kitching and had layd out much money of his owne as he said for my Lords provision being also otherwise in so great favour and grace with my Lord as no man living was thought to bee more privy of his secrets then this man whereupon also it is to be thought that hee presumed the rather to commit this robbery for to such things doth my Lords good favour most extend and being apprehended and in danger for the same he made his recourse to his Honour for protection as the fashion is and that hee might hee borne out as divers of lesse merit had beene by his Lordship in more haynous causes before him The good Earle answered his servant and deare Privado courteously and assured him for his life howsoever for outer shew and complement the forme of Law might passe against him But Gates seeing himselfe condemned and nothing now betweene his head and the halter but the word of the Magistrate which might come in an instant when it would bee too late to send to his Lord remembring also the small assurance of his said Lords word by his former dealings towards other men whereof this man was too much privy he thought good to sollicite his case also by some other of his friends though not so puissant as his Lord and Mâ—ster who dealing indeed both diligently and effectually in his affaire found the matter more difficult a great deale then either he or they had imagined for that my Lord of Leycester was not onely not his favourer but a great hastener of his death under hand and that with such care diligence vehemency and irresistable meanes having the Law also on his side that there was no hope at all of escaping which thing when Gates heard of he easily beleeved for the experience he had of his masters good nature and said that he alwayes mistrusted the same considering how much his Lordship was in debt to him and hee made privy to his Lordships foule secrets which secrets hee would there presently have uttered in the face of all the world but that he feared torments or speedy death with some extraordinary cruelty if hee should so have done and therefore hee disclosed the same onely to a Gentleman of worship whom hee trusted specially whose name I may not utter for some causes but it beginneth with H. and I am in hope ere it be long by meanes of a friend of mine to have a fight of that discourse and report of Gates which hitherto I have not seene nor ever spake I with the Gentleman that keepeth it though I be well assured that the whole matter passed in substance as I have here recounted it Whereunto I answered that in good faith it were pitty that this relation should be lost for that it is very like that many rare things bee declared therein seeing it is done by a man so privie to â—he affaires themselves wherein also hee had beene used an instrument I will have it quoth the Gentleman or else my friends shall faile me howbeit nor so soone as I would for that he is in the West Countrey that should procure it for me and will not returne for certaine months but after I shall see him againe I will not leave him untill he procure it for me as hee hath promised well quoth I but what is become of that evidence found in Ireland under my Lords hand which no man dare pursue avouch or behold Truly said the Gentleman I am informed that it lyeth safely reserved in good custody to be brought forth and avouched whensoever it shall please God so to dispose of her Majesties heart as to lend an indifferent eare as well to his accusers as to himselfe in judgement Neither must you thinke that this is strange nor that the things are few which are in such sort reserved in decke for the time to come even among great personages and of high calling for seeing the present state of his power to bee such and the tempest of his tyranny to be so strong and boysterous as no man may stand in the rage thereof without perill for that even from her Majesty her selfe in the lenity of her Princely nature hee extorteth what hee designeth either by fraud flattery false information request pretence or violent importunity to the over-bearing of all whom hee meaneth to oppresse No marvaile then though many even of the best and faithfullest Subjects of the Land doe yeeld to the present time and doe keepe silence in some matters that otherwise they would take it for dutie to utter And in this kind it is not long sithence a worshipfull and wise friend of mine told mee a testimony in secret from â—he mouth of as noble and grave a Councellour as England hath enjoyed these many hundred yeares I meane the late Lord Chamberlaine with whom my said friend being alone at his house in London not twenty dayes before his death coâ—fâ—rred somewhat familiarly about these and like matters as with a true father of his Countrey and Common-wealth and after many complaints in the behalf of divers who had opened their griefs unto Councellours and saw that no notice would be taken thereof the said Nobleman turning himselfe somewhat about from the water for hee sate neare his pond side where hâ—e beheld the taking of a Pike or Carpe said to my friend It is no marvell sir for who dareth intermeddle himselfe in my Lords affaires I will tell you quoth he in confidence betweene you and me â—here is aâ— wise a man and as grave and as faithfull a Councellour as England breedeth meaning thereby the Lord Treasurer who hath as much of hâ—s keeping of Leycesters owne hand-writing as is sufficient to hang him if eithâ—r he durst present â—â—e same to her Majesty or her Majesty doe juâ—â—ice when it should be presented But indeed quoth he the time permitteth neither of them both and therefore it is in vaine for any man to struggle with him These were that Noblemans words whereby you may consider whether my Lord of Lâ—ycester be strong this day in Councell or no and whether his fortification be sufficient in that place But now if out of the Councell we will turne but our eye in the Countrey abroad we shall finde as good fortification also there as we have perused already in Court and Councell and shall well perceive that this mans plot is no fond or indiscreet plot but excellent well grounded and such as in all proportions hath his due correspondence Consider then the chiefe and principall parts of this land for martiall affaires for use and commodity of armour for strength for opportunity for liberty of the people as dwelling farthest off from the presence and aspect of their Prince such parts I say as are fittest for sudden enterprises without danger of interception as are the North the West the Countries of Wales the Islands round about the land and sundry other places within the same are
