upon us conceive thus of the people of Rome That if a cittie could receive their first brunt and abide their assault for a very small while it neede not after to feare any more Or rather should not this dread and terrour of our name spread all abroad both far and neare That no wearisomnesse of long siege assault no violence of bitter winter is able to raise the Roman armie from any towne once by them invested as knowing no other ende of warre but victorie and whose manner of service is not by way of violent force more than of obstinate continuance which as in all other militarie occasions so in besieging of citties is most needfull the greatest number whereof being either by strong bulwarkes and other fortifications or by naturall situation impregnable yet by famine by hunger and thirst processe and tract of time only doth force and overthrow As it will I doubt not Veij at length unlesse the Tribunes of the communaltie succour our enemies unlesse that the Veientians find that reliefe and aid at Rome which they seeke in vaine throughout all Hetruria For can there ought happen to the Veientians so wishedfor as that first the cittie of Rome should be full of variance and then the campe as it were by a contagion from thence as full of mutinies But contrariwise I assure you amongst the enemies so good order there is and government that neither the tediousnesse of long siege ne yet the loathing of kingly rule hath caused any stur or garboile among them No not the deniall of helpe from the Tuscanes hath one whit troubled and distempered their mindes but die he shall forthwith that is the author of sedition Neither shall any man there be suffered to speake those words which are spoken here amongst you without any punishment or controlling He deserveth the bastanado to be drie beaten and well cudgeled that forsaketh his colours or departeth from his guard and quarter But here in open assemblies they that persuade and counsell not one or two souldiors but whole armies to leave their standerds and ensignes and abandon the very campe have audience with applause In so much that whatsoever a Tribune of the Commons speaketh although it were to betray the cittie and undoethe whole state ye are used to hearken and give good eare to him and being ravished and carried away with the sweetnesse of that authoritie yee suffer under it to lurke any misciefe whatsoever There remaineth now no more but this that the words they give out here with open mouth the same they might iterate in the campe among the souldiors to corrupt the armie and not suffer them to obey their captaines For to such licentious libertie they are growne at Rome that they feare and reverence neither counsell nor magistrate neither lawes nor auncient customes neither decree of Senatours ne yet the discipline of militarie service Now was Appius with his orations good enough for the Tribunes able to meet them at everie turne But see a thing that no man would have thought a losse and foile received before Veij made Appius to have the better hand of the cause wrought a greater unitie among the states and kindled an ardent desire to assaile Veij more hotelie and to beseege it with more resolution For when they had raised up a mount neere to the citie and approched in a manner to the wals thereof with their rolling towers roufed mantlets whiles I say they were not so vigilant in the night season to tend and watch these Fabrikes as they were busie and earnest in the day time to reare and plant them behold all of a suddain the enemies opened a gate and armed in great numbers especially with burning firebrands set all on a light fire and in the space of one hower consumed both the mount and the mantlets which had cost so long time in making And many a man besides that came to helpe but in vaine by sword and fire lost his life Which being reported at Rome made all men heavie and sad and caused the Senatours to take care and feare how upon this accident they might possiblie prevent and stay either commotion in cittie or mutinie in campe doubting least that the Tribunes would have insulted over the Common-weale as if they had gotten a great conquest At what time they that were by calling Gentlemen and so assessed and had no horses of service assigned them from the cittie after some consultation together among themselves suddainely came into the Senate and having libertie graunted of speech promised
Flamine dwelling in a strange place for every night he is absent taint with so great impietie both himselfe and the common-wealth As for other matters which we doe with great solemnitie by the direction of the Augurs and al well nere within the Pomerie or compasse of the cittie howe can we forget or neglect them Namely the wardleet or assembly of the Curiae for matters of warre also the other of Centuries wherein ye chuse your Consuls and Militarie Tribunes where can they be held if we respect the will of the gods regard the Auspices but in the places accustomed Shall we remove all these to Veij or shall the people repaire hither from thence with so great trouble and inconvenience to a desolate cittie forsaken of God and man whensoever they would hold those assemblies But the present necessitie they will say forceth us to leave a towne that is wasted with fire and wholy ruinate and to go to Veij where all stands safe and sound and not to put the poore Commons to the toile and charge of new building That this is a pretence and cause rather devised than meant in earnest if I should say nothing I thinke appeareth manifestly unto you alreadie ó Quirites who remember that before the comming of the French men whiles your publike buildings and privat houses were whole and whiles the cittie stood upright on foote this selfe-same motion was made and debated as touching the removing to Veij Consider now yee Tribunes what difference there is betweene mine opinion and yours ye are of minde that if it had not then been meet to be done yet now verely it were good and requisite I contrariwise but marveile not I pray you before you heare what I wil say am of opinion that albeit we might have then gone whiles our whole cittie flourished yet now we were not to leave it thus ruinate decaied For at that time we had some cause to remove into a conquered cittie namely Victorie a glorious thing to our selves and our posteritie but this removing now were reprochfull and shamefull to our selves but glorious and honourable to the Gaules For we shall not be thought to have left our countrie as conquerors but to have lost it as conquered And shall it be said that our running away at Allia the winning of our cittie the besieging of the Capitoll hath imposed this necessitie upon us as to leave our house and home and to make shifts to seeke our own exile and departure out of that place which we were not able to defend And were indeed the Gaules able to pull downe and rase that cittie of Rome which the Romanes shall not be thought able to reedifie and set up again What remaineth now in case they should come upon us afresh with a new power of men for certaine it is that their multitude is incredible and were willing to dwell here in this cittie by them conquered and by you abandoned but that ye gently permit and suffer them Nay What and if not the Gaules but your old enemies the Aequians and the Volscians would remove come to Rome would you be willing to have them become Romanes and your selves Veientians Would ye not rather that this desert and wast ground as it lieth were yours than to be a cittie peopled by your enemies For I cannot see I assure you whether of the twain wer more to be detested And because forsooth ye are loth to fall to building are ye resolved to abide these mischiefs these shameful reproches If throughout the whol citie there might not be built a more commodious or starely house than is that cottage there of our founder wer it not better to dwell in cottages like sheepheards pezants so it be among your sacred monuments and houshold gods than all at once generally to go into exile Our auncestors forefathers being a medley of divers countries no other than heardmen finding in these parts nothing but woods bogs in a short time built a new cittie out of the ground and are we loth having yet our Capitoll our castle safe the Temples of our gods standing stil to reedifie it now that it is burnt That which every one of us would have done if our houses had been fired refuse we altogether to do in the common skarefire of the citie Give me leave a little What if by some vilanie or by mischance there should be a skarefire at Veij and by reason of the wind as it is often seene the flame spred and catch and so consume a great part of the citie shall wee goe from thence by and by and seeke to Fidenae or Gâ—bij or some other citie neere at hand to remove unto Is the very native soile of our countrie and this ground which wee call our mother of no power at all to keepe us here but doth the whole love and affection of our countrie rest in the superficiall outside and in the timber and rafters of our houses Verily confesse I will unto you although I take lesse pleasure to remember the wrongs you did mee than the calamitie which I endured when I was absent and in exile so often as I thought of my countrie all these things ran in my mind the hils the plaine the Tybre the coasts all about which was my daily prospect and this aire under which I was borne and brought up All which ô Quirites let them move you rather now with an affection to them for to tarie still in this your habitation than disquiet you hereafter and torment you for the want and misse of them when you have once left forgone them Not without good cause both God and man chose this place for the building of this cittie most healthie and holesome hils a verie convenient and commodious river to bring in come and other fruits out of the inland parts to receive provision and other victuals from the sea coasts the sea itselfe neare enough for commodious and not exposed and open by too much neerenesse to the dangers of forraine navies the verie heart and centre of all Italie a place as a man would say naturally made and only for that citie to grow and increase in And that doth the verie largenesse and greatnesse of a cittie so newly founded plainely prove It is now three hundred three score and foure yeares andnot above since the foundation thereof ô Quirites Amongst so many Nations of greatest antiquitie thus long yee have made warre and all this while to say nothing of particular citties neither the Volscians together with the Aequians peopling so many townes and those so strong nor all Hetruria so mightie by sea aad land and containing the whole breadth betweene the two seas are in warre to you comparable Which being so what reason have you in the devils name when ye have had sufficient proofe alreadie of it to trie again new experiments considering now that albeit your valour and vertue may goe with you els whither
speed you ill â—eeth the glorie will be his but I unlesse the battell bee revived shall take such part as you all a most miserable and pitious case but the shame wil redound and light upon my head and none els Well at length they agreed and thought it best to abandon their horses to bestow them among the waving and disordered companies and on foot to make head upon the enemies Thus they goe both together as bravely minded with resolution as they were richly and gorgeously armed And in what part soever they saw the footmen most distressed there wanted neither in the Generals nor in the souldiours courage in the highest degree to fight it out lustily Well was it seene by the happie event that valourous endevors speed ever well For the Volscians the same way that erewhile they made semblance of giving ground upon a counterfeit fear now fled in good sadnesse as hard as they could A great number both in the conflict and after in the chase were slaine As for the rest that remained in the campe which presently at one brunt was woon more of them were taken prisoners than killed In the view and account taken of the captives there were some of them knowne to be Tusculanes who were shed apart from the rest and brought before the State-Tribunes And upon examination confessed flaâ—ly that they served by the publicke warrant of the cittie Camillus herewith disquieted for feare of warre from so neere neighbours said hee would forthwith have those prisoners with him to Rome that the Lords of the Senate might not be ignorant how the Tusculanes were revolted from their societie In the meane while his brother Tribune might if he so pleased have the regiment of the leaguer and the host That daies worke had taught him now not to preferre his own waies before the better counsell of another And yet neither he himselfe nor any man els in the armie thought that Camillus would quietly digest this fault of his whereby the State of the Commonwealth was driven upon so dangerous a point of downefall And as well in the hoast as also at Rome it was rise and currant in everie mans mouth that wheras the fight with the Volscians was variable and the service doubtfull For the ill speed the discomfiture and the running away L. Furius was all in fault but for the good successe Camillus onely had all the honour When the captives were brought into the counsell house and the Lords of the Senat were of opinion and determined warre against the Tusculans and had laid the charge thereof upon Camillus he requested to have an assistant joyned with him in commission and being left to his own choise to take whom he would of all his companions in office contrarie to all mens expectation he chose L. Furius By which moderation of his affections and good carriage of himselfe he both delaied the infamie of his colleague and wan himselfe great glorie and commendation Yet for all this proceeded not they to any warre with the Tusculans For they by their constant observation of peace kept off the violence of the Romanes which by force of armes they had not been able When the Romanes entred and invaded their territorie they went not so much as out of those places that lay neare the high way whereas the enemie marched they forlet not the tilling of their grounds but kept the gates of their cittie wide open came forth solemnly in their long gownes to meete with the LL. Generals in the waie and brought victuals right courteously to serve the armie as well out of the cittie as countrie Camillus having pitched down his tents before the gates and desirous to know whether there were the same appearance of peace within the wals as bare shew abroad in the countrie entred the cittie and seeing the dores standing open the shop windowes up all kinde of wares set out to sale upon the bulkes the Crafts-men and Artisans busily every one occupied at his worke the Gramâ—â—er-schooles ringing againe with a chirme of schollers learning and saying their lessons the streetes full of women and children amongst the other common people going too fro about their busines he could perceive no where about him any thing that carried a resemblance of fearefull men no nor so much as of those that made any wonder at their comming in that warlike order Thus cast he his eies into every corner seeking where this warre should be For there was not so much as any token to be seene either of ought removed out of the way or brought in place upon this present occasion but all in so setled quietnesse and peace as if they had scarcely heard any inkling or rumour of hostilitie Being therfore overcome with this patience and sufferance of the enemies he caused their Senat to assemble unto whom he spake in this wise ye alone to this daie of all that I know o Tusculanes have found the only armour of proofe the forcible sense indeed to save your selves and all ye have from the Romanes yre Go your waies to Rome unto the Senat there The Lords of the counsell will weigh and consider whither ye deserved more punishment before than pardon now I will not forestall and pick my selfe a privat thanke for a publike benefit At my hands ye shall have this favour and libertie to speake for your selves and plead your own cause as the Senat shall thinke good so shall your speede of your suit After that the Tusculans were come to Rome and their Senat who but a while afore had been faithfull Allies and kept their allegeance seene to stand waiting with heavie cheere and giving their attendance at the entrie of the court and counsell chamber the Lords of the Romane Senate were presently moved thereat and caused them forthwith to be called in and received by way of hospitalitie more like than hostilitie Then the Dictatour of Tusculum made this speech said Right honourable Senatours we against to encounter your Generals and Legions armed and appointed as ye see us at this present standing in the porch of your counsell house This was our array this was the habit of our Commons and alwaies shall be unlesse at any time we shall put on armes for you and in your quarel Thankes we yeeld to your captaines and to your armies that they have beleeved rather their eies than their cares and where they saw no hostilitie at all there they offered none themselves That peace which we have shewed and observed the same crave we humbly still at the hands of your clemencie Turne we beseech you from us your forces thither where warre is to be found And if we must needs make triall by suffering ought of your puissance and power bent against us we will trie it surely without armour This is our full resolution God grant it prove as fortunate as it is well meant and proceeding from a single heart As for the trespasses
devided amongst them Whether that everie one of them might in equitie hold the lands well neere of three hundred citizens and a commoner to have hardly ground enough for to build him a necessarie house upon and to serve for a place to burie his dead Also whether their will and pleasure was that the Commons oppressed with usurie should yeeld their bodies to beare yrons and suffer torment unlesse they paid theinterest before the principall And that daily by whole companies they should be had away from the barre condemned to thraldome and Noble mens houses to become goales filled and pestered with prisoners And wheresoever a Patritian dwelt there should be a private prison These indignities and piteous matters to be heard when they had with a loud voice charged upon them even before those that were affraid of the like measure themselves with more indignation and disdaine of all that heard them than they themselves shewed in the uttering and deliverie But these Senators say they and that they redoubled will never make an end either of getting more land still into their hands or spoiling and undoing the Commons with usurie untill the Commons make once out of their bodie one Consull for to be the maintainer and protectour of their libertie As for the Tribunes of the Commons they were now just nothing set by as who by their priviledge of Inhibitions and negative voices spoiled themselves and overthrew their owne power And never will there be any indifferent and equall course taken so long as the Nobles keepe the soveraigne place of commaund and the sword to strike whiles the poore Commons have onely the buckler hand to ward all venues For unlesse the government be parted betweene both alike the Commons shall never have their due and equall portion in the Commonweale Neither is it reason that any man should stand contented with this onely that in the Election of Consuls the Commons are eligible and capable of the dignitie for in case it be not concluded absolutely that one Consull at the least shall be of necessitie a Commoner there will never be any at all Have yee forgotten alreadie say they that notwithstanding an Act made That there should be Tribunes Militarie created rather than Consuls for this intent that Commoners might aspire and reach unto the chiefe place of honour yet for all that in 44 years space there was not so much as one of the Commoners chosen Tribune Militarie And will any man beleeve that they will of their own accord conferre upon the Commons when otherwise they may chuse that dignitie in the disposing onely of two places who were ever wont in the making of Tribune Militarie to take up eight roomes all wholly to themselves And will they allow them a way unto the Consulship who thus long have held the Consular Tribuneship so guarded as no man might have accesse thither but themselves Nay it must be gotten by a positive law which in their assemblies for Election by favour and grace might not be obtained One of the Consuls roumes must be set aside past all peradventure and question and that for a Commoner to enter into For as much as if it stand still upon a choise the mightier man will ever go away with the game cleere And whereas heretofore they have been wont to alledge and say That the Commons affourded not sufficient and able men to beare the offices of the chaire and of state that now can not be truely objected Forwas the Commonweale I pray you more slackly and negligently governed upon the Consular Tribuneship of P. Licinius Calvus who was the first Commoner that ever was made Tribune Militarie than it was ruled for those yeares space in which there was not a Tribune Militarie but of the Nobilitie Nay on the contrarie side it will be justified that some of the Nobles were condemned after they were out of their Tribuneship and not one of the Commoners And whereas not many yeares past we began to make Questors or Treasurers out of the Commons like as we did Tribunes Militarie the people of Rome repented never of the choise of any one of them It remaineth now that the Commoners beare the office of Consuls too That were a fortresse of their libertie that were a strength and sure hold to trust unto If they were once come and slept to that degree then may the people of Rome thinke assuredly and be persuaded that the KK are banished indeed out of the cittie and their freedome fully established for ever to endure For from that day forward shall the Commons be partakers of all those things wherein the Nobles now surpasse them namely soveraigne rule and authoritie martiall renowne parentage and Nobilitie great ornaments doubtlesse unto themselves to enjoie heere in this life but farre greater to leave behind them unto their children and posteritie These and such like Orations when they saw to be plausible and willingly accepted they preferred a new Statute That in steed of the two Duumvirs for holy ceremonies and matters of the Church there might be chosen 10 Decemvirs Provided alwaies that one part of them should be created forth of the Commons and another from among the Nobles The Session for enacting of all those lawes they deferred untill the armie was returned which lay then at the siege before Velitre But the yeare was come about and fully expired before the legions were reduced home from thence and by that meanes the whole businesse about these new lawes hung still in suspence and was put off unto the entrance of the new Tribes Militarie As for the Tribunes of the Commons the Communaltie chose the same againe even those twaine who had beene the proposers of those lawes And the Tribunes Militarie were these T. Quintius Ser. Cornelius Ser. Sulpitius Sp. Servilius L. Papyrius L. Veturius Presently in the beginning of the yeare they put it to the verie jumpe and finall triall what should become of those lawes And when as the Tribes were called and none of the Tribunes collegues stepped betweene to stop the proceeding of the law-givers the Nobles were affraid and ran unto their two last helpes to wit the highest and absosolute office and the greatest man among them They thought it good therfore to create a Dictatour And M. Furius Camillus was nominated who Elected unto him L. Aemylius for Generall of the horse The lawmakers likewise for their part against so great preparation of their adversaries armed at all parts the cause of the Commons with stout stomacke and couragious heart And having assembled an Hall of the Commons they called forth the wards to give their voices At what time the Dictatour accompanied with a great traine of Nobles full of wrath and menacing frownes tooke his place and set him downe And after the matter was canvassed first by the ordinarie conflict of the Tribunes among themselves whiles some propounded and others gainsaid the law with their negatives forces and that by how much in right
time M. Geganius P. Manlius L. Veturius and P. Valerius the sixth time At what time when as but for the siege of Velitre which was like to be for service a long piece of worke rather than for issue doubtfull in the end the Romanes were at rest for any forreine troubles the sodaine and unlooked-for newes of the Gaules war drave the cittie to chuse M. Furius Dictatour the fisth time who tooke unto him for his Generall of the horsmen T. Quintius Penus Claudius writeth that this yeare the Gauls were fought with about the river Anio and that there was that noble combat upon the bridge in which T. Manlius in the sight of both armies slew in single fight a Gaule that had challenged him andgiven defiance and despoiled him of his coller of gold But there be more writers that induce me to beleeve that this exploit was performed ten yeares after and that in this yeare the Gauls had a battaile given them by M. Furius Dictator in the Albanes land where the Romanes had neither doubtfull nor dangerous victorie although the French made them afraid at first in remembrance of their former overthrow Many thousands of this barbarous nation were slaine in field many also fell upon the sword in their campe after it was won Some were scattered fled and those most who tooke the way to Apulia saved themselves from the enemie both by flying so farre and also for that upon feare they were so distracted and parted one from another The Senatours and Commons agreed and made a decree that the Dictatour should triumph Who scarcely had made an end of that war but he was welcomed home with a more hotter and more dangerous Sedition within the cittie For after many sharp bickerings and contentions the Dictatour and Senat both were overmatched and overcome yea forced to accept the Tribunes lawes aforesaid And also malgree the Nobilitie and doe what they could there was an assembly holden for Election of Consuls in which L. Sextius was created Consull the first Commoner that ever fate in Consuls chaire But the broiles staied not there For by reason that the Nobles denied to approve and give assent thereto the matter was like to grow unto a Secession and generall departure of the Commons yea to other fearfull tearmes and perilous threats of civile wars and intestine troubles Howbeit by meanes of the Dictatour the flames were quenched and the discords appeased upon these capitulations Imprimis that the Nobilitie should accord unto the Commons to have one Consull from among themselves Item that the common people should be content that the Nobles might out of the Patritij creat a Pretor or Lord chiefe Iustice for oyer and determiner in causes within the cittie Thus when after long anger the two states of the cittie were growen to unitie and concord the Senate thinking it a worthie matter and good cause they had verely as ever any time before willingly to determin for the honour of the immortall Gods to set out those most stately Roman plaies And whereas before they had continued but three daies to ad one more to celebrate them full foure And when the Aediles of the Commons refused that charge and excused themselves the younger Gentlemen of the Nobilitie cried all with one voice That they would most gladly doe that service and honour to the immortall Gods so as they might be made Aediles for that purpose Thanked they were generally of all hands and the Senate made a decree That the Dictator should propose unto the people that two men of the Nobilitie might be Aediles and that in all the Assemblies and Elections for that yeare whatsoever passed should be ratified by the soveraigne assent of the Senators THE SEVENTH BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the seventh Booke TWO new officers of State to wit the Pretorship and Aediliship of the Chaire were adioined to the rest The cittie was sore visited with the pestilence which was more noted by reason of Eurius Camillus who died therein The remedie and end wheres whiles they sought to procure by bringing in new and strange religions at length they devised stageplaies which then first were set forth M. Pomponius a Tribune of the Commons arrested L. Manlius for his exceeding vigour in taking muster of soldiours and for confining and hardly intreating his owne sonne T. Manlius for no crime or hainous offence And the yoong man himselfe whose confining and misusage was laid unto his fathers charge entred the bed-chamber of the said Tribune drew his skeane and forced him to sweare unto him that he wouldlet fall his suite and proceed no further Then all mischiefes entended were laid apart and had an end Curtius armed at all pieces mounted upon a courser vode headlong into the wide gaping chinke or gulfe within the cittie of Rome and so it presently filled up againe The same yoong Manlius who had freed his father from the troubles of the Tribune entred into comb at with a French man that chalenged any one of the Romane soldiours to single fight flew him tooke from him his colar of gold which he ware about his necke afterwards himselfe and therof was called Torquatus Two Tribes more were added Pontina and Publicia Licinius Stolo was condemned by a law of his owne making because he held in possession more than 500 acres of ground M. Valerius a Colonell of 1000 foot killed a Gaule who chalenged him to fight and that by the means and helpe of araven that setled upon his morion and with tallons and bill annoied his enemie and there upon was he named Corvinus For which vertue and valourous Act he was the yeare next following created Consull being not full three and twentie years old Amitie was concluded with the Carthaginians The Campaines being warred upon by the Sammites craved aid of the Senate against them and when they could not speed yeelded their cittie and territorie to the people of Rome Whereupon it was thought good seeing both they and theirs were now become proprietarie to the people of Rome that they should be defended by force of armes against the Samnites When A. Cornelius the Consull had led his hast into a place of disvantage and was in great perill he was by the industrious service of P. Decius a Coronell saved Who having gained the hill top which commanded the ridge whereon the Samnites lay encamped gave the Consull opportunitie to escape and passe into a plaine ground and himselfe notwithstanding he was environed by the enemie brake through them and gat away The Romane soldiours left in garison at Capua having conspired to keepe the cittie to their owne behoofe were detected and their plot disclosed and for feare of punishment revolted from the people of Rome contrarie to their alleageance but by the pollicie and wisedome of M. Corvinus they were reclaimed from their outrage and restored againe to
which that something might be thought therby done both Consuls were made of the Nobles M. Valerius Corvinus the third time and A. Cornelius Cossus Now from hence forth will we indite of greater wars both for the puissance of the enemies and also for their far distance as well for their spacious countries they inhabited as long tract of time that they continued For this yeare began the Romans to bear armes against the Samnits a nation powerful in wealth and valiant in field After which war fought on both sides with alternative fortune there succeeded Pyrrhus their enemie after Pyrrbus the Carthaginians To see good Lord the wonderful stirs troubles and how often the Romans fel into extremies of perils that their dominion and Empire might arise unto this greatnes and high state which hath much ado to hold it own and stand maintained But the cause of the Romans war with the Samnits being in societie amitie linked together arose first from others and not upon any quarrel between themselves At what time as the Samnits warred unjustly as being more mightie upon the Sidicines they as the weaker and forced to flie for succour unto the richer banded with the Campaines Who bringing with them a greater name than power in deed to aid assist their Allies flowing in roiot and superfluous delights hapned in the countrie of the Sidicines to be foiled defeated by the other who had been inured hardned by continuall use of arms and so afterwards drew upon their owne heads the whole violence and poise of the wars For the Samnites letting the Sidicines alone went to the head and set upon the Campains as it were the verie fortresse and castle of defence for all the borderers For well they wist that there they might win victorie as easely but riches and honour at their hands they were to atchieve much more And when they had gained and held with a strong garison the hils called Tifata that were adjoining and commaunded the cittie Capua From thence they descended with a fouresquare raunged battaile into the plaine that lieth betweene Capua and Tifara where a second field was fought In which the Campanies had the overthrow and were beaten within their owne wals Having therfore no hope neer hand and seeing the strength of their youth greatly decaied they were constrained to seeke for aide of the Romanes Whose Embassadors being admitted into the Senate and having audience given them spake much what to this effect The people of Capua most noble Senatours hath sent us in ambassie unto you to crave at your hands friendship for ever and succour for the present Which amitie if we had requested in our prosperitie well might it sooner have begun but knit had it been with a weaker bond and not so durable For then remembring ourselves to have entred league and societie on even ground and in equall estate with you friends haply we should have beene as we now are but bounden and devoted unto you we had never been But now in case by your commiseration and pittie we be gained and won and in our distresse by your aid helped and relieved we must needs affectionately embrace a benefit from you received unlesse we would be thought unthankefull wretches and unworthie of any helpe either of God or man And albeit the Samnites have been before us intertained in friendship and confederacie yet we thinke that no sufficient barre but that we may also be received into the same Onely thus much it ought to make for them as to be preferred before us in ancientie of time and degree of honour For in that alliance between you and the Samnites there is no expresse clause no caveat or proviso contained against the making of any new confederacies And certes alwaies heretofore ye have thought it cause good enough of your friendship if the partie who sought the same were but willing and desirous to be your friend Wee Campaines albeit our present condition suffereth us not to speake magnifically giving place to no nation but yourselves either for the stately port of our cittie or goodnesie and fruitfulnesse of our soile in entering into your acquaintance shall not a little I suppose increase and better your good estate And first for the Aequians and Volscians those eternall and perpetuall enemies of this cittie they shall not so soone at any time stirre and put out their heads but we will be streight upon their jacks And looke what ye first shall find in your hearts to doe for our safetie the same will we alwaies doe for your Empire and honour And when those nations be once subdued that are betwen you and us which your vertue and fortunat felicitie promiseth will be shorly then shal your dominion reach all the way in a continued train as farre as unto us A pitifull and lamentable case it is that our present fortune urgeth us to confesse To this exigent and hard termes of extremitie are we Campaines driven right honourable that subject we must be either to our friends or to our enemies If ye defend us yours will we be forsake us once we must be the Samnites Consult yee now therfore deliberately whether ye had leifer that Capua and all the territorie of Capua should be annexed unto your power and State or added to the Samnites Seignorie Your mercy your succour ô Noble Romanes ought in equitie to extend unto all men but especially unto those who by yeelding their reliefe and helping hand even above their power unto others that implored and humbly besought succour are now themselves fallen all into the same streights of necessitie And yet to say a truth we fought in shew and semblance of word for the Sidicines but in verie deed and effect for our owne selves For considering a neighbour nation bordering even vpon us to be robbed and spoiled most wrongfully by the Samnites we well foresaw that when the Sidicines were once set a burning the same fire would soone be driven and reach unto us For now are not the Samnites come to assaile us as discontented for any injurie received but as well pleased that they have cause of quarrell offred and presented unto them For if it had been but a revenge onely of anger upon some pretended wrong and not a meane and occasion to satisfie their greedie appetite had it not been enough for them that they had vanquished and put to the sword our Legions once in the Sidicine countrie and a second time in Campaine itselfe our owne territorie What a cankred and mortall malice is this which bloodshed and massacres in two battailes cannot satiate or asswage Besides the wasting of our fields the driving away of booties as well of people as cattell the firing of villages the ruine and havocke they made and in everie place nothing but fire and sword Could not their anger and wrath have beene satisfied with all this But it is their greedie and unsatiable covetousnes and
the common people both by reason of felaunderous and accusatorie Invectives made against the Nobles and for that it enacted three statutes most favourable and pleasing to the Commons and as crosse and adverse to the Nobilitie first That the Actes devised and enacted by the Commons should bind all the Qutrites or cittizens of Rome secondly That all lawes which were proposed and to passe by the suffrages of the Centuries before the Scrutinie began their voices gathered the nobles should allow and approve thirdly That for as much as they were come thus farre alreadie that both the Censors might be of the Commons now one censour at the least should be a Commoner of necessitie In so much as the Nobles thought verily that there was more lost at home this yeare by these Consuls and Dictatour than gained to the Empire abroad by their victories and warlike exploites In the yeare following when C. Furlus Camillus and Q. Maenius were Consuls to the end that Aemylius the Consull of the former yeare might be more notably reproched for the quitting and letting slip of a victorie that should have bene atchieved in his yeare the Senate began to mutter in their speeches that Pedum by force of armes by valour of men and all possible means whatsoever should be destroied and rased to the ground Whereupon the new Consuls being forced to lay aside all other affaires and to go in hand with that service first rooke their journey thither Now was Latium growne to those termes as they could neither abide warre nor indure peace To maintaine the wars they wanted meanes and peace they could not away with nor abide to here of never since the losse of their lands So they thought best to hold a middle course to stand upon their guard and to keepe themselves within their townes that the Romans being not provoked should make no quarrell of warre and if there were tidings brought of any town beleaguerd there might be aid sent from all parts to the besieged And yet for all this were the Pedanes succoured but of verie few The Tiburtines and Praenestines whose countrie lay neerest came to Pedum But for the Aricines Lanuvines and Veliternes who joined their forces with the Antiates and Volscians were suddainly assailed and set upon neer the river Astura by Menius and vanquished Camillus fought before Pedum with the Tiburtines who came into the field with a right puissant armie and put him to much trouble hazard howbeit he had as good successe in the end as Menius The greatest tumult trouble was caused especially by occasion of a suddaine fally of the townsmen in the verie time of the conflict Against whom after that Camillus had opposed part of his forces to make head he not only drave them within the wals but the same day also when he had discomfited both them and their succors he skaled the town was master thereof Then it was thought good with greater preparation of power couragious resolution after the winning of that one citie to go about with the victorious armie from one to another and so to subdue and tame for ever the whole nation and name of Latium Neither rested they untill partly by maine force and partly by taking one cittie after another by way of surrender they had brought all Latium under their subjection After this having disposed and placed garrisons in everie town which they had gotten they departed to Rome for triumph which was to them by a generall consent of all men granted Besides their triumph this honour was to them done that two statues of horsemen a rare thing in those daies should be erected for them in the Grand place called Forum But before that they gathered the suffrages of the people in the assembly for Election of Coss. against the yere following Camillus in this wife made a speech to the Senat touching the Latine nations My LL. and Senators of Rome That which by warre and force of armes was to be done in Latium is now by God his goodnes and the valour of our soldiours brought to good passe The armies of our enemies slain before Pedum and Astura The Latine townes all and Antium a cittie of the Volscians either by force woon or rendred by composition are now held and kept to your behoose by your owne garisons It remaineth now to consult for as much as they troubleus oft by rebellion and to devise some meanes how to keepe them quiet in continuall peace In this consultation the immortal gods have given you thus much power to resolve upon that it lieth wholly in your hands to chuse whether Latium shall continue still a nation or no and therfore may ye for ever procure your selves repose and securitie from thence either by rigour punishment or by clemencie and pardon chuse you whether Are ye minded to proceed by way of crueltie against those that have yeelded themselves are vanquished Ye may indeed destroy all Latium and make all wast and a desart wildernesse from whence oftentimes in sundrie and dangerous wars of yours ye have had the helpe of an armie of Allies and found them fast and valorous But will ye as your ancestors have done before you enlarge the Roman Empire by receiving unto your citie those whom ye have conquered Then have ye matter means to grow up still and wax mightie to your great honour and glorie Certes that governement and dominion is of all other most strong and sure wherein the subjects take joy in their obedience But whatsoever you meane to determine in this behalfe yee had need to make speed and resolve betimes So many nations yee hold in suspense of mind betweene feare and hope and therefore behoofull it is that you both rid and deliver your selves as soon as you can of the care they put you to and also whiles their heads are busied and minds unresolved standing as they doe amased in doubtfull expectation either by punishment or by benefit to forestall and prevent them before they take heart againe For our part it was hitherto and devoire to effect bring about that yee might be able to dispose of all at your pleasure and as you would your selves now your dutie it is to determine what is best for your selves and the Commonweale The lords and chiefe of the Senat praised this motion of the Cos. and deemed it good in generall But for as much as the condition of the parties was divers and their cause not all one they said that they might resolve and determine best according to the desert of each state if they were specified by name and the opinions asked in particular So they fel to consultation of them severally as they were propounded and set downe this order and decree Imprimis that the Lanuvines be enfranchised citizens of Rome and enjoy againe their owne religion and sacred ceremonies with this proviso that the chappell and grove of Iuno Sospita should be common to the
to give the enemies battel during his absence But Fabius after the Dictatours departure advertised by the espials that the enemies were even as carelesse as loose and disordred as if there had been no Romane in Samnium whether it were that being a stout and lustie young gentleman he tooke foule skoâ—e and thought it an indignitie that all should seeme to rest in the Dictatour onely or that he was induced with the good opportunitie of doing some brave exploit I wot not but he went forth with an armie in order of battaile to Imbrinium that was the places name and there fought a field with the Samnites But such was the happie yssue of this battaile that if the Dictatour himselfe had been there in person it could not have been better managed For neither captaine failed his soldiors nor soldiors their captaine The horsemen also under the leading of L. Ceminius a Colonell by his place who sundrie times charged and recharged againe and could not with force breake the enemies arraies unbridled their horses and so ran them all on the spurre that no strength was able to abide them such an havocke such a lane made they all about over armour and men The footmen seconding this hote charge of the horse advanced the ensignes against the enemies thus put in disaray and twentie thousand men by report were that day slaine In some authors I find that twice in the Dictators absence hee fought and twice had the upper hand But in the most ancient writers I read but of one battaile In some Chronicles the whole matter is passed over and left out clean The General of the horse having gained a mightie masse of spoile as otherwise he could not chuse upon so great a slaughter massacre gathered together into one heape all the enemies armour made a fire under burned them were it that he had made some such vow to one of the gods or as I list rather to beleeve it was a motiâ—e of Fabius himselfe that the Dictatour should not reape the fruit of his glorie and entitle his name thereto or in pompe carie those spoiles before him at his triumph Moreover the letters of this victorie by him to the Senat and not a word therof to the Dictatour were some proofe that he was not willing to impart and communicate his praises with him But cerres the Dictatour tooke the matter in so ill part that when every man else was joifull for this noble victorie atchieved he onely shewed anger and sadnes in his verie countenance Whereupon suddainly he dissolved the Senat and departed in great hast out of the court giving out and often iterating these words Then hath the master of horsemen in deed as well everted and overthrowne both Dictatours Majestie and Militarie discipline as defaited the Samnite legions if he can so go cleere away and escape unpunished with so manifest contempt of my expresse commaundement Whereupon full of threats and indignation he hastened to the campe and tooke long journies yet could he not prevent the bruit of his comming For there were Vantcurriers that posted from the cittie before to bring word that the Dictatour was comming full of revenge and set upon punishment at everie second word almost commending the late examplarie justice of T. Manlius Then Fabius immediatly calling an audience besought the soldiors that with what valour and vertue they had defended the Commonwealth from most deadly and mortall enemies with the same they would protect him from the outragious crueltie of the Dictatour himselfe I say by whose conduct and fortune they had gotten so glorious a victorie For now comming he is qd he for envie out of his right wits and beside himselfe for anger at another mans manhood and felicitie furious and horne-mad and all is no more but this that in his absence forsooth we have sped well who wisheth rather in his hart if he could change the course of fortune that the Samnites had won the victorie than the Romans nothing is so rife in his mouth as That his commandement was contemned as who would say he forbad not battaile with the same mind wherein hee now greeveth that we have fought For as then his will was good even for verie envie to hinder and suppresse the proesse of another and went about to take weapons away from most forward soldiors desirous of fight that in his absence they might not lay hand to their sword so now see how he fretteth and fumeth in great choler at this that without L. Papyrius the soldiours were not disarmed dismembred as it were and maimed and for that Q. Fabius forgat not his place but bare himselfe as Generall of the Cavallerie and not as a Henxman and follower of the Dictator standing atreceit waiting at an inch when some under-captainship would fall that he might step into the place What would this man thinke ye have done how would he have frounced if as the fortune and doubtfull chance of warre oftentimes goeth wee had been put to the worse and lost the day who now that the enemies be vanquished the field so well fought the State so well served as by the most singular captaine in the world better it might not be thus menaceth execution to me the Generall of the horse even in the honour of my conquest Neither is he my masters cruelly bent and set upon mischiefe against the Generall of the horse more than against the Colonels the Centineres common soldiors nay he would be ye sure if he had been able have raged and fared as bitterly yea and executed his yre and furious rage upon all But because he cannot now he dischargeth his gall upon me alone For even as envie like a flaming fire sercheth mounteth up to the highest so runneth he upon the chiefe captaine and aimeth at the head of this worthie exploit If he had once extinguished him together with the glorie of this brave service then like a conquerour and lord over a poore captive armie whatsoever he might by law execute against a Generall of the Cavallerie he would attempt and extend upon the simple soldiors Make reckoning therefore that in standing fast to me and in defence of my cause yee uphold the libertie of all For in case he shall perceive once the same agreement of the armie in the maintenance of the victorie which was wel seen in the battel and that ye all have a care regard of the life and safetie of one his stomack wil come down his heart will relent incline to clemencie and a milder sentence To conclude I recommend my life whole estate to your vertue faithful protection Then from all parts of the audience they cried unto him aloud bad him take a good hart for so long as the Legions of the Romans were safe there should no person do him harm or injurie Soon after came the Dictator and presently by sound of trumpet summoned a generall assemblie And the
obey the Centurions commaundement nor the Centurion the Colonels nor Colonell the lieutenants nor lieutenant the Consuls nor yet Generall of horse the Dictatour whiles no man hath regard and reverence either of men or of gods no Edicts of Dictator no flight of birds observed but that without pasport the souldiors may wander and rogue either in their own ground or the enemies land and unmindfull of their sacred militarie oth may casse and discharge themselves from souldierie through a licentious libertie of their owne whensoever they list leaving their ensignes and colours not attended not meeting at summons not repairing to the Rendez-vous according to proclamation without all discretion making no difference whether they skirmish by day or night on even ground or uneven with vantage or disadvantage with direction of captaine or without observing no signals and watchword no array In summe the whole course of militarie service henceforth blind rash and inconsiderate after the guise of robbing to stand and goe currant for solemne and sacred warfare With these crimes and absurd inconveniences ô yee Tribunes charged you must be to the worlds end lay down you must gage your own lives for the audacious disobedience of Q. Fabius for whom ye are now answerable The Trib. were astonied hereat and for themselves now rather carefull and perplexed than for him who had recourse unto them for refuge succor But the generall consent of the people of Rome turning to praier and intreatie eased them of this heavie load and burden and with one voice humbly besought the Dictator to remit the punishment of the Generall of horse for their sake The Tribunes also seeing that was the way and all enclining and growing to Petition followed after and did the semblable earnestly beseeching the Dictatour to forgive this humane fragilitie and youthfull folly of Qu. Fabius saying That he had suffered chastisement ynough Then the young man himselfe then his father M. Fabius forgetting all strife and laying aside debate fell downe at the Dictator his feet and besought him to appease his wrathfull displeasure Hereupon the Dictator after silence made Yea marrie quoth he ô Quirites this I like well and thus it should be now hath militarie discipline got the victorie now hath the majestie of your Empire prevailed indeed which lay both a bleeding and were in hazard to have been abolished and overthrowne for ever after this day Q. Fabius is not acquit of his offence in that he fought against his soveraigns commaundement but being thereof convicted and cast is forgiven nay is given rather to the people of Rome and the Tribunes power whose assistance and helpe is graunted for their instant praiers and not of dutie Well Rise up Q. Fabius and live a more happie man for this agreement of the cittie in thy defence than for that victorie upon which erewhile thou barest thy selfe so bravely Live I say thou that hast been so bold to commit that fact which thine owne father here if hee had been in L. Papyrius his place would never have pardoned And as for mee into my grace and favour thou maiest come againe at thine owne will and pleasure But to the people of Rome to whom thou art beholden and obliged for thy life thou shalt performe no greater dutie and service than that the example of this daies work may be a teaching warning to thee for ever to obey as well in warre as in peace all lawfull hests of superiour Magistrates After that he had pronounced the pardon of the Generall of horse and discharged him of the court and was departed himselfe out of the common place of audience the Senat joyfull and highly contented and the people much more came all about them and on the one side bidding joy to the Generall of the horse aforesaid and on the other side giving thankes to the Dictatour followed after and accompanied them both and it was generally thought that militarie government was no lesse confirmed and established by this perill and daunger onely of young Q. Fabius than by the late pitteoous execution of young Manlius By chance that yeare it so fell out that as often as the Dictatour absented himselfe from the armie so often the enemies rose and raised troubles in Samnium Howbeit the fresh example of Q. Fabius was ever in the eie of M. Valerius Lieutenant Generall and governour of the campe who feared as well the dread wrath of the Dictator as any violent attempts of his enemies whatsoever Insomuch as when purveiours for come being entrapped by an ambush were slaine in a place of disadvantage commonly it was thought and beleeved that they might have beene by the Lieutenant rescued and saved but for feare of these rigorous and terrible edicts For anger hereof the Dictatour lost the hearts of the souldiours who were alreadie male content for that he was so inexorable in the cause of Q. Fabius and had denied them that at their instant intreatie which afterwards hee yeelded unto and pardoned at the suit and request of the people of Rome The Dictator after that he had left for the government of the cittie L. Papyrius Crassus the Generall of horse discharged Q. Fabius and forbidden him to administer any thing by vertue of that office returned into the campe Whose comming was neither very welcome and joyfull to his owne countrymen the souldiours nor yet strucke any terror in his enemies the Samnites For the next morrow were it that they knew not that the Dictatour was come or little cared and weighed whether he were present or absent they approched the campe in order of battaile How beit that one man L. Papyrius the Dictator was of such valour and importance that if the love of the souldiours had seconded the policie and sage conduct of their commaunder the warre with Samnites had that day been quite dispatched and ended past all peradventure so skilfully set he the battaile in array so warily chose he his ground of advantage so strengthened hee the same with supplies out of the reregard in all warlike skill and singular policie But the souldiours failed for their parts and went coldly to their businesse even of purpose that the valiant commendable parts of the captain might be discredited and depraved and so the victorie was much hindered and impeached Howbeit many of the Samnites were slaine and in exchange as many of the Romanes hurt But he like a wise and expert captaine soon perceived what was the cause that staied the victorie He saw well ynough that hee was to temper his own nature and to allay that severitie of his within mildnes courtesie And therfore taking with him the Lieutenants himselfe in person went about to visite the wounded souldiours putting his head into their tents and cabbins asking each one how they did charged the Lieutenants Colonels Provost-Marshals and other offices of the campe to tend and looke unto the sicke souldiours recommending their care unto them particularly by name This being
brought into question and notwithstanding they called unto the Tribunes for to assist them with interposing their negative yet there was not one of them would succour and releeve them but presentment was taken against them and they indited Then the Nobility I meane not them alone who were in trouble but generally the whole Gentrie of the City at once pleaded That they were not the naturall true Noblemen indeede who were to be touched and charged with this crime who if it were not for sinister and indirect courses had easie and open accesse unto all honourable places and promotions but certaine new upstarts and Gentlemen of the first head saying That it was the very case of the Dictator himselfe and his Generall of horse who were rather parties guiltie and offenders themselues than sufficient inquisitors and competent judges and that should they well know and understand when they were once out of their place and office This made Manius to bestirre himselfe who mindfull rather of his good name and reputation than respectiue of his high place and absolute government went up into the common place of audience before all the people and spake to this effect My maisters and friends all Citizens of Rome well assured I am that privie ye are to the whole cariage and course of my former life and besides that even this very honor and dignitie which you have bestowed upon me is able to testifie and approve mine innocencie For to sit upon these inquisitions there was not to be chosen now for Dictatour as oftentimes heretofore according to the dangerous occasions and necessitie of the time a man reputed the best and noblest warrior of all other but such a one as throughout his whole life hath most of all misliked and condemned ambitious conventicles Howbeit for as much as certaine persons of noble linage for what cause it is more meet for you to deeme and judge than for me being a Magistrate to speake without booke as they say and upon no sure ground first have endevoured with all their might and maine to overthrow the processe of the inquisition it self and afterwards seeing they were not able themselves to bring that about notwithstanding they were Patrity have fled to the holds of their very adversaries even the protection of the Tribunes and their negative rather than to justifie themselves and stand to the triall of their cause and at last having there also a repulse thinking all meanes safer than to approve their innocencie have fallen upon us and bashed not privat men as they are to accuse and touch the person of him that is Dictatour to the end therfore that both God and man and all the world may know that as they have assaied to compasse that which they are not able to bring to passe namely to avoid the rendering an account of their life and demeanor so I am readie to set forward their accusations to offer my selfe unto mine adversaries and giving them meanes to call mee to mine answere here I resigne up my Dictatourship And I beseech you ô Consuls if so bee this charge bee laid on you by the Senate to proceed in examination against mee first and this gentleman the Generall of horse M. Fellius that it may appeare how we through our owne innocencie alone and not by the countenance and priviledge of our dignitie and high calling are protected and safe from these slanders and intended crimes Herewith hee gave over his place of Dictatour and after him incontinently M. Fellius yeelded up his roume likewise of Generall over the horse These persons were the first who being charged and put to their triall judicially before the Consuls for to them by order from the Senate was the commission directed notwithstanding all the depositions and testimonies of the Patritij were in every point found unguiltie and acquit P. Philo also albeit hee had so many times attained to the supreme dignities of state after he had atcheeved so many worthie deeds as well in peace as warre yet a man malliced or envied rather of the Nobilitie was put to plead for himselfe and finally absolved But this inquirie into such men of name and qualitie lasted no longer in force as it is usually seene than whiles it was fresh and in the first heat therof From them it began to fall to persons of lesse reckoning and baser account untill such time as by the same conventicles and factions against which it was devised it fell to the ground and was troden underfoot The bruit of these things and more than that the hope of the Campaines revolt whereto certaine had conspired and sworn as ye have heard recalled the Samnites backe againe to Caudium who were turned bent wholly into Apulia that from thence being so neer at hand unto Capua they might if haply any insurrection and trouble presented the ouverture and opportunitie seize upon it and take it perforce from the Romanes Thither came the Consuls with a strong and mightie armie and at the first they staied and lingered about the passes and streights having on the one side the other an ill way of passage unto the enemies Afterwards the Samnites fetching a short compasse about came downe with their armie through the open places into the plains I mean the champaine countrie and fields about Capua And that was the first time that the enemies had a fight one of the others campe Whereupon by light skirmishes on horsebacke oftener than on foot they tried maisteries on either side neither were the Romans one jot discontented with the issue event thereof nor repented of the delay wherby they drew the warre alength Contrariwise the Samnite captaines perceived their forces to weare daily by small losses and their courage to coole and decay evidently by that lingering war Wherupon they came abroad into the field and devided their Cavallerie into wings with a speciall charge to have a more carefull eie backward toward their campe for fear of any impression and assault that way than to the maine battaile which would be guarded safe enough by the infanterie The Coss. marshalled themselves in this manner Sulpitius led the right point of the battel and Petilius the left the right side wheras the Samnits also were arraunged in thinner ranks and files of purpose to compasse and environ the enemies or not to bee compassed and enclosed themselves shewed itself more broad open They on the left hand besides that they stood thicker and more close were by occasion of a suddain policie of Petilius the Cos. further strengthened For those cohorts bands which were reserved apart in the rereward for help at any need kept fresh against all occurrents and hazards of long fight he advanced presently to the forefront in the vaward with all his forces at once charged the enemie at the first encounter forced him to recule When the footmen of the Samnites were thereby troubled and disarraied the horsemen followed close and