subtile fiâ—e and sox I â—e the â—ever he was â— like wâ—ll the good motion propounded by the foresaid Gentlemaâ— to his frâ—end at the same time and doe assure my self â—â—t would be most pleasant to the Realme â—nd profitâ—ble to her Majâ—sty to wit that this mans actions might be called publiquâ—ly to triall and liberty given to good subjects to say what they knâ—w against the same as it was permitted in the fiâ—st yeer of Kinâ— Henry the eight agâ—inst his Grandfather and in the first of Queen Mary against his Father and then I would not doubt but if these two his Ancestors were found worthy to lose their heads for treason this man would not be found unworthy to make the third in kindred whose treacheries doe farre sâ—â—passe them both After thâ— Gentleman hâ—d saâ—d this â—he Lawyâ—r stood still somewhat smiling to himsâ—lfe looking round about him as though he had bin hâ—lfe afraid and then sâ—id My masters doe you read over or study the Statutes that come forth have you not heard of the proviâ—o madâ— in the last Parliament for punishment of those who speake so broad of such mâ—n as my Lâ—rd of Leicâ—stâ—r is Yes said the Gentleman I hâ—ve heâ—rd how that my Lord of Leicâ—ster was very carefull and dilâ—gent at thâ—t time to have suâ—h a Law to passe against talkâ—rs hoping bâ—likâ— that his L. undeâ— tâ—at generall restrâ—iâ—t mighâ—â—ye the more quiâ—â—ly in harbor from thâ— tempest of menâ— toâ—â—â—s which â—aâ—â—ed busily at that time of diâ—â—rs hâ—s Lorâ—shâ—pâ— actions and asianâ— whiâ—h perhaps himsâ—lf would have wished to pâ—ssâ— wiâ—h â—ore sâ—cresie As of his discontâ—ntment and pâ—â—pâ—râ—tion to rebâ—llion upon Monsâ—eurs fiâ—st coâ—iâ—g inâ—o the Land of his disgrâ—ce and châ—â—kâ— râ—câ—â—veâ— iâ— Câ—uâ—â— of th◠〈◊〉 dâ—â—th of the nobâ—e Pâ—â—le of Essâ—x of thâ—s mâ—ns hâ—stly 〈…〉 widow whoâ— he seâ—t up â—nd downe thâ— Coâ—ntâ—â—y â—om hâ—â—se tâ—â—ouse by privâ—ew 〈…〉 to avâ—id the sight knowledge of thâ— Qâ—eeâ—es Mâ—jesty Aâ—d albeâ—t he hâ—d notâ—on by usâ—d her at hiâ— good king bâ—fâ—re for saâ—isfyiâ—â— of hâ—s owne last but â—lso mâ—rried and remarried her for contentation of her friends yet denied he the sâ—me by solemne oath to her Majesty and received the holy Communion thereupon so good a conscience he hath and conseqâ—entlâ— threatned most shâ—rp revenge towards all subjects which should dâ—re to speake thereof and so for the conâ—â—aling both of this and other his doings which he desired not to have publâ—kâ— no maâ—vaâ—le though his Lorâ—shâ—p were so diligent a proâ—uâ—er of that law fâ—r silence Indeed said I it is very probable that his Lordshâ—p wâ—s in great distresse about that time when Monsiâ—uâ—s matteâ—s were in hâ—nd and that he did many things and purposed more whâ—reof he desired lâ—ssâ— spâ—ech â—mong the people â—specially afterwards whâ—n hâ—s said desigâ—ements tooke nâ—t place I was my sâ—lfe that yâ—er not fâ—r from Warwiâ—k when he câ—me thither from the Court a full Mâ—â—e content and when it was thâ—ught most certainly throughoâ—t the Realm that he would hâ—ve takâ—n armes sooâ— after if the marriage of her Majesty wiâ—h Monsâ—euâ— hâ—d gone fâ—rward The thiâ—g in Cambridge anâ— in all the Couâ—tâ—ey â—s I roâ—e was in â—vâ—ry maâ—s 〈◊〉 and it was a wonder to see not oâ—ely â—he counâ—enâ—ncâ—s but alsâ— the bâ—hâ—viour and to 〈◊〉 the bold spâ—â—ches of all such as were of his fâ—ction My Lâ—rd himselfe had given oâ—t a little before at 〈◊〉 worâ—h that thâ— matteâ— woulâ— cosâ— maâ—y brâ—kâ—n hâ—â—ds before 〈…〉 next and my Lord of Waâ—wiâ—k hâ—d sâ—id opâ—nly at his table in Greâ—nwiâ—h Sir 〈…〉 bâ—ing by if I be not decâ—ived thâ—◠〈…〉 not â—o â—e suffâ—râ—d I meane the marrâ—â—gâ— whiâ—h woâ—dâ— of his oâ—â—e câ—ming abroad 〈…〉 by his own Lady then also preâ—eâ—t 〈…〉 common compâ—nio◠〈…〉 Lordships part against the Queenes Mâ—jesty Such running there was such seâ—ding and posting about the Realme such amplification of the poweâ—s and forces of Casimâ—re and other Princes ready as was affirmed to present themselves unto his aid for dâ—fence of the Realme and Râ—ligion against strangers for that was holden to be his cause such numbring of parties and complices within the Realme whereof himsâ—lfe shewed the Catalogue to some of his friâ—nâ—s for their comfort such debasing of them thâ—t fâ—voureâ— the marriâ—ge especially two or three Counâ—ellâ—urs by name who were said to be the câ—use of all and for that were appointed out to be shaâ—ply punâ—shed to the â—errour â—f all others such letters were written and intercâ—pâ—ed of purpose impâ—rting great powers to be ready and so mâ—ny other things done and designed tending all to mâ—nifest and open warre as I began hartâ—ly â—o be afrâ—id and wished my selfe baâ—ke at Cambridge againâ— hoping that bâ—ing therâ—â—y Scholâ—rs gâ—wne should excuse â—e from necâ—ssiâ—y of â—ighting or if not I wâ—s resolved by my Lords good leâ—ve to follow Aâ—istotle who prefâ—â—râ—th â—lway the Lyon beâ—ore the Beare assuring my selfe withall thâ—t hiâ— Lordship should hâ—ve no bâ—tter succâ—sse in this if it came to â—riâ—ll then his Faâ—her hâ—d in as bad a cause and so much the more for that I wâ—s privie to the mindes of some of his friends who mâ—nt to hâ—ve deceived him â—f â—he matteâ— hâ—d broken out And amongst othâ—r there was a certaâ—n Vice-prâ—sident in the Wâ—â—ld who being left in theâ—r come and absence of another to pâ—ocure friâ—nds said in a place secreâ—ly not fâ—r from Ludlâ—w that if the mattâ—r came to blâ—wes he would follow his Mistresse and leave his Mastâ—r in the briars Marry sir qd the Geâ—tlâ—man and I trow many more would have followed that example For albeit I know â—hat the Pâ—pâ—sts were most named and misdâ—ubâ—ed of his part in that cause for their open indiâ—ation towards Mâ—nsieur consequently for greater discredit of the thing it selfe iâ— was given out every where by this Champâ—on of religion that her Majesties cause was the Papists cause even as his Father hâ—d done in the like enterprise before him though all upon dissimulation as appeared at his death where he professed himself an earnest Papist yet was there no man so simple in â—he Râ—alm which descried not this vizâ—rd at the fiâ—st neither yet any good subject as I suppose who sâ—eing her Mâ—jâ—sty on the one part would not have taken against the other part what so ever he had beene And much more the thâ—ng it selfe in controversie I meane the marriage of her royall Mâ—jesty with the brother and heire apparant of France being taken and judged by the best wisâ—st and faithfâ—llest Protâ—stants of the Realme to be â—oth honourable convenâ—ent profitable and needfull Whereby onely as by a most soveraigne and present remedy all our maladies both abroad and at home had at once been cured all foâ—raign enemies and domestical conspirators all differences all dangers all feares had ceased together France had bâ—ene ours most assured Spaiâ—e
Physitians reported to an Earle of this Land that his Lordship had a bottle for his bed-head of ten pounds the Pint to the same effect But my Masters whether are we fallen unadvisedly I am ashamed to have made mention of so base filthinesse Not without good cause quoth I but that we are here alone and no man heareth us Wherefore I pray you let us returne whereas we left and when you named my Lord of Leicesters Daughter borne of the Lady Shâ—ffield in Dudley Castle there came into my head a prety story concerning that affaire which now I will recount though somewhat out of order thereby to draw you from the further stirring of this unsavory puddle and foule dunghill whereunto we are slâ—pped by following my Lord somewhat too far in his paths and actions Wherefore to tell you the tale as it fell out I grâ—w acquainted three months past with a certain Minister that now is dead and was the same man that was used in Dudley Castle for complement of some sacred ceremonies at the birth of my Lord of Leicesters daughter in that place and the matter was so ordained by the wily wit of him that had sowed the seed that for the better covering of the harvest and secret delivery of the Lady Sheffield the good wife of the Castle also whereby Leicesters appointed gossips might without other suspition have accesse to the place should faine her selfe to be with childe and after long and sore travell God wot to be delivered of a cushion as she was indeed and a little after a faire coffin was buried with a bundell of clouts in shew of a childe and the Minister caused to use all accustomed prayers and ceremonies for the solemne interring thereof for which thing afterward before his death he had great griefe and remorse of conscience with no small detestation of the most irreligious device of my Lord of Leicester in such a case Here the Lawyer began to laugh a pace both at the device and at the Minister and said now truly if my Lords contracts hold no better but hath so many infirmities with subtilties and by-places besides I would be loth that he were married to my daughter as mean as she is But yet quoth the Gentleman I had rather of the two be his wife for the time then his guest especially if the Italian Chyrurgian or Physitian be at hand True it is said the Lawyer for he doth noâ— poison his wives whereof I somewhat mervaile especially his first wife I muse why he chose rather to make her away by open violence then by some Italian confortive Hereof said the Gentleman may be diverâ— reasons alleaged First that he was not at thâ—t time so skilfull in those Italian wares nor had about him so fit Physitians and Chyrurgions for the purpose nor yet in truth doe I thinke that his minde was so setled then in mischiefe as it hath beene sithence For you know that men are not desperate the first day but doe enter into wickednesse by degrees and with some doubt or staggering of conscience at the beginning And so he at that time might be desirous to have his wife made away for that she letted him in his designements but yet not so stony-hâ—rted as to appoint out the particular manner of her death but rather to leave that to the discretion of the murderer Secondly it is not also unlike that he prescribed unto Sir Richard Varney at his going thither that he should first attempt to kill her by poyson and if that tooke not place then by any other way to dispatch her howsoever This I prove by the report of old Doctor Bayly who then lived in Oxford another manner of man then he who now liveth about my Lord of the same name and was Professour of the Physicke Lecture in the same University This learned grave man reported for most certaine that there was a practice in Cumner among the conspiratours to have poysoned the pooâ—e Lady a little before she was killed which was attempted in this oder They seeing the good Lady sad and heavy as one that wel knew by her other handling that her death was not far off began to perswde her that her disease was abundance of melancholly and other humors and therefore would needs counsaile her to take some potion which she absolutely refusing to do as suspecting still the worst they sent one day unwares to her for Doctor Bayly and desired him to perswade her to take some little potion at his hands and they would send to fetch the same at Oxford upon his prescription meaning to have added also somewhat of their owne for her comfort as the Doctor upon just causes suspected seeing their great importunity and â—he small need which the good Lady had of Physick and therefore he flatly denied their request misdoubting as he after reported lest if they had poisoned her under the name of his Potion he might after have beene hanged for a colour of their sinne Marry the said Doctor remained wâ—ll assured that this way tâ—king no place she should not long escape violence as after ensued And â—he thing was so beaten into the heads of the principall men of the University of Oxford by these and other meanes as for that she was found murdered as all men said by the Crowners inquest and for that she being hastily and obscurely buried at Cumner which was condemned above as not advisedly done my good Lord to make plain to the world the great loue he bare to her in her life and what a griefe the losse of so vertuous a Lady was to his tender heart would needs have her taken up againe and reburied in the University Church at Oxford with great pomp and solemnity that Doctor Babington my Lords Chaplain making the publike funerall Sermon at her second buriall tript once or twice in his speech by recommending to their memories that vertuous Lady so pitifully murdered instead of so pitifully slaine A third cause of this manner of the Ladies death may be the disposition of my Lords nature which is bold and violent where it feareth no resistance as all cowardly natures are by kinde and where any difficulty or danger appeareth there more ready to attempt all by art subtilty treason and treachery And so for that he doubâ—ed no great resistance in the poore Lady to withstand the hands of them which should offer to break her neck he durst the bolder attempt the same openly But in the men whom he poisoned for that they were such valiant Knights the most part of them as he durst as soon have eaten his scabard as draw his sword in publike against them he was inforced as all wretched irefull and dastardly creaâ—ures are to supplant them by fraud and by other mens hands As also at other times he hath sought to doe unto divers other noble and valiant personages when he was