arose a quarell betweene the chiefe and principall men of the citie as well the Nobles as Commons and that by the suggestion and instigation of Q. and Cn. Ogulnij Tribunes of the Com. Who having sought occasion and matter every way to accuse and blame the Nobilitie unto the Commons when they â—aw all meanes assayed in vaine at length entred into an action whereby they kindled and set on fire not only the meanest but even the chiefe heads of the Commons such as had bene Consuls and triumphed who wanted no promotions honors but only Sacerdotall dignities and Prelacies which as yet were not indifferently common to both States They proposed therefore a law That whereas at that time there were but 4. Augures as many Prelates or Bishops and for as much as they thought it good that the number of Priests should be increased there might be chosen to the rest 4. Bishops and 5. Augurs all out of the bodie of the Commons But how this colledge or fellowship of Augurs was reduced to the number of foure but by the death of two I can not find since this is certaine that among the Augurs the number must be od namely that the three auncient tribes Rhamnenses Titienses and Luceres should have each one their Augur or if they needed more they should with equall number increase those Priests like as they were augmented and multiplied when as five being put to foure made up the number of nine that is to say for every tribe three Howbeit because they were chosen out of the Commons who should supplie and make up the number the Nobles tooke it as grievously to the heart as when they saw the Consulship parted equally in common but they made semblance as though this indignitie perteined to the gods more than to them who would themselves see that their holy service and sacred mysteries should not be polluted And as for them this only they could do namely pray and wish that no calamitiâ— thereby should light vppon the common weale But lesse earnest were they in opposing themselves and making resistance for that they were used alreadie in all such broiles and contentions to have the worse and they saw besides that their adversaries shot not at that which in time past they could scarce hope for namely the greatest honours and dignities but that they had alreadie obteined all for which they had strived so long in so doubtfull termes of hope to wit manifold Consulates Censurships and Triumphs Howbeit the contention and dispute in debating and arguing too and fro the law proposed was mainteined as men say betwene Ap. Claudius especially and P. Decius Mus and after they had contested and discoursed in their orations pro contra the same reasons in manner touching the rights and liberties pretended by the Nobles and Commons which sometimes had bene alleaged both for and against the law Licinia at what time as it was set on foote for the Commons to be Consuls Decius as it is sayd represented in open audience the very resemblance and shew of his father in such manner as many of them who were then present at the assembly had seene him to wit girded and apparelled in Gabine robe standing over his iavelin in which gesture habit fashion he offred himself to voluntary death for to save the people legions of the Romans Seemed quoth he P. Decius that then was Cos. as pure and religious in the sight of the immortall gods as if T. Manlius his colleague had bene likewise devowed and offred and might not the same P. Decius have rightly bene chosen to execute the publike divine service and sacrifices of the people of Rome or is this all the feare and doubt that the gods would give lesse eare to his prayers than to Ap. Claudius or doth Ap. Claudius with more devotion serve God privately and worship the gods more religiously than himselfe Who was there ever that repented or misliked of the vowes which so many Consuls and Dictators of the Com. either at their first setting forth to their armies or in time of warre and battaile pronounced for the common wealth Recken and count the chiefe Captaines yeare by yeare since the first time that the Commons began to have the leading and conduct of the warres number all the triumphs ever since it will appeare that the Commons are no whit abashed and have no cause to complaine of their owne nobilitie And this I know for certaine that if any new sodaine warre should arise the Senate and people of Rome would repose no more hope confidence in the auncient Patritij than in the Com. for to be the Captaines and commaunders This being so quoth he what God or man can thinke it an indignitie to adorne those persons also with the titles and ornaments of Bishops and Augurs whome ye have honoured with chaire of yvorie with the long robe bordered with purple with the cote of armes embrodred and branched with the palme tree with the gowne or mantle of purple wrought with divers colours with the chapelots coronets of triumph and with the victorious branch and garland of lawrell whose houses ye have beautified above the rest with setting up the spoiles of enemies Or who can thinke much if he be seen with a sacring cup or holy-water pot and with a croisier staffe and his head vailed either to kill a sacrifice or to take Augurie by flight of birds from the castle hill who hath bene adorned decked with the ensignes and ornaments of the great god Iupiter and hath ridden in a gilded chariot through the citie into the Capitoll Or in whose Title inscription and stile over his image men shall with content reade Consulship Censurship and Triumph will not the same abide to see reade that ye have added thereunto either Augurship or Pontificall dignitie I verily for my part hope without the displeasure and with reverence of the gods be it spoken that we by the beneficence of the people of Rome are such as for our qualitie and worthinesse may and will yeeld no lesse credit and honor to our priesthoods than we shall receive thereby and who desire in regard of the honor and service of God more than for our owne sakes and proper interest to have the meanes That whome we serve and reverence in private those we may also worship and honor publickly But why have I hitherto so pleaded the cause as if the Patritij were entirely alone intituled and invested in the prerogative of Sacerdotall Dignities and as though we were not already possessed of one right honorable and principall Priesthood We see that the Decemvirs for celebration of sacrifices and for interpretation of Sibylla her prophesies and other the fatall destinies of this people the prelates also and ministers of Apollo his sacrifice and other holy ceremonies are of the Commons Neither was there any injurie done unto the Patritij at that time when for to gratifie the Commons the
for the other was kept behind as an hostage two other spies were sent by the same mine to discover the traine By whose relation when it appeared sufficiently that all was safe and without danger by the leading and guiding of the traitor aforesaid 300 armed men by night entred the cittie and seized that gate which was next unto them at which being broken open the Consull and the Romane armie without resistance made entrie and surprised the citie In this sort Nequinum was reduced to the obedience of the P. of Rome A Colonie was thither sent to frontier against the Vmbrians called of the rivers name which runneth under it Namia And the armie with a rich prize was brought againe to Rome The same yeare the Tuscanes contrarie to the tenure of the truce made preparation for war But whiles they were busily occupied otherwise it fortuned that a puissant armie of Gaules invaded their marches and for a while altered their dessignements Afterwards by the meanes of monie whereof they were full and bare themselves mightie they sought to make the Gaules of enemies to become their friends and sollicited them to band together and so jointly to maintaine warre with the Romanes Their societie and friendship the barbarous people refused not onely they stood upon the summe what they should have for their hire Which being agreed upon and received and all things els in a readinesse for to goe into the field when the Tuscanes willed them to follow after they flatly denied that they had received any consideration for to make warre upon the Romanes but whatsoever they had taken it was because they should not wast the Tuscane land and by way of hostilitie and force of armes doe any violence upon the inhabitants howbeit if the Tuscanes were so minded to employ them they would bee willing to serve but for no other reward and recompense than to bee admitted into part of their territorie that at the length they might have some certaine place of abode to settle themselves in Many Diets and consultations hereabout were held by the States of Tuscane but nothing resolved and concluded not so much for that they feared to part with some of their lands as because they were in great dread every one and abhorred to have dwelling by them such neighbors descended from so savage a race cruell nation Thus were the Gauls let go and dismissed having away with them a huge masse of monie which they got without any travell or perill of theirs The bruit of the Gaules tumult and insurrection together with the Tuscanes warre caused no little feare at Rome Wherupon more hast was made to conclude a league with the Picene people T. Manlius the Consull had the charge of the Tuscanes warre alotted unto him Who scarcely was entered into the confines of the enemies but as hee was training and exercising amongst the horsemen ran his horse with full cariere and suddainly as he turned about was cast off and presently lay for dead and so the Consull three daies after his fall ended his life Which the Tuscans taking hold of as a good ominous token presage got hart and were very jolie saying that the gods had in favour of them begun this warre This was heavie news at Rome both for the losse of so brave a personage and for the time wherein so unhappily it fell out so as the assemblie held by the advise of the cheefe Peeres for to substitute a Consul in his place that was deceased frighted the Senatours from chusing a Dictator All their sentences and all the centuries gave with M. Valerius to bee Consull who was the man whome the Senate was about to have pricked for Dictatour Then forthwith they ordained him to go into Tuscane to the armie Whose comming suppressed and kept under the Tuscanes so as not a man durst once go out of their trenches and hold Even their very feare was as good as a siege unto them for that the new Consull neither by wasting the fields nor firing their houses in such sort as every where not onely the smal villages but also the good and wel-peopled townes were seene to smoke and burn againe could draw them forth to fight This warre continued longer than men thought but behold there arose a bruit of another which considering the mutual losses of both sides was for good causes greatly to be feared upon intelligence given from the Picenes their new allies namely that the Samnites were about to take armes and rebell and had sollicited them also to doe the same The Picentes were highly thanked for this and a great part of the Senatours care was diverted nowe from Tuscane to the Samnites The dearth besides of corne and victuals troubled the cittie and driven they had ben to extreame famine if Fabius Maximus as they have written who are of opinion that hee was Aedile that yeare by provident purveighing and diligent conveighing of corne had not been as carefull and industrious in the dispensing of victuall now at home as many times before in war-affaires The same yeare there was an Interreigne but upon what occasion it is not knowne The Interregents were App. Claudius and after him P. Salpitius who held an Election of Consuls and created L. Cornelius Scipio and Cn. Fulvius In the beginning of this yeare there came the Oratours from the Lucanes to these newe Consuls for to make complaint That the Samnites who by no conditions and meanes could induce them for to band and take armes with them were entered into their confines and made wast of the countrey and by verie force provoked them to warre saying That the Lucanes had long agoe overshot and passed themselves that way but nowe they were so fully resolute that they could find in their hears sooner to abide and endure all kind of calamitie whatsoever than ever after to offend and displease the Romane name They besought the Senate therefore to receive the Lucanes into their protection and also to keepe and defend them from the violence and injurie of the Samnites And for themselves albeit entering into warre alreadie with the Samnites they were of necessitie obliged to be sast and true unto the Romanes yet for better securitie they were readie to put in sufficient hostages The Senate was not long consulting hereabout but all with one consent were of opinion to make league with the Lucanes and to summon the Samnits to make amends and restitution The Lucanes besides a courteous gracious answere were accepted into the league Then were there Fecial Heralds dispatched to the Samnits to give them warning for to depart the territorie of the Romane allies and to withdraw their forces out of the confines of the Lucanes But the Samnites sent out certaine messengers to meet them upon the way to denounce unto them that if they presented themselves in any Councel within Samnium they should not depart againe with safegard of their persons When these news were heard at
but to the one of them to wit P. Volumnius unto whom befell the Province of Samnium Whiles these affaires thus went in Samnium by whose leading and managing it skils not in the meane time a mightie war was a preparing in Hetruria and that of many nations banded together the principall author whereof was Gâ—llius Egnatius a Samnit The Tuskanes in manner all had taken armes and levied their forces and the neere societie caused also the people of Vmbria adjoyning to take their part besides Gaules also were waged for money to ayde all which multitude assembled together met in the Samnites camp The newes of which sodaine and unexpected tumult being brought to Rome for so much as P. Volumnius the Cos. with the second and third legions with 15000. confederates was gone alreadie into Samnium it was thought good determined that Ap. Claudius with all speede possible should go into Hetruria and after him two Romane legions followed to wit the first and fourth with twelve thousand allies who encamped not farre from the enemie But more good was done there in respect that they came thither betimes to the end that the feare of the Romane name might keepe in awe certaine nations in Hetruria which alreadie intended warre than for any exploit performed either skilfully or luckily under the conduct of the Consull Many skirmishes there passed in places of disadvantage and at times unconvenient in so much as the enemie took more heart and conceived greater hope every day more than other and now it grew welneere to this point that neither souldier could wel recken of the sufficiencie of Captaine nor Captain trust upon the loyaltie of the souldier In three several Annales I find that Appius dispatched his letters to his fellow Consull and sent for him out of Samnium howbeit I am loth to set this downe being so uncertaine as it is seeing that the verie Consuls themselves of Rome who now the second time were coupled together in one government contested and openly jarred about this point whiles Appius denied flatly that he sent any script at all and Volumnius again avouched that he was sent for by Appius his letters Volumnius by this time had woon three Castles in Samnium wherein were slaine three thousand enemies and almost halfe so many taken prisoners and composed besides the seditions and quarels of the Lucanes which arose from the commons and needie persons and that with the exceeding good contentment of the chiefe and principall personages of the countrey by the meanes and mediation of Q. Fabius the Proconsull who was thither sent with the old armie This done he left Decius to wast and pill the countrie of the enemies and himselfe with his forces marched toward his Colleague into Hetruria Who at his first comming was received generally with all the joy that might be For mine owne part I suppose verily that as Appius had good cause to carie an angrie stomack with him in case his conscience bare him witnesse that he wrote not unto him so againe if he had need of his Colleagues aid he shewed an illiberall unkind and unthankfull nature of his owne in that he would so dissemble and not be knowne thereof For being come forth to meete him before they had well greeted and saluted one another How now quoth he ó L. Volumnius is all well How goes the world in Samnium What hath moved you to abandon and leave your owne charge and province and to depart Volumnius made answere that in Samnium all things went well and chieved prosperously and that himselfe was now come as sent for by his letters which if they were counterfet and that there were no neede of him in Hetruria he would presently turne his ensignes and be gone Mary quoth he good leave have you you may be gone when you wil no man holdeth you and ill beseeming it is that you who peradventure are not able to weeld and manage your owne affaires of warre should glorie thus and make your boast that you are come hether to helpe others Here at Volumnius should reply again and say It is well and God send us good luck I had rather lose my labour than ought should have hapned whereby one Consuls armie were not sufficient to deale with Hetruria Now as the Consuls were parting asunder one from the other the Lieutenants and Colonels of Appius his armie came and stood round about them both some requested their owne Generall that the aide of his Colleague which ought to have bene accepted by them if it had bene required now that it was offred so willingly and of his owne accord should not be refused and rejected But the more part encountred Volumnius as he was readie to go his way and earnestly besought him not for any froward contention debate with his companion to betray the common-weale For if any overthrow or misadventure should happen the blame would be imputed rather to the forsaker than the forsaken and now things were come to this passe that the honor or dishonor of the war in Hetruria prove it wel or ill should fal upon L. Volumnius for that no man would enquire of the words and language that Appius gave him but of the fortune and successe of the armie and albeit Appius had given him his farewell and pasport the weale publick the armie held him still by the sleeve and for proofe hereof let him but make triall of the souldiers harts affections Thus with remonstrances persuasions and heartie prayers to the one Consull and the other they drew them both in manner against their wils to parlie in publik audience before the whole army Where they grew to longer speeches and discourses but to the same purpose and effect as before in the hearing and presence of a few Now when Volumnius as having the better cause seemed to reply and that with good grace and words enough against that singular eloquence of his Colleague and that Appius in frumping and taunting manner gave out and said That they were beholden to him and might con him thanke that of a dumbe and tongue-tide Consull they had one now that was so readie and eloquent who in his former Consulship specially in the first moneths could not open his mouth and speake a word was now of a sodaine become an Oratour and able to make plausible and popular Orations then replied Volumnius and said Would God with all my hart you rather had learned of me to fight valiantly then I of you to speak finely in conclusion he said he would tender him an offer which should determine and put out of all doubt whether of them twaine were not the better Lawyer and Orator for at this present the commonweale stood not in neede of such but the better warrior Captaine generall Whereas therfore there are ij Provinces Hetruria Samnium it shal be in your choise quoth he to take one of them whether you will and I my selfe will with my
therewith he shewed how neere they were of late to utter perill and destruction through quarrels betweene him and his brother Appius admonishing Decius and Fabius both to live so as with one mind and heart they affected and intended the same things He added moreover and said they were men of Action both borne for war and to be soldiors for martiall feats renowmed alreadie but for to maintaine contentions of words and quarrels of the tongue altogether rude and unskilfull and such natures said he were fittest to make Consuls As for nimble heads and sine wits deepely seene in points and quirckes of law full of their eloquent tearmes such as Ap. Claudius was those were meet to be made Lord Presidents of the citie and cheefe Iustices in the common place for to sit in judgement of causes and see the execution of lawes Thus in handling of these matters was that day spent The morrow after according to the Consuls appointment was the Election held both of new Consuls and also of Pretors Q. Fabius and P. Decius were created Consuls and App. Claudius Pretour all absent And L. Volumnius by Act of the Senate and graunt of the Commons had his government proroged and continued in his charge one yeare longer The same yeare were many strange sights and prodigious monsters seen for the turning away of the dangers foresignified and menaced thereby the Senate decreed supplications and Letanies for two daies together Wine and incense for the sacrifices was allowed at the publick charges of the cittie and in procession went both men and women in great number with much reverence to visit the holy shrines and there to doe their devotions These solemne supplications were more renowmed and memorable by reason of a contention that arose among the dames of the cittie in the chappell of Ladie Pudicitia Patritia which standeth in the beast-market by the round church of Hercules The Noblemens wives would not admit into that chappell Virginia the daughter of Aulus who notwithstanding she was noblie descended from the race of the Patruij yet had espoused Volumnius the Consull a Commoner and was married forsooth out of the familie and raunge of the Patruij Whereupon there began some short and cutted shrewd words to be dealt betweene and so as women commonly are soone angrie and set on fire they grew to heartburning and hote contention Whiles Virginia alleadged and said that shee being a gentlewoman and Patritia borne and a chast and honest dame was enteted into the chappell of Patritian Chastitie over and besides she had not been noted for Bigamie but was the wife of one onely husband unto whom she was given and brought a pure maiden and as for her husband and his dignities which he had borne his noble acts that he had atchieved shee had no cause to complaine or be ashamed nay rather she gloried therein right greatly After this shee accumulated these magnificent glorious words with as generous and brave a deed For in the long street where she dwelt she set by and cut off a part of her dwelling house as much as would serve for an Oratotie or petie chappell and there erected an altar And when she had assembled the wives of the Commoners together and had complained of the injurious dealing of the Patritian dames This altar quoth she doe I dedicate unto Pudicitia Plebeia and all you here I exhort that with what emulation the men our husbands in this cittie contend about feats of valor and armes who may doe best so likewise the Matrones and wives strive avie in continence and chastitie and that yee will labour and endevour that this alter may have the name to bee frequented and resorted unto with more reverence and devotion yea and if it bee possible of more chast women than that other of the Nobilitie And so it fel out indeed that from that time this alter also had the same rites in a manner and ceremonies as the other which was more auncient in such sort as no wise but of approved honestie and chastitie and wedded but to one husband during her life might be allowed there to sacrifice and offer oblations But this religious order and institution in lapse and processe of time was prophaned afterwards and divulged and the altar frequented by them that were stained and infamous and not onely by matrones of name and qualitie but also by women of all sorts and degrees until at last through disuse it grew to be utterly forgotten and came to nothing The same yeare the Aediles Curule Cn. and Q. Ogulius accused certaine Vsurers who were convicted and their goods forfeit and confiscate And of that which came into the common chist they caused to be made a brasen portaile in the Capitoll and silver vessels for to furnish out three tables in Iupiter his chappell also the image of Iupiter himselfe in the lanterne or frontispice of the Capitoll sitting in his chariot drawne with foure steeds Moreover at the figtree Ruminalis they erected and set up the images of the foundling babes the first founders of the cittie pendant at the teates of a shee wolfe They paved also with square stone the causey and high way from the gate Capena unto the temple of Mars The Aediles likewise Commoners L. Aelius Paetus C. Fulvius Curvus of the forfeited monie which they levied of the grasiers or farmers of the citie pastures who were condemned and fined exhibited certaine pageants and plaies and set up golden bolles in the temple of Ceres After this Q. Fabius the fift time Consull and P. Decius the fourth entred their government who now had been companions together in three Consulates and in one Censorship men renowmed not more for the honour of their noble exploits in war which was right great than for their loving agreement and concord Which unitie of theirs was not perpetuall to the end by occasion I suppose of the contention of the States that came betweene rather than of any difference betwixt themselves For the Patruij laboured that Fabius should have the province of Tuscane extraordinarily and the Commons were as earnest with Decius to put the matter to a Lotterie Certaine it is that a great contention there was in the Senate But afterwards seeing that Fabius was able there to doe more and make a greater side than his Colleague the matter was brought againe before the people In which assemblie few words passed betweene the parties themselves being martiall men both standing more upon deeds than words Fabius gave out and said that it was an indignitie that another should gather fruit under the tree that hee had planted Also that himselfe was the man who had opened the way through the wood Ciminia and had given entrance and passage for the Romane warre through desart and wild forrests What meant they then to trouble him a man of those yeares with this place of charge in case they minded to give the conduct of this war to any other Generall
forces and so mightie in meanes as nowe they were Moreover they came not newly now to wage war without knowledge of the prowesse and martiall skill one of another for triall they had made thereof sufficient alreadie in the first punicke warre Besides so variable was the fortune of the field so doubtfully were their battailes fought that neerer losse and daunger were they who in the end wan the better and atchieved the victorie And to conclude if a man observe the whole course and proceeding of these their warres their malice and hatred was greater in a manner than theirforces whiles the Romans tooke foule skorn and disdaine that they whose hap before was to be vanquished should unprovoked begin warre afresh with the Conquerors and the Carthaginians again were as mal-content and throughlyf offended as taking themselves notwithstanding they were overcome to bee abused too much at their hands by their prowd insolent and covetous rule over them Over and besides all this the report goeth that Anniball being but nine yeares old or thereabout came fawning and flattering as wanton children doe to his father Amilcar that hee would take him with him into Spaine at what time as after the Affricane war ended his father was offering sacrifice readie to passe over thither with an armie where he was brought to the altar side and induced to lay his hand thereupon and to touch the sacrifice and so to sweare that so soone as ever he were able he would be a professed and mortall enemie to the people of Rome Vexed no doubt at the heart was Amilcar himselfe a man of high spirit and great courage for the losse of the islands Sicilie and Sardinia for not onely Sicilie was overhastily yeelded as he thought as despairing too soone of the state thereof and doubting how it should be defended but also Sardinia was by the cunning and fraudulent practise of the Romanes surprised out of the Carthaginians hands whiles they were troubled with the commotion rebellion of Affrick and a Tribute besides imposed upon them He being disquieted I say and troubled with these greefs and discontentments so bare himselfe for five yeares space in the Affricke warre which insued immediately upon the peace concluded with the Romanes and likewise after in Spaine for nine yeares together enlarging ever still the dominion of Carthage that all the world might fee he intended and dessigned a greater warre than that he had in hand and if God had spared him longer life it should have beene well seene that the Carthaginians under the leading of Amilcar would have made that warre upon Italie which afterward they waged by the conduct of Anniball But the death of Amilcar happening in so good season for the Romanes and the childhood and tendernonage of Annibal together were the cause that this war was put off and deferred In the meane time between the father and the sonne Asdruball bare all the rule for the space almost of eight years This Asdruball had ben Amilcar his minion growne highly into his grace and favour at the first as men say for the very prime and flower of his youth but afterwards in regard of the singular towardnesse of a brave and haughtie mind which soone appeared in him and for his forwardnesse to action hee was preferred to be his sonne in law and married his daughter Now for as much as he was Amilcar his sonne in law he was advaunced to the soveraigne conduct of the warre with no good liking at all and consent of the Nobilitie and Peeres but by the meanes and favour onely of the Barchinefaction which bare a great stroke and might do all in all among the souldiours and the common people Who managed all his affaires more by pollicie and sage counsell than by force and violence and using the authoritie and name of the Princes and great Lords of those countries and by intertaining friendship with the cheefe rules woon daily the hearts of new nations still and by that meanes enlarged the power and siegnorie of the Carthaginians in Spain rather than by any warre force of armes But for all this peace with forraine States he was never the more sure of his owne life at hóme For a certaine barbarous fellow for anger that his maister and Lord was by him put to death flew him in open place and being laid hold on by them that were attendant about Asdrubal his person he kept the same countenance still as if he had escaped and gone cleare away yea and when hee was by cruell torments all mangled and torne hee looked so cheerefully and pleasantly on the matter as if he had seemed to smile so far his joy of heart surpassed the paines and anguish of his bodie With this Asdruball for that hee had so singular a gift and wonderfull dexteritie in solliciting and annexing unto his dominion the Nations aforesaid the people of Rome had renued the league upon these two capitulations and conditions first that the river Iberus should limit and determine the siegnories of them both Item that the Saguntines seated in the middest between the territories of both Nations should remaine free and enjoy their auncient liberties No doubt at all there was now but when a new Commander should succeed in the rownie of Asdruball the favour of the people would goe cleare with the prerogative voice and choise of the souldiours who presently brought young Anniball into the Generall his pavilion and with exceeding great acclamation and accord of all saluted him by the name of Captaine Generall For this you must understand that Asdruball by his letters missive had sent for him being verie young and hardly 14 yeares of age yea and the matter was debated first in the counsell house at Carthage where they of the Barchine side laboured followed the matter earnestly that Annihall should be trained in warfare grow up to succeed his father in equal proesse and greatnesse But Hanno the chiefe man of the contrarie faction It is but meet and reason quoth hee that Asdruball doth demaund and yet for mine own part I thinke it not good that his request should be granted When they mused and mervailed much at this so doubtfull speech of his and wist not what construction to make of it Why then quoth Hanno to be plaine That floure and beautie of youth which Asdruball himselfe yeelded and parted with all sometimes unto Annibals father for to use or abuse at his pleasure the same he thinketh by good right he may chalenge and have again from the sonne to make quittance But it be seemeth not us sot to acquaint our yoong youths with the campe that under the colour and in steed of their militarie institution and teaching they abandon and give their bodies to serve the lust and appetite of the Generals What Is this the thing we feare That the sonne of Amilcar should tarie too long erche see the excessive graundeur and soveraintie of his father and
out their heeles and beating with their hoofes more forcibly for to take hold they brake the yce through so as most of them as if they had ben caught fast and fettered stucke still in the deepe hard frozen congealed yce At last when as both man beast were weried and overtoiled and all to no purpose they encamped upon the top of an hill having with very much ado clensed the place aforehand for that purpose such a deale of snow there was to be digged faied and thrown out This done the souldiors were brought to breake that rocke through which was their onely waie and against the time that it was to be hewed through they felled overthrew many huge trees that grew there about and made a mightie heape and pile of wood the wind served fuly for the time to kindle a fire then they set all a burning Now when the rock was on fire and red hot they powred thereon strong vineger for to calcine dissolve it When as the rock was thus baked as it were with fire they digged into it and opened it with pickeaxes and made the descent gentle and easie by meanes of moderate windings and turnings so as not onely the horses and other beasts but even the Elephants also might be able to go downe Foure daies he spent about the levelling of this rock the beasts were almost pined and lost for hunger For the hill tops for the most part are bare of grasse and looke what fog and forage there was the snow overhilled it The dales and lower grounds have some little banks lying to the sunne and rivers withall neere unto the woods yea and places more meet and beseeming for men to inhabite There were the labouring beasts put out to grasse pasture and the soldiors that were wearied with making the waies had three daies allowed to rest in From thence they went downe into the plaine countrie where they found both the place more easie and pleasant and the natures of the inhabitants more tractable In this manner and by this meanes principally entred the Carthaginians into Italy five moneths after they departed from new Carthage as some write within fifteene daies overcame and passed the Alpes What power Anniball had when he was arrived in Italy the historians doe not agree They that speake with the most write that hee was 100000 foot and 20000 horse strong they that make the least of it say they were 20000 foot and 6000 horse L. Cincius Alimentus who hath delivered under his hand that himselfe was taken prisoner by Anniball a writer of great authoritie would induce me sufficiently to beleeve him but that he setteth downe the number so confusedly by adding to the rest the Gaules and Ligurians Herecordeth that counting them the Infanterie was 80000 the Cavallery 10000 which was conducted into Italy but likely it is that from all parts there came more thither than so and so some authors doe report and that he heard from Anniball his owne mouth that after he had passed Rhodanus he had lost 36000 men and a great number of horses and other beasts of burden when he was come downe into the Taurines countrie which was the next nation in Italy adjoyning to the Gaules Which being a thing agreed upon amongst all I marvaile so much the more that there is any doubt on which side hee went over the Alpes and that commonly it is beleeved that he passed by a place called Penninum and that thereupon the top of the Alpes tooke the name and was so called Celius saith hee tooke his way over by the top of Cremon both which passages surely would have brought him not into the Taurines countrey but through the mountaine forrests unto the Gaules called Libuj But neither is it probable that in those daies the same passages were open into Fraunce considering that the waies which lead to Penninum were environned with nations halfe Germanes And certainely the Veragrians who inhabite this verie top in case a man may build ought upon this conjecture never knew that these mountaines tooke the name of any passage of the Carthaginians that way but of some one place consecrated in the top of the hill which the pesants and mountainers called Penninum Very happily and fitly it sell out for the enterprise of his first designements that the Taurines the next nation he came unto made warre upon the Insubrians But Anniball being busied in refreshing his armie that now had most feeling of their harmes which they had caught before could not arme the same to the aide and gratifying of either partie for ease after travaile plentie upon scarcitie good keeping and delicate after lothsome nastinesse did by a sodaine change greatly alter and distemper their leane and pined bodies welneere savage and wild growne Which was the cause that P. Cornelius the Consul being arrived and landed at Pisae after he had received of Manlius Attilius an armie of new and raw souldiers fearefull for some shamefull disgrace and defeature lately received made hast and highed him to the Po for to give battaile unto the enemie before he were well refreshed and in heart again But by that time that the Consul was come to Placentia Anniball had dislodged and removed his camp and woon by assault the chiefe citie or towne of the Taurines because it willingly yeelded not to accept of his amitie and protection and surely not by feare only but also of voluntarie good will he had gained unto him the Gaules that inhabited about the Po but that the sodaine comming of the Consull interrupted and surprised them as they were casting about to spie some opportunitie of rebellion So Anniball dislodged and removed out of the Taurines countrey with this opinion that the Gaules especially being doubtfull as yet what part to take would follow him being present in place Now were the armies in manner one in sight of the other and the Generals approched nigher together and as they were not yet well knowne one unto the other so they had alreadie both of them a great opinon and reciprocall admiration one of the other For as Anniball was much renowned and his name right well knowne among the Romanes even since before Saguntum was lost so Scipio was takenof him and repured for some singular and excellent man in that he especially above all other was chosen Generall against him Which mutuall conceit and impression they had they augmented themselves one to the other for that Scipio albeit he was left behinde in France yet he met Anniball and was readie to make head against him so soone as he was passed the Alps and Anniball againe because having enterprised so great an adventure as to passe the Alps had now brought the same to good effect But Scipio to prevent Anniball in crossing the Po before him removed his camp to the river Ticinus and for to encourage his souldiours before he brought them forth to battaile he made an Oration unto them and
more shew in the cittie of publicke sorrow and heavinesse Then T. Sempronius assembled a Senate spake comfortably to the LL. of the Counsell and exhorted them that as they were not dismaied with the overthrow and discomfiture at Cannae so they would not be cast down daunted with lighter and smaller losses and calamities For if it might please the gods to blesse them give them good speed as they hoped no lesse against the Carthaginian enemies and Anniball the war with the Gaules might without daunger and inconvenience either be laid aside clean or put off and deferred As for the revenge of this deceitfull practise it should rest still in the power either of the immortall gods or of the people of Rome to bee performed one time or other But for the present they were to consult and resolve concerning Annibal their grand enemie to grow to some point and conclusion of such forces as were meet for that warre And first himselfe discoursed and laid downe what companies of foot and horse what number of citizens how many confederats were in the armie of the Dictator After him Marcellus shewed and recounted the proportion of his own power their strength Also what forces and of what qualitie were with C. Terentius the Consull in Apulia they were required to declare who might speake upon their knowledge Then they proceeded to cast examine whether two Consular armies well appointed and furnished were sufficient to go through so great a war Thus for that year they let France alone albeit they had good cause to bee angrie and were provoked that way to follow revenge The Dictatour his armie was appointed unto the Consull As for the forces under the leading of Marcellus consisting of them that fled out of the field at Cannae those they ordained to bee sent over into Sicilie there to remaine in service so long as the warre continued in Italie and that thither also should be posted over out of the Dictatour his Legions all those souldiors who were able to doe least service there to abide in souldierie without any other limitation of time than that which the laws in that case provide for For the other Consull who should be substituted in steed of L. Posthumius there were assigned two Legions of Romane cittizens and order was given so soone as the Auspices would permit hee should bee elected with speed Likewise it was agreed upon and ordained to send for two legions besides out of Sicilie out of which the Cos. unto whom those Legions aforesaid of the cittie were allottedâ— should take what souldiours hee thought needfull Finally C. Terentius the Consull had his commission of commaund continued for another yeare without empairing one jot of the armie which hee had in his conduct for the guard and defence of Apulia Amids these affaires and preparations in Italie the war went forward nevertâ—elesse in Spaine and ever to that day prospered on the Romanes side P. and Cn. Scipions devided their forces so as Cn. should serve by land and Publius at sea with the navie Asdruball the cheefe Colonell and commaunder there of the Carthaginians distrusting his owne strength both by sea land kept himselfe aloofe and farre from the enemie in sure places of safetie Vnto whome after long suite and instant praiers were sent 4000 foot and 500 horse out of Affricke for supplie Having thus at length with new helpes gathered fresh hope he encamped neerer to his enemie and gave order and direction withall that the Armada should bee rigged and decked for the defence of the Islands and the sea coasts And whiles hee was thus beginning hotely to make warre againe hee was suddainely distempered and disquieted with the revolt of the Admirals and great captaines of the navie who for their fearefull abandoning of the fleet upon Iberus having been sharpely checked and rebuked were never after trustie and sure either to the Colonell himselfe or to the State of Carthage These fugitive renegates had first practised to raise troubles insurrections in the land of the Carpesij and by their solliciting instigation certaine citties were procured to rebell and one of them they had forced by assault Whereupon Asdrubal turned his forces from the Romanes and bent them wholly against that Nation and with a cruell armie entring the frontiers of the enemies determined to give the charge upon Galbus a Nobleman and renowmed cheefetaine of the Carpesians even before the cittie that some few daies before was lost where the said Galbus with a puissant power kept himselfe strongly encamped Having therefore sent out before certaine vaunt-courriers lightly armed to traine forth and draw the enemies to skirmish he made out withall certaine companies of his Infanterie sundrie waies to overrun and spoile the countrie and likewise to catch up and meet with all straglers dispersed in the fields Whereupon at one time there was a skirmish before the campe and likewise in the fields they were either slaine or put to flight But afterwards having by divers waies from al parts recovered againe the campe suddainely they shaked off all feare plucked up their harts thought themselves good ynough not onely to defend their fort and hold but also to bid the enemie battaile They sallied out thereforeof thecampe in good array shouting dauncing and hopping after their manner so as this unexpected boldnesse and courage of theirs terrified the enemies who a little before had challenged them to fight Whereupon Asdruball himselfe withdrew and retired his power for more securitie to an hill of good height and situate for his advantage with a river likewise betweene him and his enemies The light armed vaunt-courriors also and the forlorne hope together with the horsemen that rode scattering abroad he caused thither to repaire for their better safetie And because he trusted neither hill nor river hee fortified himselfe with a trench and rampier besides In this alternate and interchangeable feare on both sides there passed some bickerments and blows were dealt between In which neither the Numidian horsemen were able to match the Spaniards in that kind nor the Moores archers could make their part good with the light Carpesians targatiers who innimblenesse swiftnes were as good as they and for courage and bodily strength farre better These Carpesians seeing they neither could provoke Asdruball to a battaile with all their braving hard under his campe nor yet easily by assault win it they tooke by force the citie Asena into which Asdruball when he first invaded the frontiers of his enemies had conveighed store of corn and other victuals yea and became LL. of all the countrie thereabout And they grew so lustie audacious that neither in their march and array nor within their campe they would bee ruled and ordered by any mans commaund This secure and carelesse negligence of theirs when Asdruball perceived to arise as usually it doth upon good successe and prosperitie after an exhortation made to his souldiors to charge upon
began his government upon the Ides of March. As for the Praetors Q. Fulvius Flaccus who had afore time bene Consull and Censor obteined by lot the jurisdiction of the cittiâ—ens and M. Valerius Coâ—vinas of the strangers and alliens To Appius Claudius Pulcher was alotted the government of Sicilie and to Q. Mutius Scâ—â—vola of Sardinia M. Marcellus was by the people allowed to have the authoritie of a Viz Consull in regard that the above all the Romane captaines after the defeature of Cannae mannaged his affaires warred prosperously in Italie Now the very first day that the Senate was assembled in the Capitoll they decreed upon the first motion that within the compasse of that yeare there should be levied a double taxe or tribute and that one single tribute should be forthwith gathered for present pay to all the souldiours saving those that served at Cannae Then concerning the armies this order was set downe Imprimis that T. Sempronius the Consull should appoint the two legions of citizens a certaine day to meete at Cales Item that sixe legions should be conducted to the campe of Claudius above Sucssula Item that the legions which there were and those consisted for the most part of the residue of the Cannian 〈◊〉 Ap. Claudius Pulcher the Pretour should put over sea into Sicilie and as for those that were in Sicilie they should be transported to Rome Item unto that armie which was appointed to meet by a day at Cales M. Claudius Marcellus was sent and he was commaunded to conduct the legions of the citizens to the camp of Claudius Last of all to receive the charge of the old armie and to leade it into Sicilie T. Metilius â—roto Lieutenant was sent by Ap. Claudius Men looked at first and yet they sayd nothing that the Consull should call an assembly for the creating of a Colleague unto him But after that they saw that M. Marcellus was sent out of the way as it were of purpose whome above all others they were desirous to be the Consull for that yeare in regard of his notable good service whiles he was Pretour there arose much muttering in the Senate house Which the Consull perceiving my LL. quoth he it was for the good of the Common wealth that both M. Claudius should go into Campaine to exchange the armies and also that the Election of Consuls should not be proclaimed untill that he were returned againe from thence with dispatch of that businesse which he had in charge that ye might have a Consull such a one as the present condition of the State required and your selves most desired So there was no more speech of the election untill Marcellus was come backe againe In this meane time were two Duumvirs created Q. Fabius Maximus for the dedication of one chappell to Venus Erycina and T. Octacilius Crassus of another to the Goddesse Mens Both stand upon the Capitoll hill devided asunder no more than with oneâ— onely conduâ—ct of water passing betweene And as concerning the three hundred Campaine horsemen who had served out their full time of warfare faithfully and were come to Rome a motion was propounded to the people that they should be enfranchised cittizens of Rome and in like manner that they should be reputed as free Denizens of Cumes from the day afore that the Capuans revolted from the people of Rome and rebelled The chiefest cause of proposing this act was this because themselves denied flatly that they knew to whome they did appertaine seeing they had abandoned their old native countrey and as yet were not enrolled and incorporate into that state unto which they had retyred After that Marcellus was come againe from the armie the solemne day of election of a Consull in place of L. Posthumius was published And with exceeding great consent of all men Marcellus was chosen and forth with he was to begin his Magistracie At whose first entrance it hapned to thunder and the Augurs being called to give their opinion of it pronounced that they thought hee was not rightfully created And the Senatours gave it out commonly bruited abroad that the gods were not well pleased therwith because forsooth two Coss. were elected of the communaltie a thing never seene before Whereupon Marcellus resigned up his place and in his roome was substituted Fabius Max the third time That yeere the sea burned At Sinueâ—â—a a cow brought forth a horse fole And at Lanuvium in the temple of Iuno Hospita certeine statues or images dropped with bloud about that temple it rained stones For which showre there was solemnised according to the customable manner a Novendiall sacrifice The other prodigious signes likewise were expiate with great care and heedfull regard The Consuls then parted their armies betweene them Fabius tooke charge of those forces which had bene commaunded by M. Iunius the Dictatour Semprâ—nius had the conduct of all the voluntary souldiers and besides of 25000 of Auxiliaries sent from the confederates M. Valerius the Pretour had the legions appointed for him that were returned out of Sicilie M. Claudius the Vizconsull was sent unto that armie which lay in garison at Nola above Suessula And the Pretours tooke their journey into Sicilie and Sardinia The Consuls whensoever they would assemble the Senate proclaimed that the Senatours and all others that had lawfull authoritie to speake their mind and deliver their opinion in the Counsell house should meet at the gate Capena The Pretours those that were Iudges in the court and to whom the civile jurisdiction appertained erected their Tribunall seats and places of Assises at the publicke Fishpoole and thither they commaunded all writs to bee returned and apparence there to bee made And for that yeare all pleas and iudgements of causes passed there In this meane time newes came to Carthage from whence Mago the brother of Anniball was minded to transport and set over into Italie 12000 footmen and 1500 horsemen 20 Elephants and 1000 talents of silver together with a guard and supplie of 60 gallies That in Spaine things went untowardly and that all the cities of Spaine in a manner were revolted unto the Romanes Some there were of opinion to withdraw Mago with that fleet and power of his from the enterprise of Italie into Spaine Considering there was good hope shewed of a suddaine to recover againe Sardinia for that there was but a small power of Romanes there and Cornelius the old Lord Deputie well acquainted with the state of the province was now upon his departure from thence and a new expected in his turne Over and besides that the Sardinians were wearie alreadie of the Romanes government which they had so long endured as who the yeare that past was had tyrannised over them cruelly and exercised their authoritie with oppression covetously imposing upon them hard exactions and tributes and levying of them a most unjust taxation and contribution of come and finally they wanted nothing but an head upon whome they might relie themselves
alreadie and was at hand to side with the people of Carthage and with Anniball Himselfe in the meane time bent all his forces toward the frontiers of the Province and confines of that kingdome to withstand and hinder all the proceedings and enterprises of the Syracusians In the end of that yeare Q. Fabius by order from the Senate fortified Puteoli a towne of merchandise which in time of the warres began to be much resorted unto frequented and there he placed a garison From whence as he was in his journey toward Rome against the grand Election of Magistrates he proclaimed the solemne assembly of the people for that purpose to be the next Comitiall day that followed upon his arrivall thither and so it fell out that he went along the citie side immediatly upon his journey and came downe into Mars field before he entred the citie Vpon which day when it hapned that the centurie of the younger sort was drawne out first by lot and had the prerogative and by their voyces nominated T. Ollacilius and M. Aemylius Regillus for Consuls then Q. Fabius after silence made rose up and delivered this or such like speech If either we had peace in Italie or warre at leastwayes with those enemies with whom if we dealt either negligently or unadvisedly the matter were not much nor importing great hazard and danger I would thinke that whosoever disturbed and crossed your favours and free affections which ye bring hither with you into this solemne place of assembly to bestow honors and dignities upon whom ye please had but small or no regard of your libertie and freedome But since that in this warre and with this enemie never any Generall of ours faulted in the managing of his affaires but it cost us deere and wee had some great foile and overthrow it behoveth you that with what mind and carefull regard yee enter the field to combate in your armour in the same yee should come hither into this Mars field in your gownes and so proceed by your suffrages to elect your Consuls and that every one of you should thus say to himselfe I am to nominate a Consull to match with Generall Anniball No longer since than this very yeare when as before Capua Iubellius Taurea the bravest horseman Cavalier of all the Campanes defied the Romanes and challenged them to sight man to man Asellus Claudius the noblest knight of all the Romanes and best man at armes was chosen to encounter him In times past against a Gaule that offered combate upon the bridge over Anio our auncestours sent out Manlius a couragious resolute and puissant champion Neither can I denie but upon such another occasion not many yeares after the like trust was reposed in M. Valerius who tooke armes likewise against another Gaule that challenged single fight And even as we are desirous wish to have our foot and horsemen both more valourous and hardie than our enemies or if that will not be at leastwise equall unto them and able to countermatch them even so let us be carefull to find out a Generall of our own comparable every way to the cheefe commaunder of our enemies And when we have chosen the best warriour and captaine in the whole cittie then presently without any longer delay being elect and created for one yeare he shall be sent to match with an old-captaine that hath ever continued in the field one who is not enclosed within compasse of time nor restreined and gaged within the streight bounds of law but that he may order and manage every thing according as the ocasions and present occurrences of warre do require◠whereas by that time that we can make all readie and dispose every thing in order and set in hand to begin our affaires the yeare is come about and cleane gone Now for asmuch as enough hath bene said what manner of Consuls ye ought to create it remaineth to speake somewhat of them whom the prerogative centurie so highlie favoureth and is so much affected unto As for M. Acmylius Regillus he is the Flamin of Quirimus whom neither we may take from his ministerie of Sacrifice nor yet retaine and keepe him still but we shall neglect either the service of the Gods or the due care and regard of the warres Octacilius hath maried my sisters daughter and hath faire issueby her But your favours and good turnes shewed both to me and also to my auncestors are not of so small accoumpt and reckning but that I ought to preferre the Common-weale before all private regards and alliances whatsoever Every mariner yea and any passenger is able to steere and rule a Ship in a calme water but when a blustering tempest is up and the vessell tossed in a troubled surging sea and caried away with violent force of the winds then there had neede to be a man in deede and a skilfull Pilot to sit at the sterne and to guide the helme We sayle not now in a still and quiet sea But we have bene drenched and in a manner drowned with some stormes alreadie and therefore we ought to have exceeding great care and be wel advised aforehand whom we have to be the steeres man In a matter of lesse consequence and importance we have made triall ô T. Octacilius of your knowledge and service and you have not given us yet so good proofe of your vertue and prowessetherein that we should put you in trust with the managing of greater affaires A navie whereof you were Admirall we rigged and trimmed to your hands this yeare for three causes first to anoy and spoyle the sea coast of Affrick secondly to defend and keepe to our behoose the ports and havens of Italy last of all and above all to empeach and stay all supplies and new succours together with money munition and victuall for being transported unto Anniball from Carthage If Octacilius have performed I say not all these things but in any one quit himselfe well to the good and benefit of the State Elect him Consull hardly and good leave have you But if it appeere that while you had the rule of the Armada all things that a man would have passed out of the country unto Anniball with as great safetie and securitie as if the seas had bene open and void of enemies If I say the sea coast of Italie hath all this yeare bene more in danger and subject to susteine harme than that of Affrick what reason can you alledge wherefore the people of Rome should choose you above all others to oppose as Captaine to confront their enemie Anniball If you were Consull in place alreadie we would judge it requisit and good to nominate and create a Dictatour according to the example of our forefathers neither could you take snuffe or be offended that there should be found in the citie of Rome a better warrior and more sufficient than your selfe And surely it concerneth no man more than you ô Octacilius to see