owne passion and leese his commodity As for that which is alleadged before for my Lord in the reason of his Defenders that his present state is so prosperous as hee cannot expect better in the next change whatsoever should be is of small moment in the conceipt of an ambitious head whose eye and heart is alwayes upon that which he hopeth for and enjoyeth not and not upon that which already hee possesseth be it never so good Especially in matters of honour and authority it is an infallible rule that one degree desired and not obtained afflicteth more then five degrees already possessed can give consolation the story of Duke Hamâ—n confirmeth this evidently who being the greatest subject in the World under King Assuerus after he had reckoned up all his pompe riches glory and felicity to his friends yet hee said that all this was nothing unto him untill he could obtaine the revenge which hee desired upon Maâ—dâ—chaeus his enemy and hereby it commeth ordinarily to passe that among highest in authority are found the greatest store of Male-contents that most doe endanger their Prince and Countrey When the Percies took part with Henry of Bolingbrooke against King Richard the second their lawfull Soveraigne it was not for lack of preferment for they were exceedingly advanced by the said King and possessed the three Earledomes of Northumberland Worâ—ester and Stafford together besides many other offices and dignities of honour In like sort when the two Neviles tooke upon them to joyne with Richard of Yorke to put downe their most benigne Prince King Henry the sixt and after again in the other side to put downe King Edward the fourth it was not upon want of advancement they being Earles both of Salisbury and Warwick and Lords of many notable places besides But it was upon a vaine imagination of future fortune whereby such men are commonly led and yet had not they any smell in their nostrils of getting the Kingdome for themselves as this man hath to prick him forward If you say that these men hated their Soveraigne and that thereby they were led to procure his destruction the same I may answer of my Lord living though of all men he hath least cause so to do But yet such is the nature of wicked ingratitude that where it oweth most and disdaineth to be bound there upon every little discontentment it turneth double obligation into triple hatred This he shewed evidently in the time of his little disgrace wherein hee noâ— onely did diminish vilipend and debase among his friends the inestimable benefits hee hath received from her Majestie but also used to exprobrate his owne good services and merits and to touch her highnesse with ingrate consideration and recompence of the same which behaviour together with his hasty preparation to rebellion and assault of her Majesties Royall person and dignity upon so small a cause given did well shew what minde inwardly he beareth to his Soveraigne and what her Majesty may expect if by offending him shee should once fall within the compasse of his furious pawes seeing such a smoke of disdainâ— could not proceed but from a fierie fornace of hatred within And surely it is a wonderfull matter to consider what a little check or rather the bare imagination of a small overthwart may worke in a proud and disdainfull stomâ—cke The remembrance of his marriagâ— missâ—d that hee so much pretended and desired with her Majestie doth sticke deeply in his breâ—st and stirreth him daily to revenge As also doth the disdaine of certaine checks and disgraces received aâ— sometimes especially that of his last marriage which irketh him so much the more by how much greater feare and danger it brought him into at that time and did put his Widow in such open phrensie as shee raged many moneths after against her Majestie and is not cold yet but remaineth as it were a sworne enemy for that injury and standeth like a fiend or fury at the elbow of her Amadis to stirre him forward when occasion shall serve And what effect such female suggestions may worke when they finde an humour proud and pliable to their purpose you may remember by the example of the Duchesse of Somerset who inforced her Husband to cut off the head of his onely deare Brother to his owne evident destruction for her contentation Wherefore to conclude this matter without further dispute or reason saying there is so much discovered in the case as there is so great desire of raigne so great impatience of delay so great hope and hability of successe if it be attempted under the good fortune and present authority of the competitours seeing the plots be so well laid the preparation so forward the favourers so furnished the time so propitious and so many other causes conviting together seeing that by differing all may be hazarded and by hastening little can be indangered the state and condition of things well weyed finding also the bands of duty so broken already in the conspiratours the causes of mislike and hatred so manifest and the solicitours to exâ—cution so potent and diligent as women malice and ambition are wont to bee it is more then probable that they will not leese their present commodity especially seeing they have learned by their Archi-tipe or Proto-plot which they follow I meane the conspiracy of Northumberland and Suffolke in King Edwards dayes that herein there was some errour committed at that time which overthrew the whole and that was the deferring of some things untill after the Kings death which should have beene put in execution before For if in the time of their plotting when as yet their designements were not published to the world they had under the countenance of the King as well they might have done gotten into their hands the two Sisters and dispatched some other few affaires before they had caused the young Prince to die no dobut but in mans reason the whole designement had taken place and consequently it is to be presupposed that these men being no fooles in their owne affaires will take heed of falling into the like errour by delay but rather will make all sure by striking while the iron is hot as our proverbe warneth them It cannot bee denied in reason quoth the Lawyer but that they have many helpes of doing what they list now under the present a favour countenance and authority of her Majesty which they should not have after her Highnesse decease when each man shall remaine more at liberty for his supreame obedience by reason of the statute provided for the uncertainty of the next successor and therefore I for my part would rather counsell them to make much of her Majesties life for after that they little know what may ensue or befall their designements They will make the most thereof quoth the Gentleman for their owne advantage but after that what is like to follow the examples
fate next her Madame your Lâ—diship hath said nothing in this behalfe that is not dayly debated amongst us in our common speech in Court as you know Your desire also heâ—ein is a publick desire if it might be brought to pâ—ssâ— for there is no man so simple that seeth not how perilous these contentions and divisions among us may bee in the end And I have heard divers Gentlemen that be leaâ—â—â—d discourse at large upon this argument alleaging old examples of the Athenians Lacedemonians Carthigenians and Romans who received notable dammages and destruction also in the end by their divisions and factions among themselves and spâ—cially from them of their own Cities and Countries who upon factions lived abroad with Forrainers and thereby were always as fire-brands to carry home the flame of Warre upon their Countrey The like they also shewed by thâ— long experience of all the great Cities and States of Italy which by their factions and forucites were in continuall gar-boyle bloud-shed and miserie Whereof our owne countrey hath also tasted her part by the odious contention between the houses of Lancaster and Yorke wherein it is marvailous to consider what trouble a few men oftentimes departing out of the Realme were able to worke by the part of their fâ—ction râ—maining at home which commonly encreaseth towaâ—d them that are absent by the readines of forâ—ain Princes to receive â—lwâ—yes and comfort such as are discontenâ—â—â— in another state to the end that by their meanes thâ—y might hold an Ore in their neighbours boat Which Princeâ— that aâ—e nâ—gh borderers doe alwayes above all other things most covet and dâ—sire This was that Courtiers speech and reason whereby I perceived that aswell among thâ—m in Couâ—t as among us in the Râ—alme and Counâ—ry abroad the present iâ— convâ—nience and dangerous sequell of this our home disâ—ention is espyed and consequently most English hearts inclined to wish the râ—medy or pâ—evention thereof by some reasonable modâ—ration or re-union among our selves For that the prosecution of these dâ—fferâ—nces to extrâ—aâ—itie cannot but after many wounds and exulcerations bring matters finally to rage fury and most deadly desperation Whereas on the other side if any sweet qualification or small tolleration among us were admitted there is no doubt but that affaires would passe in our Realme with more quietnesse safety and publike weale of the same then it is like it will doe long and men would easily be brought that have English bowells to joyne in the preservation of their Countrey from ruine bloudshed and forraine oppression which desparation of factions is wont to procure I am of your opinion quoth the Gentleman in that for I have seene the experience thereof and all the world beholdeth the same at this day in all the Countries of Germanie Polonia Boeâ—land and Hungarie where a little bearing of the one with the other hath wrought them much ease and continued them a peace whereof all Europe besides hath admiration and envie The first 12 years also of her Majesties reign whereof your Lady of the Court discoursed of before can well bee a witnesse of the same wherein the commiseration and lenity that was used towards those of the weaker sort with a certaine sweet diligence for their gaining by good means was the cause of much peace contentation and other benefit to the whole body Wee see in France that by over much pressing of one part onely a fiâ—e was inkindled not many yeaâ—es since like to have consumed and destroyed the whole had not a necessâ—ry mollification been thought upon by the wisest of that Kings Councell full contrary to the will and inclination of somâ— great personages who meant perhaps to have gained more by the other and since that time we see what peace wealth and re-union hath ensued in that Country that was so broken dissevered and wasted before And all this by yeelding a littâ—e in that thing which no force can master but exulcerate rather and make worse I meane the conscience and judgement of men in matters of Religion The like also I could name you in Flanders where after all these broyles and miseries of so many yeares warres caused principally by too much streyning in such affaires at the beginning albeit the King bee never so strict-laced in yeelding to publike liberty and free exercise on both parts yet is he descended to this at length and that upon force of reason to abstaine from the pursuit and search of mens consciences not only in the townes which upon composition hee receiveth but also where he hath recovered by force as in Torney and other places where I am informed that no man is searched demanded or molested for his opinion or conscience nor any act of Papistry or contrary religion required at their hands but are permitted to live quietly to God and themselves at home in their owne houses so they performe otherwise their outward obedience and duties to their Prince and Countrey Which only qualification tollerance and moderation in our Realme if I bee not deceived with many more â—hat be of my opinion woulâ— content all divisâ—ons factions and parties among us for their continuance in peace bee they Papists Puritans Familians or of whatsoever nice difference or section besides and would be sufficient to retaine all parties within a temperate obedience to the Magistrate and government for conservation of their Countrey which were of no small importance to the contentation of her Majesty and the weale publick of the whole kingdome But what should I talke of this thing which is so contrary to the desires and designements of our puissant Conspirators What should Cicero the Senator use perswasions to Captaine Cateline and his crew that quietnesse and order were better than hurliburlies Is it possible that our aspirors will ever permit any such thing cause or matter to be treated in our state as may tend to the stability of her Majesties present government No surely it standeth nothing with their wisedome or policy especially at this instant when they have such opportunity of following their owne actions in Her Majesties name under the vizard and pretext of her defence and safety having sowed in every mans head so many imaginations of the dangers present both abroad and at home from Scotland Flanders Spaine and Ireland so man conspiracies so many intended murthers and others so many contrived or conceived mischiefes as my Lord of Leicester assureth himselfe that the troubled water cannot be cleared againe in short space nor his baits and lines laid therein easily espyed but rather that hereby ere long he will catch the fish he gapeth so greedily after and in the meane time for the pursuit of these crimes and other â—hat he dayly will finde out himselfe must remaine perpetuall Dictator But what meaneth this so much inculcating of troubles treasons murthers and invasions I like not surely these ominous speeches And as I am out