not to suffer her an innocent and guildesse person to fare the worse and be punished upon harred that was borne unto her nephew Hieronymus As for me quoth she I reaped no good by his reigne and kingdome unlesse it were the banishment and absence of my husband and as by the life of Hieronymus my fortune was not so good as my sisters so after hee was murdred and dead my cause is not so bad nor like unto hers Moreover over and besides in case Andronodorus had effected his designements my sister should have ben a Queene and reigned together with her husband but as for me I must have bene a subject and servant with the rest Againe if there were any messenger sent unto Sosippus to report the death of Hieronymus and the restitution of Saracose to libertie who can make doubt but that forthwith he would be embarked and take the seas and returne againe into his countrey But how much are men put besides their hope and deceived of their expectation And who would ever have thought to have seene in a freed state his wife and children in danger to lose their lives For wherein do we hinder the common libertie or the course of lawes What danger can come to any person from us one desolate lone woman and in manner a widow and two yong maidens living as orphans fatherlesse And if it be said againe that there was in deed no feare of hurt to be imagined from us but only the kings bloud and kinred was odious in the eyes of the people Then quoth she let us be sent away farre from Saracose and Sicilie and confined over to Alexandria the wife to her husband the daughters to their owne father But when they would neither give eare to her words nor incline their hearts to pitie and compassion then because she would not spend longer time in vaine for now she saw some of them drawing their swords forth she gave over all intreating for her selfe and be sought them instantly to be good yet to the yong fully girles spare their lives unto whom being of that age even the very enemies in their heate of anger forbare to offer violence and that seeing they were to be revenged of tyrants they would not play the tyrants themselves and commit that wickednesse which they seemed to hate in others Amid these words the murderers sent from the Pretors pulled her forth of the inward and most secret place of the chappell and cut her throte and when they had so done they assayled and sell upon the maidens besprent with the bloud of their mother who for sorrow of heart and feare together being past themselves and out of their wits and as it were in a furious fit of frenzie ranne against them and gate out of the chappell minding if they could have escaped foorth and recovered the streete to set the whole citie on an uprore And so they shifted for themselves poore wenches by running too and fro within the house which was not large and spatious that for a good while they escaped amongst the thickest of so many armed men and oftentimes avoided their reaches and caught no hurt yea and when they had caught hold of them notwithstanding they were to strugle with so many hands and those so strong yet they wound away from them all untill at length after they had received many a wound filled every place with bloud they fainted sunke down yeelded up their innocent spirits This murder no doubt was of it selfe piteous but much more lamentable by occasion of a present accident For streight after came a messenger with expresse commandement to spare the women and not to kill them for that upon a sodaine the hearts of the people relented and enclined to mercie But when they heard that there was so quick dispatch made of execution that neither they had time to bethinke themselves and repent nor space to coole upon their heat they fell from pitie and compassion into an extreme fit of anger and choler The multitude thereupon began to mutter and murmure and called to have an election of Pretours in the roume of Andronodorus and Themistius for they were both of them Pretours which new election was not like to fall out in the end to the good liking and contentment of the other Pretours in place So a day was set downe and proclaimed for this election At which time it hapned that beyond all mens expectation one from the farthest part of the assembly nominated Epicides and then another from thence named Hippocrates After which the same voyces came thick and threefold still so as it seemed the multitude would wholie goe that way The people there assembled were a confused sort intermingled as well of a number of souldiers as of a companie of citizens and commoners yea and many of them were strangers fugitives shuffled among such as rather than their life desired a generall change and alteration The Pretours at first dissimuled all and would seeme to take no knowledge thereof but thought it best to put off the matter to a farther day yet overcome at last with the common accord and consent of the people and fearing withall a mutinie and sedition pronounced and declared the men aforenamed for Pretours Neither would they at first hand so soone as they were created set that abroach which was in their mind desire to effect notwithstanding they were displeased and discontented much both for that there had bene embassadors dispatched unto Appius Claudius about a truce for ten dayes and also when it was obteined that there were others addressed to treat for the renewing of the auncient league with the Romanes At the same time Ap. Claudius the Romane Generall lay at Murgantia with an Armada of 100 gallies waiting there to heare what was the event of the troubles which arose upon the murder of the tyrants and how far-forth men would proceede upon this their new and unwonted libertie And much about those dayes when as the Saracosian Embassadours were sent from Appius unto Marcellus now comming into Sicilia Marcellus himselfe after he heard the conditions of peace thought they would grow to some good agreement and conclusion in the end and therefore sent other embassadours also to Saracose personally to debate and conferre in the presence of the Pretours concerning the renewing of the league aforesaid But by thaâ— time they found not the citie in the same quiet tune and peaceable state For Hippocrates and Epicides after newes came that the Carthaginian navie was arived and rid at anker under the bay of Pachynus confidently and without all feare buzzed in the â—ares one while of the mercenarie souldiours another while of the fugitive traitours many false surmises against their brethren in office and namely that they went about to betray Saracose to the Romanes But Appius began to keepe his Armada at anchor in the very mouth of the river listening to know what hart and hope they of
Saracosians had any commission and warrant from them to make peace with the Romanes in their name neither would they bee tied and obliged to any confederacie made by others than their owne selves This answere the Saracosians made report of to the Romanes and said plainly that the Leontines were not under their jurisdiction to be ordred and confuâ—ed by them and therefore any thing comprised in the league with them notwithstanding the Romanes might warre against them without breach of any covenant and in that warre they would not for their parts failâ— them but doe their best upon condion that when they were once subduedâ— they might be reduced againe under their obedience according to the covenant comprehended in the league Wherupon Martellus with his whole power went forth against the Leontines and sent for Appius also to assaile them on the other side and so hote were his souldiours in this service and bare themselves so resolute for anger that the guard was slaine during the time that there was treatie of peace betweene that at the very first assault they woon the cittie Hippocrates and Epicides after they saw the walls skaled and the gates of the citie broken open betooke themselves for their safetie with some few into the castle from whence by night they made a secret escape and fled to Herbesus As the Saracosians marched from home with a power of eight thousand armed men and were come forward as far as to the river Myla they met with a messenger who told them that the citie Leontium was forced They reported other newes besidâ—s as well lies as â—oths one with another namely that townsmen soldiours indifferently without respect were 〈◊〉 to the sword that â—eâ— thought verily there was not left one alive of fourteene yeares of age and upward that the cittie was put to the sacke and all the rich mens goods were given away At this so fearfull and horrible news the armie staied and went not forward And when they all were greatly troubled their leaders Sosis and Diomenes consulted what to do This lowd lie arose not upon nothing but was occasioned by mistaking of a matter For there were scourged and beheaded of fugitive traitours to the number of two thousand But of Leontines and other souldiours there was not one hurt after the cittie was lost And every man had all his owne goods restored unto him againe saving that onely which in the first hurlyburlie of a cittie newly woon hapned to miscarie perish Howbeit upon this bare report they neither could be induced to go forward to the Leontines complaining grieving that their fellow souldiours were so betraied murdered nor yet to abide there still for to expect and heare more certeine tidings The Pretours perceiving their minds disposed to revolt and yet hoping that this mutinous fit of theirs would not continue long in case the captaines and heads of their furie and follie were once rid out of the way led the armie to Megara and went themselves in person with a few horsemen toward Herbesus hoping to gaine the cittie by treason whiles they all there were affreighted But seeing that enterprise would not prevaile they minded to use forcible meanes The morrow after they dislodged and raised their camp from Megara purposing with all their forces to assaile Herbesus Hippocrates Epicides supposing this to be the only way for them although at the first sight not the safest considering all hope besides was cut off namely to put themselves into the hands of the soldiours who were for the most part acquainted with them besides upon the bruite of the execution and massacre of their fellow souldiours throughly chafed went out to meet the armie The foremost ensigns in the forefront hapned to consist of those six hundred Cretensians who in the warres of Hieronymus had served under them and received a favour and benefit at Anniball his hands For being taken prisoners at Thrasymenus among other auxiliaries that came to aid the Romanes they were set at large and sent away without ransome Whom when Hippocrates and Epicides knew by their colours habite and fashion of their armour they held out branches of olives and other veiles and tokens of suppliants beseeching them humbly to receive them and being once received to vouchsafe to protect them and not to deliver them into the hands of the Saracosians by whom they should soon be yeelded unto the people of Rome for to be murdered and cut in peeces At this they all cried alowd with one voice willed them to be of good cheere for they should fare no worse than their owne selves Vpon this communication the ensignes staied and the armie stood still and marched not forward but the generall captains wist not as yet what the cause might be of this stay After the rumour was spred that Hippocrates and Epicides were come and that all the hoast throughout by a generall applause seemed to like well of their comming the Pretours incontinently set spurs to horse and rode forward apace to the forefront of the vantgard demaunding of the Cretensians what manner and fashion this was of theirs and how they durst be so bold as to parle and talke with enemies and without license of their Pretours to entertein them within their companies And herewith they gave commandement that Hippocrates should bee apprehended bound sure with chaines At which word the Cretensians set up such a crie and the rest so aunswered it againe with the like that it was well seene in case they had proceeded forward as they began they should have incurred themselves no small danger And thus in great perplexitie and feare of their owne lives they commaunded to turne ensignes and retire unto Megara from whence they came and dispatched messengers presently to Saracose to signifie in what tearmes they stood Hippocrates seeing the souldiours given to be suspitious and readie to beleeve every thing devised a cunning shift besides in this manner After he had sent out certein of the Cretensians to beset the waies betweene them and Saracose he pretended that they had intercepted some letters from thence which hee read unto the souldiours and were in deed framed and indited by himselfe The â—â—nor of the letters ran in this forme The Pretours of Saracose to M. Marcellus their friend greeting After these salutations and commendations premised as the maner is it followed written thus You have done well and orderly in sparing none at all of the Leontines But all other mercenarie souldiours besides are in the same Predicament neither wil Saracose be ever in quiet so long as any forraine aide be either in the cittie or in your armie And therefore our advise and counsel is that you would endevour to get them into your hands who with our Pretours are encamped before Megara and by execution of them to deliver and set Syracusa free in the end The contents of these letters were not so soone read but with such an outcrie
but the patience of the magistrats themselves in that for the present they gave place to the furious rage and malapart saucinesse of a few and for his will and pleasure brake up the assembly before they could go togither about the matter they were met for which the defendant himselfe with force and armes was readie to stop hinder for going forward because they might have no occasion given them to quarrell which was the onely thing that they sought for When this matter with all the circumstances was throughly skanned of and the best men there had spoken their minds and given their opinion according to the outragiousnesse and indignitie of the thing and therupon the Senate decreed that this violence tended to the breach of common peace and the hazard of the state a most daungerous precedent to bee suffered then without more ado the two Carvilij Tribunes of the Com. laid aside cleane all debating about the penall fine aforesaid and indited Posthumius of a capitall crime and commaunded him to be attached by a principall Sergeant and to be led to prison unlesse hee put in good sureties for his apparance to aunswere the cause such as would be bound for him bodie for bodie Posthumius put in baile and made default at his day Then the Tribunes called the Commons togither preferred a bil unto them which they granted to passe as an act in this forme That if M. Posthumius came not forth and made apparance before the Calends of May and being cited and called that day aunswered not to his name and no lawfull excuse alleaged for his absence they judged him to bee a banished man and therefore awarded his goods to be sold in portsale and himselfe to bee excommunicate and interdicted the use of water and of fire and to loose the benefit of a cittizen for ever This done they began also to endite all those one after another of a capitall crime who were his abbetters and the movers and stirrers of a sedition and commotion of the people and to call for personall pledges At the first they committed as many of them as could find no such sureties and afterwards those also that were sufficient to put in baile For the avoiding of which daunger most of them departed into voluntarie exile This was the end of the Publicanes fraudulent dealing and this was the issue of their audacious enterprise in defence and maintenance of their guile and deceit After this a solemne Court was called for the creation of the Arch-prelat and M. Cornelius Cethegus newly elected Prelat was the President of this election Three competiours there were who sued for that Prelacie strived earnestly one against the other namely Q. Fulvius Flaccus Consul for the time being who also had before bene twise Consull Censor besides also T. Monlius Torquatus a man of great reputation for that he had bin likewise dignified with a double Consulship and one Censureship and last of all P. Licinius Crassus who as yet was to sue for the Aedileship howbeit this young man in that sute and contention was superiour and carried it away from those grave auncient and honourable persons Before him for the space of an hundred and twentie yeares there had not bene created any one the highest priest save only P. Cornelius Calussa but had fit before in the yvorie chaire and borne office of state The Consull had much ado to go through with the levie to enroll the full legion of soldiours by reason that the small number of young and able men would hardly affoord both to furnish out the new legions of cittizens and also to supply and make up the old Howbeit the Senate would not suffer them to give over their enterprise which they were about but agreed that there should bee chosen two Ternions of Triumvirs the one sort of them to be sent out within the compasse of fiftie miles every way from Rome the other to go farther with commission to take good view and survey both within that precinct and without in all through-fares and market townes in boroughs and places of frequent assemblies of all persons of free condition that they could set eie on and so many as they thought able men of bodie to beare armes although they were not come to the lawfull age for service to prest them for soldiours Also it was decreed that the Tribunes of the commons if they so pleased should put up a bill that all under seventeene yeares of age who had bound themselves by militarie oth should have as good pay as if they had bene enrolled souldiours at seventeen yeares or upward By vertue of this decree the two Ternions aforesaid of the Triumvirs being chosen made diligent search and visited all the countrie over for free borne men accordingly At the same time letters came from M. Marcellus out of Sicilie concerning the demaunds of those souldiours who served under P. Lentulus and they were red in the Senate house That armie consisted of the residue which remained after the field lost at Cannae and was confined into Italie as hath bene said afore with this condition not to returne back into Italie before the Punick warre should be ended These souldiours obteined licence of Lentulus to send as embassadors unto Marcellus where he lay in winter harbour the principall men of armes such as served on horses allowed by the citie the chiefe centurions also and the bravest souldiours and choise floure of the legions One of these in the name of the rest having libertie graunted for to speake made his oration in this wise We had come to you into Italie ô M. Marcellus when you were Consull immediatly upon that decree made against us which if it were not unjust and unreasonable yet surely it was heavie and rigorous enough but that we hoped to be sent into this province so generally troubled and out of order by the death of the KK there to be employed in some dangerous and cruell warre against the Sicilians and Carthaginians both at once and so with our bloudshed and grievous wounds to make satisfaction for our trespasse unto the Magistrates and rulers of Rome Like as in our fathers dayes they which were taken prisoners by king Pyrrhus before Heraclea made amends for their fault by their good service against the same Pyrrhus And yet I can not see my LL. of the Senate for what ill desert of our parts ye either have bene displeased aforetime or are offended at this present with us For me thinks I see both Consuls and the whole bodie of the Senate of Rome when I behold your face ô Marcellus whom if we had had to our Consull at Cannae it would have gone better both with the Common-weale and with ourselves then it did For I beseech you suffer us now before I make mone and complaine of our hard state and condition to purge our selves of that crime for which we are blamed Set case that neither the wrath of
the gods nor destinie and fatall necessitie upon the law and decree whereof dependeth the immutable order and infallible course and consequence of all things in the world was the cause that we were diffeated and overthrowne at Cannae but our owne selves and our default was the occasion let us see then whose fault it was the souldiours or the Generals For mine owne part I remember I am a souldier and of my Captaine and Generall I will never speake but well of him especially unto whom I know the Senate rendred thanks for that he despaired not of the common-wealth and whose government ever since his flight and running away hath bene proroged from yeare to yeare and who hath had the conduct of armies continually Neither wil I say ought of the rest likewise who escaped that unfortunate foile and diffeature I meane our militarie tribunes and Colonels who as we here say sue for dignities beare honourable offices in citie yea and rule whole Provinces as LL. Presidents in forein parts Is it so indeede my LL do ye so easily pardon and forgive your own selves children and deale ye so hardly so rigorously and cruelly against us base abject persons and vile wretches And was it no shame and dishonor imputed to the Consull and other great personages of the citie to flie when there was no other hope and were the poore souldiers sent by you into the field with this intention to be al killed up none to escape At the battaile of Allia the whole armie in a manner fled away Also at the straights of Caudium to say nothing of other shamefull foiles of our armies the host yeelded up their armour to the enemie before they joined battell and fought one stroke Yet so far off it was that those armies sustained any infamie shameful reproch therefore that both the citie of Rome was recovered againe by the means of those regiments which fled from Allia to Veij and also the Caudine legions which returned to Rome naked were sent againe into Samnium well armed who subdued brought under the yoke of subjection the very same enemies who had taken such pride and joy in that dishonour and ignominie of theirs And now for the armie before Cannae is any man able to come forth and charge them justly that either they fled or for cowardly fear behaved themselves unseemely and not like souldiours Where were slaine in field above fiftie thousand men from whence the Consull fled with fiftie horsemen and no more and of which companie there is not one remaineth alive but whom the enemie wearie with killing spared and left I remember at what time as the prisoners taken there were denied money to pay for their raunsome then every man commended and praised us for saving and reserving our selves against another day to be emploied in the service of the Commonweale for returning unto Venusia to the Consull and for making a good shew of a complet armie But now in worse case are wee than in our fathers dayes captives have beene that were taken prisoners For they onely had their armor and weapons changed for worse their rancke in the battell shifted their place in the campe where they should quarter altered which notwithstanding they recovered again al at once by performing their good devoir to their countrie and winning a victorie in one fortunate battell Not one of them was ever confined as it were to a place of exile none put beside hope to be discharged from soldierie by serving out his full time and to bee briefe they were set to fight with some enemie or other where they might once for all either loose their life or end their dishonour And wee against whom nothing can be objected at all unlesse it be this that wee were the cause and none but wee that some citizen of Rome might bee said to remaine alive of all those that were at the battell of Cannae we I say are sent farre ynough off not onely from our native countrey and Italie but also from all enemies where we waxe old in exile to the end that we should have no hope no occasion and opportunitie to wipe away and cancile our disgrace to mitigate and pacifie the anger of our fellow cittizens and finally to die with honour But it is neither end of shame nor reward of vertue and valour that we desire and crave but only that we might be permitted to make proofe of our courage and shew our prowesse Paines and perils wee seeke for and to be emploied in daungerous adventures like hardie men and brave souldiors Two yeares alreadie there hath beene sharpe and hot warre in Sicilie Some cities the Carthaginians woon by force othersome the Romanes tooke likewise by assault Whole regiments of foote many troups and cornets of horse encounter together and assaile one another At Saracose there are great enterprises and worthie feats of armes both by sea and land The shouts of them that fight the very clattering and ringing againe of their armour and weapons wee can heare where we are and we sit still like idle luskes and doe nothing as if we had neither hands nor weapons to fight with T. Sempronius the Consull with legions of bondslaves hath bidden battell to the enemies and fought with them in plaine field so oft that they are well recompensed for their labour with gaining their freedome first and then the Burgeoisie of the citie Let us yet in place qualitie litie at leastwise of bondslaves taken up and bought for money against these warres fight with those enemies as wel as they have done and by our fight trie whether we can regain our enlargement and libertie Will you yourselfe ô Marcellus make triall of us and of our valour by sea by land in pitched field and battell raunged or in giving assault and winning of walled townes Put us to it and spare not The hardest adventures the most paineful and daungerous enterprises are they which we require most gladly that we may have that betimes and at once which we should have come unto at Cannae seeing that all the time we have lived since hath been destined to our ignominie and disgrace At these words they fell downe prostrate at Marcellus his feet Marcellus answered them that he had neither power of himselfe nor commission otherwise to content them and satisfie their request Howbeit write to the Senate he would and according as the LL. should give advise and direction so he would do and not faile These letters as I said before were brought to the Consuls and by them red in the Senate house And after deliberate consultation about their contents the Senate passed this decree That as concerning those souldiours who had forsaken their fellowes fighting before Cannae the Senate saw no reason why they should be put in trust any more with the affaires of the Common-wealth but if M. Claudius the Proconsul thought it good otherwise he might do according to that which he judged convenient
supposing that they were but some few who through the negligence of the watchmen and warders were gotten over the wall and ever as he met with any that were skared and in feare hee said unto them eftsoones that they themselves made more adoe and every thing worse than there was cause reporting all in greater measure and more fearfull manner than need was in very truth But when he saw all places about Epipolae full of armed men after some small voley of shot and little skirmish with the enemie whereby hee provoked them rather than did any good else hee turned backe againe with his companies and retired into Acradina not fearing so much the violence and multitude of the enemies as least some intestine mischeefe by this occasion might arise and that he should find in this tumult and hurliburly the gates of Acradina and the Island shut against him Marcellus being entered within the walls tooke his prospect from the higher places and when hee beheld under his eies the most goodly and beautifull citie of all others in those daies by report he wept and shed teares abundantly partly for joy that he had brought his purpose to so good a passe and partly in compassion and remembrance of the auncient glorie and renowme of that citie Hee called to mind the navies of the Atheniens by them sunke and drowned hee thought upon the utter overthrow of two puissant armies together with the losse of two most noble and famous captaines of theirs moreover there came into his memorie so many wars fought against the Carthaginians with so great perill and hazard so many and so mightie Tyrants and kings that raigned and kept their seat and roiall court there amongst the rest he could not chuse but think of king Hiero of fresh and famous memorie a prince who above all other gifts which his owne vertue and fortune had graced endued him withall was recommended especially for his many favors and good turnes done unto the people of Rome When all these things presented themselves to his remembrance with this cogitation besides how all that beautie and glorie within one houres space was readie to burne on a light fire and to be consumed into ashes before that he advanced his ensignes against Acradina hee sent before those Syracusians who had conversed as is aforesaid amongst the guards and garrison of the Romans to persuade the enemies with mild gentle speech yet to yeeld the citie It so fell out that the most part of them that warded the gates and walls both of Acradina were certaine fugitive revolts fled from the Romanes who had no hope atall upon any condition whatsoever to be pardoned These would suffer none either to approch the walls or to parle and speake with any And therefore Marcellus after hee saw that enterprise frustrate disappointed commaunded to retire with the ensignes unto Euryalus This Euryalus is a little mount and fort situate in the utmost quarter of the citie remote far from sea and commanding the high way that leadeth into the fields the middle parts and very hart of the whole Island a place very commodious for the taking up receipt of all victuals The captain of this hold was Philodemus an Argive placed there by Epicides Vnto whom there was sent from Marcellus Sosis one of them that murdred the tyrant and after long communication Sosis with craftie words abused by him colourably put off until another time made relation unto Marcellus that Philodemus had taken a farther day of respite deliberation But he put off still from day to day triflingout the time of purpose untill Hippocrates Himilco might come with their forces and legions making no doubt but if he mought receive them into his fortresse the whole armie of the Romans being now enclosed within the walls should be overthrowne and utterly defaited Marcellus seeing that Euryalus was not delivered up and forced possibly it could not bee encamped himselfe betweene Neapolis and Tyche so are two parts of the citie named and may for their bignesse go well enough for two entier cities of themselves for feare least if he were once entred into the populous and most inhabited places of the citie his souldiers greedie of pillage would not bee kept together but runne loosely up and downe to rifle Thither came unto him from Tyche and Neapolis Embassadours and Oratours with olive braunches adorned with sacred veiles and infules humbly beseeching him to hold his hand from effusion of bloud firing the citie Marcellus calling his counsell about these their petitions rather than demaunds after mature deliberation by generall consent of all gave expresse and streight commaundement to the souldiours that no man should offer abuse or violence to the bodie of any freeborne person whatsoever as for all besides his will and pleasure was it should bee their bootie Now was the campe of Marcellus defended on both sides with housing in steed of a wall and hee bestowed a good corps de guard at the gates thereof lying open overagainst the streets least when the souldiours ran to and fro in the citie the campe in the meane while might be assailed Then upon the sound of trumpet the souldiours fell to their businesse ran into all parts brake open dores set all on a fearefull hurrey but spilled no bloud and they never gave over ransacking and rifling untill they had cast out and carried away all the riches and goods that had beene a gathering a long time during their wealthie and prosperous estate Amid these stirres Philodemus also seeing no hope of succours and rescue after he had covenanted for his securitie to return safe and without harme to Epicides withdrew his garrison away with him out of the fort and rendred it up to the Romanes Now whiles every man was turned another way and busied in that part of the citie which was forced Bâ—mâ—â—car taking the advantage of one night wherein the Romane fleet by reason of a violent tempest could not â—ide at anchor in the maine sea gat forth of the haven of Saracose with 35 ships and having sea-roume halfed up sailes and away he went with a mery gale of wind leaving 55 behind for Epicides and the Saracosians and after he had informed the Carthaginians in what danger the state of Saracose stood returned within few dayes with a fleete of a hundred saile rewarded for his labor as the report went by Epicides with many rich gifts which the treasure of king Hiero paid for Marcellus possessed now of the fortresse Euryalus and having planted there a garison was well rid of one care yet for he doubted least if a new power of enemies had bene received behind his back into that fort they would greatly have annoyed his men enclosed now as they were and encombred within the walls After this he besieged Acradina and invested it round about and fortified three severall campes in meet and convenient places against it hoping to shut them up
spectacle to behold to the end that whosoever hereafter shall resort thither by land whosoever shall arrive there by sea it may present unto them both our Trophees and worthie victories over the Atheniens Carthaginians and also this of yours over us the bravest conquest of all the rest See I say that you leave for your house and familie the cittie of Saracose whole and sound to do homage and fealtie ever hereafter to the name and linage of the Marcelli and to hold of them as of their soveraigne LL. in chiefe and in villenage That all the world may see that the late remembrance of Hieronymus beareth no greater stroke with the Romanes than the ancient name of king Hiero a noble Prince of famous memorie Much longer was he a friend than the other an enemie His good deeds and many favours yee have tasted and felt with great contentment the follie and madnesse of Hieronymus hurt none of you but wrought his owne confusion and overthrow There was nothing but they might have obteined at the Romanes hands all was cleere there and no daunger from thence But among their owne selves they were at more warre there was the perill there was all the mischiefe For the Romane rebels who were runne from them doubting that they should be delivered over into their hands and not comprised within the termes of the composition and protection drave the auxiliaries also that were waged souldiours into the same scruple and feare They hastilie therefore tooke armes and first killed the Pretours and afterwards ran all about to massacre the Saracosians Looke whom they hapned to meet them they murdred in this furious fit of choller Whatsoever came next to their hands and lay handsome for them they rifled And because forsooth they would not be without their leaders they created sixe provosts or captaines that three should governe Acradina and other three Nasos At the last after the uprore was appeased the mercenarie souldiours aforesaid followed the matter throughly by search and diligent inquirie what were the capitulations in deed agreed upon with the Romans and then began the very truth to appeare namely that their condition and the fugitives were far different These Embassadours in very good time returned from Marcellus and certified them that they were caried away with a wrong surmise and false suspition and the Romanes had no just cause to punish them Now there was one of those three Provosts of Acradina a Spaniard named Mericus Vnto him there was sent for the nones among those of the retinue and traine of the Embassadours aforesaid one of the Spaniards who were auxiliarie souldiours serving under the Romanes who finding Mericus alone without other companie gave him to understand especially above all things in what tearmes he had left Spaine from thence he was newly come namely how the Romanes there were grown mightie and held a great hand over them with their forces And that himselfe in case he had a mind to doe some worthie deed might soone rise and be a great man in his countrey chuse whether he list to serve under the Romanes or returne againe into his owne home Contrariwise if he went on stil in this course he had begun and minded still to be besieged what long abiding place could he have there shut up as he was from sea land Mericus pondered well these reasons and when it was agreed that there should bee addressed new Embassadours unto Marcellus sent his owne brother with them who by the selfesame Spaniard was brought apart from all the rest unto Marcellus and after he had a protection granted he laid the plot and ordered all the matter how it should be done and so returned to Acradina Then Mericus because he would withdraw mens minds from all suspition of treason and that he intended nothing lesse than to betray Acradina gave it out That he liked not and would no more of this recourse ever a none of Embassadours betweene and therefore as he would admit of none to come from Marcellus so he would send no more to him And to the end that all the guards should bee kept more diligently hee thought it good to devide conveniently among the Provosts the quarters of the citie and assigne to every one his ward by himselfe and that ech one should be bound to answere for the safe keeping of his own division and for no more Then all gave their consent to part accordingly and to himselfe befell the charge of that quarter which reacheth from the fountain or wel Arethusa unto the mouth or entrie of the great key or haven And hereof he gave notice and intelligence to the Romanes Whereupon Marcellus caused a great hulke laden with armed souldiours to be fastened by an haling rope unto a gallie of foure course of oares and so in the night by strength of oares to bee tewed and drawne up after it into Acradina and landeth the souldiours over against the gate that is neer to the fountain Arethusa This being done about the releefe of the fourth watch Mericus received the souldiours that were set ashore at the gate according as before it was agreed And Marcellus by the dawning of the day with all his forces gave a Camisado upon the walls of Acradina in such manner that not onely he turned thither unto his assault all those that kept Acradina but also from Nasos there came running whole squadrons and companies of armed men leaving their owne wards for to repell and put backe the violence and assault of the Romanes In this turmoile and trouble certeine barges appointed and furnished thereto aforehand were brought about to Nasos there set other souldiours a land who comming at unwares upon the corps de guards that were left halfe naked and very weake by reason of the departure of their fellowes and finding the gateswide open at which erewhile the souldiours ran out with small adoe were maisters of Nasos left as it was forlorne of warders who in feare made hast to run away and escape And none of them all had lesse meanes to defend themselves or smaller mind to tarrie still than the fugitive rebels for they durst not well trust their owne fellowes and so in the hotest of the skirmish made an escape Marcellus so soone as hee understoood that Nasos was woon and likewise that one quarter of Acradina was held and kept for him and that Mericus with his guard had joined to his souldiors founded the retreat for feare that the kings treasure which was more in name than in deed should be rifled and spoiled Thus by suppressing the violence of the souldiours both the rebell fugitives that were in Acradina had good time and place to shift for themselves and get away and also the Syracusians delivered now at last from feare opened the gates of Acradina and sent Oratours unto Marcellus craving nothing but life for themselves and their children Marcellus called his counsell together and those Syracusians likewise who
to have secret speech and conference with the principall heads of the Celtiberians and so treated with them that in consideration of a great summe of money they were persuaded and yeelded in the end to withdraw all their forces from thence and give the Romanes the slip And this they supposed was not so heinous odious a fact For why they were not dealt withall to turn their swords up-upon the Romanes and to warre against them againe they were to have as good pay and wages to sit still and not to serve as was sufficient to bind them for to beare armes and fight and last of all rest it selfe and sleeping in a whole skin together with their returne home to their owne and the joy and pleasure of visiting their friends and seeing their goods and lands were plausible and pleasing inducements to every man And therefore the captaines themselves were no sooner drawne thereto than the very multitude Over and besides to strike it dead sure they stood in no feare of the Romanes being so few as they were that they could possiblie keepe them perforce And surely this might well serve to be a Caveat for Romane captaines ever hereafter and such precedent examples and instances as this may stand in steed of good lessons indeed to teach them how they trust again the aids of foreiners never to relie themselves so much upon them but that they alwaies have in their campe the greater part of their owne forces and the more number of their naturall souldiors All on a suddaine therefore the Celtiberians dislodged plucked up standerds and departed from them and never bad them farwell And when the Romans demaunded the cause of this change yea besought and importuned them to tarrie they made them no other answere but this That they were called and sent for home by occasion of warres in their owne countrie Scipio seeing that these Allies of his were so slipperie and could neither be intreated nor â—nforced to stay and that himselfe alone without them was not able to make his part good with the enemie and to joyne againe with his brother was a thing impossible for want of all other good meanes for the present when he saw no remedie els determined to retire himselfe as farre backward as he could having this especiall care above all things not to encounter and joyne battaile with the enemie in plaine field without some advantage who now was passed over the river and traced him hard at heeles in his dismarch About the same time P. Scipio stood in the like termes of feare but in more danger by the comming of a new enemie and that was Masanissa the young Prince who then was a friend and pensionarie souldier of the Carthaginians but afterwards mightie and renowmed for his amitie with the Romanes He with his Numidian horsemen first encountred P. Scipio as he marched on his journey and afterwards both day and night molested and troubled him very shrewdly in such sort that not only he would intercept and catch up those that were gone out wandering and straggling farre from the camp a fuelling or foraging and send them short of home but also ride braving even before the camp Many a time would he venture yea and enter upon the thickest of the standing corps de guard and make foule worke and trouble among them By night also he used oft to make many starts upon a sodaine and assaile the gates of the camp and the rampiar and put them in exceeding great frights So as the Romanes at no time nor in no place could be at rest and quiet for him but ever in feare and doubt of some shrewd turne or other by him so as they were driven to keepe within their rampier cut off from the use of all commodities abroad and in a manner as good as besieged and more streightly yet were they like to be beleaguered in case Indibilis who was comming as the rumor went with 7500 Suesseranes were once joyned with the Carthaginians Whereupon Scipio a warie warrior and prudent Captaine otherwise driven to these hard extremities and forced to make shifts entred into a rash and inconsiderate designement even to go on and meete forsooth Indibilis in the night and in what place soever it should be his hap to encounter him there to bid him battaile and fight with him Leaving therefore a meane guard to keepe the camp and T. Fonteius his Lieutenant as Provost and Captaine he set out at midnight and meeting with his enemies joyned battaile with them but they skirmished rather by loose companies in their march than with their united forces in set and pight field Howbeit the Romanes had the better hand so much as it was considering what a confused and disorderly medley there might be But the Numidian Cavallerie whom Scipio thought he was secured of and that they were not aware of him all on a sodaine flanked the sides of the Romanes and mightily terrified them Against these Numidians whiles Scipio made head againe afresh behold a third sort of enemies also charged upon his back even the Carthaginian captaines who by this time while the other were in fight had overtaken their allies and were come thither So as the Romanes were to maintaine battaile on all hands and were at a stand and in doubt with themselves against which enemie to turne first or what way with a close couched squadron to give the venture for to breake through As the Generall was thus mansully fighting and encouraging his souldiours presenting and opposing himselfe forward where was most need and danger his chance was to be run through the right side of his bodie with a Launce and that massive band of the enemies which had charged upon the thicke battailon which environed their captaine seeing Scipio falling from his horse readie to dye in great joy and mirth set up a cheerefull shout and ran all over the armie and caried glad tidings that the Romane generall was slaine This voyce being once spread all abroad caused both the enemies to take themselves undoubtedly for victours and the Romanes to make no other accoumpt but they were vanquished Whereupon they having lost their leader began forthwith to flye out of the field But as it was no hard matter for them to make a lane and breake through among the Numidians and other auxiliarie souldiours lightly armed so to escape and go cleere away from so many horse and footemen also who were as swift on foote as the horsemen it was almost impossible Thus they were more in maner slain in their flight now then in their fight before And there had not one remained alive but that the day being far spent alreadie and toward evening the night came on a pace and overtooke them The Carthaginian captaines and those also of Affrick taking the full benefit of this their good fortune slept not their businesse nor made delay but presently after the battaile scarcely allowing their souldiours so much sleepe as
was made of the paisants that fled from him by his vauntcurriers the Numidian light horsemen whom he sent asore to make riddance And many there were of all conditions and ages that were taken captive In this tumultuous trouble Fulvius Flaccus with his armie entred Rome at the gate Capena from whence he went through the middest of the citie along the street Carinae into the Exquiliae and from thence hee went forth and betweene the gates Exquilina and Collina pitched his tents Thither the Aediles of the Commons brought victuals the Consull and the Senate resorted to him into the campe where they sat in counsell about the State of the Commonweale And agreed it was That the Consuls should lie encamped likewise about the gates Collina and Exquillina that C. Calpurnius Pretour of the cittie should have the keeping of the Capitoll and the castle with a guard and that the Senatours keepe residence continually in good number within the compasse of the Forum what need so ever there should be of their counsell and advise against all suddaine accidents By this time Anniball was come forward as farre as to the river Anio within three miles of the citie lay encamped where he kept a standing leaguer But himselfe in person with 2000 horsemen advaunced forward toward the gate Collina even as farre as to Hercules his temple and rode all about as neere as he well could to veiw the walls and the situation of the citie Flacus tooke foule disdaine thereat and thought it a shame full indignitie that he should brave it at his pleasure so scornefully without revenge whereupon hee sent out certaine of his owne Cavallerie and gave commaundement That they should set the enemies horsemen farther off and chase them backe into their campe Whiles they were in skirmish together the Consuls gave order that the Numidian horsemen such as were fled from the enemie and turned to the Romanes who were at that time to the number of twelve hundred upon the Aventine hill should passe through the middest of the cittie to the Exquiliae supposing that there were none more meet than they for to sight among the valleyes the garden houses the sepulchres and hollow waies on every side Whom when some from the castle and the Capitoll espied riding downe the descent of the hill called Clivus Publicus they ran crying about the citie The Aventine is taken The Aventine is taken Which alarme caused a tumult gave such an occasion of fear and running away that if the campe of Anniball had not been without the walls fearefull multitude doubtlesse would have abandoned and quit the cittie But they tooke their houses and gat every man up to the terrasses and leads thereof from whence they pelted with stones and others shot their own friends in steed of enemies as they rode scattering one from another in the streets This tumult could not be repressed nor the errour appeare by reason that the waies were so pestered with a number of the countrie peasants and of cattell besides whom suddaine feare had driven into the citie Howbeit the horsemen fought fortunately and the enemies were removed and set backe And because it was necessarie to stay all disorders and uprores that chaunced upon small occasions to arise it was thought good and agreed upon that all those who had been either Dictatours or borne the office of Censors should have their full power authoritie untill such time as the enemie was clean departed from about the walls And that was to good purpose for all the rest of that day and the night following there were divers and sundrie garboiles without any cause or occasion raised and the same stilled appeased by that meanes The next day Anniball passed over Anio and brought forth all his whole power into the field Neither were Flaccus and the Consuls behind hand for their parts but readie for battell When both armies stood arraunged in order on both sides amused upon the issue and event of that one sight which was for no lesse a prize and reward to the victorious part than the very cittie of Rome there sell such a mightie storme of raine and haile together and so troubled both hoasts that they could scarce hold their weapons in hand but were driven to retire themselves for safetie into their severall campes fearing nothing lesse than their own enemies The morrow after likewise when they stood in the same place in battel array the like tempest parted them asunder And they were not so soone retired into their campe but the day was wonderfull faire and the weather calme againe The Carthaginians tooke this for an ominous presage to them of ill lucke And Anniball was heard by report to say That one while his mind another while his fortune would not give him leave to win the citie of Rome There were other occurrences besides as well small as great that discouraged him and abated his hope Of more importance was this that whiles he lay with his hoast in arms before the walls of Rome he understood there were certaine companies with banners displaied sent into Spaine for to supplie the armies there Of lesse reckoning was this that hee was advertised by a certaine captive how the very same plot of ground whereon hee was encamped happened at the same time to be sold not underfoot but at the full price and nothing abated This he tooke to be so presumptuous a part and such a scornefull indignitie namely that there should bee a chapman found at Rome to make purchase of that peece of land which hee was possessed of and held in right of armes that presently he called for a publicke crier trumpet and gave commaundement unto him to proclaim port sale of all the shops of Bankers and money chaungers at that time aboutthe Forum in Rome Neverthelesse hereupon hee was moved to dislodge and retired his campe backewards from the citie to the river Turia sixe myles from Rome From whence hee tooke his way to the grove of Feronia where stood a temple in those daies much renowmed for wealth and richesse The inhabitants thereabout were certaine Capenates who used to bring thither the first fruits of their corne and revenues yea and many other oblations besides according to their store by meanes where of they had adorned garnished it with much gold and silver Of all those gifts and offerings was this temple then robbed and spoiled But after the departure of Anniball from thence there were found great heapes of brasse by reason that the souldiours upon touch and remorse of conscience had cast in many brasen peeces The sacking and pillage of this temple all writers doe agree upon and make no doubt thereof Coelius faith That Anniball as hee went toward Rome from Eretum turned thither and hee setteth downe the beginning of his journey from Reate Cutiliae and from Amiternum And that out of Campania he came into Samnium and from thence into the countrie of Peligni and so passed beside
the citie Sulmo to the Marucines and then by the territorie of the Albenses into the Marsians land and from thence hee marched to Amiternum and so forward to the towne Foruli Neither is there any error or doubt in all this because the markes and tokens of the voiage of so great an armie could not within the memorie and compasse of so small anage be confounded and worne out For certaine it is that he passed that way The only difference lieth herein whether hee came to the cittie of Rome or returned from thence into Campania by that way aforesaid Now was not Anniball so resolute to defend Capua but the Romanes were as fully bent and more eager to continue the siege and assault thereof For he sped himselfe so fast another way in his voiage back first out of the Lucanes countrie to the Brutians and so on stil to the streight of Sicilie and to Rhegium that with his suddaine comming thither he surprised them at unwares even before they heard of his arrivall As for Capua albeit in the time of Fulvius his absence it was no lesse streightly beleaguered yet it felt the comming againe of Flaccus and besides there was much marvell there why Anniball returned not backe as well as he Afterwards they understood by conference with some that were without how they were forsaken and forlorne of Anniball and that the Carthaginians were pastall hope to keepe and hold Capua still to their owne use There was an Edict more over of the Pro-consull passed by order from the Senate and the same published and devulged among the enemies That what citizen soever of Capua would turne to the Romanes before such a certaine day hee should have a generall pardon But there was no comming in nor raunging to the Romanes side for feare of punishment at the Romans hands more than for any regard of their alleageance to the Carthaginians because their transgression and trespasse in their former revolt was so great that it might not be pardoned And as no one man at all privately on his owne head carrie over to the campe of the Romanes so there was no good order taken by publicke counsell for the benefit and safetie of the whole citie The noblemen had given over managing of state-matters and could not be brought by any means to assemble in Senate And in cheese place of government was hee who had not woon to himselfe any honour thereby but his unworthinesse was derogatorie to the authoritie and power of that Magistracie which he bare For now there was not one of the cheese citizens and noblemen that would be so much as seene in the market place or common hall of assemblies but shutting themselves within dores in their private houses they expected every day for the destruction of their countrey together with their owne undoing and overthrow The whole charge care lay upon Boslar and Hanno captaines of the garrison in the fort there of the Carthaginians and more carefull were they of their owne welfare than fearefull for the jeopardie of their friends and allies These two wrote letters unto Anniball endited not onely in plaine teannes franckly but also sharpely and bitterly wherein they laid unto his charge That he had not onely betraied Capua into the hands of the enemies but also delivered and exposed them and the garison to the cruell clutches of the Romanes to be massacred and executed That hee was gone his waies and departed into the country of the Brutij as one that turned away his face of purpose because he would not fee with his owne eyes the losse of Capua But ywis the Romanes contrarywise could not be withdrawen from the siege of Capua no not by the assaulting of the citie of Rome so much more were the Romanes resolute enemies than the Carthaginians constant friends But it he would returne againe to Capua and bend the full force of his warre thither both they and the citizens also of Capua would be ready to fally forth and encounter the enemies For why they passed not over the Alpes with intent to war with the Rhegines and Tarentines no but where the Romane legions were there ought the armies of the Carthaginians to be Thus at Cannae thus at Thrasymenus were the victories atchieved by affronting and meeting the enemie by joyning camp to camp and by hazarding the fortune of battaile To this effect were the letters penned and given to certain Numidians who for a good reward had offered their service before for the safe cariage and delivery of them These fellowes presented themselves before Flaccus in the camp in habit and qualitie of fugitives unto his side hoping to spie out some convenient time when they might give him the slip and be gone Now by occasion of the famine which had continued long in Capua there was none but might pretend a good and reasonable cause to depart from thence to the adverse part But behold there hapned anon a Capuan wench to come into the leaguer a naughtie-pack and an harlot that one of the supposed counterfet fugitives aforesaid kept She enformed the Generall of the Romanes that those Numidians fraudulently and by covin pretended to slye unto his part and had letters about them unto Anniball This would she stand to and be ready to averre to the very face of one of them who bewrayed and disclosed the plot unto her At first when he was brought forth before her he set a jolly countenance of the matter and made it very strange and pretending stoutly that he knew not the woman but by little and little he was convicted by manifest truthes and especially when he saw that they called for the rack that he was upon the point to be put to torture so in the end confessed that all was true and therewith brought forth the letters Over and besides another thing was now revealed which before was kept close and secret to wit that there were other Numidians besides who under the colour of fugitives had gone up and downe in the Romane camp of these there were apprehended not so few as threescore and ten and they together with the new were whipped with rods had their hands cut off and sent back againe to Capua This piteous spectacle sight of so feareful execution killed the courage brake the very hart of the Campanes Whereupon the people ran together unto the Counsell house compelled Lesius to assemble a Senat and openly threatned the Nobles who a long time had absented themselves from publick consultations that unlesse they would now repaire into the Senate they would go home to their very houses and pluck them out by the eares into the street For feare hereof the chiefe magistrate had a frequent and full assembly of Senatours VVhiles all the rest were of opinion to send embassadors to the Romane Generals Vibius Virius who had bene the chief cause and principall author of their first revolt from the Romanes being demaunded his advise spake
eies For a shamelesse Pilot of a ship is he and as impudent a Generall of an armie quoth he who having to doe all by other mens eies would require to have the goods and lives of other men to bee put into their hands And therefore may it please your honour to commaund this centurie of the younger sort to give their voices a new and in creating Consuls to remember the war that is in Italie to consider of the troublesome state of the Common-weale and to thinke of this That scarcely yet mens eares have had any rest since they resounded and rung againe with the noises and alarmes that the enemies raised within these few months when they lay in siege neer unto the wals of Rome But after these words when the said centurie cried with one accord that they were of the same mind still and would nominate the same Consuls againe and none other then Torquatus Neither qd he shall I be able if I were Consull to beare with your fashions and conditions nor you againe endure my rule and commaundement To the scrutinie therefore once againe and thinke how the Carthaginians warre within Italie and Anniball is the Generall of the enemies Then the centurie moved as well by the authoritie reverence of the mans person as by the applause and admiration of the people who wondred at his vertue besought the Consull to call forth and cite a centurie of the elder bands for that they would willingly confer with more auncient men than themselves and by their sage advise good direction nominate the Consuls When those elders were called to this centurie there was some time allowed for to commune apart secretly with them within the place railed in called Ovile These auncients said unto them that they were to consult of three persons whereof two alreadie were full of honourable dignities which they had borne to wit Q. Fabius and M. Marcellus But verily say they in case ye would have some new Cos. to bee chosen for to be opposed against the Carthaginians ye have M. Valerius Laevinus a notable man one who hath performed singular good service atchieved many noble deeds both by sea land against king Philip. So when they had three propounded unto them the elder were dismissed and the younger entered into a second scrutinie and declared for Consuls M. Claudius Marcellus glittering then in the prime of his glorie for the late subduing and conquest of Sicilie and M. Valerius who was absent This fore-dome choise of the prerogative centurie all the rest followed after and by their suffrages confirmed Let them mocke on now and scoffe hereat all they that have nothing in admiration but antiquitie and things done in alder time For mine owne part if there be any such cittie and commonwealth at all consisting of wise men and Philosophers as some great Clerks have rather imagined in their fansies than found in effect I dare be bold to thinke and say that in it there could not possibly be either rulers and magistrates more grave and temperate in their desire of dignitie government or a people better mannered nuttered and instructed But that it should bee thought an unlikely matter and scarce credible that a centurie of younger persons were willing to consult with the elder be advised by them to whom they should give their voices for to be created the chiefe magistrates it is the corruption of this our age that is the cause wherin we see how small reverence and authoritie even parents themselves have and of how slender base account they be amongst their owne naturall children After this followed the Election of Pretours wherein were created P. Manlius Volso and L. Manlius Acidinus C. Lectorius L. Cincius Alimentus When this Election was finished it fortuned that newes came how T. Octacilius whom the people as it seemed would have chosen in his absence to match T. Manlius in the Consulship but that the ordinarie course of the election was disturbed and stopped departed this life in Sicilie The Apollinare games in the former yeare had been exhibited and when Calpurnius the Pretour put up a bill and moved the Senate that they might be celebrated againe that year also there passed a decree That they should be vowed to continue from time to time for ever The same yeare certaine prodigious tokens were seene and reported In the temple of Concordia the Image of Victorie which stood upon the lanterne and top thereof was smitten with lightening and being shaken and driven from the owne place tested fast upon those other Images of Victorie that were fixed in the forefront of the said temple and fell not downe from thence Word also was brought That in Anagnia and Fregellae the wall and the gates were likewise blasted and strucken with fire from heaven and that in the market place of Sudertum there ranne streames of bloud a whole day together That in Eretum it rained stones and that in Reate a female mule brought forth a sole These straunge and wonderfull signes were purged and expiate with greater sacrifices and a solemne supplication proclaimed wherein for one day the people should wholly attend their devotions and pray unto the gods and likewise a Novendiall sacrifice In that yeare died certaine publicke Priests of State and new were chosen in their steed Caius Lâ—vius in the roume of M. Pomponius Matho the High priest and M. Servilius to supplie the place of Sp. Carvilius Maximus the Arch-Augur And for as much as T. Octacilius Maximus the Prelat or Bishop died when the yeare was expired there was none nominated for to succeed him C. Claudius the Arch-flamine of Iupiter lost his Flamineship and was deprived of that Sacerdotall dignitie because hee had committed an error in sacrificing when hee should minister and distribute the inwards of the beast About the same time M. Aemylius Levinus after hee had by secret conferences founded aforehand and sollicited the minds of the Aetolian Princes and great LL. came with a smal fleet of ships lightly appointed to their generall Diet or councell summoned before for that purpose onely In which solemne assemblie after hee had made declaration That Syracusa and Capua were woon and under the protection of the people of Rome and what good successe they had in the affaires and warres of Italie and discoursed besides That the Romanes according to their auncient custome received by tradition from their fore fathers used to respect and make much of their Allies and namely That either they received them into the citie of Rome and endued them with the same franchises that they themselves enjoied or els dealt so liberally with them otherwise that they liked of their condition so wel as they chose rather to be allies than citizens he protested and said That the Aetolians should be much more honoured amongst them than all others for that they were the first that of all forraine nations beyond sea entertained league and amitie with them
Then were two Senatours sent into the capitoll to the Consull to request him to repaire againe unto the assembly of the Senate and after the Sicilians also were admitted into the place their act and decree aforesaid was openly read The Embassadours had good words given them and were dismissed whereupon they fell downe prostrate at the feet of Marcellus the Consull beseeching him to pardon that which they had spoken either to bewaile or to ease their calamitie and to receive both them in particular and the citie of Saracose in generall unto his mercifull protection After this the Consull with gracious words licenced them to depart When the Sicilians had their dispatch the Campanes had audience given them in the Senate and as their speech was more lamentable so the cause was heavier and harder to be digested for neither could they themselves denie but that they deserved condign punishment nor Tyrants had they any upon whom they might lay the blame But they thought they had suffred enough for their sinnes already in that so many of their Senatours died by poison and so many lost their heads Some few of their nobilitie and but a few remained yet alive who as they were not touched in conscience nor so faultie as to lay violent hands upon themselves so the Conquerour in his furious wrath adjudged them not worthy of death they therefore made humble suite for themselves their wives and children to obteine freedome and to enjoy some part of their owne goods being as they were meere citizens of Rome and most of them by affinitie and neere kinred upon mutuall and crosse mariages linked in alliance and bloud to the Romanes After that they also were willed to void out of the Senat house for a while there grew some question and doubt whether Q. Fulvius should be sent for from Capua for presently upon the taking of the citie Claudius the Consull died that this matter might be argued and discussed in presence of the Generall himselfe like as the other had bene reasoned of and debated betweene Marcellus and the Sicilians But afterwards when they saw in the Senate house M. Attilius and C. Fulvius the brother of Flaccus both his Lieutenants likewise Q. Minutius and L. Veturius Philo Lieutenants unto Claudius who had bene present in all actions and were eye-witnesses of everything and besides were unwilling that either Fulvius should be called away from Capua or the Campanes longer delaied M. Attilius Regulus who of all them that had beene at the service of Capua was of greatest authoritie and reputation being demaunded his opinion spake in this wise I take it quoth hee when Capua was newly woon I was one of counsell with the Consuls there when question was asked and enquirie made Whether any one Campane had deserved well of us and our Commonweale And found it was that two women onely to wit Vesta Oppia borne in Atellae but dwelling then at Capua Faucula Cluvia sometime a common strumpet and curtizane were well willers unto us The former of these twain daily sacrificed for the welfare life and victorie of the Romanes the other secretly sustained the poore and needie Romane captives with food and victuals As for all other Campanes from the highest to the lowest they wee no better affected unto us than the Carthaginians And even those who were beheaded by Quintus Fulvius suffered death not because they were more faultie than others but for that they were of greater marke and calling than the rest Now that the Senate should decide the cause of any Campanes who are enfranchised denisons of Rome without a graunt from the people I see not how it can bee For in our forefathers time the like case was of the Satricanes that rebelled and then M. Antistius a Tribune of the Commons first put up a bill the Commons afterwards passed it namely That the Senate might have power and and auctoritie to give their opinion and determine of the Satricanes Therefore I am of mind that we deale with the Tribunes of the Commons that one or more of them preferre a bill unto the Commons by vertue whereof wee may bee authorised to set downe some order for the Campanes Then L. Attilius a Tribune of the Commons by leave and advise of the Senate proposed unto the Commons a bill in this forme and manner WHEREAS THE CAMPANES ATELLANES CALATINES AND SABATINES VVHO HAVE YEELDED THEMSELVES UNTO FULVIUS THE PRO-CONSULL TO BE AT THE PLEASURE AND DEVOTION OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME ALL THAT ALSO VVHICH THEY HAVE SURRENDRED TOGETHER WITH THEMSELVES AS VVELL THEIR TERRITORIE AS THEIR CITIE AS ALL UTENSILLS BOTH SACRED AND PROPHANE THEIR NECESSARIE IMPLEMENTS AND AL OTHER THINGS VVHATSOEVER I DEMAUND YOUR VVIL AND PLEASURE ô QUIRITES VVHAT SHAL BE DONE VVITH THE PREMISSES The Commons after deliberation gave their voyces to the said bill in this forme OUR VVIL AND PLEASURE IS THAT VVHATSOEVER YE THE SENATOURS VVHO NOVV ARE SET IN COUNSELL OR THE MOST PART OF YOU THINKE GOOD AND DETERMINE SHAL STAND FOR IUST AND LAVVFULL Vpon this graunt or Act of the Commons the Senate by a decree awarded unto Oppia and Cluvia first their owne goods and libertie and moreover if they were desirous to crave farther reward at the Senates hand they were best to repaire unto Rome For every familie and severall house of the Campanes there were speciall acts and decrees made all which to repeate and rehearse would not quit the labour Some had their goods confiscate themselves their children and wives were to be sold excepting those their daughters which were wedded before that they came under the subjection of the people of Rome Others were to be clapt up in prison untill farther order were taken for them hereafter Moreover of some Campanes they made distinction by valuation of their wealth whether their goods were to be confiscate or no. All their beasts and cattaile which were taken save horses all their bondslaves but males fourteene yeares of age and upward all moveable goods also which were not annexed and fastned to the soyle they awarded for to be restored to the true owners All Campanes Arellanes Calatines Sabellanes excepting those who either themselves or whose parents tooke part and sided with the enemies they judged to be free provided alwayes that none of them were either Free-denizens of Rome or of Latium Item it was enacted that none of all them who had bene at Capua whiles the gates were shut should remaine either in the citie or territorie of Capua within a certaine day prefixed but should have a place set out unto them for to dwell in on the farther side of Tyberis so it were not upon the very banke close unto Tyber As for those that during the time of warre had bene neither at Capua nor in any other citie of Campane which revolted from the people of Rome they should be removed to inhabit on this side the river Lyris betweene it and Rome but such as were turned and
compulsion I would willingly have concealed and smothered in silence but that the ill name wherein he was turned afterwards to good fame and reputation This Flaccus for his carelesse loose and roiotous demeanure in his youth in regard of which vicious course of life he was odious to his owne naturall brother L. Flaccus and other his kinsfolke was for the same cause chosen Flamin by P. Licinius the said Arch-bishop This man so soon as his mind was emploied about church-matters and religious ceremonies so suddainely all at once altered his life and cast off his old behaviour that there was not one of all the young men in Rome in more account and credite nor better liked of the cheefe of the Nobilitie and LL. of the Senate as well those of his owne house and linage as others that were straungers unto him And when hee saw himselfe grown generally into this good opinion and reputation among men he began to have a very great conceit of his owne partes and worthinesse insomuch as hee brought up an old custome againe and was so bold as to take his place in the Senate house a thing that for many yeares space had been intermitted and discontinued in regard of the base unworthinesse and insufficiencie of the former Flamines When he was entred into the Senate chamber C. Licinius the Pretour willed him to goe forth as being no place for him and therwith drew him out wherupon the Flamine called for helpe of the Tribunes of the Commons pleading the ancient right and preheminence of that priestly dignitie and alleadging that C. Flaminius in times past enjoied that place together with the pall or embrodered rich robe and the yvorie chaire The Pretour on the other side came upon him againe and said That right was not grounded upon old examples past all date fet out of Chronicles time out of mind but he would needs have it to be caried by the most fresh practise of the newest and latest custome affirming That by prescription of the time either of our fathers or grandfathers daies there was no Flamine of Iupiter usurped that priviledge The Tribunes who were to moderate this question gave their judgement thus That if a thing were forelet and discontinued through the supine negligence of some Flamins it was worst for themselves they deemed it no reason that it should hurt or prejudice the whole Priesthood Wherupon the Pretor himselfe forced not greatly upon the point nor stood much with him and so they admitted the Flamine into the house with great consent of the Nobles as well as of the Commons And all men thus conceived of it That the Flamine had obtained the thing rather in regard of his sanctimonie and holinesse of life than in the right of his sacerdotall dignitie The Consuls before that they went into their provinces enrolled two legions of citizens for to supplie and make up sufficiently the defect of all the other forces The old cittie armie Fulvius the Consull committed unto C. Fulvius Flaccus his Lieutenant and brother he was besides to the Consull for to be led into Hetruria with direction that the Legions alreadie in Hetruria should be brought to Rome And Fabius the Consull caused the residue of the armie of Fulvius to bee sought up and rallied which arose to the number of 3336 and commaunded his sonne Q. Maximus to lead them into Sicilie unto M. Valerius the Pro-consull and of him to receive the charge of two Legions and the thirtie galliaces aforesaid bearing five ranckes of oares The withdrawing of these Legions out of the Island nothing diminished nor abridged the garisons of that province either in strength or shew For besides the two old legions well and sufficiently fulfilled and furnished he had a great power as well horse as foot of Numidians such as were fled from the adverse part unto the Romanes and tooke up and levied besides for new souldiors even those Sicilians also who had ben of the armie of Epicides and the Carthaginians men of approved valour and skilfull warriours These forraine aids when hee had put to each of the Romane legions hee kept still the forme of two complete armies With the one he gave order to L. Cincius to defend that part of the island which had been the realme of king Hiero â— with the other he maintained the rest of the Island divided sometimes by the confines of the Romane and Punick dominions There was a fleet also rigged and trimmed consisting of seventie ships for to guard and defend all the maritine coasts along the tract of the sea side Himselfe in person with the horsemen of Mutines rode about all the province for to visit the lands and grounds and to take note which were tilled well husbanded which lay forelet and untilled and to commend or chastise and rebuke the landlords and owners thereof accordingly The care and regard of corne thus farre forth did good that the province was able both to send good store to Rome and also to convey unto Catana sufficient to maintaine the armie that was to lie in standing campe that summer about Tarentum But the souldiours who were transported over into Sicilie and for the better part they were Latines and other Associates were like to cause a great rising and commotion whereby we may see that of small occasions and beginnings often times arise great matters of important consequence For the Latines and Allies in all their Diets and counsels at home began to mutter and grumble That now for tenne yeares space they were with continuall musterings and paiments of souldiours wages consumed and spent that there was not a year in manner went over their heads but it cost them some great losse and overthrow in battaile Many were slaine in the warres other died of diseases So that a citizen of theirs if he were taken and prest ones by the Romans for to bee a souldiour was more sure to perish than if he were taken prisoner by the Carthaginians for the enemie sent their captives backe againe gratis and without raunsome home into their countrey the Romanes posted and packed them away out of Italie as confined to a place of banishment to speake truly rather than appointed to serve in warfare For see how the souldiours remaining after the field of Cannae have continued there and waxen old these eight yeares alreadie and no doubt there were they like to lay their bones before that the enemie who never so flourished nor was so strong as now would depart from thence In case then that old souldiors returne not into their countrey and new still be chosen within a while there would bee none left behind And therefore best it were for them before they were come to extreame povertie desolation presently to denie the people of Rome that whiles somewhat is left which shortly they must bee driven to doe of very necessitie when all is gone And if the Romanes see their Allies once agree together and take this
a brave captaine but yet more forward and egre than the qualitie and occasions of this warre required or to be matched with such an enemie as Anniball was And therefore they thought good to joyne with him for his colleague a sober wise prudent man who might temper and qualifie that fierce nature and disposition of his Now M. Livius many yeares ago had bene upon his Consulship condemned by the judgement of the people Which ignominie and reproach he tooke so grievously to the heart that he departed into the countrie and for many yeares togither forbare not onely the cittie but to converse and keepe companie with men And almost eight years after his condemnation aforesaid M. Claudius Marcellus and M. Valerius Laevinus the Consuls reduced him againe into the cittie But hee used to go in old and worne apparrell letting the haire of his head and beard grow long carrying in his very countenance and array the fresh notable remembrance of the disgrace before received But L. Veturius and P. Licinius the Censors compelled him to cut his haire and lay away his vile and unseemly weed to come into the Senate and to meddle againe in civill matters and affaires of State And yet in so doing he would never proceed farther than to say Amen to other mens opinions and speake but one word yea and nay or else nothing at all but shew his mind by passing on his feet to one side or other Vntill such time as a kinsman of his owne M. Livius Macatus being in trouble and his name and honour called in question caused him to stand up in the Counsel-house and deliver his opinion And when after so long discontinuance he was seen and heard once to speake he turned every man his eye upon him and ministred occasion also of speech in these tearmes namely That the people had done the man exceeding great wrong yea and hurt the common-weale much in that during the time of so daungerous a warre there had bene no imploiment of so worthie a person either for his travaile and paines or his advise and counsell But to returne againe to the lords of the Senate they knew well that neither Q. Fabius nor M. Valerius Laevinus could possibly be joyned as companion in government to C. Nero for as much as it was not lawfull that both should bee chosen out of the Nobles or Patritij And the same was T. Manlius his case also Besides that as he once refused the Consuls rowme when it was offered unto him so no doubt hee would not accept thereof the second time if it were tendred upon him But if they should sort Marcus Livius and C. Claudius togither there would be an excellent couple of Consuls in deed Neither stood the people against this overture thus moved first by the lords of the Senate The onely man in the whole cittie that denied it was the very partie himselfe unto whom this dignitie and honourable place was presented Who much blamed the levity inconstancie of the citie saying that they had no pittie of him when it was namely whiles he was in question accused during the time of his trouble ware poore simple garments but now against his wil they offred him a glittering white robe to stand for a Consulship Thus quoth he they punish and depresse thus they honour and advance the same persons If they tooke me for a good honest man why condemned they me as they did for a wicked one and a guiltie If they found me naught and faultie what cause have they to trust me with a second Consulship who used the former so badly which was committed unto me As he argued and made complaints in this wise the lords of the Senate reproved him and replied againe setting before his eies the example of M. Furius who in times past was called home our of exile when the state was decaied lying along set it upright again in her former place and pristine glorie And like as the curstnesse and rigor of parents is to be mollified by patience even so the hard shrewd dealings of a mans countrie is to be dulced mitigated by bearing and sufferance So they all stucke close togither and chose M. Livius Consull with C. Claudius Three daies after they went to the election of the Pretours And there were created Pretours L. Porcius Licinius Caius Manlius A. Hostilius and C. Hostilius both Catoes When the election was finished and the games celebrated the Dictatour and Generall of the cavallerie surrendred their places C. Terentius Varro was sent into Hetruria as Pro-pretor to the end that out of that province C. Hostilius should go to Tarentum unto that armie which T. Quintius the Cos. had That L. Manlius should go beyond sea as embassador to see how the world went there And withall considering that in summer there were to be solemnized the famous games at Olympia which were celebrated with a most frequent resort and meeting of all Greece in case hee might safely without impeachment of the enemie hee should visite that great assembly to the end that if he could light upon any Sicilians who were fled and banished their countrie or any cittizens of Tarentum confined thither sent away by Anniball they should repaire home againe into their owne countries and know that whatsoever they were possessed of before the warres began the people of Rome would restore the same and make good againe unto them Because it was like to be a right daungerous yeare and no Consuls were invested fully in the common-weale all men depended upon the Consuls elect and were desirous that they should with all speed cast lots for their provinces and every man was willing to know aforehand what province each one should rule what enemie he was to deale withall Moreover a motion and speech there was in the Senat-house that the Consuls should bee reconciled and made friends and Q. Fabius Max. propounded that first For there had beene notorious enmitie and variance betweene them aforetime and the calamitie of Livius made the same more grievous and unsupportable unto himselfe in regard that he was persuaded how in that miserie of his hee was despised of his adversarie Whereupon he grew to be more implacable of the twaine and worse to be intreated There needs quoth he no reconciliation neither is it materiall to any purpose For they will do all with more diligence and better spirit who ever stand in feare that their adversarie and concurrent shall grow great and be advaunced by their default Yet the authoritie of the Senate bare such a stroke with them that they laid aside all malice and old grudge with one mind consent and counsell administred the affaires of common-weale Their provinces were not intermingled nor their government extended into one anothers countrie as in former yeares but distant asunder and divided by the remote frontiers and farthest marches of Italie For unto one of them wer assigned
the maine the winds arise suddainly and blow blusterous but also the verie streight it self of Euripus ebbeth not and floweth seven times in the day as the voice goeth at certaine set and ordinarie houres but without all order as the winds drive the sea turneth and rolleth hither and thither working up and downe like a flowing stream runneth forcibly with great violence as it were down a steepe hill so as neither night nor day the ships there riding have any rest repose As the Romane armada was thus engaged within so daungerous a rode so the towne of the one part was environned with the sea and on the landside surely fortified besides the defence of a strong garrison there and the assured loialtie of the captaines and principall heads and rulers whereby it was chiefly guarded which at Oreum was but vaine fickle and unsteadfast by meanes whereof it was tenable and imprenable The Romane Generall in this case considering how hee had begun a rash enterprise seeing many difficulties on every hand wrought wisely yet in this one point that he soone gave over because he would spend no time in vaine passed over with his fleet from thence to Cynus of Locris a towne of marchandise belonging to the citie of Opus situat a mile from the sea Philip had warning by the beacons on fire that appeared from Oreum but by the fraud of Plator the other were with the latest set a burning from the watch-tower abovesaid And forasmuch as he was not strong enough at sea hee could not with his navie have easie accesse into the Iland So that service was delaied and altogither neglected But hee bestirred himselfe quickly to the succour of Chalcis so soone as ever hee espied the fire from the beacon For albeit Chalcis it selfe be a citie of the same Iland yet it is divided from the continent by so narrow an arme of the sea that there is no more but a bridge between it and the land and on that side it hath more easie accesse than by water Philip having disseized the garrison there cast downe the fort and discomfited the Aetolians who kept the streight passage of Thermopyiae came from Demetrias to Scotusa from whence he departed at the third watch and when he had driven and chased the enemies in great feare to Heraclea himselfe in one day reached to Elatia in Phocis a journey above 60 miles The very same day in manner the cittie of the Opuntij was taken by K. Attalus put to the ransacke The whole pillage thereof Sulpitius had granted to the king in regard that Oreum a few daies before was spoiled and rifled by the Romane souldiours and the kings men had no share with them Now was the Roman armada retired to Oreum and Attalus not ware of Philip his comming spent time in exacting monies from the chiefe principall citizens But so suddaine and unexpected was this accident of his approach that had not certaine Cretensians by good hap gone forth a foraging farre from the cittie and descried the march of the enemies a great way off he might have bene overtaken and surprised Attalus unarmed and out of order as he was made hast ran amaine to the sea side for to recover the ships And even as he and his men were losing from the land and launching into the sea Philip came and from the verie shore put the mariners and sailers in great feare From thence hee returned to Opus crying out upon God and man and blaming his ill lucke that he bad missed so narrowly the opportunitie of so great an exploit and let it go as it were snatched out of his very eye In the same fit of anger he reproved and rebuked the Opuntians for that being able to hold out the siege untill his comming so soon as they saw the enemie they presently had yeelded themselves in a manner voluntarie into his hands When he had set things in order at Opus and thereabout he tooke his journey to Torone Attalus at first retired himselfe to Oreum but upon the newes arrived how Prusias the king of Bithynia had invaded the frontiers of his kingdome he left the Romane affaires and the Aetolian warre and from thence sailed over directly into Asia Sulpitius also retired his navie unto Aegina from whence in the beginning of the spring he had departed taken his voiage And Philip forced and wan Torone with as small adoe as Attalus before had taken Opus That foresaid cittie Torone was inhabited by certaine that were fled and driven out of Thebes in Phthiotis For when the cittie was taken by Philip and they fled for protection unto the Aetolians to whome they recommended and committed themselves the Aetolians gave unto them that place to seat themselves in being a cittie wasted and in manner desolate by the former warre of Philip. Then Philip having recovered Torone againe as is aforesaid departed from thence and wan Tritonumand Dry mas two small and base townes of no account in Doris From whence he came to Elatia where he had given commandement that the embassadors of Ptolomeus the Rhodians should give attendance until his comming Where as they were treating about the making an end of the Aetolian warre for as much as those Embassadours to the same effect had lately presented themselves at Heraclea in the counsell and assembly of the Romanes and Aetolians tidings came that Machanidas purposed and determined to let upon the Eleans as they were preparing to exhibit the solemne Olympian games Philip supposing it good to prevent that courteously aunswered the Embassadours and gave them their dispatch saying that as himselfe was not the cause of that warre so he would not hinder and stay the conclusion of peace upon any equall reasonable condition And so with a power lightly appointed he marched through Boeotia to Megara from thence went downe to Corinth where having furnished himselfe with victuals he marched forward to Phlios Phaneus And being now come as farre as to Erea and hearing there that Machanidas upon the rumour of his comming for feare was fled backe to Lacedaemon he returned to Aegium unto the generall Diet and councel of the Achaei supposing withall that he shuld find ther the Punick armada which he had sent for to come thither because he might be able to do somwhat also by sea But some few daies before the Carthaginians had sailed over into Phocaea and from thence were gone to the havens of the Acarnanians so soone as they heard once that Attalus and the Romanes were departed from Oreum fearing that they would make out after them and least they should be overtaken and surprised within Rhium which is the very mouth of the Corinthian gulâ—e Philip verily grieved hereat and was wonderfully troubled in mind seeing what hast soever he made himselfe in all his emprises yet he came too short and effected nothing in due time as if fortune in taking all things out of his very eye-sight had
Asdruball seeing the passage of the river stopped against him turned to the Ocean and even at the first they departed in great hast as if they fled which was the cause that they gat the start of the Romane legionarie footmen and wan a good space of ground before them But the horsemen and light appointed footmen plaied one while upon their tailes flanked another whiles their sides and by this meanes with charging recharging they wearied them and staied their march And when as upon many of these troubles by the way their ensignes were faine to stand and forced to maintaine skirmish some time with the horsemen and sometimes with the light javelottiers and auxiliarie footmen behold the legions also came on apace and overtooke them Then there was not so much fighting and resistance as massacre and slaughter of them downe they went with them and killed them like sheepe so long untill their leader himselfe began to flie and escaped into the next mountaines together with 7000 halfe naked and unarmed All the rest were either slaine or taken prisoners Then the Carthaginians began to encampe fortifie in all hast tumultuous sort upon the highest mount they could find from whence by reason that the enemies had assaied in vaine to get up the hill having so difficult an ascent they had not so much adoe to defend themselves But the place being bare and naked and disfurnished of all commodities for their releefe they were not able to hold out the siege for a few daies And thereupon the souldiours fell apace to forsake their owne captaine and to goe to the enemie So that at the length the Generall himselfe in the night season abandoned his armie and having got shipping for the sea was not farre off he embarked and fled to Gades Scipio being advertised that the captaine of his enemies was fled left with Syllanus tenne thousand footmen and a thousand horsemen to continue the siege of the campe Himselfe in person with the rest of his forces within seventie daies returned to Taracon for to examine and heare incontinently upon his arrivall the causes of the princes and States that upon the true estimate of their deserts they might be rewarded or chastised accordingly After his departure Masanissa having had secret conference with Syllanus about inducing his people also to bee pliable and to hearken unto a chaunge passed over into Affricke with some small retinue At which present time verily the occasion of his suddain alteration was not so evident and apparent as afterwards his most constant truth and fast alleageance observed unto his dying day was a good proofe and argument that even then he entred not into this designement and action without good and important cause Then Mago in those ships that Asdrubal had sent backe passed over to Gades The remnant thus forlorne of their captaines some by way of voluntarie yeelding and raunging themselves to the adverse part others by flight were scattered among the next cities and no troupe remained of them behind of any marke and reckoning to speake of either for number or strength In this manner and by these means especially were the Carthaginians driven all out of Spaine by the conduct and happie fortune of P. Scipio in the thirteenth yeare of the warre and in the fixt of Scipio his government in that province commaund of the armie And not long after Syllanus returned to Taracon unto Scipio and brought word that the warre in Spaine was fully ended And L. Scipio was sent with many noble persons captives as a messenger to carrie tidings to Rome of the conquest of Spaine And when al other tooke full contentment and infinite joy at these newes and abroad in all places highly magnified the glorie of this service he alone who was the man that did the deed as one who had an insatiable desire of vertue and true honour made but small reckoning of the recoverie and winning of Spaine in comparison of those matters that hee hoped for and conceived in that high and magnanimous spirit of his which he carried with him For now hee cast in his mind and aimed at the conquest of Africke and great Carthage and therewith to make persite and consummate that glorious warre to his owne immortall honour and renowme And therefore supposing it was now a good time to begin the way to those high exploits and to lay plots to prepare aforehand yea and to win unto him the hearts of the princes and nations hee determined first of all other to found and assay king Syphax This Syphax was king of the Masaesyli a people bordering upon the Mores and abutting upon that part of Spaine especially where new-Carthage is situate At the same time the king was in league with the Carthaginians which Scipio supposing that hee would observe no more surely and precisely than commonly the Barbarians use whose fidelitie dependeth upon Fortune sent C. Laelius with rich gifts and presents as an Orator to treat with him The barbarous prince was glad hereof both because the Romans then prospered every where and also the Carthaginians in Italie lived by the losse and in Spaine went downe to the ground where they had nothing left and therupon he condescended to entertaine the friendship of the Romanes But for the confirmation of this amitie he neither would give nor take assurance but onely in the personall presence of the Romane Generall himselfe So Laelius having obtained the kings roiall word and warrant that Scipio might come unto him with safe conduct and securitie returned unto Scipio Now for him that aspired to the conquest of Africke it was a matter of great consequence and importance in all respects to make himselfe sure of Syphax the most mightie and puissant king of all that land who had aforetime made proofe what the Carthaginians could doe in warre and the confines and marches of whose kingdome lay fitly upon Spaine and but a small arme of the sea betweene Scipio thinking it therefore to be a matter worth the adventure with great hazard for otherwise it might not be leaving for the defence and guard of Spaine L. Martius at Tarracon and M. Syllanus at new-Carthage whether hee had travelled by land from Tarracon and taken great journies himselfe and Laelius together losed from Carthage with two great Caravels of five bankes of oares and passed over into Africk through the calme and still sea most-what rowing and other while also making saile with a gentle gale of wind Haply it so fell out that the very same time Asdruball driven out of Spaine was entred the haven with seven gallies of three course of ores and rid at anker neere unto the shore for to be set a land When he had a kenning of the two Carvels aforesaid which albeit no man doubted but they were enemies and might have bene bourded by them being more in number before they could gaine the rode yet hereupon ensued nothing else but a tumult and hurrey among the mariners
beseeching them to give them leave to have recourse unto the Senat and there to make sute for their release neither have we say they so much oâ—â—ended as thus hardly to be used nor deserved worthily to be undone And say we must needs miscarrie and bee cast away yet neither our offence nor the wrath of the people of Rome can force us to find more souldiours than we have But the Coss. resolute in their purpose commaunded the Delegates and Committees of those Colonies to stay stil at Rome and their magistrates onely to repaire home and ta ke musters for as much as unlesse the full number of souldiours which was set downe unto them were brought to Rome there was no Consull there would graunt them audience in the Senat. Thus when all hope was cut off to haue accesse into the Senate and to obtaine a release those twelve Colonies tooke a levie enrolled the full number Which was no hard matter to be don considering how their youth was increased in that time of long vacation and intermission of warfare There was likewise another matter by as long silence forlet and well neere quite forgotten proposed newly againe by M. Valerius Laevinus who said That it was meet and good reason that those private persons which had credited foorth their monies to the common-weale when himselfe and M. Claudius were Consuls should now at last be satisfied contented and paid neither ought any man to marvaile why he notwithstanding the cittie were bound for the debt had a speciall care and regard to call upon them for to have it discharged for besides that the Consul for that yeare being when those lones of money were graunted was in some sort properly obliged to see that credit were kept himself moreover was the very man that made the motion of taking up those monies in regard that the citie chamber was so emptie of treasure and the Commons purses so bare of money that they were not sufficient to pay the ordinarie tribute This ouverture made by the Consull was well taken of the lords who willed the Consuls to put up this matter to the house and so they entred an Act and decree that the said debts should be discharged at three paiments whereof the first should be made presently by the Consuls then in place the other twain by the Consuls that wer to succeed in the third and fifty yeares next ensuing But there fell out one new object and occurrence that drowned all other cares besides and wholly possessed the heads of the Senate by occasion of the miseries and calamities of the Locrians whereof before that day they had no knowledge nor intelligence and now were by the comming of their embassadors declared divulged Neither wer the people provoked to choller anger so much at the lewd behavior and wicked pranks of Q. Plemnius as the slacknes and negligence or else the partialitie and connivencie of Scipio in dealing between them These Embassadours of the Locrians ten in number presented themselves before the Consuls sitting in the open hall called Comitium clad they were in homely weeds course apparell looking pale and poore on the matter and carrying withall in their hands as tokens of humble suppliants certaine braunches of the olive according to the manner of the Greekes fell downe prostrate upon the ground before the Tribunall with pitteous weepingand sorrowfull lamentation The Consuls demaunded who they were and they made answere againe That they were Loctians who had endured at the hands of Q. Pleminius the Lieutenant and the Romane souldiours such indignities as the people of Rome would not find in their hearts that the very Carthaginians themselves should suffer and susteine beseeching them to do them this favour as to give them leave to have accesse to the lords of the Senat there to make their mone and complaine of their wofull distresses Being admitted into the Senate and audience given them then the auncientest man of the companie spake in this wise Right honourable my LL. I know full well quoth he how important it would be available to the due estimat weight of our complaints grievances in case yee were informed sufficiently and knew the truth as well in what sort Locri was first betraied unto Anniball as also after what order the garrison of Anniball was thence expelled and the cittie restored againe under your obeisance For if it may appeare that the trespasse of our revolt cannot be imputed any way unto the publicke counsell and consent of our cittie but contrariwise that our returne under your signorie and dominion was not onely performed with our good will but also first wrought compassed by the meanes of our helping hand valour yee have the greater cause to be discontented and displeased with your Lieutenant souldiors for ofâ—â—ing us your good and loiall allies such abuses so cruell wrongs and unworthie indignities As for the cause of our double revoltment and chaunge I thinke it good to deferre the speaking thereof to another time and that for two reasons the one is that the matter might be heard in the presence of P. Scipio who recovered Locri and was an eie-witnesse of all that wee have don be it good or bad the other is this that howsoever we be yet we shuld not have abiden those calamities in such sort as we have supported them We cannot dissimule my LL. nor conceale how al the while that we had the Carthaginian garison within our castle we suffered many soule outrages and shamefull villanies both at Amilcar his hands the captaine of the garison as also from the Numidians and Africanes but what are they in comparison of the abuses and indignities that we endure at this day May it please you my LL. to give us the hearing of those things with patience that I shall utter even against my will with grievance All the world at this day is insuspence and standeth in great doubt whither to see you or the Carthaginians the soveraigne lords of the whole earth But if they were to weigh and counterpoise the Roman Carthaginian Empire by those injuries which have beene offred to us of Locri either from them or your garrison which at this day more than ever before we still endure there is none but would rather make choice of them to be their soveraigne LL. than the Romans And yet consider I pray you see how wel affected the Locrians are towards you when we were nothing so hardly used nor so ill entreated by the Carthaginians yet we had recourse unto your captaine Generall and now that we are misused of your garrison and put to more sorrow than if we were professed enemies yet we have run no whither with our complaints but unto your selves Either shall you my LL. vouchsafe to have compassion of our miserable state or else we see not what wee have left wherein we should pray unto the immortall gods for to be good and propice
my conduct and governement may speed well and turne to the good of my selfe the people and Communaltie of Rome our allies and especially those of the Latine nation who by land by sea by rivers follow the direction commaund governement and fortune of my selfe and of the people of Rome and that in all our actions yee would bee good gracious favourable and helpefull unto us and advaunce all our proceedings that ye would graunt us the victorie over our enemies and after we have subdued them to continue safe and sound and adorned with their goodly spoils laden with their rich pillage to returne home all together with glorious triumph and geve us the hand and opportunitie to be revenged of our foes and mortall enemies and deigne me and the people of Rome that power and strength to execute upon the citie of the Carthaginians those fearefull examples of crueltie which the people of Carthage intended to practise and bring upon our citie and state After these prayers thus pronounced he tooke the raw inwards and purtenance of the beast killed for sacrifice as the manner is and flung them into the sea and with that by sound of trumpet gave the signall of departure Now were they under saile and having a good great gale of a forewind they soone lost the sight of land In the afternoone there began to fall a thick mist by reason whereof the ships could hardly avoid running one upon another But when they were once in the maine and deepe sea the wind became more mild and all the night following the same darke mist continued still After the sunne was once up it brake and dispersed and then the wind againe grew big and high by which time they might discover land And not long after the pilot said unto Scipio that they were not full two leagues from Affrick and that he saw well and discerned the cape or point of Mercurius and if his will and pleasure were thither to direct their course presently the whole armada should be in the rode Scipio so soone as he was within view of land after he had made his prayers unto the gods to blesse this first discovery of Affrick to his owne good and the benefit of the Common-weale gave commaundement to saile still and to put with the shore and ride at anchar in some bay beneath So they made way with the same wind But about that very time as the day before they were misted againe and lost the sight of land And as the fogge increased the wind fell the night also that came upon them besides made all things more doubtfull Whereupon they cast anchar for feare that the ships should either hit one upon another or run aground When day light arose the same wind was up againe but the foggie mist scattered and then they might see plainly all the coast of Affrick Scipio then demaunded what promontorie it was that he saw next and hearing that the name of it was The head Pulchrum or The faire Cape The name quoth he pleaseth me and the presage therof I like full well even thither put the ships aland and so the Armada entred the bay and all the host was set ashore Thus have I reported that they had a prosperous voyage without any fearefull danger or much trouble geving credit herein to very many writers as well Greekes as Latines Only Caelius setting aside that the ships were not cast away and drowned amid the surging waves writeth how all other dangers both of water weather encountred them in so much as at last the Armada was driven by temprest from the coast of Affrick and fell upon the yland Aegimurus from whence they had much ado to recover their direct course againe and finally when the ships were at hand to sinke under the water that the souldiers faring like men at point to suffer shipwrack without licence and commaundement of their Generall and without their armour in great feare made shift with boates to recover the shore The Romanes thus being landed pitched their tents among the hils next adjoyning By which time the terror and fearefull fright of this their arrivall was not entred only into the Maritime coasts and territories bounding upon the sea first upon the discovery of the fleete and afterwards by reason of the rumor and tumult of the armie as it came ashore but also spred forward as far as to the good townes and very cities For not only the high waies were all filled and overspred with multitudes of men women and children who went by heapes together one with another but also the country pezants drave before them whole heards of cattaile as a man would have said that had seene it how all Affrick was like to be abandoned at once on a sodaine in such sort as they put the cities in deede in greater feare and perplexitie than they were themselves and especially Carthage above all others where there was no lesse trouble and hurliburley then if it had bene surprised and forced by the enemie For since time that M. Attilius Regulus and L. Manlius were Coss. for the space almost of fiftie yeeres they had not once so much as seene and armie of Romanes but only certein fleets of rovers and men of warre who had landed at times and made some rodes into the lands lying upon the seaside and when they had harried some prizes such as came next hand they ever were retired againe to their ships before the alarme could be given to raise the countrey The greater therefore now was both the flight and fright within the citie And to speake a truth good cause they had by reason that there was neither at home in readinesse an armie of puissance to encounter the enemie nor a Captaine of valour to conduct and leade an armie Asdruball the sonne of Gisgo for nobilitie and high parentage for honor and renowne for wealth and riches and besides for the new affinitie then contracted with a King was of all others the greatest personage by many degrees yea the only man of the whole State And him they remembered very well to have bene foiled discomfited and beaten out of the field in Spaine by the selfesame Scipio in divers and sundrie battailes Also they made accoumpt that they were no more able to match the Captaines man for man than to compare and set their tumultuarie power raised in hast with the staid and experienced armie of the Romanes Therefore they gave the alarme presently as if Scipio were readie to assault Carthage out of hand the gateswith all speede were shut and made sure the walls manned with souldiours the corps de guard set watch and ward kept and all the night following the Sentinels duly relieved and mainteined The next day 500 light horse were sent out as espials vantcurriers to discover and scoure the quarters to the sea side and with all to empeach them that were a disbarking and comming aland who chaunced to light upon the Romanes corps
that behalfe himselfe spake for peace Mago who had fought with the Romanes in the countrie of the Insubrians was greevously wounded and being sent for home into Affrick by certaine Embassadors in the way died of his hurt Masanissa was fully restored to his kingdome Scipio being returned to the citie of Rome had the glorie of a most honorable and noble triumph whom Q. Terentius Culleo a Senatour followed with a cap of freedome upon his head Scipio was surnamed Affricanus but doubtfull it is whether he came by that title through the favour of his souldiours before or the generall applause and affection of the people But this is certaine that he was the first Generall that ever was intitled in his style with the surname of a nation by himselfe conquered WHen Cn. Servilius Capio and C. Servilius Geminus Coss. in that yeare which by computation was the sixteenth of the second Punick war proposed unto the Senate concerning the affaires of the State the managing of the warres and the government of the provinces the L.L. ordained and gave order That the Consuls should either agree betweene themselves or els cast lots whether of them should goe into the Brutian land against Anniball and whether should take upon him the charge of the province of Hetruria and the Ligurians with commission for him whose hap it was to rule the province of the Brutij to receive the armie from P. Sempronius the Consull the said P. Sempronius for he also as Vice-consull was to continue in place of government one year longer to succeed in the roume of P. Licinius who was to return home to Rome This P. Sempronius among other commendable parts wherein no citizen in his time was counted more sufficiently furnished than himselfe was taken also for a brave warriour and man at armes For being richly endued with all those good blessings that either nature or fortune can affourd unto a man he was both noble in birth wealthie in substance In beautifull personage he excelled for strength of bodie he farre surpassed Of toung and speech he was thought most eloquent whether he were to plead a cause at the barre or occasion offered either in Senat house or before the assemblie of the people to persuade or dissuade to give counsell one way or other In the Pontificiall canons and laws he was singularly well learned and skilfull Besides all these praise-worthie qualities I say his Consulship had given him experience also in militarie affairs and made him a worthie soldior The same order that was taken for the Brutians province was also decreed for Hetruria the Ligurians M. Cornelius was commaunded to put over deliver up his armie to the new Consull himselfe to continue still in government to rule the province of Fraunce with the strength of those legions which L. Scribonius the Pretor had under his charge the yeare before After this the Consuls cast lots for their provinces Vnto Caepio fell the Brutij unto Servilius Geminus Hetruria Then the Pretours provinces also were put to the choice of lotterie And P. Aelius his lot was to have the civile jurisdiction of the cittie of Rome P. Lentulus to rule Sardinia P. Vilius to governe Sicilie and Quintilius Varus to have the charge of Ariminum with two legions which were commaunded by Sp. Lucretius And Lucretius had his commission revived againe for a longer time to the end that hee might reedifie the towne Genua which by Mago the Carthaginian had been rased and destroied As for P. Scipio his commission and government was not limitted by any expresse time but onely with the end of the warres and to continue untill those wars in Affricke were fully determined A decree also passed that there should be a solemne procession and supplication holden to this effect and in these termes That whereas he had sailed over into the province of Affrick this voiage and expedition of his might turne to the safetie and good of the people of Rome of himselfe and his armie In Sicilie were enrolled three thousand souldiours And for as much as the whole strength and manhood of that province had been shipped over into Affrick for feare least some Armada should cut over out of Affricke it was thought expedient to guard all the sea coasts of Sicilie with a fleet offortie saile And Villius had with him into Sicilie thirteene ships newly built the rest of the old ships in Sicilic were repaired For Admirall of this armada was appointed M. Pomponius the Pretour of the former yeare whose government was prorogued and hee embarked the new souldiours brought out of Italie The like number of ships the LL. of the Senate assigned unto Cn. Octavius the Pretour of the former yeare with the same commission of government for to defend the coasts of Sardinia And Lentulus was commaunded to allow unto the Pretour two thousand soldiours for to man and furnish those ships Moreover the sea coasts of Italie because it was uncertaine to what parts the Carthaginians would make out their navie and like it was that where they could espie any place weake and disfurnished of sufficient strength and garrison thither they would direct and bend their forces were committed to M. Martius the Pretour the former yeare that hee should scoure the seas and keep that side with as many ships as the other And for to furnish that fleet of his the Consuls by order from the Senat enrolled three thousand souldiours and reserved two legions besides against all doubtfull chaunces of warre whatsoever As for the two provinces of Spaine together with the armies there and the whole governement they were appointed to the old Generals L. Lentulus and L. Manlius Acidinus So the Romane warres for that yeare were mainteined with twentie legions in all and with a hundred and sixtie ships of warre Then the Pretours were commaunded to take their journey into their several provinces But the Consuls were charged before they departed from the citie to exhibit those great Games which T. Manlius Torquatus the Dictator had vowed against the fift years end if so be the Commonweale remained in the same good and fortunate estate during that time Now there entred into mens minds new doubts and strange scruples of conscience by reason of divers prodigious sights and tokens reported out of many places For beleeved it was that certaine ravens not only pecked and rased with their bils but also eate and devoured the gold in the Capitoll At Antium the mice and rats gnawed a crowne of gold About Capua a huge number of locusts but from whence they came no man knew for certaine overspred all the grounds and filled the fields At Reate there was a horse-coltsoled with five feete At Anagnia were seene in the element at the first divers fire-lights shooting and flashing here and there and afterwards a mightie blasing comet burning At Frusino a certaine arch compassed the sonne with a thin course like a line and afterwards a greater circle of
rested she untill with her owne hands she did upon my body impious and ungodly armour against mine owne guest and loving friend And yet as desperate and as wofull as my case is in all my miseries and calamities this one thing doth me good and joyeth my heart that I see the same pestiferous furie that fiend of hell and limme of the devill gotten into the house and familie of him who is the most deadly and mortall enemie that I have in all the world Neither surely will Masanissa demeane himselfe more wisely soberly and constantly than Syphax nay considering his youthfull yeeres he will be as apt to be mis-led by love and more subject to the temptations of a woman Certes in this action of espousing her he hath shewed more folly a great deale and want of government When he had uttered these words not only upon a spitefull hatred against an enemie but also upon some new pricks of jelousie rising in his heart seeing her whom he loved in the possession of his concurrent Scipio was driven into no small dumps and wist not well what to make of it And as he began to be suspicious of Masanissa for this mariage so to speake a truth the circumstances thereof hammered in his head and made him conceive hardly of him for feare that another day by the suggestions of the same woman he would play false and trespasse as well as Syphax The mariage was so hudled up as it were in the mids of warre and hostilitie without the advise without the privitie and without the expectation of Laelius his companie Such hast he made all on the head and without advisement that the very same day that he set eye first upon the queene his prisoner he must needs espouse and mary her out of hand and in the very house of his greatest enemie consummate and solemnise the complements of sacred wedlock Moreover to aggravate these matters and make them seeme more foule and shamefull Scipio knew full well that Masanissa during the time that he remained in Spaine a lustie yong gentleman it was never knowne that he was enamoured upon the lovely beautie of any captive woman As he tossed and revolved these things in his mind Laelius and Masanissa chaunced to come in place And after he had welcomed them both alike and shewed them a loving and gracious countenance yea and honoured them with singular praise and commendations openly in a frequent audience and court he within his lodging tooke Masanissa into a secret place apart began to speake unto him in this manner I suppose Masanissa that you saw in me some good parts for love wherof both at the first you were induced to come into Spaine and contract amitie with me and afterwards also in Affrick you reposed yourselfe and all your hopes in my fidelitie and protection But of all those vertues for which I have seemed worthie of your affectionate love there is not one wherein I may so much glorie and take joy and comfort as in temperance continencie and the bridling of carnall delights and fleshly pleasures This vertue Masanissa I wish that you also would have joined unto the rest that are in you so rare and excellent For our age trust me truly standeth not so much in danger of armed enemies as of those earthly pleasures that compasse us on every side And hee that by his sobrietie and governance hath been able to rule and tame the same hath woon himselfe more honour and gotten a greater victorie than wee have done by the conquest and subduing of Syphax What valiant exploits worthie acts you have atchieved in mine absence I have willingly reported and still remember For the rest I had rather you would consider of them by yourselfe than change colour blush at my rehearsall of them Syphax through the good fortune and by the forces of the people of Rome is vanquished and taken prisoner And therefore himselfe his wife his realme his lands his townes the inhabitants thereof and finally all things els whatsoever that belonged unto Syphax are become a bootie to the people of Rome The king himselfe and the queene his wife in case she had not been a citizen borne of Carthage in case wee had not seene her father to bee the grand captaine of our enemies ought by right to have been sent to Rome that the Senate and people of Rome might passe their censure award and judgement of her who is reported to have alienated a confederate king from us and to have caused him rashly and inconsiderately to take armes against us Strive then to rule and maister your lusts and affections take heed you staine not many good vertues with one bad vice Marre not the grace deface not I say the thanke of many worthie deserts by one fault and trespasse greater indeed than the subject cause and occasion thereof Masanissa whiles he heard these words not onely blushed as red as fire but also began to water his plants And when he had promised for his part to be overruled and set downe by the Generall and requested him withal so farre forth as possibly the case would permit to render and regard his promise wherein rashly and inconsiderately he had entangled himselfe for given his faithfull word he had that he would not deliver and betray her into the hands and power of any other he departed out of the Pretorium or Generall his court all dismaied and exceedingly troubled in spirit and betooke himselfe to his owne pavillion Where all solitarie and alone by himselfe after hee had passed over some time with fetching many deepe sighes and sobs so as he might easily be overheard by them that stood about his tent at the last hee gave one greevous grone above the rest and with that called for one of his trustie groomes who had under his hand the keeping as the manner was of kings and princes of a speciall poyson against all doubtfull chaunces that might happen Which hee commaunded him to temper in a goblet of wine and to carie it to Sophonisba and with all to tell her thus much from him That Masanissa would have been most willing to performe his plighted troth and first promise which an husband ought unto his wedded wife But since that the superiour powers and those that were mightier than himselfe had bereft him of that puissance and libertie he was readie and able yet to accomplish a second behest namely that shee should not come alive into the hands of the Romanes and therefore hee advised her that in remembrance of her father a noble warriour and Commaunder of her native countrie of two kings to whom she had been married she would provide for her selfe and save her owne honour This credence and message together with the poison the servant when he was come unto Sophonisba delivered unto her Whereat I accept quoth she this mariage present welcome be it unto me if this be the best token that an husband could find