affaire is not what were convenient but what is expedient not what ought to bee done in justice but what may bee done in safety You have described my Lord before to be a great man strongly furnished and fortified for a â—events What if it be not secure to bark at the Bear that is so wel britched I speak unto you but that which I heare in Cambrâ—dge and other places where I have passed where every mans opinion is that her Mâ—jesty standeth not in free choyse to doe what her selfe best liketh in thâ—t case at this day I know said the Gentleman that Leicesters friends give it out every where that her Maiesty now â—s their good Lords prisoner and that shee eithâ—r will or muâ—â— be directed by him for the time to come except she will do worse Which thing his Lordship is well contented should bee spread abroad and believed for two causes the one to hold the people thereby more in awe of himself than of their â—overaign and secondly to dâ—aw her Majesty indeed by degrees to fear him For considering with himâ—elfe what hee hath done and that it is impâ—ssible in truth that ever her Majesty should love him again or trust him aâ—ter so many treacheries as he well knoweth are comâ— to her Highnes understanding he thinketh that he hath no way of sure standing but by terror and opinion of his puissâ—nt greatnesse wherby he would hold her Majesty and the Realme in thraldome as his father did in his time before him And then for that he wel remembreth the true saying Malus custoâ— diuturnitatis metus he muâ—t provide shortly that those which feare him be not able to hurt him and consequently you know what must follow by the example of K. Edward who feared Duke Dudley extreamly for that he had cut off his two Vncles heads and the Duke took order that he should never live to revenge the same For it is a setled rule of Machiavel which the Dudlies doe observe That wher you have once done a great injury there must you never forgive But I will tell you my friends and I will tell you no uÌ„â—ruth for that I know what I speak herein and am privie to the state of my Lord in this behalfe and of mens opinions and affections towards him within the Realme Most certaine it is that hee is strong by the present favour of the Prince as hath bin shewed before in respect wherof he is â—dmitted also as chief patron of the Huntington faction though neither loved nor greatly trusted of the same but let her Mâ—jesty once turn her couâ—tenance aside from him in good earnest and speak but the word only that iustice shall take place against him â—nd I will undertake with gaging of both my life and little lands that God hath given me that without â—â—ur or trouble or any danger in the world the Beare shall be taken to her Majesties hand and fast chained to a stake with mouzell cord collar and ring and all other things necessâ—ry so that her Majesty shal baâ—t him at her pleasure without all danger of byting breaking loose or any othâ—r inconvenience whatsoever For Sirs you must not think that this man holdeth any thing abroad in the Realme but by violence and that onely upon her Majesties favour and countenance towards him He hath not any thing of his owne either from his ancestors or of himselfe to stay upon in mens hearts or conceits he hath not ancient Nobility as other of our realm have wherby mens affections are greatly moved His father John Dudley was the first noble of his line who raised and made himselfe big by supplanting of other and by setting debate among the Nobilitie as also his grandfather Edmond a most wicked Promoter and wretched Petifogger enriched himselfe by other mens ruines both of them condemned Traitors though different in quality the one being a consener and the other a tyrant and both of their vices conjoyned collected and comprised with many more additions in this man or beast rather which is Robert the third of their kin and kind So that from his ancestors this Lord receiveth neither honour nor honesty but onely succession of treason and infamy And yet in himselfe hath he much lesse of good wherewith to procure himselfe love or credit among men than these ancestors of his had hee being a man wholy abandoned of humane vertue and devoted to wickednes which maketh men edible both to God and man In his father no doubt there were to be seen many excellent good parts if they had been joyned with faith honesty moderation and loyalty For all the world know· that he was very wise valiant magnanimous liberall and assured friendly where he once promised of all which vertues my Lord his son hath neither shew nor shadow but onely a certaine false representation of the first being craftie and subtile to deceive and ingenious to wickednesse For as for valour he hath as much as hath a mouse his magnanimity is base sordidity his liberality rapine his friendshâ—p plaine fraud holding onely for his gaine and no otherwise though it were bound with a thousand oathes of which he maketh as great account as hens doe of cackling but onely for his commodity using them specially and in gryatest number when most he meaneth to deceive Namely if he sweare solemnly by his George or by the eternall God then be sure it is a false lye for these are observations in the Court and sometimes in his owne lodging in like case his manner is to take up and sweare by the Bible whereby a Gentleman of good account and one that seemeth to follow him as many do that like him but a little protested to me of his knowledge that in a very short space hee observed him wittingly and willingly to be forsworn sixteen times This man therefore so contemptible by his ancestors so odible of himselfe so plunged overwhelmed and defamed in all vice so envyed in the Court so detested in the Country and not trusted of his owne and dearest friends nay which I am privie to so misliked and hated of his owne servants about him for his beastly life nigardy and Atheisme being never seene yet to say one private prayer within his chamber in his life as they desire nothing in this world so much as his ruine and that they may be the first to lay hands upon him for revenge This man I say so broken both within without is it possible that her Majesty and her wise Councell should feare I can never believe it or if it be so it is Gods permission without all cause for punishment of our sins for that this man if he once perceive indeed that they feare him will handle them accordingly and play the Beare indeed which inconvenience I hope they will have care to prevent and so I leave it to God and them craving pardon of my Lord of Leicester for my