consider your owne strength and forces so thinke withall upon the power of fortune set before your eies the alternative course of Mars in warre You shall see armour and the edge of the sword you shall see the bodies of men as well of one side as the other and no where lesse than in warre do events answere to our hope and expectation And makefull accoumpt of this that you shall not gaine so much overplus of honor if haply you should win a field above that which by graunting a peace you may presently have in hand and be possessed of as you shall forgo and loose of the principall in case you should do amisse and take the foile One houres misfortune is able to overturne all the honors and triumphant trophaees as well past and gotten alreadie as in future hope to be obteined In knitting and concluding a peace ô P. Cornelius all lieth in your power Refuse that once and come to the triall of a battaile you must take your hap as God shall appoint If M. Attilius in times past being conquerour would have graunted peace unto our forefathers at their suite and earnest petition a rare and singular example had he afforded of vertue and felicitie and few comparable unto him but not having the grace to see when he was well not able to set a gage to his prosperitie in some measure and in due time not willing to restraine and stop the pride and hautinesse of his good fortune the higher he was heaved the fouler was his fall and the more he mounted the greater was his overthrow It is for him I confesse that geveth peace to capitulate and set downe the covenants and conditions and not for him that craveth the same And yet per adventure we might not be thought unworthie to set upon our owne heads a fine and forfeiture We refuse not therefore but are content That all shall be yours for which the quarrell and warre first began Sicilie Sardinia Spaine all the Ilands whatsoever lying in the sea betweene Affrick and Italie And wee Carthaginians holding our selves enclosed within the bounds and coasts of Affrick since the will and pleasure of God is so can abide to see you to rule and governe in forein lands and strange seas I can not denie but that you have good cause to suspect the Carthaginians for their faith and truth whose late desire of peace and attendance about the same was not so plaine and simple as it should have bene Yet Scipio take this withall That it importeth much to the assurance of keeping and observing peace once interteined to consider who the persons be that seeke and crave the same And even your owne Senatours and LL of the Counsell as I heare say were moved not a little to denie and reject the motion of peace for this cause that our embassie seemed unto them not so honourable as it ought to have bene But now I even I no worse a man than Anniball do sue for peace which as I would not seeke unlesse I thought it profitable so I will interteine it in regard of that profit for which I sought it And like as when I had once begun the warre so long as the gods impeached envied me not I mainteined it so as no man of ours had cause to be weerie thereof so will I endevour that none shall repent of the peace obteined by my meanes When Anniball had thus said the Romane Generall made answere againe in this sort I knewfull well ô Anniball that the Carthaginians upon the hope of your comming have both disturbed the assurance of the present truce and also troubled the hope of the future peace Neither doe you your selfe dissimule so much in defalking all out of the former conditions and capitulations of peace save onely those things which long since have beene in our power and possession But as you have a great care that your fellow citizens should know and perceive what heavie burdens they are by your meanes discharged and eased of even so must I endeavour and labour that the points which then they covenanted and agreed upon they deduct not this day out of the articles and conditions of peace for the hire and reward of their falshood and treacherie For unworthie you are to have the ouverture and possibility of any peace at all ye seeke also that fraud and deceit may turne to your profit and commoditie Neither began our predecessours first to make warre for Sicilie nor we since for Spaine But as then the daunger wherein our allies the Mamertines stood so now the ruine and destruction of Saguntum mooved vs to take armes most justly even for pity and compassion That you began the quarrell and provoked us first your selfe confesse and the gods doe witnes who as in the former warre they graunted and gave the issue according to right equitie and justice so they doe in this and so they ever will For mine owne part I remember well and thinke upon the frailtie of mankind and the ticlishnes of this world I consider also the power of fortune and what shee is able to doe I know likewise that all our actions whatsoever are subject to a thousand hazards and inconveniences But as I would acknowledge my selfe to haue dealt proudly and outragiously if before I passed over into Affricke when of your selfe well nigh you abandoned Italie when you had imbarked your armie and came of your owne accord to seeke peace I had then rejected you and cast you off even so at this time when I have haled and drawen you into Affricke by strong arme as it were to trie an issue in law all the hasting all the shifting and resistance you could make to the contrarie notwithstanding I am not bound to have any respective regard at all of you Wherefore if besides those points and capitulations under which the peace at that time was like to be concluded and what those were you know as well as I can tell you you bring with you any recompence amends for our ships which being charged with victuall and munition you tooke perforce from us in time of the cessation of armes as also for the outrage and violence committed upon the persons of our embassadors there is some reason that I should consider therupon and be advised by my counsell But if you thinke hardly thereof also as being thereby too sore pressed look for battell you that could not like of repose provide for war since you would abide no peace Thus without any conclusion of accord they left parling being returned to their owne companies they related unto them how their conference came to nothing and all their words were but wind and did no good and therefore the matter was to be determined and tried by dint offword and they to trust to that fortune which the gods had appointed for them So soone as they were come into their campes both of them made proclamation that the soldiers should buckle
overshoot and passe themselves too much in excessive joy which they have not the grace to governe with sobrietie and discretion whereas the people of Rome have ever beene accustomâ—d to the continuall felicitie of joious victories in so much as they are growne into a disuse of taking pleasure and delight in them so common they are and have encreased their dominion and Empire more in maner by sparing and pardoning those whom they have conquered than by the very conquest of them indeed The speech that the other embassadors made was more pittiful and lamentable whiles they recounted before the Senat from what high estate to how base condition they were fallen who but a while since held by force of arms as it were the whole world had nothing left them now but the bare walls of the citie of Carthage within which they were shut up could see nothing either by land or sea which they might rightfully claime as their owne Nay the very citie it selfe and their houses they were to enjoy no longer than the people of Rome is unwilling forbeareth to proceed by rigour and extremitie against the same since there is nothing else behind to worke upon Now when as the LL. of the Senate seemed to encline to mercie and compassion on one Senator there was amongst them by report who upon a deepe and inveterate hatred of the Carthaginians trecherie spake out aloud and said What gods will they regard and swear by in making of a new league who have broken their oth and taken their nâ—â—ne in vaine whom they called to witnesse in the former Marrie qd Asdruball even those and no other that are so sharpe revengers and heavie enemies to the breakers of league and covenant So when all their minds were enclined to peace Cn. Lentulus the Consull who had the government of the navie opposed himselfe against the decree of the Senate for to crosse the same Then M. Attilius Q. Minuâ—us Tribunes of the Commons preferred a solemne bill unto the people in this forme Pleaseth it you and will you graunt That the Senate shall resolve and determine that peace may bee concluded with the Carthaginians Pleaseth it you to chuse and appoint who shall be the man to make that peace and who shall bring the armie out of Affricke As concerning peace the tribes every one as they were demaunded their voices graunted affirmatively Vis rogatis that Scipio should conclude it and also bring away the armie By vertue of this Act passed by the people the Senate made a decree that P. Scipto by the advise counsell of ten Commissioners should contract an accord with the people of Carthage under what conditions he thought good After this the Carthaginians rendered thankes to the LL. of the Senat and requested that they might enter into the citie and talke with their fellow citizens and countriemen who had beene taken captives aforetime and lay in the common gaole and prison For there were amongst them some of their kinsfolke and friends noblemen of birth of good qualitie others also unto whom they were to deliver some message and credence from their kinsmen When they had spoken communed with them they came with a new petition and made earnest suite to give them leave to raunsome and redeeme as many of them as they would wherupon they were willed to give them their names and when they had named fast upon two hundred an order was graunted out of the Senate that the Romane Commissioners should take over with them into Affricke unto Scipio two hundred of those captives whom the Carthaginians would make choise of and declare unto him from the Senate that in case the peace were fully agreed upon and finished he should deliver those two hundred to the Carthaginians freely without paying any raunsome Now when the heralds of armes were appointed to goe into Affricke for to confirme and establish the peace according to the solemne order at their owne request there passed an act of the Senate framed in this forme and tenure Imprimis That they should carrie with them every one by himselfe certaine flint stones of their owne and likewise Verven Item That the Roman Pretors should commaund them solemnely to pronounce the league and then they to aske of the Pretour sacred hearbes or Verven A kind of grasse or hearbe this is which was wont to be gathered from off the Capitoll hill and given to the Heralds Thus were the Carthaginians dismissed and sent from Rome who being come into Affrick to Scipio concluded peace with the same capitulations as is abovesaid And so they delivered up their gallies and ships of warre their Elephants the renegate traitours the vagrant fugitives and foure thousand prisoners Among whom was Q. Terentius Culleo a Senatour by his calling As for the ships so soone as they were launced forth into the deepe Scipio caused them to bee set on fire and burnt Some report that they were five hundred in number one with another of every fort and all directed and guided by oares Presently were they set a burning a dolorous sight and heavie spectacle no doubt to the Carthaginians for to behold as if Carthage it selfe had been on a light fire The renegate traitours and rebels were punished more greevously than the fugitives As many of them as were of the Latine nation lost their heads all that were naturall Romanes were crucified and roundly trussed up on the gallowes Fortie years before was the peace last made with the Carthaginians when Q. Luctatius and A. Manlius were Consuls The warre began three and twentie yeares after whiles P. Cornelius and T. Sempronius were Consuls And the same ended in the eighteenth yeare after P. Cornelius and P. Aclius Paetus being Consuls Many a time after Scipio by report would say that the wilfull and covetous desire of T. Claudius first and afterwards of Cn. Cornelius was the onely stay and let that this warre ended not with the finall ruine and utter destruction of Carthage When as the Carthaginians who by long and continuall warres were growne bare and poor thought the levie and contribution of money for to furnish out the first paiment lay heavie and fore upon them insomuch as in their Senate house there was great sorrow and heavinesse yea and pitteous weeping it is said that Anniball was seene to laugh agood And when Asdruball Hedus rebuked him for laughing in that publick lamentation of the citie considering that himselfe was the cause of those tears If qd Anniball as we see by our eic the outward disposition of the face and countenance so wee could looke within forth and behold the affection of the mind yee might soone perceive that this laughter of mine which ye so much blame proceedeth not from an heart that is glad and joifull but rather senselesse stupified and astonied with the exceeding greeles and calamities that have happened Yet is not it so unseasonable and impertinent to our present condition as
Sicilie and L. Villius his lot was to commaund Sardinia Lentulus the Consull had order given him to levie new legions and Villius to receive the armie of P. Sulpitius with commission and licence to take up as many souldiers as hee thought good himselfe to furnish the same with a fresh supply Those legions which C. Aurelius Consull had in charge were assigned over to Baebius the Pretour with condition to keepe them with him untill the Consull were arrived in Fraunce with a new armie and so soone as hee came to discharge and dismisse all the souldiours home to their houses except 5000 allies for as much as this number was thought sufficient to governe the province about Ariminum The Pretours of the former yeere continued still Commaunders of their armies Cn. Sergius was enjoined to see and take order that certaine lands should be set out for those souldiors who had served many yeeres together in Spaine Sicilie and Sardinia And Q. Minutius had in charge to goe through with that inquisition of certaine conspiratours and traitours in the Brutians countrie upon which hee had sitten alreadie as Pretour with great fidelitie and diligence and also to send unto Locti for to receive due punishment of those prisoners whom being attainted and convicted of sacriledge hee had sent bound to Rome And finally to cause all the treasure taken out of the temple of Proserpina to bee restored thither againe with an over-encrease to make satisfaction and to race out the wicked part committed The Latin feasts and holydaies were solemnised againe by vertue of an ordinance of the bishops upon this occasion That certaine embassadors from Ardea complained in the Senat how they had not their ordinarie allowance of flesh at the Latine feasts aforesaid in the mount Alba according to the old custome Newes came from Suessa that two of their citie gates and all the wall between was smitten with lightening Messengers also from Formiae reported that their temple of Iâ—piter was likewise blasted Moreover they of Ostia brought word of the semblable mischance with them in the church of Iupiter And from Velitrae tidings came of the like mishap fallen upon the temples of Apollo and Sangus And that in the temple of Hercules there sprung up a bush of haire Letters came also from Q. Minutius the Propretour out of the Brutians countrey that there was a colt foled with five feet and three chickens hatched with three feet apeece After all this P. Sulpitius the Propretor sent letters from out of Macedonie containing among other matters this newes that there was a lawrell tree grew of it selfe in the poupe of a galley The Senate in regard of all the former prodigious sights ordained that the Consull should sacrifice greater beasts unto what gods hee thought good but about this last rehearsed the Soothsaiers that prie into beasts inwards were sent for into the Senate house and by the direction of their answere an edict went foorth That the people should goe in procession and make supplications one day and in all temples and alters of the gods there was sacrifice celebrated with great devotion The Carthaginians this yeere came to Rome with the first paiment of the tribute imposed upon them and for as much as the treasures receivers of the citie made report that the silver was not good and lawful and being brought to the triall was found too light by one fourth part washed away those Carthaginians were constrained to take up money of the bankers of Rome and to make good the defect and losse of the silver abovesaid They put up a petition besides unto the Senate that it might stand with their good pleasure to redeliver now their hostages Whereupon an hundred of them were rendered backe and good hope there was of the 〈◊〉 if so be they continued loial and fast in their alleageance And when they made a farther request in behalfe of those hostages which were not delivered that they might be transported from Norba where they were not to their good liking and ease to some other place graunted it was that they might remoove to Signia and Ferentinum In like sort the Gaditanes made humble suite and obtained this libertie that there should not be sent from the Romanes a captaine to governe Gades any thing to the contrarie in their covenant concluded with L. Martius Septimius when they yeelded themselves under the subjection of the Romanes notwithstanding Moreover for as much as the embassadours of Narnia made complaint that they had not their full number of inhabitants and that there were certain straungers entermingled among them not of their own nation who bare themselves as Coloners therefore L. Cornelius the Consull was commaunded to create three Deputies or Commissioners called Triumvirs for to reforme this disorder And chosen there were for this purpose Publius Sestius Aclius who had both of them the surname of Paeius and C. Cornelius Lentulas This that was graunted to them of Narnia was denied to the embassadours of Cossa who likewise requested that the number of their inhabitants might bee encreased The affaires thus finished at Rome that there were to be done the Consuls went into their severall provinces P. Villius so soone as he was arrived in Macedonie was welcommed at his first comming with a daungerous mutinie of the souldiours which long afore being kindled was not well quenched at the first beginning These were those two thousand which after the descature of Anniball were sent out of Affricke into Sicilie and from thence a yeere after almost transported into Macedonie for voluntarie soldiors but they themselves stood stoutly to it that it was no voluntarie act of theirs but that they were shipped by their Colonels Tribunes ful against their wils And howsoever it was whether they served willingly or unwillingly it was but meet and good reason that the time of their souldierie should run out and their service have an end at length Alledging that for these many yeers they had not seen Italie that they waxed old men under their harnish having horne armes in Sicile in Affricke and in Macedonie that with toile and travell so tedious they were weake and feeble and after so many wounds and hurts received they had no more bloud to loose The Consull made them answere that their cause was good and reasonable but marred in the handling and meet he thought it that they should bee dismissed if they could have requested it in modest tearms but neither it nor any cause els whatsoever was warrantable to make a mutinie and sedition Therefore if they could bee content to keepe to their colours and bee at commaund as loialâ— souldiours hee would in their behalfe write his letters unto the Senate as touching their conge and dismission for bee they well assured that they shall get more by sober and gentle behaviour than by any such stubborne froward and wilfull demeanure At the same time Philip assailed the citie of Thaumaci with terraces and mantelets in
Attalus and in the third place the Rhodians spake and made discourse and consequently the embassadors of Philip were permitted to parle The Athenians had audience given them last of all and were reserved of purpose to confute whatsoever should be spoken and alledged by the Macedonians And these Athenians inveighed most sharply bitterly against the king for none had received either more wrongs or suffered the like indignities at his hands as they had So this assembly verily for that time by reason that the day was spent in hearing the continued orations of so many embassadours brake up about sun-setting The morrow after they assembled againe where the magistrates by the voice of the Bedle or publique cryer after the custome of the Greekes gave libertie to every person to deliver his mind and no man stepped foorth Great silence there was and not a word among them for a long time looking wistly one upon another who should begin first And no marvaile if they whose spirits were astonied in some sort within them when they of their owne accord cast and tossed in their minds things so different and contrarie were now more troubled and perplexed by those orations besides that had lasted all the long day broching uttering and advising many matters so harsh so difficult and unpleasant unto them At length because the Councell should not be dissolved without some speech and parle Arisbenus the Pretor of the Achaeans began to speak and said What is become my masters of Achaea of those hearts of yours and couragious stomacks whereby at all your 〈◊〉 and in your privat meetings when talk is ministred of Philip and the Romans you can hardly hold your hands but are readie to flie one in anothers face And now when as this honourable court of parliaments is published and holden for the same purpose only when ye have heard the reasons and allegations of the embassadors of all parts when the magistrats propound the matter to be debated in councell when the publick cryer calleth you to give your opinions ye are mum and mute If the regard of the common good and welfare of us all will not cause you to open your lips cannot the privat respects and affections neither which have inclined and caried your minds to the one side or the other fetch out a word from any of your mouthes Considering especially that no man is so grosse and blockish who can be ignorant that now is the very time or never for each one to say and deliver his mind as he will himselfe and as he thinketh best before we resolve and determine of any course and when a decree of act is once passed that all men are bound even they themselves that before misliked it to defend and maintaine the same as a good and profitable accord This admonition of the Pretour was so farre short of drawing any one of them to utter his opinion that it caused not so much as the least noise or humming in so frequent an auditorie and congregation of so many States together Then Aristhenus the Pretour began againe and followed his speech in this manner It seemeth my masters and friends of Achaea here assembled that yee are not so much to seeke for counsell and advise but ye are as short of your tongues and loth to speake And every one here is unwilling to provide for their generall good for feare least hee should incure some particular perill My selfe likewise peradventure would be silent and hold my peace if I were a privat person But now being Pretour I see thus much That either there should have no audience at all beene given unto the Embassadours or else that they ought not to be sent away from hence without an answere and answere them how can I without your ordinance Now seeing that there is none of you all who have beene summoned hither to this Councell that either will or dare say a word to the cause let us examine throughly and consider well in lieu of your opinions those speeches which yesterday were pronounced by the embassadours let us I say revise them so as if they had not demaunded those things which concerned their owne good and commoditie but as though they proposed such points as they esteemed profitable and expedient for us all The Romanes the Rhodians and king Attalius require our alliance and amitie and in that warre which they wage against Philip they thinke it reason to be aided from us Philip againe putteth us in mind of our societie with him and of our oath One while he requireth us to stand and band with him otherwhiles hee faith hee will be content that wee should sit still and meddle neither one way nor other Is there no man here knoweth the reason why they that are not yet our allies demaund and crave more than hee that is our allie alreadie It is neither the modestie of Philip nor the impudencie of the Romanes that is the cause hereof The ports and haven-townes they be of Achaea which minister confidence and assurance to those demaunders and take away the same from them againe From Philip wee see nothing but only an Embassadour The sea-forces of the Romanes and their fleet ride in the harborough of Cenchreae they carrie afore them in shew the spoiles of the citties in Euboea The Consull himselfe with his land armie of the legions we see disjoined from us by a small arme onely of the sea raunging at their pleasure all over Phocis and Locris Marvell now longer if you can why Cleomedon the embassadour of Philip demaunded erewhile so coldly and dissidently that wee should take armes for the king against the Romans who if we by vertue of the same league and oth where with hee seemed to charge us in conscience required of him againe that Philip should defend us both from Nabis and the Lacedemonians and also from the Romans would bee to seeke not onely of a garrison and power of armed men to shield us but likewise of a very aunswere to shape us And verily hee would be no more readie to satisfie us than Philip was himselfe the last yeere who notwithstanding he frankly promised to levie warre against Nabis and thereby assaied to traine and draw the floure of our youth from hence into Euboea after that hee saw once that we neither agreed to send him that power nor yet were willing to entangle our selves and be interessed in the Romane warre forgat soone that societie that now he standeth and vaunteth so much of and left us to the mercie and devotion of Nabis and the Lacedemonians to bee spoiled pilled and wasted at their pleasures And certes so much as I can conceive of Cleomedon his Oration me thinks it hangeth not well together and one peece thereof forteth not well with another He seemed to speake of the Romane warre contemptuously as if it were a matter of nothing saying the event and issue thereof would be like the former which they maintained
incontinently but being touched in conscience hee was so bold as to breake them open and when hee had read them through he fled backe in great feare to Thebes where he bewrayed Pisistratus Zeusippus troubled in spirit for the flight of his bondman retired himselfe to Athens supposing it a place of more securitie to live in as a banished man As for Pisistratus after he had beene divers times examined upon the racke was put to death in the end This murder wonderously estranged the Thebans and Baeotians and set their hearts against the Romans in so much as they hated and detested them to death taking great indignation that Zeusippus a principall chiefe personage of their nation had committed so foule and heinous a fact To rebell in open tearmes they had neither force sufficient to maintaine them nor a principall head to direct and lead them Whereupon they fell to that which is next cousen to plaine warre even to theeving and robbing by the high waies side in such sort as they surprised as well some souldiours who lodged neere unto them and were their guests as others that wandred and ranged abroad-from the garisons in winter time and travailed about their affaires who other whiles were caught up by the way and came short home Some passengers were killed in the port-rode-waies by those that lay in wait for them in notorious theevish corners others were trained and led deceitfully through by-lanes into desert places there to take up their innes and lodging and then were murdred At length they played these prancks not only of malice unto them but also for greedie desire of bootie and spoile by reason that commonly these waisaring men went about their trade merchandise and therefore had some charge about them and caried silver in their belts Now when as at first there were some out of the way and every day more than other many men missing and no man knew what was become of them all Boeotia began to have an ill name and the souldiers were more afraid to travaile there than in the enemies countrey Then Quintius sent certeine embassadors to all the cities for to make complaint of these robberies and enormities Many footmen there were found dead about the meere or lake Copais where their cark asses were raked forth of the mud and mire and drawne out of the standing water tied and fastened as they were to heavie stones or some great vessels that by their poise they might be plunged and sinke to the bottome Many such like outrages were found to have beene committed at Acraephea and Coronea Quintius at the first demaunded to have the offenders delivered unto him and for five hundred souldiours for so many were caught up by the way and murdered he enjoined the Boeotians to make paiment of five hundred talents of silver But the cities would doe neither the one nor the other onely they paied them with bare words and excused themselves in that nothing had beene done by publicke warrant or counsell from the State Where upon the embassadors were sent to Athens and into Achaea to make protestation unto their allies that they would pursue the Boeotians with open warre upon good ground and just cause offred And so after hee had given commaundement unto P. Claudius to goe unto Acraephea with one part of his forces himselfe with the other set him down about Coronea planted siege unto it But first the territorie was laid wast all the way as the two armies marched from Elatia in divers quarters The Boeotians plagued with these losses and calamities seeing nothing but feare and flight in every place sent their embassadours unto him but when they could not be admitted into the campe the Achaeans and the Athenians were faine to come with them The Achaeans were of greater credite to entreat in their behalfe for unlesse they might obtaine pardon and peace for the Baeotians they determined also to enter into the quarrel and to make war themselves By whose mediation the Baeotians had accesse unto the Romane generall and audience once graunted Who after they were enjoyned to deliver up the offendors and malefactors to Instice and to pay thirtie talents for amends and satisfaction obteined peace and so the siege was raised After some few dayes the ten Delegates or Committees from Rome were arrived by whose advise and counsell peace was articled and capitulated with king Philip upon these conditions Imprimis That all the Greeke cities as well in Europe as in Asia should enjoy their libertie and live under their owne lawes Item That Philip should withdraw his garisons out of as many of them as had bin in subjection under him Item That he do the like by those which were in Asia to wit Euromos Pedasae Bargyllae Iassus Myrina Abydus Thassus and Perinthus all which the Romanes required to be free As concerning the libertie and freedome of the Cyani it was covenanted That Iuintius should write his letters to Pratias the king of the Bithynians giving him to understand the advise and pleasure of the Senate and the ten Delegates aforesaid Item That Philip render all the prisoners and fugitive traitours to the Romanes and yeeld up all the covered ships with hatches and over and besides one huge roiall Galiace or Argosey which by reason of the exceeding bignesse was unweldie and of little use and was directed with 16 banks of ores on a side Item That he should not have above five hundred men in armes nor one Elephant at all Item That he should not warre but by leave and permission of the Senate without the marches of Macedonie Item That he pay unto the people of Rome a thousand talents the one halfe in hand and the other at ten payments within the terme of ten yeeres Valerius Antias writeth moreover that there was imposed upon him a tribute of foure thousand pound weight of silver yeerely for ten yeeres and besides twentie thousand pound weight presently The same author saith that expressely it was capitulated that Philip should not warre at all with Eumenes the sonne of Attalus who was newly come to the crowne For the assurance of these covenants there were received hostages and amongst them Demetrius king Philip his sonne Valerius Antias hath written moreover that the Iland Aegina and certein Elephants were geven In pure gift to Attalus in his absence and that upon the Rhodians was bestowed Stratonicea a citie in Caria with other cities also which Philip had possessed To conclude that the Atheniens received of free gift these Iiles following to wit Paros Imbros Delos and Scyros When all the States of Greece approved and thought well of this peace only the Aetolians secretly muttered and sound fault with this order set downe by the ten Delegates abovesaid geving out that they were but bare letters and vaine words shadowed with a counterfer apparance of libertie For to what end say they should some cities be delivered to the Romanes and those not named
was another maladie and mischiefe as dangerous setled as it were within the ribs and in the very heart of Greece to wit Nabis the Tyrant at this present of the Lacedemonians only but shortly if he may be let alone of all Greece who for avarice and crueltie is equall to all the famous and noted tyrants that ever were and if he be suffred to possesse himselfe of Argos and to hold it as a fortresse to commaund all Peloponnesus when the Romane armies shall be once transported home againe into Italie in faith Greece may make small boast of being delivered from Philip for this they shall bee sure of at least if of nothing els to have a neere neighbour tyrant in steed of a king far off for to be their lord and imperiously to commaund them The auncient Senators hearing these intelligence from grave persons of good qualitie and who made report of all things no by hearesay but upon their owne knowledge were of advise and resolved to have a good eye and regard with all speed unto Antiochus considering the king was passed alreadie into Syria whatsoever the occasion was But as touching the Tyrant after they had disputed and debated the matter long time Whether they had sufficient cause alreadie to determine upon some small conclusion or should referre unto the wisedome judgement of T. Iuintius the managing of those affaires therein to proceed and do according as he should deeme it good expedient for the Common-wealth in fine they permited him to use his owne discretion concerning the Lacedemonian Tyrant supposing that the matter was not of such weight and consequence as to concerne the maine state of the weale publick so materially whether it were hastened or protracted but rather it behoved them to be advised consider well what Anniball and the Carthaginians would do if happily the war with Antiochus were begun and once a foot They at Carthage that sided with the adverse faction of Annibal had sent divers sundry letters unto the principal LL. at Rome every one privatly to his friends to this effect That there passed messengers letters from Anniball to Antiochus and that there were embassadors againe that secretly came from the king to him And like as there be some beasts so wild savage as never can be named so the courage spirit of that man was such as might not possibly be dulced or appeased For he daily complained that the citie languished and grew feeble with idlenes and by sitting stil doing nothing was overgrowne as it were with mosse and unpossible it was to raise stir it up but with sound of armor and weapons These advertisements caried likelihood of truth and good credit with them in regard of the late warre so fresh in memorie which he alone began first and managed to the last Over and besides he had provoked by a late act of his many great and mightie personages who set their hearts against him The order and degree of Iudges at the time bare chiefe sway and soveraigne authoritie in Carthage in this respect principally for that the same Iudges were perpetuall The goods the honour and reputation yea and the life of every man lay in their hands Hee that displeased one of that bench was sure to have all the rest his enemies and to be upon him and there never wanted one promoter or other to carrie tales and give information to these judges against a man if they saw them ill affected once and bent against one During the time of this emperious and tyrannicall rule of theirs for as their power was exceeding all measure so they bare themselves there in as outragiously beyond the limits of civilitie it was Anniball his hap to be Pretour and by vertue of his place he sent for one of the treasurers to come before him but he made no reckning of his authoritie and refused to obey for the said treasurer was one of the contrarie side and because from the degree of those treasurers they mounted presently into the highest order of the judges therefore he carried with him an hautie mind alreadie in regard of the high roume that he was shortly to stepinto Anniball you may be sure tooke this as a great disgrace and indignitie to his person and therefore hee sent a pursevant or sargeant to attach the bodie of the Treasurer aforesaid and presently calling the people to a general assembly he commaunded him there to be presented where he accused and blamed the partie himselfe no more than the whole order and degree of the judges through whose insolent pride and excessive power both lawes and magistrates were nothing regarded but troden under foot And perceiving that these words of his tickled the itching eares of the people considering also that their proud demeanor prejudiced the libertie of the meanest persons immediatly he published a law and gate it enacted That those judges should be chosen every yeare and that from thence forth one and the same man might not be a judge two yeares togither But looke how much thanke he had at the commons hands for this act so much he offended many of the great men and principals of the citie Another thing besides he did whereby hee purchased to himselfe the ill will of some privat persons in tendring the common good of the weale publick The financies and revenues of the State partly through negligence went to decay and partly were shared out in dividends betweene some certaine of the head citizens and magistrates and more than that the mony which by way of tribute was to be paid yeerely unto the Romans was too short and not to be found and it appeared that a sore levie would be imposed upon privat persons shortly to make those paiments out of their owne purses Anniball after he had cast up the bookes and made an estimate and just abstract how much the rents and revenues of the citie amounted unto as well from customers by sea as land and to what uses they were emploied and perceiving thereby what was desrayed in the ordinarie charges of the State what went a wrong way and was averted by these theeves to their owne selves he pronounced aloud in open audience of the whole assembly That the arrerages should be gathered up brought into the common chest and so privat persons might be discharged and eased of their impositions of tribute and the common-wealth would be rich enough and able to perfourme and furnish out the monies due to the people of Rome And as he thus said so he was as good as his word and executed it accordingly Then these caterpillers who for certaine yeeres lived by robberie of the common treasure and fed upon the fruits of the citie fared spightfully against Anniball as if he had done them great wrong in taking their owne goods from them and not proceeded in justice to wrest out of their hands their stollen substance and in great malice and bitternesse ceased
tribunitious seditions and ours the shame if we needs must admit accept of laws whether we will or no for fear of a commotion seperation of our women as sometimes we were forced to do by the departure insurrection of our Commons I assure you for mine owne selfe when I passed erewhile into this common-place through the prease and throng of these women I was abashed and could not chuse but blush And had I not beene more respective of the reputation the honour and reverence of some in particular than of them all togither because it should not be thought and said that they had been checked and taken up by the Consull I would have said unto them What new fashion is this good wives to run gadding abroad into the open streets to beset the passages and to affront yea and hang upon other womens husbands as ye do What could ye not every one at home have dealt with your owne good-men in the cause and craved their helpe or can ye speake faire and flatter better can yee bee more pleasant and affable abroad in the towne than within your houses or make love to other men rather than to your owne husbands And yet to speake uprightly if wives were of that modestie and womanly carriage as to keepe themselves within the compasse and bounds of their owne libertie and passe no farther it were not besitting you ywis so much as at home to trouble yourselves about our lawes heere not to busie your braines to know either what new Statutes passed or what old were cassed Our auncestours in old time would not that women in any wife should dispose so much as of their own privat matters without the advise and direction of a governor and overseer and therefore in great wisedome they ordeined that they should be ordred and ruled by their parents by their brethren by their husbands But wee and God will can abide them to intermeddle in state-matters to governe the weale publick to converse with us in the common place in publick assemblies and courts of parliament For what els do they now in the streets in the crosse waies and Quarrefours but some of them geve their voyces that the bils of the Tribunes may passe and others advise and be of opinion that the law Oppia may be repealed Let this outrageous unreasonable nature of theirs have the head let these unruly creatures untamed animalshave their will and bridle them not see then how of themselves they will keepe a meane and measure in their licentiousnes unlesse you curb them and hold them in Tush this is the least matter of all that displeaseth these women there are a thousand things besides that they thinke hardly of and are discontented to be held unto by old customes and positive lawes Libertie in all things nay to speake more truly a loose and dissolute licentiousnes is the very thing they long after and desire For go they away cleere with this once what is it that they will not attempt and give the venture for Do but runne through and count the lawes provided in this behalfe for women whereby our forefathers and predecessours have kept downe and restreined their disorderly appetites and with which they have sought to subject them to their husbands yet hardly can ye with the help of them all keepe them in awe and tied fast but breake out they will and have their own waies What then how and if ye suffer them to catch this and that and to ther thing to it if I say ye let them wrest from you one thing after another untill at length they be check-mates with their husbands thinke ye that ever you shall be able to support and endure them Begin they once to be equals they will soone be superiours make them your fellowes and streightwaies they will be your maisters But alas wee lay to hardly to their charge The thing that they stand upon is no more but this That no new Act and statute passe against them for no equall and reasonable thing do they refuse their desire and prayer is only that they might not be wronged No no it is cleane contrary That law which ye have received and admitted that which by your suffrages you first granted that which by the practise and experience of so many yeeres you have allowed and approved they would have you to revoke and abolish which is as much to say as by anulling that one to infringe impaire and diminish the authoritie and vertue of the rest No law is there so well devised that is good commodious and agreeable unto all This only is intended principally to be considered that it may be profitable to the most part and serve in generall For if as each person shall find an act prejudiciall hurtfull and offensive to himselfe he may be allowed by and by to undo and demolish the same to what end should all the people assemble together to the making of those statutes which they anon against whom they were enacted may abolish and overthrow But gladly would I know the great occasion and cause for which our dames in such trouble and uprore run out into the streets and have much ado to forbeare the common place and to mount up into the Rostra to make an oration to this audience Is it for this to redeeme out of the hands of Anniball their fathers their husbands their children brethren whom he keepth prisoners Nay that calamitie is farre enough off at this day and farre may it ever be I pray God from our citie and Common-weale And yet when the time was of that hard fortune and calamitie you would not hearken to their piteous and kind prayers in that behalfe But it may well be that it is neither naturall love and kind affection nor carefull regard of their deere friends but meere touch of conscience and sense of religion that hath brought them thus together in a congregation And readie they are it may be to receive and interteine dame Cybill or Idas comming from Pescinus out of Phrygia What honest colour shew so much as in word only can be pretended to beare out and cover this mutinous sedition of women Mary this say they that we may glitter in our golden jewels and shine in purple robes to be seene a farre off that as well on work daies as holidayes we may be set up and ride in our coches and chariots through the citie as it were in triumph for the conquest and victorie of a law by us repealed and disanulled for winning from you and wringing out of your hands maugre your beards the libertie of your voyces and suffrages to the end that we might not be stinted and gaged in our excessive expenses in our dissolute profusion in costly vanities and superfluities Many a time yee have heard me complaine of the wastfull and sumpteous bravery of women and as often have you knowne me to invey against the lavish spending of men not privat
and turne to good whatsoever you doe or go about When he had thus said those Tribunes also of the Commons who openly promised and protested to oppose themselves and to crosse the repealing of the law made some briefe speeches to the same effect Then L. Valerius rose up to maintaine the bill by him proposed for the revoking of that law and spake as followeth If privat men had stepped forth and advaunced forward either to approove and persuade or to reject and dissuade that which by us is proposed I my selfe also without opening my mouth would have attended your will expected the deliverie of your suffrages as thinking it had bene sufficiently debated discoursed alreadie whatsoever might be said for both parties But now fith that the Consull M. Porcius Cato a man of so great reputation and gravitie not only by his countenance and authoritie which alone without any word at all spoken had been important enough and effectuall but also in a long premeditate Oration framed with much studie and forethinking hath impugned and inveighed against our proposed ordinance I must of necessitie answere him againe as briefly as I can Who neverthelesse hath spent more words in reproving and chastising the matrons and dames of the citie than he hath bestowed reason to the purpose in dissuading our new law and all verify for this intent that he might leave it doubtful whether the women had done that which he blamed them for as induced by their own motives or seduced by us and our suggestions As for me the protection directly of the cause I will take in hand and not busie and trouble my head in defence of our persons against whome the Consull hath rather glaunced and girded at by way of big words than charged indeed by found reasons It hath pleased him to call this An assembly and mutinous meeting yea and other whiles he tearmeth it An insurrection and secession of women because the wives in open place intreated you to repeale that law now in time of peace in the flourishing and blessed state of the Commonweale which during those troublesome daies of war had bene enacted against them I wote full well that both these words and other besides are verie significant sought out and picked for the nones to enforce and aggravate the matter And we all know that M. Cato is an Oratour not onely grave and earnest but otherwhiles also fell sharpe and bitter however otherwise by naturall disposition he be of a mild spirit and courteous enough But to the point What new and strange thing is this that our wives have done in comming abroad and assembling themselves in companies about a matter that so much concerneth and importeth themselves What were they never seene before now abroad in open street I will take the paines ó Cato to turne over your own book of Originals against yourselfe Listen and marke how often they have done the semblable and alwaies truly for the common good and benefit of the State And first and foremost in the verie beginning and infancie of this citie even in the reigne of king Romulus when the Capitoll-Keepe was taken and held by the Sabines when in the middest of the Common place they were raunged in battell array and readie to fight a bloudie field was not the quarrell ended and the conflict stayed by the dames and wives that ran in and put themselves betweene the two armies After the KK were driven out and expelled What happened tho When as the legions of the Volsciens under the conduct of Coriolanus Martius incamped within five miles of Rome were they not the matrones of the citie that turned backe this armie which doubtlesse would have forced our citie and put it to ransacke And is not this likewise as true that when the Gaules were possessed of Rome and masters thereof the dames of the citie and none but they even by the consent of all men came foorth into the open streets made a contribution and laid downe that gold which paid for the ransome and redemption of the citie No longer since than in the last Punicke warre because I will not stand so much upon antiquities was it not thus that not onely when the citie was at a fault for money the widowes stockes supplyed the want of the common treasure but also at what time as we were driven to seeke for new gods and to send for them afarre off to succor us in our extremities all the wives and matrons of the citie went to the sea side for to receive the goddesse Mother Idaea The occasions quoth he are different and the case is not alike Neither is it my purpose or any part of my meaning to compare causes and toproove they are all one This onely I stand upon and take it sufficient to excuse and cleere the women for bringing up no straunge noveltie in that they shewed themselves in open place To proceed therefore seeing that no man made any woonder then of that which women did in under taking the affaires that concerned all alike as well men as women marvaile we now that they doe the semblable in a cause that properly and peculiarly pertaineth to themselves And what great thing was it they did Now in good faith wee are too coy and squeamish of our hearing and our eares over nice and delicate if when masters disdaine not to heare the praiers of their servants and slaves we scorne to give eare to the requests of ladies and dames of honor But now I come to the matter in question in regard where of the Consull his Oration consisted in two points For first hee tooke it verie ill that any law at all once enacted should be revoked and secondly he stood upon this that above all others the law devised and made for repressing the superfluous ornaments and attire of women should remaine in force for ever So it should seeme that the first part a common defence as it were of all the lawes was a speech befitting the place and person of a Consull but the other against the exceeding pompe of women more properly became a man as himselfe of most severe life and precise carriage And therefore it is great doubt and to be feared least wee should seduce you into some errour if we lay not downe and shew plainly the vanitie and defect both in the one in the other For as I confesse that of those lawes which are devised and established not for a time and by occasion of some particular occurrence but for ever and to the perpetuall good of a citie none ought to be abolished unlesse it be so that by use and experience the same be checked and found hurtfull or by some change of the State become needlesse and superfluous so I see evidently that those statutes and ordinances which are brought in to sit and serve some seasons are mortall if I may so say and mutable with the times And oftentimes wee see that warre disclaimeth those lawes
all other Assist me I pray you herein with your good counsell I assure you I will not bee directed by any advise more willingly than by that which you yourselves shall give mee When they held their tongues and would not speake a word he said unto them againe that he was content they should pause upon the matter and consult thereof a few daies When they were called againe and kept silence in this second meeting and conference as well as in the former he made no more adoe but in one day rased the walls of all their cities which done hee went forward against those that hitherto were not come in nor yeelded obedience and into what quarters soever he came he received al the States one after another there bordering and adjoining into his protection save onely Segestica a wealthie citie and of importance the which he forced with mantelets and rolling pavoiâ—es and such like fabrickes More difficultie in subduing these enemies hee found than others afore him who first came into Spaine in this regard for that in times past the Spaniards at the beginning revolted unto them as being wearie of the tedious yoke of subjection under the lordly government and tyrannie of the Carthaginians But Cato had more ado with them now in that out of libertie and freedome which they had usurped and beene used to hee was to vouch them as it were bond and to bring them againe to servitude Besides hee found all out of frame and order whiles some of them were up in armes others were forced by siege to revolt as not able to have held out long unlesse they had beene rescued and succoured in time But of this nature and courageous mind was the Consull that he would himselfe in person be present and manage all affaires as well those of smallest moment as also those of greatest weight and consequence and not onely devise and give direction what was best to bee done but would himselfe set to his hand and execute most of the exploits and effect them fully There was not one amongst them all that he commaunded with more severitie and rigour than his owne selfe In living neerely in spare feeding in much watching in painefull travell he strived to surpasse and outgoe the meanest common souldiors And no priviledge challenged he no advauntage sought he to himselfe in his whole armie above others but onely honour and soveraigne commaund The Pretor P. Manlius had the more trouble in his war-service by reason of the Celtiberians whom as it hath ben said before the enemies had levied hired with their monie And therfore the Consull being sent unto by the Pretor his letters led his legions also thither Being there arrived now the Celtiberians and Turdetanes were severally encamped apart one from the other the Romanes fell presently to maintaine light skirmishes with the Turditanes and eftsoones charged their corps de guard and how rashly and inconsiderately soever they began the game yet they ever went away winners As for the Celtiberians the Consull sent certaine Tribunes or knight marshals unto them to emparle giving them in charge to make them an offer and tender unto them the choice of three conditions First if they could be content to arraunge themselves to serve under the Romanes and to receive at their hands double wages to that they bargained for with the Turditanes Secondly whether they would be willing to go their waics home under safe conduct and publicke securitie besides that their siding with the Romane enemies should not be laid to their charge nor bring them within the compasse of any daunger Thirdly if they had more mind to warre then that they should set downe some time and place when and where they might come to an issue and trie it out in a set battaile The Celtiberians required to take a day for to consider better upon these points So they assembled togither in counsell with great trouble and confusion by reason that some Turdetanes were thrust in among them upon which occasion they might worse grow to any conclusion Now albeit uncertein it was whether there would be any warre or peace with the Celtiberians yet the Romanes gathered their provision out of the territorie and borroughes of their enemies like as in time of peace yea and more than that they entred oftentimes within their fortifications and defences as if there had bene some common traffike and commerce agreed betweene them by way of private truce The Consull seeing he could not draw the enemie to a battaile first led certeine companies lightly appointed with banners displaied to raise booties in one quarter of the countrie which as yet was free had not tasted of the wars but afterwards hearing that all the bag and baggage and other cariage of the Celtiberians was left at Saguntia he set forward thither to give an assault to the towne But seeing that nothing would move and stir them he paied not onely his owne souldiours their wages but also the Pretours armie their due and leaving the maine hoast in the Pretour his campe himselfe returned to the river Ebre accompanied only with seven cohorts With these forces as small as they were he woon certain towns and there revolted unto him the Sedetanes Ausetanes and Suessetanes The Lacetanes a nation living out of the way after a savage manner within the wilds and woods kept still in armes not only upon a naturall and inbred wildnesse but also upon a guiltie conscience in that whiles the Consull and his armie was emploied in the Turdulois warre they had made suddaine rodes and incursions into the lands of their Allies and pitifully wasted the same And therefore the Consull advaunced forward to assault their towne and led against it not onely his owne cohorts and bands but also the youth of his Allies who had good cause to bee angrie and to oppose themselves unto them The towne which they inhabited lay out in length but was nothing so wide and large in breadth and within one halfe mile or lesse hee pitched downe his ensignes and planted himselfe There hee left behind a guard of choise companies and streightly charged them not to stirre out of that place before hee came unto them himselfe The rest of his forces hee led about unto the farther side beyond the towne Of all the aid-souldiours that he had about him the greatest number were the youth of the Suessetanes and those he commaunded to approch the wall for to give the assault The Lacetanes when they took knowledge of their armor colours calling to mind how often they had overrun them at their pleasure wasted their lands without checke or empeachment how many and sundrie times they had in raunged battell discomfited and put them to flight all at once set open the gate and fallied out upon them The Suessetanes were so little able to sustaine the forcible charge of their onset that they hardly could abide their very shout first crie The Cos. seeing
now that come to passe indeed which he suspected would be so rode a gallop upon the spurre to those said cohorts of his owne that were left on the other side under the towne and taking them with him in great hast whiles all the townesmen were spread abroad in following the chase after the Suessetanes he led them into the towne at a place where there was no noise no stirring and not a man to be seene and made himselfe maister of all before the Lacetanes were returned backe but within a while hee received them to mercie upon their submission who poore men had nothing to yeeld and loose but their bare armor and weapons Immediately he followed the traine of this victorie and led his forces against the hold or strong towne of Vergium This was a receptacle and place of sure receit for certaine rovers and theeves who from thence used to make many rodes into the peaceable parts of that province The principal and cheefe person of Vergium quit the place and be took himselfe unto the Consull and began to excuse as well himselfe as the townesmen saying that the governement of the towne and the state thereof lay not in their hands For why these robbers after they were once received in among them seized themselves wholly of that strength and had all at their commaund The Consull willed him to goe home againe and to devise and forge some likely probable cause why he had been absent and out of the way with this charge direction that when he saw him approch under the walls and the robbers aforesaid wholly amused and occupied in defence thereof then hee should remember to joine with the rest of his part and faction and be possessed of the fortresse and keepe of the towne This put he in practice and execution accordingly So whiles the Romanes of one side skaled the walls and they on the other side had taken the fortresse these barbarians were sodainly at once surprised with a two-fold feare before and behind The Consull when he had gotten the place into his owne hands gave order that all those who were gotten into the castle and held it should remaine free themselves and all their kinred and likewise enjoy their goods The rest of the Vergetanes he commaunded the Treasurer to sell and make money of them As for the Rovers they suffred according to their deserts After he had set the province in quiet he laid great tributes and imposts upon the mines of yron and silver which being once ordeined and established the whole province grew in welth and riches every day more than other For these his exploits atchieved in Spaine the LL. of the Senat decreed that there should be a solemne procession at Rome to endure for three dayes The same winter L. Valerius Flaccus the other Consull fought in Fraunce a set field with the power of the Boians neere the forest of Litania and wan the victorie And by report there were eight thousand Gaules there slaine the rest abandoned the warre and slipt every one into their owne wickes and villages The rest of the winter the Cos. kept his armie at Placentia and Cremona about the Po and repaired in these cities whatsoever had bene decaied and demolished during the warres The affaires in Italie and Spaine standing in these termes when T. Quintius had so passed the winter in Greece that setting aside the Aetolians who neither had bene recompenced according to the hope that they conceived of the victorie nor yet could long time like of repose all Greece throughout in generall enjoying the blessing of peace and libertie flourished and mainteined their state exceeding well admiring no lesse the temperance justice and moderation of the Romane Generall after victorie than his valour and prowesse in warre there was an Act of the Senat of Rome brought presented unto him importing thus much That warre was determined against Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedemonians Which when Quintius had red he published and proclaimed a generall Diet or Counsell at Corinth against a certein day when and where all the States associats should assemble by their delegates and embassadors Now when there was met together from all parts a frequent number of princes and great personages in such fort that the very Aetolians also were not absent Quintius used unto them this or the like speech The Romanes and Greekes have warred against king Philip as yee well know and as with one mind and common counsell they have so done so either of them had severall quarels unto him and private causes and occasions by themselves to take armes For Philip had broken the league and amitie with us Romanes one while by sending aid and maintenance to the Carthaginians our enemies otherwhiles by assailing our allies in these parts and to you-wards he hath so demeaned himselfe that albeit we could forget and put up all the wrongs that he hath done unto us the very injuries that yee have received at his hands minister sufficient cause unto us to warre against him for your sake As for this dayes consultation it resteth wholly in your selves For this I propound unto you Whether your wil is to suffer Argos which as yee know your selves Nabis the tyrant holdeth to remaine still under him in obedience or whether you thinke it meete and reason that a most noble and auncient citie as it is seated in the very hart of Greece should be reduced unto libertie to enjoy the same condition and state wherein other cities of Peloponnesus and Greece do stand This consultation I say as you well see entierly toucheth you and your good and concerneth us Romanes no farther than thus that by the servitude of that one onely citie wee can not have the full and entier glorie of setting Greece wholly in libertie But if you regard not the state of that citie and are not moved with the example thereof and the danger for feare the contagion of this mischiefe spred farther we for our parts are content and take all in good worth and will not set you downe and teach you what to do Only I require your advise in this point minding to resolve upon that which the major part of you shall cary by voyces After the Romane Generall had ended his speech all the rest began to deliver their opinions And when the deputed delegate or agent for the Atheniens had magnified and extolled as highly as possibly he could the good demerits of the Romans toward Greece yeelding them great thanks that upon their request they had graunted their aid against Philip and without any petition at all offred their help and succour against Nabis the tyrant and seemed therewith to be offended and displeased at some who neverthelesse in their talke and speeches found fault and carped at these so great favours and deserts yea and spake badly of future events whereas it behoved them rather to acknowledge and confesse how much they were bound and beholden alreadie to the
each of them Likewise Coloners of Romane citizens were brought to Salernum and Buxentum The Triumvirs who had the placing of them were T. Sempronius Longus Consull for the time being M. Servilius and Q. Minutius Thermus The territorie of the Campanes was devided among them Three other also deputed for the like purpose D. Iunius Brutus M. Babius Tamphilus and M. Helvius placed a colonie of Romane citizens in Sipontum to enjoy the lands of the Arpines Likewise other colonies of Romane citizens were planted in Tempsa and Crotone The lands belonging to Tempsa were woon from the Brutij who had expelled the Greekes and the Greekes remained in Crotone The Triumvirs for Crotone were Cn. Octavius L. Aemylius Paulus and C. Pletorius and for Tempsa L. Cornel. Merula and C. Salonius Also that yeere were seene at Rome divers wonders and prodigious sights and some were reported from other parts In the common place in the publick Hall Comitium and Capitoll were seene certeine drops of bloud And oftentimes it rained earth The head of Vulcane was on fire Newes came that at Interamna there ran a streame of milke Also that at Ariminum there were two infants both of three condition borne without eies and nose and another in the Picene countrey handlesse and footelesse These strange tokens were by order given from the chiefe-Pontifees looked unto and expiated and a Novendiall sacrifice continued for nine daies because the Adrians brought word that in their territorie it rained stones In Gaule neere to Mediolanum L. Valerius Flaccus the Proconsull fought a set field with the french Insubrians and Boians Which Boians under the conduct of Deruacus passed over the river Padus for to sollicite and raise the Insubrians In which conflict were slaine ten thousand enemies About the same time his colleague in government M. Porcius Cato triumphed over Spaine In this triumph he caried in pomp and shew 25000 pound weight of silver in bullion and in come 123000 Bigate pieces of Ofcan silver 540 pound weight and of gold 400000 pound weight Of the bootie woon from the enemies he dealt among his souldiours that were footmen 270 asses a peece and triple so much to every man of armes T. Sempronius the Consull having put himselfe in his journey toward his province led first his legions into the Boians countrey Boiorix at that time their Prince with his two brethren having raised the whole nation to rebellion encamped in certeine commodious places so as it appeared that if the enemie entred their confines they were readie to give him battaile The Consull perceiving how strong and confident the enemies were dispatched a courrier to his Colleague to make hast if he thought so good and come unto him for untill his comming he would fall off seeme to retire and not fight But the same cause that moved the Consull to stay gave occasion to the Gaules to make more hast for besides that the hasting and lingering of the Consull encouraged the enemies they were desirous to have the triall of a battaile before the forces of both Consuls were joyned together Howbeit for two dayes space they did nothing but stand readie raunged for fight if any should have come forth to brave and dare them On the third day they approched the trench and rampier of the Consuls camp and on every side at once gave the assault The Consull immediatly commaunded the souldiours to arme And when they were armed he kept them in awhile of intent to increase the foolish confidence in the enemies and to dispose of his owne forces and give direction what companies should â—ally out at every gate The two legions he commaunded to issue forth under their coulors at the two side gates called Principales's but in the very passage without forth the Gaules stood thick and made head againe so that the way was stopped up A longtime they fought in those very streights And they bestirred themselves no more with their hands and swords than they prâ—â—sed one upon another with their bodies and targets whiles the Romanes strived to advance their ensignes out of the gates and the Gaules endevoured no lesse either to enter themselves within the camp or else to impeach the Romance for going forth But in this conflict there was nothing betweene them either woon or lost no ground gained the one of the other before that Qu. Victorius a principall Centurion of the Pilani in the second legion and C. Atinius a Tribune or Marshall of the fourth caught the banners from the ensigne-beareres a thing often practised in time of extremitie and flang them among the enemies For whiles these laboured and strained themselves to recover each one a banner they of the second legion first brake through and gat forth of the gate so as now they maintained skirmish without the trench and the fourth legion stuck still in the gap By which time there arose another tumult and noise in the contrarie side of the campe for the Gaules were broken in at the Questors gate or the gate against the Questorium and slaine those that valiantly made head and held them play to wit Lucius Posthumius a treasurer surnamed Tympanus Marcus Atinius and Publius Sempronius two colonels of the allies and well neere two hundred souldiours besides Thus the campe on that part was woon untill such time as one extraordinarie cohort was sent from the Consull to defend the Questors gate aforesaid which either flew those that were within the rampier or else drave them foorth and so withstood those that would have rushed in And much about that very time the fourth legion also with two extraordinarie squadrons brake forth at the gate Thus at once there were three severall battailes in sundrie places about the campe and the dissonant cries and noises according to the divers occasions of ech partie ministred by their fellowes turned and withdrew the minds and spirits of those that were in fight from the present skirmish before them In this manner maintained they the medley untill noone equally matched in strength and number and little or no ods between them for hope of victorie but tedious travaile and soultering heat compelled the Gaules whose bodies are soft and open and soon running to sweat and who of all other things can least away with thirst to abandon the battell and those few that remained behind the Romans ran upon ruffled their colours and chased them into their owne hold Then the Consull founded the retreat at which signall given the more part retired themselves but a sort of them upon a hote desire of fight and good hope to be masters of their campe persisted still close to their trench The Gaules disdaining their small number issued all forth out of their campe and then the Romanes being discomfited were glad now of themselves for feare and fright to trudge unto the strength of their owne hold which they would not retire unto at the commaundement of the Consull Thus on both sides there was one while victorie
had bene at Rome between Quintius and the kings embassadors But the newes of Antichus the kings sonne his death whom I said a little before to have bene sent into Syria brake off the peace Great mourning and sorrow there was in the kings court and much was that yong prince missed and moaned For that good proose he had given of himselfe that if he had lived any long time he would have proved by all likelyhood of his towardnesse a great a mightie and a righteous king The derer and better beloved he was of all men the more suspicious was his death and namely that his father doubting that he would presse forward and be instant to succeed him in his old age tooke order by the ministery of certain Eunuches or guelded men persons greatly accepted with kings for such services to have him poisoned And they say that another cause also set him forward to commit this secret act because having geven the citie Lysimachia to his sonne Selencus he had no such place to bestow upon Antiochus his sonne for to keepe his residence in whereunto he might have removed him farther off from his owne person under colour of doing him honor Howbeit great semblance and shew there was of much mourning and lamentation all over the court for certeine daies in so much as the Rom. embassador retired himselfe to Pergamus because he was loth to converse there uncivilly at so unseasonable a time The king returned to Ephesus and gave over the war that he had enterprised Where the court gates being shut by occasion of the mourning time he devised and consulted in great secret with one Minio an inward friend unto him and whom of all other he loved best and trusted most This Minio a meere stranger and altogether ignorant in foreiene affaires and forces measuring esteeming the power and greatnes of the king by his exploits done in Syria or in Asia deemed verily that Antiochus had not only the better cause in that the Romanes demaunded unreasonable conditions but also should have the upper hand in the triall thereof by warre When as now the king refused to have any conference and dispute with the embassadors either for that he knew by good experience that it would be bootless for him so to do or because he was troubled in spirit upon this late and fresh object of griese and sorrow Minio undertooke the businesse and prosessed that he would speake to the point of the matter to good purpose and so persuaded the king to send for the embassadors from Pergamons By this time Sulpotius was recovered of his sicknes and therefore both of them repaired to Ephesus where excused the king and in his absence they began to treate about their affaires Then Minio with a premeditate oration began in this wise I see well qd he that you Romanes pretend unto the world a goodly title of setting free the cities of Greece but your deedes are not answerable to your words and ye have set downe unto Antiochus one manner of law to be tried unto and practice your selves another For how commeth it about that the Smyrneans Lampsacenes should be Greekes more than the Neapolitanes the Rhegines and Tarentines of whom you exact tribute and require ships by vertue of the accord and covenants between you Why send you yeerely to Saracose and other Greeke cities of Sicily a Pretor in soveraigne authority with his rods and axes Cerres ye have nothing else to say but that ye have subdued them in warre and by right of conquest have imposed these conditions upon them The like yea and the same cause know yea that Antiochus alledgeth as concerning Smyrna Lampsacus and other cities and states of Ionia Aeolis For having been conquered in war by his auncestors progenitors having I say been made tributarie and taillable he chalengeth of them the auncient rights duties due from them and to him belonging And therfore if ye wil ' debate and treat the question according to aquitie and reason and not rather pick quarels and seeke occasion of war I would gladly know what ye will answere to him in this point To this Sulpitius made answere in this wise Antiochus quoth he hath done very well with good regard of modestie in that having no other matters to plead unto for his defense the maintenance of his cause he hath made choise of any other rather than himselfe to be the speaker For what one thing is there alike in those cities which you have named and put in comparison Of the Rhegines Neapolitanes and Tarentines we demaund that which is our due according to the deeds of covenants endented and hath ever bene since time that first they were in subjection under us that I say which we have chalenged enjoyed by vertue of one continued course and tenor of right by us ever practised without any intermission or interruption And are you able to avouch that as those nations neither by themselves nor by any other have altered and chaunged the accord betweene us and them so the cities of Asia when they once became subject to the auncestors of Antiochus remained alwaies in the perpetuall possession of your kingdome And not rather that some of them have beene under the obeisaunce of Philip and others obedient to Ptolomaee Yea and divers of them for many yeeres have been free and used their owne liberties without contradiction and no words or doubt made thereof For admit this once that because these cities sometimes were in bondage through the iniquitie of those times where in they were oppressed there shall be a right pretended and the same be effectuall to reduce them againe after so many ages into servitude What wanteth it but ye may as well say that we have done just nothing in delivering Greece out of the hands of Philip and that his successours and posteritie may claime againeand lay title to Corinth Chalcis Demetrias and the whole Thessalian nation But what meane I to maintaine the cause of the cities of Greece whome it were more meet and reasonable that both wee and the king himselfe would give audience unto and let them plead what they can for their owne selves With that he commaunded the embassages of the cities to be called in which were prepared and instructed asorehand by Eumenes who made this reckoning that whatsoever strength went from Antiuchus should accrue and come unto him and his kingdome Many were admitted to speake whiles every one set forward his owne cause some by way of complaint others in manner of demaund each one putting in for himselfe without regard of right or wrong so he served his owne time they fell at length from reasoning to warbling and wrangling in so much as the Embassadours returned to Rome as uncertaine and doubtfull in all matters as they were when they came without releasing or obtaining any one thing at all When they were dismissed and gone the king held a councell
as touching the Romane war In which assembly some delivered their opinion more freely and stoutly than others but generally the more bitter speech that any one used against the Romanes the greater hope he had to enter into especiall grace and favour with the king One above the rest inveighed much and spake against those proud and insolent demaunds of the Romanes who imposed hard lawes and conditions upon Antiochus the mightiest king of all Asia as if he had beene no better than Nabis whome they had conquered and subdued And yet faith he they left unto Nabis some seignorie and dominion in his owne countrey and citie of Lacedaemon wheras if Lampsacum and Smyrna should be at the command of Antiochus they deemed that an unworthy thing and a very indignitie Others opined and said that those two cities were but small causes and not woorth the naming for so puissant a prince to stand upon and to warre for But alwaies say they men begin with just and reasonable demaunds to make an overture and way to compasse and obtaine that which is unjust Vnlesse one would beleeve that when Persians requested of the Lacedaemonians water and earth they stood in need of a clot and turse of ground or a draught of water In like sort for all the world the Romanes doe but sound and trie the king in their demaunds touching these two cities For other cities likewise so soone as they shall perceive that those two have shaken off the yoke of obedience will soon revolt and turne to that people which is their deliverer and at whose hands they hope for libertie And say that freedome were not to them more deare and pretious than bondage yet it is the nature of every man to feed and please himselfe with a bare hope of a chaunge and new world much more than with the assured hold of any present state whatsoever There was in place at this councell Alexander of Acamania one who sometime had friended Philip but of late daies was fallen from him and followed the court of Antiochus a more wealthie and magnificent prince and being taken for a politician who had a special insight into the state of Greece and was not ignorant of the affaires of Rome had would himselfe into high favour and inward friendship with the king that he was taken in to be one of his privie counsell and acquainted with all his secrets This man as if the question in hand had beene not Whether war should be levied or no but Where and by What means and How it should be managed spake aloud and said That he made full reckoning and account in his very spirit and heart of the victorie in case the king would passe the seas over into Europe to plant and settle himselfe in some part of Greece and there wage warre for at his verie first comming hee should see in armes alreadie the Aerolians that inhabit the very heart and centre of Greece who would be the only chieftaines and port-ensignes to march before them readie to venture and enter upon the most difficult and daungerous enterprises of war Againe in the two cantons and angles as it were thereof he should find Nabis of the one side from Peloponnesus at hand to rise and raise those quarters with intent to regaine the citie of the Argives to win again the maritime cities which the Romans have disseized dispossessed him of and have mued and shut him within the walls of Lacedaemon On the other side from Macedonie Philip would no doubt take armes so soone as he shall heare the first alarme and sound of trumpet Full well qd he know I his courage of what spirit and stomacke he is right well I wore that he hath fostered in that brest of his for a long time anger despite like to these wild and savage beasts which either are kept within yron grates or fast tyed and bound and as well I remember how many a time he was woont during the wars to pray heartily to all the gods to vouchsafe for to give him Antiochus for his helper and assistant and if now hee might enjoy his wish and have the thing so long desired and praied for hee would without any delay enter into armes and warre incontinently Onely quoth Alexander we must not linger and stay nor drive off for as much as herein consisteth the very point of victorie even betimes to seize upon commodious places of advantage before the enemies be possessed of them Also with all speed Anniball to be sent into Affricke where by the Romanes may be distracted compelled to turne themselves sundry waies Anniball only was not called to this counsell for by reason of the foresaid conferences with Villius the king had him in some jealousie and therefore he was out of favour and of no credit and account with him At the first he put up this disgrace and made no words but afterwards hee thought it a better course both to demaund the cause of suddaine strangenesse and alienation of his and also to take some good time to excuse and purge himselfe And therefore upon a day having simply asked of the king and heard the cause of his anger toward him My father Amilcar qd he ô Antiochus when upon a time he sacrificed unto the gods caused me a verie little one to be brought and presented before the altar where he forced me to touch the same with my hand to take an oath Never to be friend unto the people of Rome To accomplish and fulfill this oth I maintained the wars for the space of sixe and thirtie yeere by vertue of this oth in time of peace I was driven out of my native country and being fled from thence this oth brought me into your court and by the guidance direction of this oth if you should disappoint me of my hope yet whersoever I know there are forces whersoever I heare there is any stirring and rustling of armes I shall seeke all the word over untill I find some Romane enemies And therefore if there be any of your Courteors that have a mind and desire to advaunce themselves in your good grace and would grow by carrying tales and accusing me unto you let them find some other subject and matter to doe this by me for I hate the Romanes and am likewise hated of them That this is truth which I say my father Amilcar and the gods in heaven can testifie Wherefore whensoever you shall thinke to make war with the Romanes see you entertain Anniball for one of your greatest and most assured friends but if any occurrent shall force you to peace seeke some other counsellor and not me to consult withall about that point This speech was so effectuall that not onely it prevailed with the king but also reconciled Anniball unto his grace And so they departed out of the councell with a full resolution to make warre At Rome it was commonly talked and discoursed that Antiochus was an enemie
out any of the ships from the rest yet Anniball of all other was not to have the conduct thereof a banished person and a Carthaginian who was like yaough to be of many minds and to change a thousand times in a day such was his present condition and fortune such was his nature and disposition And as for that glorious name for martiall prowesse which is the cause that Anniball is so much set by and which recommendeth him as a speciall and singular gift to the world it is too much and farre unsitting for any one captaine under a king more meet it were that the king himselfe should be regarded seen above al other that the king I say and none but the king should be the leader conducter and commander of all Again if Anniball chaunced to miscarie with the fleet or to have his forces defeated the losse would be counted no more than if any other meaner captaine had done it but if the affaires should prosper speed well Anniball should go away with all the honour and not Antiochus Moreover say that fortune were so kind as to give Antiochus the upper hand of the Romanes and the entire victorie over them for ever what hope or likelyhood is there that Anniball would be content to live under the king and subject to him alone who hardly could brooke and endure the commaund and soveraignetie of the whole State wherein he was borne He hath not caried himselfe so eversince his first youth bearing a mind with him to compasse the dominion of the whole world as that now in his old age hee can abide to have a lord and superior over him To conclude the king quoth he hath no such need of Anniball in this war as to make him a commaunder well may be use him for a counseller and so forth to have him in his train and companie for some meane fruit and use of such a nature cannot be combersome hurtfull and daungerous but if high and great matters be reached at soon they may beare down and overcharge both the giver and also the receiver And no spirits are so readie to envie and mallice others as they whose birth and parentage whose degree and estate is not answereable to their hautie minds and such commonly as they hate the vertue so they depresse the good of another Hereupon that course of sending Anniball into Affricke was forthwith laid aside and cleane cast behind which was so well devised in the beginning of the warre Antiochus bearing himselfe aloft now principally for that Demetrias was revolted from the Romanes unto the Aetolians determined no longer to delay the matter but presently to take a voiage into Greece But before that he embarked and took the sea he went up to Ilium from the sea side for to sacrifice unto Minerva and when hee was returned to his fleet he made saile with 40 close covered hatched ships and 60 uncovered and undecked and after these followed 200 vessels of burden charged fraught with victuals munition warlike furniture of all sorts And first he fell with the Iland Imbros from thence he cut over to Scyathos where after he had rallied his ships which had bene skattered one from another in the wide deepe sea he arrived at Preleum the first towne of the maine and continent VVhere Eurylochus the Magnetatches i. the soveraign of Magnesia and the principall citizens of that State who were come from Demetrias met him and joyned with him who rejoycing exceedingly to see so goodly a companie of them in his traine the next day put into the haven of the citie of Demetrias and not far from thence landed all his forces which amounted in the whole to tenne thousand foot five hundred horse and sixe Elephants a small power God wot and unsufficient to seize upon Greece all naked and alone farre shorter than to hold and mainteine warre with the Romanes After it was reported that Antiochus was come to Demetrias the Aetolians proclaimed a counsell wherein they made a decree to send for Antiochus For now the king knowing that they would passe such an Act was departed from Demetrias and had withdrawne himselfe to Phalera within the gulph of Malea And after he had received once the patent of that decree he went from thence to Lamia where he was received with exceeding favour of the common people with clapping of hands shouts acclamations and other signes whereby the multitude useth to shew and testifie their great joy VVhen they were assembled together and set in Counsell Phaneas the Pretor and other chiefe citizens brought him solemnely in where after Oyâ—â—â— â—ade thus the king began his speech first excusing himselfe In that hee was come with a farre smaller power than all men hoped or looked for And even this quoth he may serve in steed of the greatest argument that may be of my exceeding love and affection toward you in that being so unprovided and unfurnished of all things and at a time so unseasonable for to saile as too earely to take the sea I have not thought much but am willingly come at the call of your embassadors being thus assuredly persuaded that the Aetolians seeing me once would suppose that in me alone consisted all their hope and defence whatsoever And yet I will accomplish I assure you and satisfie to the full even your contentment also whose expectation for the present may seeme to have bene disappointed for so soone as the time of the yeere will serve and the spring is once come that the seas are navigable I will overspread all Greece with men horse and munition I will take up all the sea coasts with fleets I will spare for no cost no paine no perill untill I have taken from their necks the heavie yoke of the Romane empire set Greece free indeed and made the Aetolians the chiefe commaunders therein Nay with mine armies besides shall come all kind of provision and furniture out of Asia But for the present faith he the Aetolians must see and take order that my people may be served with corne other victuals at a reasonable rate To this effect when the king had spoken with the great assent of all men he departed After the kings departure there arose some contention betweene two great men of the Aetolians to wit Phaneas and Thoas Phaneas was of opinion that it was better pollicie to use Antiochus for a mediatour and reconciler of peace or to be an umpire or arbitrator to decide the controversies betweene them and the Romanes rather than to be the Generall of the warre For his very comming and majestie would be more effectuall than all his forces to strike some reverence in the Romanes and cause them to be respective unto him For men oftentimes yeeld and remit many things of themselves willingly to avoid warre which they cannot be forced unto by warre and by armes when they are once entred into action Thoas inferred againe and
nor any that had authoritie to give their opinion in the Senate neither any inferior magistrates should take any journey out of thecitie farther than they might make returne againe the same day Item that there should not be five Senatours absent at once from Rome C. Livius the Pretour whiles he used all diligence and care to prepare and provide his fleete was impeached and hindered a time by occasion of a debate and contention that arose betweene him and the Coloners of the sea side For when they should be gathered and sent to sea they appealed to the Tribunes of the Com. from whom they were put over and referred to the Senate and the Senate with one voyce and accord pronounced and determined that these Coloners were not exempted from sea-service The Colonies that contended with the Pretour about their immunitie were these Hostia Fregena Castrum novum Pyrgi Antium Tarracina Minturnae and Sinuessa This done the Consull Acilius by order from the Senate consulted with the colledge of the Feciales or Heraults at Armes and demaunded their advise Whether the warre should be proclaimed and defiance geven to Antiochus himselfe in person or it were sufficient to intimate and denounce the same to some one of his garisons Also whether they would advise to proclaime warre against the Aetolians apart by themselves or whether it were not meete and convenient first to disclame and renounce their societie and friendship and then to proclaime and denounce hostility The Fecials answered that heretofore they had determined and cleered this point at what time as their opinion was asked as touching Philip to wit That it was all one and made no matter whether the defiance were given him to his face or only intimated to some garison of his And as for the Aetolians this was their mind that they had quit alreadie their amitie and abandoned all societie in that when our embassadors so oftentimes had redemaunded amends for wrongs done they never thought good to make restitution or satisfaction Moreover the Aetolians had themselves sent defiance first and proclaimed warre against the Romanes when as by force they seized Demetrias a citie of our allies and advaunced before Chalcis to assaile it both by land and sea and lastly in that they had sollicited king Antiochus and brought him into Europe for to levie warre against the Romanes All things now being sufficiently provided M. Acilius the Consull published an Edict and proclaimed That all those souldiours whom L. Quintius had enrolled likewise all those whom he had levied of the allies of the Latine nation who were to go with him into his province likewise all the Colonels and Marshals of the second and third legion should render themselves and be readie altogether at Brundusium upon the Ides of May following Himself upon the fifth day before the Nones of the same moneth departed forth of the citie clad in his rich cote of armes And at the same time the Pretors also tooke their journeys into their severall provinces Much about that time there arrived at Rome embassadors from two kings to wit Philip of Macedonie and Ptolomae king of Aegypt promising their aid of men money and corne for that warre And besides from Ptolomaeus there was brought 1000 pound weight in gold and the weight of 2000 pound in silver howbeit nothing was received but much thanks rendered to both the kings And whereas both of them offred to come with all their power into Aetolia and to be there in person Ptolomae was discharged of that offer of his but the Embassadors of Philip received this answere That he should highly please and content the people of Rome in case he would not faile the Consull M. Atilius In like manner there came Embassadours from the Carthaginians and Masanissa The Carthaginians made promise of a thousand Modij of Wheate and of Barley five hundred thousand for the armie and likewise to bring halfe so much to Rome praying the Romanes to accept the same at their hands as a free gift and gratuitie adding moreover that they would man our a fleete at their owne charges and were readie also to make one entire payment of the tribute behind which they were of dutie to pay by sundry termes of many yeeres The Embassadors of Masanissa promised in the behalfe of their king to send five hundred thousand Modij of wheate and 300000 thousand of barley into Greece to the armie besides 500 men of armes and twentie Elephants unto M. Acilius the Cos. As touching the corne this answere was returned unto them that they were content to accept thereof so that they would take money therefore to the worth As to the fleete aforesaid which the Carthaginians made offer of they acquit them cleane save as many ships as they were to find provide according to the tenure of the accord and composition between them Last of all concerning the tribute money none would they receive before the day Whiles the affaires passed thus at Rome Antiochus being at Chalcis because he would not sit still and do nothing all a winter time partly himselfe sollicited by sending his embassadors the minds of the States and partly also there came unto him embassadors from thence of their owne accord and namely among others the Epirots presented themselves by the common consent of their whole nation and the Eleans also came out of Peloponnesus They of Elis craved aid against the Achaeans who they verily thought would first take armes against their citie because war was denounced against Antiochus nothing to their will and good liking Vnto them were sent 1000 footemen under the leading of Euphanes the Cretensian The embassage of the Epirotes plaid with both hands meaning to deale roundly simply with no side but to go between the bark the tree Gladly they would make court to the king and curry favor with him but so as they stood in good termes still with the Romanes whom they were loth to offend For their request to him was that he would not draw them without great and important cause into the quarell considering that they for the defense of all Greece lay open exposed to Italy and were sure before others to feele the Romanes fingers and receive their first assaults But in case he were able of himselfe with his forces by land and sea to defend Epirus and furnish it with garisons sufficient they would with hart and good will accept of him and his into their cities port-townes but if so be he could not effect that they besought him not to offer them naked and unarmed men to the violence of the Romane warres Their drift was in this their embassie as it appeered that if the king and his forces came not into Epirus as they rather thought nay then yea they might reserve themselves and all they had safe entier and at their owne libertie for the Romane armies and win withall the kings good grace in that they seemed to
make an offer to receive him or if hee came indeed yet they might conceive good hope to find favour and have pardon at the Romanes hands in that they had not expected their succors being so farre off but rather yeelded to the forces of Antiochus being present there in person In such sort they caried themselves in their embassage so perplexed and intricate that the king knew not well how to answere them redily but said that he would send his owne embassadors unto them for to parle and treat of all affaires perteining in common as well to them as to him Then went he himselfe into Baeotia which countrey in colour and shew pretended these causes of anger and spight against the Romanes that before I have mentioned to wit the murder of Barcillas the armies by Quintius levied against Coronea occasioned by a massacre committed upon Roman souldiers but in very truth this was the reason The singular discipline order of that nation in old time was going downeward and endlong many yeeres and ages alreadie and the popular government of many growne to decay and ruine which can not possibly continue long without some chaunge and alteration of State Well to Thebes hee came where all the principall and chiefe States of Baeotia came flocking from all parts to meet him Where in the generall Diet and Councell of that Nation notwithstanding hee had founded the battaile and began the fray already by giving the first blow in that hee had forced the Romane garison neere Delium and Chalcis which were no small signes nor doubfull overtures of warre yet hee began with the same kind of speech which hee first used in the parle and conference at Chalcis and which his embassadors had followed in the generall assembly of the Achaeans namely demaunding that they would enter into amitie with him without prosessing themselves enemies to the Romans or pretending hostilitie against them But there was no man there but soone found him and saw him well enough howbeit there passed an act and decree in favour of the king against the Romanes under a vaine and slight pretext and colourable shew of words Having gained this nation also he returned to Chalcis from whence he sent out his letters before to the States of the Aetolians that they should meet him at Demetrias where hee would conferre and consult with them of all their affaires tobe managed and thither came he by sea at the day appointed Aminander also was sent for our of Athamania to this consultation yea and Anniball the Carthaginian whose counsell was not required a long time was present at this frequent Diet and assembly Much parle and great opining there was as touching the nation of the Thessaliaus and all there in place were of opinion that they should be founded how they stood affected but about the manner and some circumstance there of they were of divers minds whiles some advised it to be done and executed out of hand others thought good to put it off from winter season considering now they were in the mids thereof unto the prime and beginning of spring others againe said that embassadors onely should be sent and some hot-spurres there were that gave councell to goe against them with all their forces yea and to fright and terrifie them if they made slow hast Now when all the knot and difficultie of th is deliberation consisted in this one point Anniball was requested by name to deliver his mind and speake to the cause in question who turned the king and all that were present from other wandring cogitations and induced them to the entier consideration of the totall warre and to that effect framed his speech in this wise If since the time that we passed over into Greece my hap had bene to be called to any counsell when as some question was touching Eubaea the Achaeans and the Baeotians I would have delivered that advise then which now I purpose to utter this day in the question concerning the Thessalians Above all things my counsell is that Philip and the Macedonians may by all meanes possible be wrought to this our association in the warre For as touching Eubaea the Baeotians and the Thessalians who doubtethe but that they as nations that stand not upon their owne bottoms and are of no force by themselves will alwaies flatter them that are present in place and be readie to crave pardon upon the same feare that they ever shew when they are to take counsell resolve who doubteth I say but so soone as they shall see the Roman armie in Greece they wil turne to their accustomed obedience and that it will be imputed to them no fault at all that when the Romanes were so far off they were not willing to try the force of you a puissant prince in person among them or of your armies How much rather ought we then nay how much better more important would it be to joyn Philip unto us than these For if he once enter into the cause and be seen in action he can not possibly start from us nor draw his head out of the collar and moreover he bringeth that power with him which is not to be help for a simple succor addition to mend our forces but such as lately of it selfe without the help of others was able to make head against the Roman puissance Let me have this prince on my side and be it spoken without offence of any man here what need I doubt of the sequele and issue especially when those by whose meanes and assistance the Romans prevailed against Philip I see now ready to enter the field against them The Aetolians I say who as all the world knoweth vanquished Philip shall now togither with Phi lip enter into armes and fight against them Over and besides Aminander and the whole nation of the Athamanes whose service in that warre next to the Aetolians stood the Romans in best stead shall be of our side Philip at that time ô king Antiochus susteined the weight and burden of the whole warre when you sate still and stirred not now both of you togither two most mightie monarchs with the puissance of all Asia and Europe shall wage warre against one citie and people which to speake nothing of mine owne fortune good or bad certainly in our fathers daies was not able to make their part good with one only king of the Epirotes how hardie soever they will be when they shall be matched with you both togither But what mooveth me to think yea assureth me that Philip may be woon unto us to joyne in this action One thing is this a common good and benefit even the greatest bond that is of societie and yet there is another besides it namely an inducement proceeding from you that be here of Aetolia for Thoas your embassador who is present in place among other matters that he was wont to alledge for to animate move Antiochus to come into
repent whiles they sought to bee too warie provident and forecasting for the future time When this embassage was related at Pherae the citizens tooke no long time to deliberate but soone resolved in the maintenance of their faith and loialtie to the Romanes for to undergoe whatsoever hazard the fortune of warre should present unto them Whereupon both they addressed themselves to defend the citie with all their might and also the king began to assault and batter the walls on all parts at once And knowing well ynough as in truth there was no doubt that in the issue of the siege of that cittie which hee first enterprised lay the whole importance and consequence of all either to make him despised ever after or feared and dread of the Thessalians therefore he terrified the besieged inhabitants on every side and by all meanes possible that he could devise The first assault they sustained stoutly and manfully but afterwards seeing many of the defendants were either overturned and slaine or greevously butt and wounded their hearts began to quaile yet reclaimed by the rebukes and chastisements of their captaines and leaders and animated by their effectual exhortations to persist still in their purpose and resolution they quit the utmost compasse of their wall seeing at what default they were for want of men and retired themselves more inward into the citie into one part thereof which was strongly fortified with a mure of lesse circuite cloisture than the other At the length overcome with travaile and calamities and fearing That if they were forced and taken by assault they should find no mercie nor pardon with the conquerour they yeelded themselves The king following the traine of victorie delaied no time but whiles the fright was fresh sent foure thousand armed men presently to Scotusa where the townesmen made no stay but rendered the towne themselves incontinently having before their eies the fresh bleeding example of the Pheraeans who tamed by fine force of wofull miseries were compelled to doe that at last which they obstinately refused at the first Together with the citie itselfe was surrendered also Hippolochus and the Larissaean garison under his hand All of them the king sent away without any hurt or violenc e offred unto their persons for he thought thereby to win the hearts and love of the Larissaeans Having accomplished these exploits within ten daies after his first comming to Pherae hee marched toward Crano with all his armie and at his first comming woon it Then hee regained and seized Cypaera and Metropolis and the borroughes and forts about them so as now all those quarters were subdued and put under his subjection except Atrax and Gyrto Then he determined to assaile Larissa supposing that either upon the fearefull terrour of other cities forced or in regard of his demerite in dismissing the garrison so courteously or by the present example of so many citties yeelding unto him they would not long persist in their obstinacie And for to terrific them the more he commaunded the elephants to march in the forefront of the vaward and approched himselfe in a square battell with foure sides in such sort as the hearts of many of the Larissaeans waved in doubtfull suspence betweene forced feare of present enemies and kind regard of absent friends In this time Aminander with the whole youth and manhood of the Athamanes became master of Pelineum Menippus also with three thousand Aetolian footmen two hundred horse went to Perrhoebia woon Mallaea and Cyretiae by assault and wasted the territorie of Tripolis Having perfourmed these exploits with great expedition and celeritie they returned to Larissa unto the king and arrived even then when as the king was in consultation what to doe with Larissa for the councell was divided into diverse opinions Some thought it good to proceed forcibly and not to deferre but assaile the cittie walls with fabrickes and engines of batterie on all sides at once alledging that the towne being situate in a plaine toward the champaine field side might be approached unto with ease and invested every way Others againe inferred one while that there was no comparison between the strength of this citie and of Pherae otherwhile that it was now winter time and a season of the yeere far unfit for warlike executions and most of all others for the siege and assault of cities As the king thus hung in the equall ballance of hope and despaire the embassadours of Pharsalus arrived who as good hap was being come to surrender up their towne revived his spirits and mightily comforted his heart M. Baebius in this meane while having parlied and confered with Philip in the Dassaretians countrey sent Appius Claudius by the common advise of them both to the succour and defence of Larissa who passed through Macedonie and by long journies came to the top of those hills that commaund Gonni Now this Gonni is a towne twentie miles distant from Larissa feared just in the very streights of that forest and pase called Tempe who having taken up a larger circuit of ground to encampe in than was proportionable to his number and made more fires in shew than need was for that companie gave semblance unto the enemie which was the thing he aimed at that all the Romane forces were there togither with king Philip. King Antiochus therefore pretending unto his armie that the unseasonable winter time approached after he had stayed one onely day before Larissa dislodged and from thence departed and so returned to Demetrias The Aetolians likewise and the Athamanians repaired to their owne countries Appius albeit hee saw that the siege was levied which was the only cause of his comming yet downe he went to Larissa to encourage and confirme the harts of the allies against the time to come And a two-fold joy there was both because the enemies were gone and had quit their countrey and also for that they saw the Romane garison within their walls King Antiochus departed from Demetrias to Chalcis where he fell in fancie and love with a damsell of that citie daughter of Cleoptolemus a Chalcidian Now after he had made meanes to the maidens father first by intercession of messengers and mediatours and after by importuning him in his owne person with earnest requests by word of mouth who was very loth and unwilling to entangle and tie himselfe in matching her so high above his own calling at length so overcame the man that he obtained his desire and as if it had been a time of settled and confirmed peace he proceeded to consummate and celebrate the mariage And forgetting cleane how at one time he had undertaken the charge of two affaires so important to wit the warre with the Romanes and the deliverance of Greece he passed away the rest of the winter in feasts and bankets and in those delights and pleasures which ordinarily you wote well follow upon the liberall drinking of wine yea and when he had thereby rather wearied his bodie than
hee might enter at his pleasure At his first entrance certaine cheefe men of marke quit the cittie and departed and Eurylochus killed himselfe The garrison souldiours of Antiochus for so they had capitulated were conducted to Lysimachia through Macedonie and Thrace accompanied with a convoy of Macedonians for feare that any man should do them harme There were some few ships also in the rode of Demetrias under the commaund of Isidorus which together with their leader and captaine were dismissed After this he regained Dolopia Aperantia and certeine cities of Perrhoebia During the time that Philip was employed in these affaires T. Iuintius having recovered the Iland Zacynthus departed from the Diet of the Achaeans and crossed the seas to Naupactum which had bin beleaguered alreadie two moneths and was at the point to be forced and lost which if it might have bin woon by assault it was thought that the whole nation and name of the Aetolians there would have perished for ever And albeit he had good cause to be highly offended and displeased with the Aetolians in remembrance that they only checked and impeached his glorie at what time as he set Greece free and that they were nothing stirred and moved with his authoritie when he forewarning them that those things would happen which afterwards fell out just so indeed would have discounselled and skared them from foolish and furious dessignes yet supposing that it was a speciall part of his charge and worke that no nation of Greece now freed by him should utterly be subverted and destroyed he began to walke up and downe along under the walls to the end that he might be seene and soone knowne of the Aetolians And anon the very formost guards tooke notice of him and noysed it was presently throughout all the ranks and companies that Iuintius was there And thereupon they ran from all parts up to the walls every man stretched forth his hands and with one accord and consonant voyce called by name unto Iuintius beseeching him to help and save them And albeit he was moved at these their piteous cryes with commiseration yet for that time he signified by the turning away of his head that he refused denied them asking withall What lay in him to do them any good But afterwards being come unto the Consull Know you not quoth he ó M. Acilius whereabout we are what we have in hand or if you be a man provident enough esteeme you not that it mainly concerneth the common weale He set the Consull by these words a longing and caused him to geve more attentive care what he would say and withall Why do you not speake forth quoth the Consull and utter your mind what the matter is Then quoth Iuintius See you not that after you have vanquished Antiochus you spend and loose much time here in the siege assault of two cities when as now the yeere of your government is welneere come about And Philip in the meane time without seeing a battaile or the ensignes of his enemies displayed hath gained and joyned to himselfe not cities only but so many nations already namely Athamania Perrhoebia Aperantia and Dolopia But it is nothing so good and expedient for us nor standeth it us so much upon to take downe the Aetolians and pare their nailes as to looke unto Philip that he wax not too great and seeing you and your souldiours have not gotten yet two cities in reward and recompense of victorie not to suffer him to go cleere away with so many nations of Greece The Consull accorded hereunto but hee thought it a shame and dishonor for him to give over the siege and effect nothing but afterwards all the matter was put unto the disposition of Iuintius Who went againe to that side of the wall where as a little before the Aetolians called and cried aloud unto him And when as they intreated him more earnestly and with greater affection to take pitie of the Aetolian people he willed some of them to come forth unto him And immediatly Phaneas himself with other principall persons of the Aetolians went out unto him unto whom lying prostrate and groveling at his feete Your present fortune quoth he and hard estate wherein you are causeth me both to temper my choler and also to stay my tongue Those things you now see are fallen out which I foretold would come to passe And not so much as this is left unto you That the calamities falne upon your heads can be truly said to have light upon them that have not deserved as much Howbeit since it hath ben'allotted unto me as it were by destinie to be a foster-father as I may so say to nurce up Greece I will not cease even to do you good as thanklesse and ungratefull persons as you are Send your Oratours to the Consull to intreat him to graunt you a truce for so long untill you may addresse your embassadors to Rome by whome you shall wholly referre and submit your selves to the Senat and I will not faile to be an intercessor advocate to the Consull for you likewise unto the Senate And as Quintius counselled them so did they Neither rejected the Consull their embassie but graunted them abstinence of war for such a terme as within which they might have an answer of their embassage to Rome so he dislodged the siege was raised and the armie sent into Phocis The Consull together with Quintius passed over the sea to Aegium unto the generall Counsaile of Achaea There was much treatie and parlle about the Eleans and the restoring of the Lacedaemonian exiles but nothing was effected in the one or the other As for the Lacedemonians the Achaeans were desirous to reserve that for themselves and to win thereby a thanke as proceeding from their speciall grace And the Eleans chose rather to come and be united to the Achaean Parlament of themselves than by the mediation of the Romanes The embassadours of the Epirots came unto the Consull who it was well knowne caried not themselves found and upright in the enterteining of the Romane amitie howbeit they had not levied a soldiour for Antiochus Charged they were to have relieved him with monie and denie themselves they could not but they had sent their embassadors unto the king And when they put up a petition that they might be accepted againe into the auncient band of amitie this answere the Consull returned unto them That he knew not yet whether to raunge them in the number of enemies or peaceable friends and thereof the Senate should be judge therfore he referred their whole entier cause to Rome And to that purpose a truce he graunted them of foureskore and ten dayes The Epirotes thus sent to Rome presented themselves before the Senate and when they stood rather upon these termes in recounting those things wherein they had not shewed any open hostilitie than in cleering themselves of those matters that were laid against them they received such an
answer as wherby they might be thought rather to have obteined pardon than to have made good and justified their cause The embassadors also of king Philip about that time had audience geven them in the Senate who came to congratulate with the Romanes testifying their owne joy and wishing theirs for their victorie and upon their request that they might sacrifice in the Capitoll and offer an oblation and present of gold in the temple of Iup. Opt. Max. the Senat gave them good leav e. So they presented and offred a crowne of gold weighing one hundred pound These embassadors had not only a friendly answere gratious dispatch but also Demetrius the sonne of king Philip who had lien as an hostage at Rome was delivered unto them for to bring home againe unto his father Thus was the warre archieved and brought to an end which M. Aciâ—has the Consull waged against king Antiochus in Greece The other Consull P. Cornelius Scipio whose lot was to governe the province of Gaule before that he tooke his journey to that warre which he was to make against the Boians demaunded of the Senate that money should be assigned unto him for to perfume those plaies and games which he had promised by vow as Viz-preotour in Spaine when he was driven to a great extremitie in a battell This seemed to be a strange unreasonable demaund Whereupon the LL. of the Senat ordained That what plaies the Consull had vowed on his owne head without asking the advise and councell of the Senat the same he should exhibit and set forth either with the issue of the spoiles gotten from the enemies if haply hee had reserved any money raised thereout to that purpose or else defray the charges out of his owne purse These plaies and games P. Cornelius represented for the space of ten daies And neere about the same time the temple of the great goddesse dame Cybele or Idaea was dedicated This goddesse being brought out of Asia in the time that P. Cornelius Scipio surnamed afterwards Africanus and P. Licintus were Consuls was conveyed from the sea side into the mount Palatine The temple was set out to be built at a price according to an act of the Senat by M. Livius and C. Claudius the Censors when M. Cornelius and T. Sempronius were Consuls Thirteene yeeres after the bargaine was made for the edifying therof M. Iunius Brutus dedicated it and for the honor of this dedication were the first stage-plaies exhibited as Valerius Antias mine author saith called thereupon Megalesia In like manner C. Licinius Lucullus one of the two Duumvirs dedicated the temple of the goddesse Iuventus in the great Race called Circus maximus The same had M. Livtus the Consull vowed sixteene yeeres before even that very day in which hee deffeited Asdraball and his armie The same Livins in his C ensorship went through and bargained for the building thereof whiles M. Cornelius and T. Sempronius were Consuls And in the honour of dedicating this temple the plaies were set forth and all was done with more devotion because there was a new warre intended against king Antiochus In the beginning of this yeere in which these things passed whiles P. Cornelius the Consull staied still behind at Rome for M. Acilius was gon forth alreadie to warre it is found in records that two tame oxen climed up a ladder in the street Carinae to the tyle-roofe of a certaine house there And the soothsayers gave expresse order that they should be burne quicke and the ashes to be throwen into Tyber Also it was reported that at Tarracina and Amiternum it rained stones sundrie times Item That in Minturnae the temple of Iupiter and the shops about the market place wer blasted and smitten with lightning and in the verie mouth of the river Vulturnus two ships caught fire from heaven and were consumed In regard of these fearefull prodigies the Decemvirs by order from the Senat went to the bookes of Sibylla and perused them and out of their learning pronounced that a solemne fast should be now instituted in the honour of Ceres and the same to be observed and holden every fift yeer also that a novendiall sacrifice for nine daies togither should continue and a supplication for one day and that they who went in this procession supplication should wear garlands and wreathes of flowers upon their heads lastly That the Consull P. Cornelius should sacrifice to what gods with what beasts the Decemvirs would appoint and pronounce When the gods were pacified as well by the accomplishment of the vowes accordingly as by taking order for the expiation of those wonderous signes the Consull tooke his journey into his province from whence hee commaunded Cneus Dominitius the Propretour after hee had cassed his armie to depart to Rome and himselfe entred with his legions into the territorie of the Boians Within a little of that time the Ligurians by vertue of a sacred law that they had levied and assembled an armie and by night assailed the campe unawares to Quintius Minutius the Proconsull Minutius kept his souldiours in order of battaile untill day within his hold having an eye and circumspect regard that the enemie should not mount over the trench and defences in any place And at the day-breake he sallied forth at two gates at once neither were the Ligurians repulsed as he hoped they should at the first charge for they sustained and held out the skirmish above two houres with doubful event on both sides At the last when band after band issued out and still fresh soldiers succeeded in the roume of the wearied for to mainteine fight the Ligurians in the end besides other distresses lost for want of sleepe also turned their backs Of the enemies were slaine above foure thousand of Romanes and allies under three hundred Two moneths after or somewhat lesse P. Cornelius the Consull gave battell to the Boians and woon the day slew 28000 enemies as Valerius Antias writeth took 3400 prisoners gained 124 militarie ensignes 1230 horses chariots 247 and of the winners as hee saith there died not above 1484. Where by the way how litle credit soever as touching the number we give unto this Writer for in that point there is none overreacheth more than he yet apparant it is that a right great victorie it was both for that the campe was woon and the Boians after that battell presently yeelded themselves as also for that in regard of this victorie a joyfull procession was by order from the Senat holden and greater beasts slaine for sacrifice Not much under or over this present time M. Fulvius Nobilior returned out of the farther province of Spaine in pompe of an Ovation and carried in shew 10000 pound weight of silver in bullion of Bigates in silver coine 130000 and in gold 126 pound weight P. Cornelius the Consull having first taken hostages of the Boian nation and disseized them of the one halfe of their countrey to the inhabiting whereof