other difference between us to judge or disceâ—ne with indifferency Nay truly sâ—id the Gentleman for my pâ—rt I thinke not so for that reason is reason in what religion soever And for my selfe I may protest that I beare the honest Papist if there be any no malice for his deceived conscience wheâ—of among others yâ—ur selfe can be a witnes maty hâ—s Practices against the state I cannot in any wise digest and much lâ—sse may the Common-wealth beare the same wherof we all depend being a sinne of all other the most hainous and least pardonable And therfore seeing in this you grant the Papist both in generall â—broad and at home and in particular such as are condemned execuâ—ed and named in this booke to be guilty how can you insinuate as you doe that there is more presumed or enforâ—ed upon them by this booke then there is just cause so to doe Good Sir said the otheâ— I stand not here to examine the doings of my superiours or to dâ—fend the guilty but wish hartily rather their puâ—ishment that have deserved the â—ame Only this I say for â—xplication of my former speech that men of a diffâ—rent religâ—on fâ—om â—he state wherin they live may be said to deale against the same state in two sorts the one by dealing for the increase of â—heir said different religion which is alwâ—ies either directly or indirectly against the state Dâ—ectly when the said religion containeth aâ—y point or article directly impugning the said â—aâ—e as perhaps you will say that the Roman Râ—ligion doth against the present state of England in the poâ—nt of Supremâ—cy and Indirectly for that every different religion divideth in a sort and draweth from the state in that there is no man who in his heart would not wish to have the chief Governour and state â—o be of his religâ—on if he could and conseqâ—ently misliketh the other in respâ—ct of that and in this kind not only those whom you call busie Papists in England but also those whom we call hot Puritans among you whose difference from the state especially in matters of governement is very well known may be called all traytors in mine opinion for that every one of these indeed do labour indirectly if not more against the state in how much soever each one endâ—avoureth to increase his part or faction that â—â—siâ—eth a Governour of his own religion And in this case also are the Protestants in France and Flanders under Catholike Princes the Calvinists as they are called under the Dâ—ke of Saxony who is a Lutheran the Lutherans under Casimere that favoureth Câ—lvinists the Grecians and other Christians under the Emperor of Constantinople under the Sophy under the great Chame of Tarraâ—y and under other Princes that agrâ—e not with them in religion All which Subjâ—cts doe wish no doubt in their hearts that thâ—y had a Prince and state of their owne religion instead of that which now governeth them and consâ—quently in this first sense they may be called all trâ—yâ—ors and every act they doe for advaâ—â—ement of their said diffeâ—ent â—eligion dividing between the state and them tendeth to treason which their Princes supposing do sometimes make divers of their acts treasonable or punâ—shable for treason Buâ— yet so long as thâ—y bâ—eake â—ot forth unto the second kind of treason which containeth some actuall attempâ— or treaty against the life of the Prince or state by rebellion or oâ—heâ—wise Wee doe not properly condemne them for traytors though they doe some acts of their religion made treason by the Prince his lawes who is of a different faith And so to apply this to my purposâ— I thinke Sir in good sooth that in the first kind of treason as well the zealous Pâ—pist as also the Puritans in England may well be called and proved traytors but in the second sort whereof wee speake properly at this time it cannot be so precisely answered for that there may be both guilty and guilties in each religion And as I cannot excuse all Pâ—ritans in this point so you cannot condemne all Papists as long as you take me and some other to be as we are I grant your distinction of treasons to be true said the Gentleman as also your application thereof to the Papists and Puritans as you call them not to want reason if there be any of them that mislike the present state as perhaps there be alâ—eit for my part I thiâ—ke these two kinds of treasons which you have put down be rather divers degrees then divers kinds wherin I will refer mee to the judgement of our Cambridge friend here present whose skill is more in logicall distinctions But yet my reason is this that indeed the one is but a step or degree to the other not differing in nature but rather in time ability or oportunity For if as in your former examples you have shewed the Grecians under the Turke and other Christians under other Princes of a different religion and as also the Papists and Puritans as you â—earme them in England for now this word shall passe betweene us for distinction sake have such alienation of mind from their present regiment and doe covet so much a governour and state of their owne religion then no doubt but they are also resolved to imply their forces for accomplishing and bringing to passe their desires if they had oportunity and so being now in the first degree or kind of treason doe want but occasion or ability to breake into the second True Sir said the Lawyer if there be no other cause or circumstance that may withhold them And what cause or circumstance may stay them I pray you said the Gentleman when they shall have ability and oportunity to doe a thing which thâ—y so much desire Divers causes quoth the Lawyer but especially and above all other if it be at home in their owne Country the fear of servitude under forraine nations may restraine them from such attempts as we see in Germany that both Catholiques and Protestants would joyne together against any stranger that should offer danger to their liberty And so thâ—y did against Charles the fifth And in France not long agoe albeit the Protestants were up in armes agâ—inst their King and could have been content by the help of us in England to have put him down and placed another of their own religion yet when they saw us once seazed of New haven and so like to proceed to the recovery of some part of our states on that side the Sea thâ—y quickly joyned with their owâ—e Catholiques againe to â—xpell us In Flanders lâ—kewise though Monsieur were called thither by the Protestants especially for defence of thâ—ir religion against the Spaniard yet we see how dainty divers chief proâ—â—stants of Antwerp Gaunt and Bruges were in admitting him and how quick in expelling so soon as he put them in the least feare of