forbeare those cursed speeches and said withall it was his owne mother by the consent of his father in law that had enjoyned him so to do And is it that father in law of yours quoth she for peradventure I should not do well to blame your mother that hasteneth you by this action of yours to make shipwrack of your honestie and chastitie of your credit and good name of your hope another day and lastly to hazard your very life Here at the young man marveiled much more than before and desired earnestly to know the depth of all this matter Then after she had prayed all gods and goddesses to pardon her if for tender love and affection that she bare unto him she could neither will nor chuse but reveale those secrets that in deed were to be concealed she set tale on end and said That she herselfe once entred into that chappell when as she waited upon her mistresse but since that she was made free and at her own libertie shenever setsoote within the dore And upon my knowledge ad she it is the very shop and workhouse of all wickednes that can be devised And now for certeine these two yeares last past there is not one prosessed and admitted to those mysteries there who is above 20 yeeres of age So soone as any one is inducted and brought in thither she or he is delivered to the priests as a very sacrifice to be killed for they lead them to a place which resoundeth with yelling and crying with singing of divers consorts with jangling noyse of cymbals with thumping and beating of tabers to the end that the voice of any one that crieth and complaineth of force and violence done to the abuse of his or her bodie might not be heard Now I beseech you therefore and all loves I pray you that in any case by one meanes or other ye avoid this howsoever ye do and plunge not your selfe headlong thither where first you shall be sure to endure and suffer and afterwards to perpetrate commit all abhominable wickednes not to be named And never would she let the youth go from her untill he had made her faithfull promise to absteine and forbeare such mysteries and ceremonies When hee was come home and that his mother was in hand with him telling him what hee must do this day and that day and so forth he flatly denied and said plainly he would do neither the one nor the other and at one word prosessed and consecrated he would not be whatsoever came of it His father in law was present at one end of this resolute speech of his His mother straightwaies cried out and said that he could not find in his hart to lie apart from Hispala one ten daies and that he was so far bewitched and envenomed with the charmes poisoned allurements baits of that false serpent perilous Hydra that he had no respective regard either of his mother or mothers husband no not any reverent feare of the immortal gods The mother rated him of one side the father baited coursed him on another till in the end they hunted him out of dores with 4 bondslaves besides The young man betooke himselfe to Ebutia an aunt that he had by his fathers side and shewed her the whole matter why his mother had thrust him out of her house by the head and shoulders which done by her advise and counsell the next day he opened and declared the same in great secret without the hearing of any earthly creature to the Consull Posthumius The Consul commanded him to repaire again unto him three dayes after so for that time dismissed him Then the Consull in the meane while enquired of his wives mother Sulpitia a grave and sober matron whether she knew an old wise called Ebutia dwelling in the Aventine Yes that I do qd she and I know her to be an honest dame and a woman of the old world and sew her like now adayes I must needs speake with her qd he and therefore I would have you send a messenger unto her for to will her to come hither Ebutia at the first sending came unto Sulpitia and the Consul within a while sorted as it were by chance into their companie and began to find some talke of her brothers sonne Ebutius with that the womans eyes stood full of water and with teares she began to bewaile the case and mishap of the young man who being spoiled of all his goods and patrimonie by those who of all others should least have done it was now at home in her house chased and driven out of doores by his owne mother for that the honest good youth God blesse us all and be mercifull unto us was unwilling to be consecrated and admitted to certaine filthie and detestable sacrifices if all be true that is reported thereof The Consull had enough now and was fully persuaded of Ebutius that he had told him no lie Then hee gave Ebutia leave to goe her waies home and requested his mother in law Sulpitia aforesaid to send likewise for Hispala from thence out of the Aventine to come unto her a woman qd hee affranchised and well enough knowen to all the neighbours of that street for that I have somewhat also to say to her Hispala was somewhat disquieted at this message to think that she should be sent for to so noble and honourable a dame and knew no cause wherefore But after that she saw the Lictours before the entrie of the dore the troupe and traine also belonging to the Consull and withall the Consull himselfe in person shee was astonied and in manner halfe dead The Consull taking with him his wives mother had the woman into an inward roume of the house and said unto her That shee need not to bee affraid if so be she could find in her heart to tell the truth and for assurance thereof she should have the faithfull word and promise either of Sulpitia a ladie of so good credit and reputation or of himselfe if need were Only he would have her to urter and declare what was ordinarily done at the grove of Similla in the Bacchanals where they used to sacrifice in the night season The woman had no sooner heard that word but she fell into such a feare trembling and quaking all over her bodie that for a good while she was not able to open her lips and speake a word but after shee was come to herselfe againe out of this traunce and by them heartened and encouraged she said That when she was a very young wench and a bond-maiden shee togither with her mistresse was there prosessed and consecrated but for certaine yeeres of late and namely since that she was affranchised and made free shee was not acquainted with the place nor wist not what worke was there I con thee thanke for this yet quoth the Consull that thou deniest now how thou wert there entred into that prosession but say on and tell
his saying he vowed them The yeere beeing now at an end Q. Martius in his absence was to leave his magistracie and Q. Posthumius having sitten upon the inquisition aforesaid and with all fidelitie and carefull diligence that might be brought it to an end held the solemne assembly for election of magistrates wherein were chosen Consuls Ap. Claudius Pulcher and M. Sempronius Tuditanus And the morrow after were elected for Pretors P. Cornelius Cethegus A. Posthumius Albinus C. Asranius Stellio C. Attilius Serranus L. Posthumius Tempsanus and M. Claudius Marcellus At the yeeres end upon the relation of Sp. Posthumius the Consull that in his visitation about the enquests aforesaid as he rode along the sea coasts of Italie on both sides he found certaine colonies dispeopled and desolate to wit Sipontum upon the Adriaticke sea and Buxentum upon the Tuscane T. Manius the citie Pretour by vertue of an act of the Senate in that behalfe created three commissaries called Triumvirs for to enroll and plant new inhabitants there namely L. Scribonius Libo M. Tuccius and Cn. Babius Tamphilus The warre against king Perseus and the Macedonians which now was a breeding arose not upon that cause and occasion which most men imagine ne yet from Perseus himselfe for the first ground-worke thereof was laid by Philip who if hee had lived longer would have beene seene in open action One thing there was above the rest which stung him at what time as the Romanes imposed conditions upon him after he was vanquished to wit That the Senat laid a barre for to be revenged of those Macedonians who had revolted from him which he despaired not but it had ben possible to have obtained at their hands considering that Quintius in the capitulations of peace reserved that point entire and excepted not against it Now afterwards when Antiochus was defeated in the battaile of Thermopylae and that both Philip and the Consull entred upon severall exploits Acilius went in hand to assault Heraclea and Philip at the same time the citie of Lamia Heraclea was no sooner forced but Philip had commandement to levie his siege before Lamia and the towne was yeelded to the Romanes and this hee tooke to the heart Howbeit the Consull appeased his choller for the time in that making hast in person to Naupactum unto which town the Aetolians after their rout were retired he suffered Philip to warre upon Athamania and Aminander to adjoyne also and lay unto his kingdome those cities which the Aetolians had taken from the Thessalians Now had Philip chased Aminander out of Athamania and woon certaine cities without any great adoe Demetrias also a strong citie of great importance and very commodious for all things together with the nation of the Magnetes he brought under his obedience After this he forced certain townes in Asia which were troubled with the seditious variance of their principall and great personages by reason that they knew not how to use their new libertie wherewith they had not bene acquainted hee woon these cities I say by taking part with those who in this civile dissention were the weaker and otherwise would have gone to the walles By these meanes the wrath of the king against the Romanes was well allaied for the present neverthelesse hee ceased not all the time of peace to bethinke how hee might gather more strength and be able to warre againe whensoever any good occasion should bee presented unto him Hee encreased therefore the revenues of the crowne not onely by raising taxes out of all the fruits of the earth and setting impost and customs upon all merchandise brought into his realme by sea from forrein parts but also revived the rents issues of the old mines which had discontinued yea in many places ordained new Moreover to replenish his countrey which by many calamities following war was dispeopled he not onely tooke order that his subjects should multiplie by forcing them to get breed and bringup children but also translated a great multitude of Thracians into Macedonie and for a good time wherin he was in repose and rest from the war he bent his whole mind and emploied all his studie how to make himselfe great and augment the puissance of his kingdome Then old matters and quarrels were renued which might whet his stomacke and kindle his anger against the Romanes For the complaints which the Thessalians and the Perrhoebians made for that their cities were by him possessed likewise those greevances which the embassadours of king Eumenes laid abroad touching the Thracian townes which hee seized and held by force were heard by the Romanes so as it evidently appeared that they neglected them not But that which moyed the Senate most was this That they had intelligence how hee entended to be lord of Aenus and Maronea as for the Thessalians they tooke lesse regard of them Moreover there came the embassadours of Athamania who complained not for the losse of somepart of their territorie nor that hee encroched upon their frontiers but that all Athamania full and whole was reduced under the subjection and jurisdiction of the king The banished persons also of Maronea who had beene chased out of the citie by the kings garison for that they stood in defence and maintenance of libertie made relation that not onely Maronea was in the hands of Philip but the cittie of Aenus also Likewise there came embassadours from Philip to purge him of all these matters laid to his charge who averred That their king and maister had done nothing but by commission and warrant from the Romane Generall They pleaded and alledged that the case of the Thessalian Perrhoebian and Magnesian cities yea and the whole nation of Athamania together with Aminander was all one with the Aetolians namely That after Antiochus the king was chased and expelled the Consull himselfe being emploied and occupied in besieging the cities of Aetolia sent Philip for to recover the States abovenamed which being vanquished inwarre were now subject unto him Hereupon the Senate because they would not determine and set downe any thing in the absence of the king sent three delegates or Commissioners to decide these controversies to wit Q. Caecilius Metellus M. Boebius Tamphilus and T. Sempronius Vpon whose arrivall there was published a generall Diet of all those States that were at difference with the king to bee holden at Tempe in Thessalie When they were all set there in counsell the Romane legates as umpiers and judges the Thessalians Perrhoebians and Athamanes as plaintifes and accusers and Philip as defendant to heare and receive the chalenges and accusations against him the cheefe embassadours from the said cities pleaded against Philip bitterly or mildly more or lesse according to the severall disposition of their natures and the proportion either of affectionate favour or malicious hatred which they bare to him Now all the question and debate touching Philippopolis Tricca Phaloria Eurymenae and other townes about them was this Whether those peeces
late and fresh a massacre there durst not one of them open his mouth against him Appius replied againe and said That they were not to make an enquirie in this so evident and notorious a fact as if it were in any respect doubtfull but if hee would discharge and cleare himselfe as innocent of the action hee should send to Rome Onomastus and Cassander who were named to have committed the outrage that the Senate might examine them upon interrogatories This word at the first so troubled and dashed the king that his colour went came in his face he knew not how to keep his countenance But after he was come again to himselfe he made answer That if they needs would he cared not much to send Cassander for that he had dwelt and continued in Maronea but as for Onomastus who neither was at Maronea nor so much as in any quarter neer unto it how possibly could he be charged or touched with the matter Now as he spared Onomastus the rather of the twaine and was loth to have him come in question as being his more deere and honourable friend so hee feared him much more than the other least hee should bewray and disclose the thing for that himselfe had conferred with him thereabout and besides he had served his turne divers times as a minister to execute and been privie unto him as a complice to plot such like designements Cassander also as it is verily thought was poysoned and made away by certaine that were sent of purpose to accompanie him through Epirus to the sea side and all because the villanie should not bee detected and come to light Thus the Legates departed from the parley and conference with Philip as shewing in their countenance that they were nothing well pleased and Philip on the other side went his wayes as resolute to levie warre againe but for as much as his forces as yet were not sufficient to doe any exploit and because he would delay the time betweene he determined to send his younger sonne Demetrius to Rome both to purge his father of those matters wherewith hee was charged and also by humble request to appease the anger of the Senate supposing that this young gentleman who had beene left as an hostage at Rome and there had shewed a good testimonie of a princely nature and royall disposition might much availe in the cause In the meane while himselfe under colour of aiding the Bizantines but in very truth to strike some terrour into the princes of Thrace made an expedition against them and when he had in one battaile discomfited them and taken prisoner their cheefe captaine Amadorus hee returned into Macedonie having sent certaine messengers to sollicite the barbarous nations inhabiting neere the river Ister for to enter and invade Italie In Peloponnesus also the comming of the Romane Legates was expected who by this commission were enjoined to passe out of Macedonie into Achaea against whom because the Achaeans would not be to seeke what to say Lycortas their Pretour summoned a publicke counsell aforehand In which there was parley as touching the Lacedaemonians namely how that of enemies they were become enformers and accusers and daunger it was least when they were vanquished they would be more to be feared than al the time that they waged war For during the warres the Achaeans found the Romans to be their good associats but now the same Romans are more friendly to the Lacedaemonians than to the Achaens seeing that Areus Alcibiades banished persons both out of Lacedaemon and by the meanes of the Achaens restored againe to their place had undertaken to goe in embassage to Rome against the Achaean nation which had so well deserved at their hands and there gave so hard language against them as if they had been chased and driven out of their countrey and not restored thereunto by them Hereupon arose a great outcrie from all parts of the assembly for to put to question what should bee determined expressely of them by name and in this fit where all went by choler and nothing by counsell condemned they were to die Some few daies after came the Romane embassadours for whose sake a Counsell was holden at Clitore a citie in Arcadia But before any matter was treated on the Achaeans were surprised with exceeding feare considering and thinking how this deciding of matters was not like to be managed and carried with any indifferencie for their behoofe for as much as they saw Areus and Alcibiades condemned by them in the last counsell to bee in the companie of the said embassadours and no man durst open his lips and speake a word Appius declared That the Senate was much displeased at those matters whereof the Lacedaemonians had made complaint namely That first in a tumultuarie fray and conflict they were murdered who had been called forth by Philopaemen and came to plead and speake in their owne cause Then after they had exercised their crueltie thus against their persons to the end that in no part their inhumanitie should be wanting they had rased the walls of a right noble and famous cittie abolished their most auncient lawes and put downe the discipline government of Lycurgus so renowmed throughout all nations When Appius had made an end of his speech then Lycortas both in regard that hee was Pretour and also because hee tooke part with the faction of Philopaemen who was the motive and author of all that had been done at Lacedaemon made answer in this wife More hard it is for us now ô Appius to speak before you than of late it was in the presence of the Senate For then we were to answer the Lacedaemonians who accused us but at this present we have you to be our accusers before whom as competent judges wee should plead in our owne defence Howbeit wee have submitted our selves and undergone this unequall and hard condition presuming upon this hope that you will lay aside that accusatorie heat which not long since you used and put upon you the person of a judge to heare with indifference and equitie For mine owne part considering that you erewhile have but related those matters which the Lacedaemonians both here in place before Q. Caecilius of late and also at Rome afterwards complained of I would thinke that I am to answer therefore not unto you but unto them in your hearing You charge us with the murdering of them who being called out by the Pretor Philopaemen to plead their cause were killed This crime I hold that it ought not to be objected against us by you Romanes no nor so much by any other in your audience And why so because it was expressely specified in your own treatie and accord of covenants that the Lacedaemonians should have nothing to doe with the maritime cities At what time as the Lacedaemonians took arms seased by force in the night ofthose cities which they were precisely forbidden to meddle withall if T. Quintius if the
behalfe yea and many privat persons in particular for an ill neighbour he was to them all repaired to Rome in hope either to be righted and eased of their wrongs or to discharge their stomacks and be moned and comforted for their miserie Likewise from king Eumenes there arrived an embassage accompanied with his owne brother Athenaeus to make complaint as finding themselves grieved that the garrisons were not with drawen out of Thracia as also to enforme that Philip had sent certein aids into Bithynia to Prusias who made war upon Eumenes Now Demetrius Philip his sonne at that time a very yong gentleman was to answer to all these challenges and an easie peece of worke it was not either to beare in mind all the matters objected or to thinke upon the points of every answer accordingly For over and besides that the articles were many in number most of them were of very small consequence and importance namely strife about limits and land-marks about carying away men and ravishing women of driving of cattell of ministring justice partially with affection or els of none ministred at all of sentences given judgements passed in causes either by force or for favour The Senat perceiving that neither Demetrius could speak to these points and give them good evidence nor themselves be wel enformed and cleerly instructed by him being moved also and grieved to see the youth so raw a scholler in these affairs therwith much troubled in spirit gave order to enquire and demand of him Whether he had received any notes in writing from his father as touching the premisses And when hee answered and said Yea they thought the first and principall thing for them to do was to see and heare what were the answers of the king to every specialtie and particular And therupon they presently called for that booke of his fathers and then permitted him to read the contents thereof Now therein were set downe certein briefe abstracts of pleas and defenses to ech severall point shewing Imprimis that some things he had done according to the decrees and awards of the Roman Delegates and commissioners Item Whereas hee had left somwhat undone the default was not in him but in the very parties that accused him Hee had interlaced between certeine grievances and complaints as touching the iniquitie and hard penning of those decrees and how matters were not scannedand debated before Caecilius with that indifferencie and equitie as was meet and requisite and namely that without desert of his part all men were set against him insulted over him The Senat collected hereby good arguments how the hart of Philip was wounded galled against the Romans But when the yong prince excused some of these matters for the rest promised and undertooke that all should be done to the uttermost as it pleased the Senat to order set down then it was thought good to deliver this answer unto him That his father had in nothing done better nor more to the contentment of the Senat than that he seemed willing howsoever matters were passed already to make satisfation to the Romans by the means of his son Demetrius As for the Senate they could dissimule forget put up and endure many things done and past yea and were persuaded verily in their hearts that they might beleeve and trust Demetrius as knowing assuredly that although they sent his body again to his father Philip yet they had his heart and affection with them still as a sure pledge and hostage and that hee was a friend to the people of Rome so farre forth as his reverent dutie to his father would permit and give him leave letting him withall to understand that for to doe him honour they would send embassadours into Macedonie to the end that if ought had not beene so fully effectuated as it should have beene it might be done yet in good time without imputation of fault and blame or poenall satisfaction to be made for any thing hitherto omitted yea and desirous they were that Philip should understand that by the mediation of Demetrius and for his sake he stood yet in good tearmes of peace and friendship with the people of Rome These things intended and done for the increase of credit and reputation presently turned to the displeasure of the young gentleman and in the end to his utter ruine and overthrow Then were the Lacedaemonians admitted to audience in the Senate They mooved many pettie matters and trifling controversies but those that principally touched the maine point were these to wit Whether they should be restored againe whome the Achaeans had condemned or no Item Whether they were justly or unjustly killed whome they murdered Moreover they put to question Whether the Lacedaemonians were to be comprised within the generall assembly and counsell of Achaea or that this State as before-time should have their rights and franchises apart by themselves from all others in Peloponnesus The Senate ordained and awarded Imprimis That they should be restored Item That the sentences pronounced against them should be reversed Item That Lacedaemon should doe service to that high court and publicke Diet of Achaea and finally that this accord and award should be engrossed subscribed and signed as well by the Lacedaemonians as Achaeans Q. Martius was sent embassadour into Macedonie who also had direction and order given him by the same commission to visite the state of the allies in Peloponnesus for there also remained some troubles after the old quarrels and variance yea and the Messenians refused to appeare at the generall councell of Achaea Now if I would set in hand to record the causes and circumstances of that warte I should forget my purpose in the beginning of my worke wherein I resolved not to touch at all any discourse of forein histories no farther than they wer linked to the Romane affaires Howbeit one memorable occurrence there hapned which I cannot passe by namely that albeit the Achaeans had the better hand in warre yet it chaunced that Philopoemen their Pretour was taken prisoner by the Messenians as he made an expedition to seize upon Corone by prevention which the enemies were desirous to be masters of Surprised hee was in a valley of great disadvantage and some few horsmen with him It is reported that by the help of the Thracians and Candiots he might have fled and escaped but for very shame to abandon those men of armes which were the noblest gentlemen of that nation and whome hee lately had made choise of he had not the power to doe otherwise but stay to see the last For whiles he came himselfe behind in the rereward because he was desirous to make meanes for their evasion through the streights of that passe and to that purpose valiantly received the charge of the enemies his horse fell and cast him at once so as with his owne fall and his horse lying upon him he had like to have gone away in a swoune a man now threescore
skirmish and warlike pastime of lustie youths our side went not by the worse But this miserie unhappie fear upon that our mirth and jolitie hath well delaied and cooled the wine spent it hath the strength thereof suming up into our heads which if it had not come betweene we as great laiers await as we were had to this houre lien fast and sound asleep in our beds Well if I had minded to assaile and force your house and that done to murder you the master therof would I not think you have for born for my part one day to bib quaffe wine so freely and likewise kept my soldiours from drinking drunke But because I should not alone plead my simplicitie and make my excuse thereby this my good brother also who God wot is none of these naughtie and suspitious creatures comes in with his vie and saith I know nothing I charge no bodie neither wot I what to say els but that they came armed to banquet with me If I might be so bold as to aske how you came to that knowledge you cannot chuse but confesse that either my house was full of your spies or those armed men of my traine tooke their weapons so openly that everie one saw them And because hee would have you beleeve ô father that neither himselfe made any enquirie before nor at this time pursueth the matter with any accusatorie spirit he willed you to demaund of them whom he named whether they had not their swords about them to the end that after you had sought into it as a matter doubtfull and found them to confesse it they might thereby be held c onvicted But why rather will you not that examination should bee taken in this manner whether they tooke their swords with them to kill you or no And whether they did so by my warrant direction and privity For this is it that you brother would make the world believe this is it which you would have to appeare and not that which my men confesse But the case is plain and evident yea and they will bee knowne no other than that they were armed in their owne defence Whether it were well or ill done they are of age to make account and render a reason of their doings Doe not you mingle my cause with that action of theirs which interesseth it nothing at all But rather declare and make it plaine whether we meant to assaile you openly or secretly If openly why were we not all armed why was there none of us besides those persons that did beat your spie If secretly what was the train and order of the execution of that designe After the banket ended I the setter of the banket retired from thence should those four have staid behind to fal upon you when you were asleep How could they have caried it so close as not to be spied strangers as they were my men besides above all other most suspected for that a litle before they had been seen in a braul And say they had killed you by what means could they escape save themselves Was it possible that your house should be forced kept with four swords Fie fie Perseus speak no more for shame of this night but come again to that rather which galleth you at the heart which kindleth your envie and setteth you on fire How commeth it to passe ó Demetrius that men speake abroad that you shall be king why should you be deemed of some more worthie than my selfe to succeed the roiall estate of my father How is it that I am in doubt and feare of my hope which but for you were sure and certaine These are the secret thoughts of Perseus although he saith nothing these make him of a brother to become an enemie these cause him to be mine accuser these conceits they be that fill your pallace your court and your realme with surmises slaunders and suspicions But for mine owne part father like as I ought neither to hope for your roiall crowne nor at any time peradventure to make words and dispute about it because I am the younger and because it is your will and pleasure that I should give place unto mine elder brother so it became me not heretofore neither doth it become me yet to demeane and carrie my selfe so in any action that I should seeme unworthie to have you for my father but to bee capable of all dignities whatsoever The one point I should attain unto by indirect courses and wicked vices in not yeelding unto him as right and reason would but the other by my good carriage and sober behaviour You reproach me with the Romans brother those things which in right ought to turne to my praise glorie you blame reprove me for It was no seeking of mine that I was delivered to the Romanes as an hostage or sent to Rome as embassadour but when I was appointed by you father I refused not to goe At both times such was my dealing demeanour that I had an ei e still and good regard not to discredit either your highnesse or your kingdome or the Macedonian nation And therefore you were the cause father of that amitie and friendship which I have with the Romanes As long as you and they are at peace I shall be well affected to them begin warre once I that was an hostage and embassadour among them and though I say it not unprofitable for you my father even I will become a most spitefull and mortall enemie unto them Neither doe I at this day require that the favour I have among the Romanes might steed mee any way onely I beseech you that it may not prejudice and harme me It began not by occasion of warre neither is it reserved for the time of warre For assurance of peace I was a pledge and hostage for maintenance of peace I was emploied in embassage Content will I be by the one and the other in case I neither purchase fame nor incur blame If I have committed any impietie against you father if I have done or designed any wicked part against my brother I refuse no punishment I crave no pardon or favor If I be innocent I desire only and humblie beseech your grace that I be not overweighed with the heavie load of envie and ill will since I can be overthrowne by no crime justly objected unto me This is not the first day that my brother hath accused me but this is the first day that he is seene to be my accuser and full little have I deserved it at his hands If my father had bene displeased and angrie with me I would have thought that you of all others being the elder brother should have bene a mediatour and intercessor for mee the younger to my father and a meanes to purchase a pardon for my follie the error of tender youth but see where my succour and refuge should haue bene there contrariwise is my ruine overthrow From my
the skie through them But when they approched once the pitch and crest of the mountaine behold a thing not lightly seene in other parts they light upon so grosse and thicke a mist which overspread and covered all that they had as much ado to march forward as if they had travelled in the darke and mirke night At last by the third daies end they gained the verie top of the mountaine Now when they were come downe from thence againe they made no lesse report thereof than the common opinion was that went of it which I beleeve leeve verily they did of purpose because they would not bee mocked and scorned for this their foolish and vaine voiage rather than for that they could indeed within the same prospect and from one place view seas mountaines and rivers situate and distant so farre asunder Much moiled they were all and sore toiled in this untoward way but the king above the rest by reason that he was farre stept in age and unweldie of bodie Well after hee had done sacrifice there upon two altars consecrated to Iupiter and the Sunne he descended in two daies wheras he had made three of it in ascending and that which hee feared most was the cold nights which there in the beginning of the dog-daies were like to those of midwinter in other places Many difficulties he wrestled and strove with all during those daies being returned into his camp he found no better Nothing was there but extreame want and penurie as being pitched in a place compassed about on everie side with desarts and wildernesse And therefore when hee had staied there but one only day to rest repose his men whom he had taken with him in that journey he hastened away and in a running march as if hee had fled in rout entered the countrey of the Denthelets These Dentheletes were his owne confederat allies but the Macedonians such was their need necessitie pilled and spoiled their confines no lesse than if they had ben professed enemies For first they wasted and destroied their holts graunges and farme houses afterwards certaine wicks and villages also robbing and rifling as they went to the great dishonour of the king who could not chuse but heare the pitteous complaints and mones of his associates crying to the gods patrones of alliances and calling upon his name for help but could have no meed and remedie When he was purveyed of corne from thence and returned into the countrey Maedica he began to assaile a citie which they call Petra Himselfe in person lay encamped in the avenue and readie way upon the plaines but hee sent his sonne Perseus with a small companie to fetch a compasse and give the assault from the higher places that commaunded the towne The townesmen thus hard bested with terror on every side for the present yeelded upon composition and gave hostages but after the armie was retired they forgetting their pledges abandoned the citie and fled for refuge into certaine forts fenced places high mountains Philip having wearied his soldiours with all manner of travell to no effect and withall entertained more jelousie and suspition of his sonne Demetrius by the leaud practise and false suggestions of Didas the governour of Paeonia returned into Macedo nie This Didas as hath been said before sent to conduct Demetrius home abused the simplicitie of the young gentleman who was nothing circumspect and warie but seemed discontented and complained to him as good cause hee had of those that were neerest in nature and bloud unto him he I say by flattering by soothing him up and seeming withal to bee offended and greeved for his part at such hard usage laid snares and grinns set traps for him and in conclusion by his double diligence and offering his voluntarie service to doe him pleasure protesting also to be true and fast unto him yea and to keepe his counsell fetched out of him the very secrets of his heart Now had Demetrius a purpose with himselfe to flie to Rome and to effectuate this designement of his hee was persuaded that of a speciall grace and favour the gods had sent and offered unto him this Didas the Pretour of Paeonia to be his helper and assistant for through his province he conceived some hope to passe and escape with securitie This intent and plot of his was both immediately disclosed to his brother Perseus and also by him declared to his father And first were letters hereof brought unto him whiles he lay at the siege of Petra Afterwards Herodorus the principal friend that Demetrius had was committed to ward and withall order was taken to watch and observe Demetrius that he started not aside but all underhand and close without semblance of any such matter These occurrents above all others caused the king to have a dolorous and heavie returne into Macedonie These new accusations thus presented troubled him much howbeit hee thought good to expect the returne of those whom he had sent to Rome as spies to heare all and find out the truth In the anguish and agonie of these cares and perplexities when the king had continued certaine months in the end those embassadours came home who at first ere they set foot out of Macedonie had devised and framed before hand what reports they would make from Rome These messengers to make up the full measure of all their wicked and divellish practises delivered also into the kings hand a false and forged letter sealed with a counterfeit signe of T. Quintius The said letter was endited to this tenour and effect That Quintius should seeme for his owne excuse to say that albeit young Demetrius caried away with an inordinat desire to be king had slipped a little treated with him about some such matter yet would he doe nothing to prejudice any one about K. Philip neither would he be thought or found a man to give any ungodly and ungracious counsel These letters struck it dead sure and made the king beleeve that all the former imputations fastened upon Demetrius were true past al peradventure Wherupon Herodorus presently was put to the rack and examined but after he had endured intollerable paines a long time confessed nothing he died in the end under the tormentors hand Perseus accused Demetrius againe before his father for that he entended and provided to take his flight through Paeonia And there came forth certain to testifie against him saying that hee had corrupted inveagled and enduced them to accompanie him in that journey But that which made most of all against him was that same devised letter of T. Quintius Howbeit there was no greevous sentence pronounced openly against him to the end that rather by some covert and cautelous practise hee might come to his death and this not for any feare that hee had of him but doubting least some ouvert punishment executed upon him might reveale and discover his secret designement of making war upon the Romanes Philip himselfe taking
skot and lot yea and displaced them out of their tribes And looke whomsoever the one of them noted with disgrace and ignominie he was not relieved nor allowed againe by the other This Fulvius dedicated the temple of Fortuha equeslris now six yeers after he had vowed the same in a battaile which he fought with the Celtiberians at what time as he was Proconsull in Spaine likewise the exhibited the stage-plaies for foure daies togither and one day in the cirque or shew-place Corn. Lentulus a Decemvir for the holy rites and sacrifices that yeer died in whose roume was substituted A. Posthumius Albinus There were such mightie drifts and clouds as it were of locusts brought sodainly at once by a wind from the sea into Apulia that with their swarmes they overspread all the field farre and neere For the riddance of which noisome vermine consuming the fruits of the earth Cn. Sicinius Pretour elect was sent with his full commission of commaund into Apulia who assembled a mightie number of people for to gather them up and emploied a great time thereabout In the beginning of the yeere ensuing wherein C. Popilius and P. Aelius were Consuls the remnant of the debates which arose the yeere before was set on foot againe The LL. of the Senat would have had the matter proposed debated again as touching the Ligurians and the ordinance of the Senat in that behalfe renewed But as Aelius the one Consul put up a bill therof so Popilius the other was an earnest suiter and besought both his collegue and also the Senat in the behalfe of his brother nay he proceeded so far that he gave the house to understand in case they went about any such decree prejudicial unto him he would crosse revoke the same by which countenance of his he affrighted his colleague but the LL. were offended so much the more and stormed against both the Consuls yea and persisted still in their enterprise And therfore when it was debated in counsell as concerning the provinces albeit the Coss. made meanes to be sent into Macedonie because the war of Perseus was so neere at hand yet Liguria was assigned to both of them for the LL. protested and said That they would not passe a decree for the government of Macedonie unlesse the case of Popilius were propounded and an act therof entred Afterwards when they demanded a warrant to enroll new armies or at least-wise to levie a supply for making up the old both the one motion and the other was denied The Pretors also who required to have a supplement with them into Spain had a nay and namely M. Tinius into the hither province and P. Lucretius into the fatther As for C. Licinius Crassus to him there fell by lot the jurisdiction within the citie over citizens and to Cn. Sicinius that other over forreiners C. Memmius was alloted to Sicilie and Sp. Cluvius to Sardinia The Consuls for these causes being highly offended and angrie with the Senate caused the Latine feasts and holidaies to be published against the very first day that possibly they might with an intimation that they would goe straight into their province and not attend the managing of any affaires touching the State but onely that which directly pertained to their government Valerius Antias writeth that in these Consuls yeere Attalus the brother of K. Eumenes came in embassage to Rome to enforme criminous matter against Perseus and to give the particulars of the preparation that he made for warre But the Annales of many other writers more worthie of credit than he deliver unto us that K. Eumenes presented himselfe in proper person where he was received with such honour as the people of Rome thought not onely meet and agreeable for his deserts but also fit and surable to their owne favours and benefits which they had in ample manner conferred and in great number heaped upon him And then he had audience given him in the Senate where he shewed the cause of his comming to Rome what it was namely besides and servent desire that he had to see those gods and men by whose grace and favour he enjoyed so good estate as better hee durst not wish because hee gladly would advertise the Senat by word of mouth to prevent and withstand the designes of Perseus And beginning his speech with the platformes and enterprises of Philip hee recounted withall how it cost his soone Demetrius his life for that he stood against the warre with the Romanes moreover how he had caused the whole nation of the Bastarians to quit their owne countrey where they were born and bred to the end that by their aid he might passe over into Italie but whiles quoth he these matters he projected and cast in his head his time was come and arrested he was by death but he left his kingdome to him whom he knew to be the most despiteous enemie that the Romanes had And therfore Perseus having received this war as a man would say by way of inheritance left him by his father even together with the crown scepter from the very first day of his raigne doth nought els but entertaine foster and promote the same by all the meanes and devises that possibly he can Mightie and puissant he is besides in number of young lustie and able men for service who during the time of long peace have sprung up and multiplied exceedingly In wealth and riches a great potentate he is and besides in his flourishing years and the best time of his age which as it is accompanied with the very strength and vigor of his bodie so his spirit and mind is inured and hardened with skilfull experience and long practise of martiall seats For from his very infancie nuzzled hath he been in the field and campe conversing ordinarily within the roiall tent and pavillion of his father acquainted with the warres not onely waged against neighbour nations but also against the Romans and that which more is emploied by his father in many and sundrie expeditions and executions of service But since that himselfe entered upon the kingdome and swaied the regall scepter in his owne hand hee hath exploited and accomplished many things with mervellous felicitie and successe which his father Philip before him could never compasse and effect notwithstanding he tried and assaied all means as well of open force as secret sraud To augment this greatnesse of his he hath purchased alreadie that authoritie and reputation in the world which others hardly in continuance of long time and by many favors and ample benefits attaine unto and namely throughout the States of Greece and Asia all men reverence his majestie For what good turns for what pleasures done for what bountie of his they should thus doe and honour him so much neither see I neither can I say for certaintie whether it happen by a speciall gift and fortune that hee hath of his owne or that which I am myselfe afraid to speake it
wise as they went The Macedonians as they had begun an audacious enterprise inconsideratly so they left it undone as fearfully and without advise Now by this time was the king come again to himself And the morrow after his friends conveied him to his ship from thence to Corinth and from Corinth along the streights of Isthmus they brought their vessels crossed over to Aegina where his cute was caried so close and secret without admitting any person to come unto him that the rumor ran into Asia how he was dead And Attalus his brother by your leave gave good care therto beleeved the news sooner than was beseeming brotherly love and unitie For he entred into such talke both with his brothers wife and also with the captaine of the castle as if he had bene the undoubted heire and assured inheritor of the crowne All this Eumenes knew full well afterwards who albeit he purposed to dissimule the matter and to put it up at leastwise with silence yet at their first encounter and meeting together he could not hold but reproved and reproached his brother for being so forward and over-hastie to court and woe his wife The bruite also was blowne to Rome and a blunder there was of the death of king Eumenes About the same time C. Valerius was returned out of Greece who had bene sent thither as embassadour to looke into the state of the countrie to marke also and observe the plots and proceedings of king Perseus He reported all things sutable and agreeable to the intelligences given by king Eumenes and withall brought with him from Delphi dame Proxo in whose house those villanous traitours were lodged and harboured also one L. Ramnius a Brundusian who enformed moreover and gave evidence as followeth This Ramnius was one of the principall citizens of Brundusium used to lodge and entertaine in his house not onely all the Romane captains when they came to towne but also the embassadours of forreine nations such as were of greatest marke principally those that were sent from any kings By this means acquainted he grew with Perseus albeit they never had seene one anothers face And being invited by the king his letters wherein he was promised great hope of some nere and inward friendship above others and consequently of great preferments therby he made a journie unto him Within a short time he was wound into very familiar acquaintance with the king and drawne into private conference discourse of secrets farther ywis than himselfe was willing or well liked of For the king dealt with him yea and importuned him with instant praiers and large behests of rich rewards that for as much as all the Romane captaines and embassadours used to take his house for their Inne he would cause as many of them as he writ for to be poisoned Now for that hee knew it was a right difficult and dangerous matter to come by such a poison and compasse this project especially if many were partie privie to him and besides the event uncertaine either in the effect of the drug it selfe to be strong quicke and forcible enough to doe the feate or in the secret working thereof lest it should be found and spied he would therefore put into his hands such a poison as neithier in the giving nor after it was giuen might be knowne by any signe whatsoever Ramnius fearing least if hee refused and denied hee should be the first man to take assay make experiment of the poison promised so to doe and then departed But returne to Brundusium hee would not before he had spoken with C. Valerius the Embassadour who then sojorned as hee heard say about Chalcis First unto him he revealed this plot by his commandement came along with him to Rome where being brought into the Senate after audience given hee laid abroad in every point all that had passed This new matter over and besides those which Eumenes had reported was the cause that Perseus was the sooner taken for an enemie and so declared the rather because they saw him not onely about to make open warre of a princely and royall mind but also to practise and execute privilie all kind of mischiefe by way of covert brigandage theevish stealth and secret poison The mannaging of this warre was put off and referred to the new Consuls howbeit for the present ordained it was that Cn. Sicintus the Pretour who had the jurisdiction betweene citizens and staungers should levie and enroll soldiours who being conducted to Brundusium should with all convenient speed commit to sea and saile over to Apollonia in Epirus for to seize upon the maritime citties to the end that the Consull unto whom the province of Macedonia should be allotted might arrive there with his vessells in safetie and set his forces on land with ease Eumenes after he had been kept a long while at Aegina during the time of his hard and dangerous cure so soone as ever he might goe safely abroad went to Pergamus where over and besides the old hatred setled in his breast being pricked also with this fresh and bleeding villanie practised by Perseus he prepared warre with all his power to the utterance and thither repaired unto him embassadors from Rome to testifie their joy for his evasion and escape out of so neere and great a daunger When the Macedonian warre was delaied and put off for one yeere and the rest of the Pretours gone alreadie into their provinces M. Iunius and Sp. Lucretius unto whome befell the government of Spaine after that they had importuned and wearied the Senate in suing so long for one thing obtained at the length a commission for a supply of soldiours to make up the armie by vertue whereof they enrolled 3000 foot and 150 horse for the Romane legions and levied five thousand foot and three hundred horse for the armie of the allies These forces were transported into Spaine with the new Pretours The same yeere after that a great part of the Campaine territorie which privat persons here and there held in occupation without regard of lawfull title and tenur was upon diligent survey made by Posthumius the Consull recovered againe for the publicke use of the citie of Rome M. Lucretius a Tribune of the Commons preferred a law That the Censors should let out to ferme the said Campaine lands to tenants for yeerely rent A thing that had not been done for many yeeres after the winning of Capua namely that particular men should be so greedie as to encroch thus beyond their bounds upon the common wast The Macedonian war being now concluded but not as yet published and proclaimed whiles the Senat was in doubtfull expectation what kings would friend them and who would side with Perseus there came to Rome embassadours from Ariarates bringing with them the kings sonne a verie child The speech they made was to this purpose That the king their master had sent his sonne to Rome there to have his
than to utter the plaine truth as wee have done Verily for mine owne part in regard of the hospitall and friendly courtesies that have passed between your father and us I favour you and will gladly make the best of your cause and would to God had some good occasion ministered from your selfe to sollicite and further your suite before the Senate To these challenges and imputations the king framed his answered in this wise Content I am to plead my cause before you the parties appellants and judges both which would be found I doubt not good if it were debated and handled in the presence of indifferent and equall arbitrators And first as touching those matters which are objected against me they are such as in part I wot not well whether I may not glory in them or at least-wise nor blush in the confessing and avowing thereof As for the rest as they are charged upon me in bare words so plaine words may serve flatly and simply to denie them For say that this day I were subject unto your lawes and by them to have my triall what can either that promoter of Brundusium or king Eumenes enforme against me but it will appeare that they accuse me not so much with matter of truth as exhibite onely slaunderous and reprochfull tearmes A like matter ywis it is that neither Eumenes had any other enemie but me he I say who hath done such wrong and injuries to so many both in common and also in particular nor I could find a sitter person to serve my turne in the execution of my projects but this Rammius a fellow that I never had seene before nor was everlike to see againe hereafter I must forsooth give account and answer for the Thebanes who as it is well knowne perished by shipwracke as also for the murder of Archarus and yet therein I am no deeper charged than thus that the murderers of him lived in exile and were shadowed within my realme Now surely this hard conclusion and unreasonable condition I will not refuse to under-goe in cafe you also will be content to take upon you and avow all those crimes and facts for which they stand condemned who as banished persons have sled either to Rome or into Italie but in case both you and all other nations will disavow and disclame that I also will be one among the rest And in good faith to speake uprightly to what end should any man be banished from one countrey if hee may not find a place in another and be permitted there to live in exile And yet so soone as ever I found by advertisement from you that they were within Macedonie I for my part made diligent search untill I had them and then I commaunded them to depart out of my kingdome yea and expressely forbad them for ever setting foot againe within my dominions And thus much verily concerning the criminal matters objected unto me as a defendant pleading at the barre Now let us argue and debate the rest enforced and laid against me in qualitie of a king namely which concerne and touch the accord contracted between me and you For it the words run in this sort and are thus written in the foresaid covenants of accord That I may not be suffered to defend my selfe and my realme no not if any enemie of mine levie warre against me than I must confesse indeed that the league I have broken in that I stood upon my guard and defence by force of armes against Abrupolis an associate of the people of Rome But is it were lawfull for me so to doe by warrant of the accord and allowed also by the law of nations by force to repell force what should I lesse nay what could I else have done I pray you when Abrupolis had laid wast the frontiers of my kingdome even as sarre as to Amphipolis led into captivitie many persons free-borne carried away a mightie number of slaves and driven before him many thousand head of cattraile should I have sitten still and suffered him untill he had come armed to Pella even unto my royall pallace But some man may haply say You did well indeed and justly in making head and pursuing him by force of arms mary vanquished he should not have been neither ought he to have suffered those calamities which follow men vanquished Why if I have endured the hazard and fortune therof provoked as I was to warre how can he justly complaine of rasting the like beeing himselfe the cause and first motive of all I will not use the same maner of defence ô Romans to this that by force of arms I have bridled and repressed the Dolopians for if I have not done by them according to their demerits yet I am sure I have delt by the vertue of the right I have over them being as they are of mine own kingdom under my obeisance made subjects to my father even by a decree of your own drawing And yet were I to render a reason of my proceedings against them I say not unto you nor unto my allies but even to those who like not of any hard and cruel command so much as over bondslaves can I be thought to have exercised more rigour against them than equitie and reason would beare For Euphranor whom I deputed governor over them they killed in such sort that death is too good for them and the least punishment of all others that they have deserved And as I marched forward in my progresse from thence to visite the cities of Larissa Antron Pylleon I ascended up to Delphi there for to sacrifice to the end that I might discharge my conscience and pay those vowes which I had of long time owed Now to aggravate matter in this also against mee it is said moreover that I was there with my armie and intended no doubt for to seize cities into my hands and put garrisons into fortresses for which at this present I complaine of you Call the States and citties of Greece together to a generall assembly through which I passed Let any one man come forth and make complaint of the least harme and wrong done by any of my souldiours then will I not refuse to bee reputed and censured for one who under presence and colour of divine sacrifice went about another thing Wee sent indeed garisons to the AEtolians and Bizantines yea and with the Baeotians wee contracted amitie But these things in what sort and for what purpose they were don my embassadors have not only declared but also excused oftentimes before your Senat where I found some umpires to heare and decide my cause although not so indifferent and favourable to mee ward as your selfe are ô Martius my fathers old friend and familiar For as yet Eumenes my accuser was not come to Rome who by false furnises and suggestions wresting at his pleasures every thing to the worst to make all suspicious and odious unto you went about to make you beleeve that Greece could
heard not the newes of the late defeature The Consull departed from Pydna with his whole armie and the morrow after came before Pella Where having encamped within a mile of the citie he made abode there for certain daies to view on all sides the situation of the citie which he perceived and marked full well to have ben chosen not without good cause for the imperiall seat of the Macedonian kings Situate it is upon an hill that lieth to the Southwest enclosed round with meeres so deepe as they cannot possibly be waded and passed through and these marishes are bred and fed both winter and summer by waters overflowing out of certaine lakes Within the very marish next unto the citie side there standeth a strong tower by itselfe bearing up above the rest as it were an Island railed upon a terrace made with exceeding labour of mans hand which terrace both sustaineth a wall and is not hurt with the moisture of the marish round about it and a far off seemeth close joined to the citie wall Howbeit devided it is by a river betweene it and the wall and yet united to the citie by a bridge over it so as whosoever assaileth the same without can have no accesse any way to it neither if the king be disposed to shut and enclose any man within can hee possibly make an escape and get forth but over the said bridge which a few men may keep guard with ease In this place the kings treasure used to lie but at that time there was no more found but the 300 talents which were sent to king Gentius first and afterwards staid and deteined During the time that the Consull remained about Pella in his standing camp many embassages had audience given them who repaired thither out of Thessalie especially to congratulate with him testifying their owne joy and wishing his But the Consull after that he had intelligence that Perseus had crossed over to Samothraca departed from Pella and at the fourth gift and journey that he made came to Amphipolis The whole multitude went forth of the citie in great numbers to meet him which gave testimonie to every man that neither a good nor just king ***** THE XLV BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Citie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the five and fortith Booke PErseus was taken prisoner by Aemylius Paulus in Samothracia When Antiochus king of Syria besieged Ptolomaeus and Cleopatra king and queene of Aegypt embassadours were sent from the Senate of Rome willing Antiochus to give over and besiege no more an associate king unto them but when he made answere to this their message delivered that hee would consider better what he had to doe Popilius one of the said embassadors with his rod that he had in his hand drew a circle about the king and charged him to give him another answere before he went out of that circle by which rude rough and blunt behavior be forced Antiochus to lay away armes and surcease war Divers embassies of States and kings came with congratulation and were admitted into the Senat. As for that of the Rhodians because in the late war they stood out and tooke part against the Romanes it was excluded The morrow after when it was debated in counsell about making war upon the Rhodians the embassadours pleaded thecause of their countrey in the Senate So they neither had a friendly dispatch and farewell as allied associates ne yet were sent away as professed enemies Macedonie was now reduced into the forme of a province Aemylius Paulus triumphed notwithstanding the contradiction of his owne souldiours discontented for that they were pinched and cut short in the pillage and although Servius Sulpitius Galba interposed himselfe and gaine said it Hee led before his chariot Perseus with his three sonnes And that the ioy of this triumph of his should not bee entire and accomplished blemished soulely it was with the death of his two sonnes the one died before the other after the triumph of the father The Censors tooke a review of the citie in which were assessed and enrolled in their subsidie bookes 312805 citizens Prusias king of Bithynia repaired to Rome to reioice with the Senat in their behalfe for the victorie and conquest of Macedonie where he recommended unto the Senate his sonne Nicomedes This base minded king made all of flatterie named himselfe the enfranchised vassale of the people of Rome QVintus Fabius L. Lentulus and Q. Metellus the messengers of the late victorie albeit they made all the hast that possibly they could came speedily to Rome yet found the joy thereof â—o have prevented them for the fourth day after the battaile fought with the king even as the playes and games were exhibited in the shew-place there was heard suddainly at first a confused humming noise which spred over all the companies of the spectators That a field was fought in Macedonie and Perseus vanquished afterwards arose a more cleere and evident voice which grew at length to an open shout and clapping of hands as if certaine newes had beene brought of the said victorie The magistrates wondred hereat and made search after the author of this so sodaine gladnesse but none would be found and then verily it passed away as the momentanie joy of some vaine and uncertein occurrence howbeit a joyfull presage of some good luck setled in mens hearts and remained behind But after that this was confirmed by the true report and relation of Fabius Lentulus and Metellus which they made at their comming all men rejoyced as well at the fore-giving of their minds as for the victorie itselfe This joyous conceit of this assembly in the shew-place is reported otherwise and carrieth with it no lesse probabilitie and likelihood of truth in this manner Vpon the two and twentieth of September which was the second day of the solemnitie of Romane games as the Consull was going up to the lists for to set out the running of the charriots a post by report who said hee was come out of Macedonie presented letters unto him decked with lawrell The Consull then so soone as he had set on foot the race presently mounted up into his owne chariot and as he rode through the shew-place toward the common scaffolds he shewed unto the people the said laureat letters which being once seene the people presently forgetting all their sports fights ran out into the mids of the cirque and thithier the Cos. assembled the Senat unto whom when he had read the letters by the advise and allowance of the LL. even before the publicke stages and skaffolds he published the contents thereof to all the people in this manner That L. Aemylius his colleague had fought a set field with king Perseus That the armie of the Macedonians was discomfited and put to flight That the king himselfe was fled with some few of his traine and that all the cities of Macedonie were
by others but as for theirs being but newly erected and grounded upon no strength of auncient foundations it stood upright only by the mutuall concord of him his brethen in that one of them beareth the name and title of king wearing the diedeme crowne alone upon his head but in effect all three brethen be KK As for you Attalus qd he who are the eldest brother save one who is it that reputeth you for lesse than a king not only for that he seeth you so mightie at this present but also the next heir apparant without al doubt like shortly to reign indeed considering the feeble bodie crasie age of Eumenes who hath besides no issue of children to succeed him in the roiall throne for as yet hee tooke no knowledge of him that reigned afterwards What need then is there to use violence to force that which of the one accord will shortly be devolved upon you and fal into your hands Moreover a new tempest storm is risen of French wars threating peril unto the realm which it wil be hard for you princes to withstand agree as wel as you can in all brotherly love unitie and concord But if to forraine war abroad there should arise a domestâ—call and civile dissention betweene you at home what remedie then but utter ruine and destruction Neither shall you Attalus purchase any good but this first to prevent that your brother be not king then to disable disappoint your selfe of that neer assured hope you have to be K. But say that to preserve a kingdome for a brother to wrest a kingdome from a brother were honorable and glorious deeds both the one and the other yet surely of the twain to have saved a kingdome deserveth greater commendation and praise in that if forteth so well with pietie and kindnesse And certes seeing the other is a cursed and detestable part even next neighbor to parricide what scruple and doubt remaineth now which needeth any farther deliberation For tell me I beseech you is it one parcell of the kingdome that you reach at or shoot you at the whole If you aime at a part onely then upon the dismembring and distraction of your puissance you shall bee both twaine much weakened and exposed to the daunger of all injuries if you would have all what shall become of your brother Would you wish him being your elder to live a private person or so far stept in yeers as he is a banished man and namely with those infirmities of bodie which hee carrieth about him or would you commaund to take his life away and rid him out this world at once Now truly to say nothing of the unhappie miserable issue of such gracelesse and wicked brethren delivered unto us in fained fables you see what a goodly fair end Perseus is come unto who being in the temple of Samothracia was constrained lying prostrate upon the ground to base at the feet of the enemie his conqueror the crowne and diademe which hee came unjustly by even with the unnaturall murder of his owne brother as if the gods in heaven had been there present to require due punishment for his horrible fact To conclude they also themselves who is no friendly love affection to you but in rancour hatred to your brother Eumenes have put these dessignes into your head pricke you on to execute the same even they I say will praise your kindnesse your pietie and constancie in case you persever true trustie to your brother to the very end These and such like important persuasions prevailed with Attalus and settled deepely in his mind Therefore being admitted into the Senate after hee had wished joy unto them and protested his own for the late victorie he laid abroad and declared his owne demerites and good service in that war the favors also such as they were done by his brother and last of all the revolt of the Gaules lately broken out with great troubles and commotions His petition to the Senate was for to send their embassadors unto them by whose countenance and authoritie they might be reclaimed and so lay armes aside Having declared this message which concerned the profit in generall of the realme hee made a speciall suite for himselfe and demaunded to have Aenus and Maronea given unto him And thus when hee had put them besides their hope who thought verily that after he had accused his brother he would have required the kingdome to be divided peecemeale and dismembred he departed out of the Counsell house Seldome had been known at anytime before any man whatsoever king or subsubject to have had the like audience with so great favour and applause of all men as he received and entertained he was right honourably with gifts and presents of all sorts whiles he was at Rome and with the like they accompanied him at his departure Among many embassies of Asia and Greece the Rhodian embassadours were most marked and looked upon throughout all the citie for whereas at first they were all trim goodly to bee seen in their white bright apparell as decent it was for them that would seeme to congratulate for the victorie for if they had worne black or been poorly arraied it might have ben construed that they mourned for the misfortune and calamitie of Perseus after that M. Iunius the Consull brake with the LL. of the Senate and all that while the said embassadours stood without in the common place Comitium to consider and advise whither they would allow lodging presents and give audience in the Senat unto them they resolved were of opinion to observe no rights nor customes of hospitalitie with them Then went the Consull out of the Senate unto whom when the Rhodians said that they were come to rejoice in their behalfe for the late victorie and withall to aunswere in the name of their cittie to certeine crimes wherewith they were charged requesting that they might speake before the Senate and be heard with indifference the Consull pronounced aloud unto them That the custome indeed of the Romanes was to entreat their allies friends graciously among other matters of courtresie hospitalitie which they affoorded unto them to graunt them also a day of hearing in the Senate but the Rhodians had not demeaned themselves during the war in such sort as to be reckoned in the number of lovers associates At the hearing of these words they cast themselves all prostrate on the ground beseeching the Consull and all those that were present not to suffer that false imputations of late furmised should against all reason prejudice the Rhodians more than their good deserts of old whereof themselves were sufficient witnesses stand them in stead And presently after they had put on simple apparell and mourning weeds they went about from house to house visiting the principall persons of the cittie humbly beseeching them with teares to heare their cause before they were condemned
M. Inventius Talva the Pretour or L. chiefe justice for the pleas between citizens and straungers was the onely agent that provoked and incited the people against the Rhodians nay he had promulged and published a bill to this effect That warre might bee denounced against the Rhodians also that out of the magistrates for that yeere they would make choise of some one to bee sent as Admirall with a fleet â—or the mannaging of that warre hoping that himselfe should be the man But this action and proceeding of his was crossed by M. Antonius and M. Pomponius two Tribunes of the commons Over and besides the Pretour to say a truth had broached this matter after a new and strange fashion to the evill example of future times in that he preferred a bill unto the people of his owne head alone without asking the advise of the Senate or making the Consuls acquainted therewith and that in this manner and forme Pleaseth it you and is it your will that warre be proclaimed against the Rhodians whereas alwaies before-time in question of warre the Senats advise was first taken and then the thing was proposed unto the people Likewise the Tribunes of the commons for their part did more than they might and a thing not warrantable by any precedent For it was a custome tradition observed ever of old that no person should interpose his negative to crosse any bill before that private men in particular had their course and time graunted both to persuade ordissuade the same by which meanes many a time it fell out that even they who never professed nor meant to oppose themselves being mooved and induced by the reasons of those that stood up to dissuade and perceiving also by them the inconveniences of such a bill would step betweene and dashall yea and contrariwise such as came of purpose to crosse and nip the same being convinced by the authoritie and borne downe by the important arguments alleadged by those that enforced the said bill would desist and surcease Thus the Pretours and Tribunes strove avie who should doe everything more unseasonably than others The Tribunes impeached and staied the hastines of the Pretour interposing their negative before the time and deferring the matter untill the comming of the L. Generall ********** Whither we have transgressed and offended yea or no that yet remaineth doubtfull but sure we are of this that we suffer all punishments and shamefull ignominies alreadie that can be devised Heretofore when the Carthaginians were vanquished when Philip when Antiochus was overthrowne wee came to Rome from our publicke lodging provided for us at the charges of the citie wee presented our selves my LL. into your Counsel-house to testifie our great contentment for your conquests from the Counsel-house we went directly to the capitoll carrying with us presents and oblations to the honour of your gods But now we the same Rhodians are come unto your Senat clothed in this poor habit and array as you see from out of a base hostelrie and common inne where hardly we could have lodging for our money being commanded in manner of enemies to make our abode without the citie walls we Rhodians I say whom but lately ye feoffed with the graunt of two provinces Lycia and Cyria whom ye graced with all kind of honours and enriched with all manner of gifts and rewards You ordaine as wee heare say that the Macedonians and Illyrians should live free notwithstanding they were in servitude before they levied warre against you Neither speake wee this in envie and repine for any mans welfare and good estate nay wee acknowledge therein the rare elemencie of the people of Rome and will yee then make the Rhodians of friends enemies who during this warre did no more but sit and meddle with neither part Now surely yee Romanes are the men that pretend and give out ordinarily that your warres have good successe and speed well because they be just and righteous neither do you glorie so much in the event and yssue thereof whereby ye are revengers and conquerours as for the beginning and first enterprises in that yee undertake them not without good cause The besieging of Messana in Sicilie by the Carthaginians was the cause that the people of Rome reputed them enemies The assailing of Athens by Philip his intent and purpose to bring Greece into servitude his relieving of Anniball with men and money caused him likewise to be holden for their enemie Thus Antiochus brought upon his owne head the Roman warre for that he being sollicited by theAetolians your enemies came willingly out of Asia and with a fleete sailed over to Greece and when hee had seized upon Demetrias Chalcis and the streights of Thermopylae went about to dispossesse you of the empire And last of all Perseus by levying armes against your allies by killing some of their petie kings and princes by murdering other chiefe personages of sundrie nations and citties gave you just occasions to make warre upon him But what colourable cause can there be pretended of our calamitie if needs we must miscarrie and perish All this while I make no difference between our citties case and that of Polyaratus and Dion our cittizens even those persons whom we have brought to deliver into your hand For suppose that the cause were all one and that wee Rhodians were all faultie and culpable alike what might that crime be for which we are touched in this warre We favoured Perseus and that side you will say and like as in the warre of Antiochus and Philip wee stood with you against those kings so now we tooke part with the K. against you Was that all well In what sort we are wont to aid our associates and how lustily to enterprise warres do but aske of C. Livius and L. Aemylius Regillus the Admirals of your fleets in Asia Your ships never fought at sea without us yet we with our own Armada alone fought a battaile once before Samos a second time in Pamphylia against General Anniball which victorie the thieved was unto us by so much more honourable and glorious for that after we had in an unfortunate fight nere Samos lost many of our ships and the very choise and floure of our youth we nothing terrified and dismaied with so great an overthrow durst turne againe to make head yea and were so hardie as to encounter the kings roiall navie comming out of Syria And all this have I related not by way of boast and to glorifie ourselves for we are not now in case to s tand upon those rearmes but to give you a râ—t by the way and put you in mind in what maner the Rhodians have used evermore to succour their confederats And for the better proofe therof after the deffeature of Philip and Antiochus we received at your hands right great rewards recompence for our service In case the fortune of Perseus had bene so happie as yours is at this present praised be
the gods for their grace and goodnes and thanked be your owne valour with all we had come into Macedonie to the king upon his victorie to require and demaund rewards what could we alleadge therfore Might we say that he had bin mainteined by our mony or relieved with our corne with land forces or strength at sea Was there any place by us kept and held with a garison for his use were we able to tell where we fought either under the conduct of his captaines or upon our own leading and direction If haply he should demand in what quarters our souldiors kept i n what coast our ships lay in guard for his defence what could we answer Per adventure we might plead our cause and excuse our selves in the presence of him supposed conquerour like as we now do before you here in place For by sending our embassadors to fro unto you was well as to him about a treatie of peace this is all the good we have gotten that in stead of winning the love and favour of both parts we incurre the heavie displeasure of the one being thus charged with crimes and wrapped in dangers And yet my good LL. and honourable Senatours of Rome Perseus might truly object that to us which you in no wise can namely that wee in the beginning of the warre sent embassadours to you making promise in our name of whatsoever was needfull thereunto also that we would be readie at all assaies to furnish you with ships strongly rigged and with our youth wel appointed like as in the wars aforetime That we performed not these promises of ours you only were the let hinderance who whatsoever the cause was refused our offered service rejected all our succours Well then neither have we attempted ought as enemies not failed in the dutie of good friends allies but impeached have we bin by you for effecting that which we intended How now may some man say Hath there been nothing done or said in your cittie ô yee Rhodians that you wish unsaid or undone and whereat the people of Rome may justly take exceptions and be offended with you for it Vndertake to justifie and make good whatsoever hath ben done I will not neither have I so little wit I trow but sever I will the publick cause of the whole state from the privat offences committed by particular persons for no citie is there under the sunne but may otherwhiles have lewd and naughtie citizens some or other and evermore a rude and fortith multitude I have heard say that even amongst you here at Rome some have sought to advaunce and set themselves aloft by currying favor and flattering the common people and that the time was when the commons rose and departed from among you so as the rule of the common-weale and people of Rome was out of your hands as in a verie Anarchie If such a thing as this might chaunce in this your citie so well qualified and ordered as it is how can any man make a wonder that among us there have been some who affecting and seeking for the amitie and friendship of the king might haply corrupt and seduce our commons with their naughtie counsell And yet when all is said they prevailed no more than thus that we sate still and failed in doing our devoir to you for I will not over-passe in this place the greatest and most grievous crime of all other wherewith our citie is charged during this war and that is this At one and the same time wee sent embassadors both to you and Perseus about a peace This designment so untoward and unluckie as it was a furious and brainsicke oratour and stagent of ours as afterwards wee understood handled as foolishly who as it is for certein knowne framed his language in that manner as if he had ben C. Popilius the Romane embassadour whom yee sent to the two KK Antiochus and Ptolomaeus to warne them both to lay downe armes and for cease war But that behavior of his call it what you will either pride of follie was no worse before you than it was to K. Perseus Every citie hath their conditions and qualities by themselves like as particular and severall persons and semblably it is in whole nations some are restie and chollericke bold and audacious others againe be fearfull and timerous some are given to wine and drunkenesse others to women and wantonesse The people of Athens by report are too hastie hote and forward to enterprise anything even beyond their power The Lacedaemonians againe be as slow and backward casting many doubts and difficulties to enter upon the very things which they are assured of I cannot denie but that all the country of Asia in generall breedeth many a mad braine and vaine spirit and I will not say but that our people are jolly fellowes of their tongue and can speake bigge for that wee seeme among other cities and states bordering upon us to excell and surpasse and that not so much in the confidence wee have of our owne forces as for the honourableregard ye have had of us and the great testimonies and judgements yee have given out of us But that foolish embassage of ours even then at the very time had punishment sufficient being sent away as it was with so heavie and answere of yours and if we were not then disgraced and shamed enough now surely this present embassage so humble and pitifull were able to make full satisfaction for a more insolent embassie than it was All pride and arrogancie of words especially chollericke persons indeed hate wise men deride and namely from an inferior to his better but no man ever judged it a mortall sinne and worthie of death many here was all the daunger least haply the Rhodians might seeme therby to despise the Romans How then be there not some also that cannot rule their tounge but will be railing and uttering blasphemous words against the gods yet we never heard of any that have â—â—en therefore smitten dead with a thunderbolt What remaineth then for us wherein we should â—urge andcleere our selves if we neither can be charged in fact with hostilitie and if our embassadour hath used some proud and presumptuous words more than become him which deserve not the totall ruine of our citie but some sharpe checkes and hard rebukes on both sides of our eares But I heare my good LL. that in your ordinarie talke among your selves when yee are togither we are censured for our inward affection only and secret thoughts and condemned no lesse than for some deed namely That in heart we favoured the king and wished him rather than you to obtaine the victorie and therefore they deeme us worthy to be persecuted with fire and sword Some there be againe of you who thinke verily that thus indeed we stood affected howbeit they would not have us for it to be warred upon as enemies for that is standeth not with the custome or law of any citie
two townes belonging to the seignerie of the Massilians Moreover here are conteined the adventures of many captaines in Spaine with no good successe In the 598 yeere from the foundation of the cittie the Consuls so soone as the assembly for election was past other Consuls chosen for the yere following began their office The cause of this alteration was because the Spaniards were entred into rebellion The embassadors aforesaid who had bene sent to take up and decide the controversie between Masanissa and the Carthaginians mande report That they had sound great store of ship-timber and other matter for a navie at Carthage Certeine Pretours accused by the provinces for avarice were condemned Of the XLVIII booke THe Censours tooke a review and taxe of the cittie wherein were reckoned three hundred soure and twentie thousand polls of cittizens The causes of a third Punike war bee heere recorded Vpon a report that there was a right poissant armie of Numidians upon the borders of the Carthaginians conducted by Archobarzanes the nephew of Syphax Marcus Porcius Cato persuaded in an oration to proclaime warre against the Carthaginians for that they interteined such a power within their frontiers under a colour against Masanissa but in truth raised against the Romanes howbeit Publius Cornelius Nasica gaine said him and dissunded the matter Whereupon ordeined it was that Embassadours should bee sent to Carthage in espiall to observe what they did and where-about they went Who after they had given the Carthaginian Senate a checke and rebuke for that against the covenants of the league they maintained forces and were provided of timber and other stuffe for a navie they were willing to conclude a peace betweene Massanissa and them so as Masanissa should forgue and part with the land in question But Gisgo the sonne of Amilcar a busie and seditious man who then was soveraigne magistrate notwithstanding their Senate promised to be ruled by the award of the said embassadours incited them so by his persuasive remonstrances to warre upon the Romanes that the embassadours made shift to flee save themselves or else they had come to a mischiefe When they related these newes at Rome the Senate alreadie set and bent against the Carthaginians were now by his words provoked much more M. Percius Cato performed the funerals of his sonne deceased in his Pretourship with exceeding small charges according to his abilitie for he was put poore One Andriscus who stoutly made the world beleeve that he was the sonne of Perseus the king of Macedonie was sent to Rome M. Aemylius Lepidus now sixe times chosen President of the Senate by the Censours gave his sonnes in streight charge before he died to carrie him fourth to buriall in a couch without linnen clothes and the purple pall and not to bestow in other obsequies above one denier saying that the funerals of the greatest and best personages are wont to be ennobled and hounoured with the shewes of images and titles and not with sumpteous expenses An inquisition there was about the practise of poisoning and sorcerie Publilia and Licinia who were endited for making away their husbands put in sureties before the Pretour to be bound in goods lands and bodie for them and after iudiciall processe passed and their cause heard by a decree of their kinsfolke suffered death Gulussa the sonne of Masanissa gave intelligence that at Carthage there was mustering and levying of souldiours rigging and providing of a fleet all preparations no doubt for warre and Publius Cornelius Nasica replied againe that nothing was to bee done inconsiderately without advise Thought good it was to send ten embassadours for to see the trueth of all and upon their knowledge to certifie L. Licinius Lucullus and Aulus Posthumius Albinus the Consuls when they tooke musters with severitie and rigour and would not for faveur spare any one but prest all were committed by the Tribunes of the commons who for their friends could obteine at their hands to release and immunitie of souldierie By occasion of the warres in Spaine which many times had bene untowardly and unfortunately mannaged when the cittie of Rome was so dismaied and daunted that there could not be found any one who would so much as accept of a martiall Tribuneship or was willing to goe in quality of lieutenant Publius Cornelius Aemylianus stepped forth made offer and professed that hee would undertake any kind of militarie service whatsoever should bee laid upon him and by his owne example stirred up all the rest to the love of warrefare L. Lucullus the Consull when Claudius Marcellus after whom hee succeeded was thought to have quieted all the states nations of Celtiberia subdued the Vacceans Cantabrians and other regions and nations as yet unknowne in Spaine P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemylianus the son of L. Paulus and the nephew of Africanus by adoption being there a martiall Colonell shew a Barbarian challenger that defied him But in the winning of the cittie Intercatia hee adventured a more daungerous enterprise For hee was the first of all other that skaled and mounted over the wall Servius Sulpitius Galba the Pretour sped but badly in a battalle against the Portugales When as the embassadours were returned out of Africke together with the Carthaginian Oratours and Galussa the sonne of Masanissa bringing word That they found at Carthage both an armie and also an armada thought good it was to put to question and debate the matter in the Senate where Cato and other principall Senatours were of opinion and gave advise to transport an armie presently into Africke but because Cornelius Nasica opined and said That hee saw as yet no iust and sufficient cause of warre agreed it was to forbeare all hostilitie and force of armes in case the Carthaginians would burne their navie and discharge their armie if not then agreed it was that the Consuls next following in place of governement should propose as touching the Punickewarre When the Theatre was built which by the Censours had beene put forth to workemen to frame and set up at a price through the meanes of Pub. Cornelius Nasica who inferred that it was a peece of worke unprofitable yea and hurtfull to the manners generally of the cittizens by vertue of an act of Senate demolished it was and pulled downe so as the people for a long time stood on their feet to behold the publicke plaies The Carthaginians at that time tooke armes contrary to the league and warred upon Masanissa But vanquished they were in field by him who notwithstanding he now was fourescore yeere old twelve yet hee used to tast his meat simply without any deintie sauce yea and to chew his bare bread still and over and besides they deserved to draw upon their head the Romane warre Of the XLIX booke THe beginning of the third Punick war in the six hundreth and one yere from the cities foundation which within 5 yeers after it began came to a full finall end Much diversitie
there was in opinion between M. Portius Cato whom they reputed for the wisest and Scipio Nasica who by the Senat was iudged the best honestest man in the city Cato was altogether for the wars advised to destroy Carthage quite Nasica contrariwise dissuaded what he could Neverthelesse in the end ordained it was Thâ—t because against covenant accord they kept a navie at sea had led foorth an armie out of their borders also for that they entred into armes and levied war upon Masanissa a friend and confederat to the people of Rome and received not into their town Gulussa his sonne who was in the companie of the Romane embassadours warre should be proclaimed against them But before that any forces were embarked and had taken the sea the embassadours of Vtica repaired to Rome yeelding themselves and all that they bad That embassage as a speciall presage to the issue and event of the war was acceptable and pleasing to the lords of the Senate but heavie and greevous to the Carthaginians In Terentum a place it was in Campus Martius whereupon the pastimes Terentini tooke their name were plates exhibited to Father Dis the infernall god according to the direction of the bookes of Sibylla These had been set out one hundred yeeres before in the first Punicke war and in the five hundreth yeere and one after the citie was founded Thirtie embassadors came to Rome by whome the Carthaginians presented their submission But the sentence of Cato imported and prevailed to hold still their former determination and that the Consuls with all speed should set forward in their iourney to the warre Who having passed the seas and arrived in Affricke received of them three hundred hostages whome they had required and demaunded and also tooke into their hands all their armors and weapons and what furniture of warre soever they found at Carthage They proceeded moreover after all this to commaund them by warrant and authoritie form the LL. of the Senate to build them a new towne for to inhabite in some other place so that it were tenne miles at least remote from the sea by which indignititie offered they provoked the Carthaginians to rise and take armes againe L. Martius and M. Manilius the Consuls began to besiege and assault Carthage during which siege and assault it fortuned that two Colonels unadvisedly adventured to breake into the citie with their cohorts at one part therof where the wals were neglected when by the townsmen they were sore beaten and killed by the meanes of Scipio Affricanus they were rescued by whome also a certeine scone and fort of the Romanes which the enemies by night assailed with the helpe of a few horsemen was delivered Moreover hee saved the campe against which the Carthaginians sallied forth of their citie to give the assault at once upon it with all their forces by which service hee above the rest woon great honor Over besides when as the Consull for the other was gone to Rome to hold the election of Magistrates seeing the siege and assault of Carthage tooke no better effect minded to lead the armie against Asdruball who with another power of men kept the narrow streights of a certaine passage he counselled the said Cos. first not to give battell in a place of such disadvantage but afterwards overweighed and borne downe by the opinions of the greater number who envied as well his wisedome as vertue hee also entered into the same streights And when the Roman armie according as he foretold was discomfited and put to flight and two cohorts beset round and invested by the enemies hee with certeine small cornets of horse returned into those streight reskued them and brought them away in safetie Which valour of his even Cato a man otherwise more readie of his tongue to find faults so recommended in the Senate that in these terms he gave out and said That all there rest whowere emploied in the warres of Affricke served as shaddowes and dead men but Cato had true vigour and spirit indeed The people of Rome besides cast such a savour and good liking to him that at the next election most of the tribes pricked him for to bee Consull notwithstanding he was by law under age When L. Scribonius a Tribune of the Commons had promulged a law That all the Portugals who according to covenant and composition yeelded to the people of Rome and yet by Sergius Galba were sold in Fraunce should be restored to their freedome M. Cato most earnestly pleaded in the behalfe of that law and maintained it His Oration is extant to be seene included within his Annales Q. Fulvius Nobilior albeit he was by him shaken up and well checked in the Senate answered in the behalfe of Galba Yea and Galba also seeing himselfe at the point to bee condemned tooke in his armes and embraced his owne two sonnes being Praetextati and a sonne of Caius Sulpitius whose Guardian hee was and made such pitteous and rusull mone all the while hee spake in his owne cause that the foresaid law was revoked and cancelled Three Orations of his there are to bee seene two against Libo a Tribune of the Commons and his proposed lawes as touching the Portugales and one against Lucius Cornelius Cethegus in which hee confesseth and avoweth the killing of the Portugales encamped neere unto him for that hee knew certeinly that they after their manner had sacrificed an horse and a man and under a colour of peace entended to set upon and charge his armie Andriscus one of base birth and the most abiect lowest condition who made the world beleeve that hee was king Perseus his son and thereupon chaunged his name and was called Philip having made an escape and fled secretly from Rome whither Demetrius king of Syria had sent him in regard of this his notorious lie had many men come flocking unto him embracing a forged counterfeit fable of his as if it had bene a true same and report by which means hee gathered an armie together and either with the good will of the inhabitants or by force of armes seized all Macedonie and held it in his hands Now had he devised framed the pageant in this wise That Perseus the king had begotten him forsooth of a concubine that he was committed to one Cyrthesa to bee fostered and brought up to the end that if ought should fall out but well unto the K. in that war which he waged with the Romanes there might be yet some seed as it were and yssue remaining of the kings bloud and royall race When Perseus was deceased he had his education at Adramittium until he was 12 yeres old supposing him to be his naturall father who fostered kept him wist not at all from what stocke he was descended Now it sell out saith he that the said foster father of mine lay very sicke beeing at the point of death bewraied at length my birth parentage Moreover
Verrius for in the time of Paule the third Pope of Rome the fragments of the said stones were digged out of the ground betweene the Roman Forum and the broad street Via Sacra brought forth also laid abroad in the capitol to the view of the world To which as the true touch-stone certain learned men of late daies have laid to their owne labours in that kind namely Bartholomew Marliau of Millaine Onuphrius Panvinius of Verona Charles Sigonius of Modena and Francis Robortellus of Vdine comparing the same as also the annales gathered by Henry Glareanus before time with the foresaid antiquities of Verrius late found have recovered much light to the his torie of Livie and supplied his wants in that behalfe I thought it not amisse therefore to gratifie my countriemen in some measure this way also and deliver the same in English which I found annexed to the best editions in Latine as followeth A CHRONOLOGIE TO THE HISTORIE OF T. LIVIVS COMPILED ACCORDING TO THE TABLES AND RECORDS OF VERRIVS FLACCVS IN THE CAPITOLL AND SET OUT VVITH MOST PROFITABLE notes shewing the varietie and disagreement of Authors about the names of the Romane Consuls The causes of dissent and repugnance in Historiographers as touching the computation and relating of the yeeres from the foundation of the citie of Rome SInce wee entend to setfoorth a Kalender or Register of the Consuls mentioned in the historie of Livius which by reason of uncerteintie obscuritie and discordance of the times is so darke and intricate that not onely the learned and most experienced Historians of our age but the best writers of the Romane storie in auncient time estsoones complained thereof we thinke it not impertinent to our purpose briefely to search into the causes of this dissent which beeing once knowne wee may follow that account of the times which seemeth to accord best with the historicall truth and to be grounded upon the authoritie and testimonie of the most authenticall and approoved writers For seeing that an historie as Cicero hath most truly said is the witnesse of times what is more unfitting for it than to misse and want that which is the chiefest point therein and without due and diligent reckoning made to be ignorant what was first and what was last done It seemeth therefore that of this diversitie in the account and computation of the Romane Consuls there be three especiall causes The first is for that the yeere in which the first Consuls entred into that magistracie is by the Romane Historiographers not after one sort but diversly set downe For Dionysius a most diligent writer of the acts of Romans in his first booke in the end of the fourth and beginning of the fifth reporteth that the KK reigned 244 yeeres which also is collected out of the yeerely computation gathered by Varro and approoved by the authoritie of others For Messala reporteth how upon the expulsion of the KK which hapned in the 244 yeer after the foundation of the citie the Romans were ruled under the yeerly government of Consuls To which opinion Livie also subscribeth in the end of his first booke saying that the regiment of KK continued 244 yeeres from the foundation of the citie unto the freedome and libertie thereof But Eutropius in his 1 booke writeth that the seven Kings reigned in Rome 243 yeers which account agreeth with Sex Ruffus in his abridgement In which varietie this is to be observed that these two last named reckon the yeeres onely of every kings raigne and out of the whole and grosse summe leave out the yeere of the interreigne which Dionysius Livius Messala and the rest insert betweene and that right truly and upon good reason for after the death of Romulus the interreigne continued one yeere Consider then and examine the thing diligently and yee shall find that in reckoning the yeeres of every kings reigne in severall Eutropius and Sextus Ruffus both attribute as many yeeres to the kings government as Denis Livie and the rest so that this difference is not much But others there be as Eusebius hath delivered in his Chronicles who write that the KK reigned but 243 yeeres and take the interregencie withall whose judgement Orosius Iornandes and Bede seeme to follow For Orosius in the 5. chap. of his second booke recordeth that Brutus the Consull in that very yeere namely the 244 put his owne sonnes to death the KK reigned not precisely so many yeeres just but for that some and namely Romulus went over some months and daies Dionysius and Livius reckoned them for a full yeere and laid it to Tarquinius Priscus but the other above named together with Eusebius left out those odde months and daies because they made not up a complet yere and assigned but onely seven and thirtie yeres to the raign of king Priscus To this may be added another reason of the like nature namely that as divers authours have doubtfully reported the yeere so they are no more certain of the month and day on which the first Consuls began their government For Plutarch in his problemes writeth that they entred upon the first day of Ianuary but Macrobius in the first book of his Saturnalia and seventh chapter seemeth to imply that they tooke their Consuls place the first of Iune saying according to the opinion of others That Iune tooke the name of Iunius Brutus for thaâ— in this month and namely upon the first day thereof according to a vow wherto he was obliged by the banishment of Tarquine hee solemnized a sacrifice to the goddesse Carnea upon mount Coelius Others againe write how this hapned the foure and twentieth of Februarie grounding herein upon the old antiquities and records of stone together with the testimony of Ovid who in the second booke of his Kalender thus writeth King Tarquine with his sonnes then fled The Consuls yeerly beare The soveraigne rule at Rome since that no king ever reign'd there Some there are besides of opinion that they entred the first day of Iulie and of their mind seemeth Ioachimus Perionius to be in his third booke of the Greeke magistrates In this repugnancie therefore of opinions very doubtfull it is which to follow As for that of Plutarch it hath long since bene clearly and learnedly confuted by two great and excellent clerkes Onuphrius Panvinius and Sigonius since it is plaine that it was the sixe hundred yeere from the foundation of the cittie and not before that the Consuls began their government the first of Ianuarie But in setting downe the certaine day they themselves are not well agreed For Sigonius after Marlianus inclineth this way and saith That the first day of the Consuls government was the sixe and twentieth day of May. But Panvinius thinketh that the first Consuls were created the 26 day of Februarie And this diversitie is found not onely in the day when the first Consuls tooke their government but also in the time after ensuing What was the usuall day of any
Papus 530 T. Manlius Q. Eulvius II. THe yeere following had Consuls T. Manlius and Q. Fâ—â—viâ—s the second time according to Cassiodorus and Polybius and as Orosius saith T. Manlius Torquatus and Q. Fulvius Flaccus Cuspinians tables together with the Capitoline have Torquatus the second time and Flaccus likewise the second time shewing the surnames only of these Coss. 531 C. Flaminius P. Furius Philus CAssiodorus setteth downe for Coss. C. Flaminius P. Furius So doth Polybius Zonaras nameth them Flaminius Furius Plutarch likewise in Mareâ—llus The Sicilian tables name them Flaminius and Philus But the Capitoll records C. Flaminius and Pub. Furius Philus 532 M. Marcellus Cn. Cornelius CAssiodorus nameth for the next Consuls M. Marcellus and Cn. Cornelius Polybius M. Claudius and Cn. Cornelius The Sicilian registers Scipio and Marcellus Zonaras Claudius Marcellus and Cn. Scipio Eutropius M. Claudius Marcellus and Cn. Cornelius Scipio The Capitoll tables M. Claudius Marcellus and Cn. Cornelius Scipio Calvus This is that Marcellus who was five times Consull and this is that Scipio who afterwards with his brother Scipio was slain in Spaine by Asdruball the Carthaginian 533 P. Cornelius M. Minutius CAssiodorus sheweth for this yeeres Consuls P. Cornelius and M. Minutius So doth Zonaras The Sicilian registers have Scipio and Rufus Eutropius hath P. Cornelius and M. Minutius Rufus Cuspinians booke Asina and Rufus Sigonius and Onuphrius both doe thinke that this Publius Cornelius Scipio Asina was his sonne who in the first Punicke war was twise Consull And verily Livie in the yeere 543 maketh mention of P. Cornelius Asina an honorable Senator and who had been Consull 534 L. Veturius C. Lutatius CAssiodorus and Zonaras exhibite unto us for Consuls L. Veturius C. Lutatius The Sicilian registers Philo and Catulus Cuspinians booke Philo and Scaevola 535 M. Livius L. Aimilius THe Consuls next following were M. Livius L. Aimilius as Cassiodorus witnesseth Cuspinians booke the Greeke records shew Salinator and Phulus Zonaras M. Livius Aimilius Paulus Plinie maketh mention of these Consuls in the 29 booke and 1 chapter 536 P. Cornelius Scipio T. Sempronius Longus CAssiodorus and Polybius put downe for Consuls P. Cornelius and T. Sempronius Zonaras Sempronius Longus and P. Scipio The Sicilian records Longus and Scipio Livie Eutropius Probus Orosius and Paedianus name them Pub. Cornelius Scipio and T. Sempronius Longus Whiles these were Consuls the second Punicke warre arose as writers have delivered unto us in their chronicles 537 Cn. Servilius Geminus C. Flaminius THen followed Consuls as Polybius Cassiodorus and Livie write Cn. Servilius together with C. Flaminius But the two last named as also the Sicilian registers have given to Servilius the surname of Geminus C. Flâ—minius now second time Consull with like pride as heretofore entered into his magistracie in the Ides of March not at Rome but at Ariminum The same man in neglect and contempt of the Auspicia or signes of birds at what time as hee made head and went against Anniball comming into Italie fought a battell at the lake Ihrasymenus where his armie was wholly defeited and himselfe lost his life into whose place M. Atilius Regulus who had ben Consull before was substituted Thus much out of Livie and Polybius 538 C. Terentius Varro L. Annilius Paulus NExt to them Polybius bringeth in L. Aimilius and C. Terentius for Consuls The Sicilian registers Paulus and Varro Plutarch in Paulus Terentius Varro and Aemilius Paulus Livie Cassiodorus and others C. Terentius Varro and Lucius Aemilius Paulus Goltzius noteth that the father of C. Terentius Varro was one Aulus a thing by others passed over 539 L. Posthumius Albinus III. M. Claudius Marcâ—llus II. Q. Fabius Maximus III. T. Sempronius Gracchus LIvie reporteth that the Consuls elect for this yeere when M. Iunius the Dictatour held the solemne assembly for the election were Lucius Posthumius Albinus the third time who as then ruled the province of Gaule and T. Sempronius Gracchus who had beene maister of the horsemen and that Posthumius before that hee entred into government was by Anniball in France environned and slaine in whose steed M. Marcellus was subrogated Consull now the second time who upon information given by the Augurs that his creation was not good resigned commonly the Nobles gave out and said That the gods were not well pleased that two commoners were then first chosen Consuls wherupon in the roume of Marcellus Quintus Fabius Maximus was chosen Consull the third time Thus write Livie and Plutarch And for this cause it is that Cassiodorus Orosius and Eutropius doe put downe for this yeeres Consuls T. Sempronius and Q. Fabius 540 Q. Fabius IIII. M. Claudius Marcellus III. LIvie Plutarch and Cassiodorus set out for Consuls this yeere Quintus Fabius Maximus the fourth time and Marcus Claudius Marcellus the third time Moreover Cicero oftentimes and Frontinus in his second booke of stratagemes make mention of these Consuls 541 Q. Fabius Max. son of Verrucosus T. Sempronius Gracchus II. AGainst this yeere were both the Consuls created in their absence namely Q. Fab. Max. the son of Verrucosus and T. Sempronius Gracchus the second time as Livie testifieth and Cassiodorus together with the Sicilian registers This Fabius had beene Pretour the former yeere and Gracchus Consull two yeeres before These Consuls Gellius nominateth out of Quadrigarius the second booke and second chapter Likewise Cicero and Valerius 542 Appius Claudius Pulcher. Q. Fulvius Flaccus III. THe Consuls created for this yeere by the Dictatour were Quintus Fulvius Flaccus the third time who then was maister of the horsemen and Appius Claudius Pulcher who in his pretourship was L. deputie in Sicilie as Livie Plutarch in Fabius Cassiodorus and Festus in his seventeenth booke doe witnesse 543 C. Sulpitius Galba Cn. Fulvius Centumalus VPon the receit of certain letters the Consuls agreed together that Claudius should hold the election for magistrates and see it finished whiles Fulvius remained still before Capua Claudiuls created for Consuls Cn. Fulvius Centumalus and Publius Sulpitius sonne of Servius and surnamed Galba who before time had borne no state-office of the chaire Thus writeth Livius The same Consuls also Cassiodorus doth deliver Orosius likewise and Festus in his seventeenth booke The Sicilian records declare Galba and Centumalus As for Serv. Sulpitius he is named in his second Consulship as it appeareth upon record in the Capitoll the son of Ser. nephew of Publius surnamed Galba Maximus 544 M. Valerius Laevinus II. M. Claudius Marcellus IIII. LIvie Sextus Pompeius Valerius Maximus Plutarch Florus Eutropius and Orosius doe present for Consuls this yeere Marcus Claudius Marcellus M. Valerius Laevinus Now this is Marcellus his fourth Consulship as Plutarch and Livie write but Cassiodorus saieth that hee was but the third time with M. Valerius Laevinus leaving out that Consulship which he bare not through because of the errour in his creation and yet is it one of the five that hee is reported to have borne Livie
come in person leaving a meane garison behind him at Nola or els if he might not be spared from thence for feare of danger from Anniball he would send for T. Graccbus the Proconsull from Beneventum Vpon this message Marcellus having left in Nola a gard of two thousand souldiers with the rest of his forces presented himselfe before Casilinum upon whose comming the Campanes who were readie to set forward stayed themselves and were quiet So both Consuls togither jointly began to assault Casilinum where the Romane souldiers that rashly came under the walls received much hurt and Fabius seeing little good done judged it best to surcease and give over the enterprise being a service of small consequence and nath'lesse very dangerous and to depart from thence seeing there was businesse toward of greater importance But Marcellus contrarywise was of opinion and said that as there were many things which great warriours were not to attempt so if they were once taken in hand and the adventure given they were not lightly to be given over and laid aside for as much as in it lay matter of great consequence for same and reputation both wayesâ— and so he prevailed that the enterprise was not neglected and abandoned Whereupon there were mantilets and all other kinds of fabricks and engines of batterie and assault bent against the citie â— so as the Campanes besought Fabius that they might depart to Capua in safetie And when some few were gone forth Marcellus possessed himselfe of that gate whereout they went and then they fell to kill and slay one with another first about the gate and after they had rushed once in they put to like execution those also within the citie Fiâ—tie there were or thereabout of the Campanes that first gate out of the towne and fled for mercie to Fabius and they by his gard and safe conduct arived at Capua But see Casilinum through the lingering slacknesse of the inhabitants that craved protection was by advantage taken of their long parley and temporising woon by the enemies The captives so many as were either Campanes or Anniball his souldiours were sent to Rome and there clapt up fast in prisons But the multitude of the townesmen were distributed into sundrie cities adjoyning and there kept in ward At the very same time that the Consuls after their conquest retired from Casilinum Graccbus being in the countrie of the Lucanes and having gathered and enrolled certaine cohorts and companies of souldiours out of those parts sent them out a forraying under the conduct of a captaine of Allies into the territories of the enemies Hanno encountred them as they stragled in scattering wise out of order and set upon them and paid his enemies againe with the like diffeature and losse or not much lesse than that which he had received at Beneventum and in great hast withdrew himselfe into the country of the Brutij for feare least Gracchus should overtake him The Consull Marcellus returned back to Nola from whence he came and Fabius went forward into Samnium to spoile and wast the countrie and to recover by force of armes the cities which had revolted The Samnites about Caudium were piteously and grievously damnified their villages in all places set on fire their fields laid wast and destroyed and great booties both of cattaile people driven away Sixe townes forced by assault namely Compulteria Telesia Cossa Melae Fuisulae and Orbitanium In the Lucanes countrâ—e the towne of Blandae and in Apulia the citie Ancae was assaulted In these townes and cities there were taken prisoners and slaine 25000 of the enemies of fugitives and rennegate traitours there were recovered 370 whome the Consull sent home againe to Rome and being thither come they were all beaten and skourged with rods in the Comitium and then pitched downe headlong to the earth from the rock Tarpeia These exploits were atchieved by Q. Fabius within the compasse of a few dayes But Marcellus by occasion that he lay sick at Nola was hindered from performing any feates of armes The Pretour likewise Q. Fabius who had the charge and jurisdiction of the province about Luceria woon by force about the same time the towne Accua and fortified a standing camp planted before Ardoneae Whiles the Romanes were thus employed about these affaires in divers other places Anniball was come unto Tarentum to the exceeding great damage and detriment of all places where he journeyed but being arived once in the territorie of Tarentum he began to march and lead his armie more peaceably There he did no harme at all made no havock nor once went out of the high way And it was evidently seen that all this was done not upon any modestie that appeared either in souldiour or captaine but only to win unto him the hearts of the Tarentines But when he approched the walls of the citie and saw no commotion nor insurrection from thence upon the discovery of his Vantgard as he thought he should he pitched his camp almost a mile from the towne Now had M. Valerius the Viz-Pretour who was Admirall of the Fleete at Brundusium sent T. Valerius his Lieutenant unto Tarentum three dayes before that Anniball shewed himselfe before the walls He had mustred and enrolled the floure of the Nobilitie and so bestowed at every gate and about the walls where neede required good gards for defence with such vigilant diligence both day and night that he gave no opportunitie and advantage either to the enemies to adventure any assault or to the doubtfull and untrustie friends to practise any treason So Anniball having spent there certaine dayes in vaine and seeing none of them who repaired unto him at the lake Avernus either to come themselves or to send messenger or letters and perceiving now that he had rashly and foolishly followed vaine promises and so was deluded dislodged and removed from thence And even then also he spared the territorie of Tarentum and did no hurt at all and albeit his feined and counterfet lenitie and mildnesse hitherto tooke no effect yet he hoped still thereby to corrupt their faithfull alleageance to the Romanes and so he went to Salapia And by reason that now midsomer was past and he liked well of that place for a winter harbour he conveyed thether all the come from out off the territorie of Metapontum and Heraclea Then he sent out the Numidians and Moores to fetch booties and prises from out of the Salentine countrey and all the woods and chases next unto Apulia from whence they drave of other cattaile small store but of horses especially they brought away great numbers of which there were foure thousand divided amongst the horsemen to be handled broken and made gentle The Romanes seeing there was like to be war in Sicilie the same not lightly to be regarded and that the death of the tyrant there rather gave the Saracosians good captains than wrought any change in their minds or alteration in the
cause assigned unto M. Marcellus one of the Consuls that province to governe Presently upon the murder of Hieroâ—yâ—us first the souldiours in the Leontine countrie began to mutine and make an uprore and boldly spake and said That the kings death should be expiate and his obsequies solemnised with sacrificing the bloâ—d of conspiratours But afterwards when they heard often iterated the sweetâ—â—â—me of libertiâ— freedome restored unto them and that there was good hope that the souldiours should have a largesse dealt amongst them out of the kings treasure and be under the commaund of captaines of better qualitie and having besides all this a bederoll rehearsed unto them of the Tyrant his crueltie and soule facts and of more silthie and lothsome lusts their affections were so altered that they suffered the bodie of their king to lie above ground unburied whom a little before they so greatly desired and wished for Now as concerning the conspiratours whiles the rest of them remained behind to assure and possesse themselves of the armie Theodorus and Sosis tooke the kings horses and rode post as hard as ever they could to Syracusa for to surprise upon a suddain all his followers favourites who knew nothing of that which was done fall upon them unawares but they were prevented not onely by the same which above all other things in such cases is most swift but also by a courrier one of the kings servants Whereupon Andronodorus had seized before hand of that part of the citie which is called the Iland togither with the castle and all other places that hee could come at which were thought of any good importance and them he fortified with good gards Theodorus and Sosis being entred within the citie at Hexapylos after the sunne setting in the twy-light and shutting in of the evening and shewing the kings roiall robes all embrued with bloud the ornament attire likewise of his head he passed through Thica called alowd unto the people to fight all at once for their libertie and to arme themselves and willed them to repaire into Acradina The people some of them ran out into the streets others stood in their entries and porches divers looked out at the windowes from within their houses and asked what the matter might be Every place shone with torch and cresset-light and was filled with sundrie garboiles and hurlyburlies As many as were in armes gathered togither in the open places of the citie those that were unarmed tooke downe off the temple of â—up Olympius the spoiles of the Gaules and the Illyrians which the people off Rome had given as a present to king Hiero and which he set alost for a memoriall praying unto Iupiter that hee would vouchsafe them this gracious favour as to bestow those sacred weapons harnish upon them that meant to arme themselves therwith for the defence of their countrie for the maintenance of the churches shrines of the gods and for the recoverie of their libertie This multitude also joined with the Corps de gards that in the principall quarters of the citie were bestowed in places convenient But Andronodorus amongst other places that he fortified made sure also with strong gards of armed men the publike garners of the citie within the Iland There was a place enclosed round about with foure-square stone and built strongly like a fortresseâ— this was possessed by the youth that had bene appointed for to guard and defend that quarter and they sent messengers into the Acradina to signifie that the garners the corne were kept by them to the behoose of the Senate And on the morrow at the breake of day the whole people as well armed as unarmed assembled togither in Acradina within the pallace And there before the altar of Concordia which in that place stood erected one of the principall and chiefe cittizens named Polyneus made an oration unto them all with franknesse of speech enough tending unto libertie and yet seasoned with modestie and moderation in this wise Men qd he that have experience of servitude and other indignities fall to abhorre the same and their stomackes rise against them as known evils But as for civill discord what calamities miseries it bringeth with it the cittizens of Saracose have heard their fathers tell and not seen and tasted themselves That yee have bene so readie to take armes and weapons in hand I commend you for it but I would con you more thanke if yee used them not unlesse ye be driven thereto by extreame necessitie For the present I hold it good my counsell is that embassadours be sent unto Andronodorus to intimate unto him yea and to require and charge him to submit himselfe unto the Senat and people and by them to be ordered to set open the gates of the Iland to put away from about him his guard and deliver up the castle and garrison But in case hee intend under the pretence of being guardian or protectour to the kingdome of another therby to usurpe it to his own use he must be given to understand by mine advise that we will seek to recover our libertie out of the hands of Andronodorus more fiercely forcibly than from Hieronymus And so presently upon this assembly embassadors were sent Then the Senate went togither sat in counsell for as during the raigne of Hiero there was a set and ordinarie publike counsell of State so after his death unto that day the Senatours were neither called togither nor their advise taken or sought in any matter When the embassadours were come unto Andronodorus had delivered their message hee was himselfe verily for his owne part moved with the generall consent of the citizens but especially when hee considered that among other quarters of the cittie possessed by the adverse side that one part also of the Iland which was the strongest was betraied as it were held out against him But when the Embassadors called still upon him to come forth his wife Demâ—rata daughter of king Hiero pussed up still with the proud mind haughtie stomack of a prince and full of the vaine humour and spirit of a woman put him eftsoones in mind of a saying that Denis the Tyrant had evermore in his mouth namely That a man should not ride on horsebacke to be deposed from royall dignitie and estate of tyrannie but be led faire and softly a foot-pace and go to that as a beare to the stake An easie matter quoth she it is for one to yeeld and forgo the possession of high place and honor and a thing that may be done in the turning of an hand whensoever one will but to compasse and attaine thereto is a right hard matter and of all other most difficult You were best therefore to borrow some respite of time of the Embassadours for to take farther deliberation of this maine point and in the mean while to use the advantage thereof to send for the souldiours out of