subjection to the Frenâ—h And as for Portâ—gâ—ll â— hâ—ve heard some of â—he chiefest Catholiques among them say in this late contention about their Kingdome that rather then they would suffer the Castilian to come in upon them they would be content to admit whatsoever aids of a contrary religion to themselves and to adventure whatsoever alteration in religion or other inconvenience might befâ—ll them â—y that means rather then endanger their subjâ—ction to their ambitious neighbour The like is reported in divers histories of the Grecians at this day who doe hate so much â—he name and dominion of the Latines as thâ—y had rather to endure all the miseries which daâ—ly they suffer under the Turke for their relâ—gion and otheâ—wise then by calling for aid from the West to hazard the subjection to the said Lâ—tines So that by these examples you see that feare and horrour of externall subjection may sâ—ay men in states and consequently also both Papâ—sts and Puritans in the state of England from pâ—ssiâ—g to the second kind or degree of treason albeit they were never so deepe in the first and had both ability time will and oportunity for the other Here I presumed to interrupt their Speech and said that this seemed to mee most cleare and that now I understooâ— what the Lawyer meant before when he affirmed that albeit the most part of Papists in generall might be said to deale against the state of England at this day in that they deal so earnestly for the maintenance and increase of their religion and so to incurre some kind of treason yet perhapâ— not so far-forth nor in so deepe a degree of proper treason â—s in this booke is presumed or inforced though for my part said I I do not see that the book presumeth or inforceth all Papists in generall to be properly traytors but onely such as in particular are therein named or that are by law attainted condemned or executed and what will you say quoth I to those in particular Surely quoth he I must say of these much after the manner whiâ—h I spâ—ke before that some here named in this book are openly knowne to have beene in the secoâ—d degree or kind of treason as Weslmeâ—land Norâ—on Sanders and the like But divers others namely the Priests and Seminaries that of late have sufâ—ered by so much as I could see delivered and pleaded at their arraignements or heard protested by them at their deaths or gathered by reason and discourse of my sâ—lfe for that no forraine Prince or wise councellor would ever commit so great matters of state to such instruments I cannot I sâ—y but thiâ—ke that to the wise of our state that had the doing of this busines the first degree of treason wherein no doubt they were was sufficient to dâ—spatch and make them away especially in such suspitious times as these are to the end that being hanged for the first thâ—y should never bee in daâ—ger to fall into the second nor yet to draw other men to the same which peâ—haps was most of all misdoubted After the Lawyer had spâ—ken this I held my peace to heare what the Gentle man would answer who walked up and down two whole turnes in the Gallery without yeelding aâ—y word again and then staying upon the sudden cast his eyes sadly upon us both and said My masters howsoever this be which indeed appertaines not to us to judge or discus but rather to perswade our selves that thâ— state hath reason to do as it doth and that it must oftentimes as well prevent inconveniences â—s remedy the same when they are happened yet for my owne part I must confesse unto you that upon some consideratâ—ons which use to come unto my mind I take no sâ—all griefe of these differences among us which you terme of divers and different religions for which we are driven of necessity to use discipline toward divers who possibly otherwise would be no great malefactors I know the cause of this diffâ—rence is grounded upon a principle not easie to cure which is the judgement and conscience of a man whereunto obeyeth at length his will and affâ—ction whatsoever for a time he may otherwise â—issemble outwardly I remembâ—r your speech bâ—fâ—re of the doubtfull and dangerous inclination of suâ—h as live discontented in a State of a different religion especially when either in deed or in their owne conceipt they are hardly dealt withall and where every mans particular punishment is taken to reach to the cause of the whole I am not ignorant how that misery procureth amity and the opinion of calamity moveth affection of mercy and compassion even towards the wicked the better fortune alway is subject to envie and he that suffereth is thought to have the better cause my experience of the divers reignes and proceedings of King Edward Queene Mary and of this our most gracious Soveraigne hath caught me not a little touching the sâ—quell of these affairs And finally my good friendâ— I must tell you plaine quoth he and this he spake with great asseveration that I could wish with all my heart that either these differences were not among us at all or else that they were so temperatly on al parts pursued as the common state of our country the blessed reigne of her Majesty and the common cause of true religion were not endangered thereby But now and there he brake off and turnâ—â— aâ—â—e The Lâ—wyer seeing him hold his peace and depart he stepped after him and taking him by the gowne said merrily Sir all men are not of your complexion some â—re of quicker and more stâ—rriâ—g Spirits and doe lâ—ve to fish in water that is troubled for that thâ—y â—oe partâ—cipate the Black-moores humour thâ—t dwâ—ll in Guinea whereof I suppose you hâ—ve heard and seene also some in this Land whose exâ—rcise at home is as some write the one to hunt catch and sell thâ— other and alwayâ—s â—he stronger to make money of the weakâ—r for the time But now if in Eâ—gland we should live in peace and unity of the state as thâ—y doe in Germâ—ny notwithstaâ—ding thâ—ir differences of Religion and thâ—t the onâ— shâ—ulâ— not prey upon the other theâ— shâ—ulâ— the great â—aulcons fâ—r the Fâ—eld I meane the favourites of the time faile whereon to fâ—ed which wâ—re an inconveniencâ— as you knâ—w Truly Siâ— said the Gâ—ntleman I thâ—nke you rove neerer the maâ—ke then you weeâ—e for if I be not deceived the vâ—â—y ground of muâ—h of thâ—se broiles whâ—reâ—f we talke is but a very pâ—â—y nâ—t in the minds of the Prâ—ncâ— or State whâ—se inâ—entions no doubt be most jâ—st and holy bâ—t in the greedy imagiâ—â—tion and suâ—tâ—le conâ—â—t of him who at this prâ—sâ—nt in râ—spâ—ct of oâ—r sinnâ—s is pâ—rmitted by God to tyranâ—ize both Prince aâ—d State and beâ—ng himsâ—lfe of no religion feedeth notwithstandiâ—g upâ—n our differencâ—s in â—â—ligion to the fatting of â—imsâ—lfe and
Sunday before the Earles deaâ—h ensuing the Friday after and when she wâ—s dead hâ—r body was swolne unto a monstrous bignesse and deformity whereof the good Earle hearing the day following lamented the case greatly and said in the presence of his Servants Ah poore Alice the cup was not prepared for thee albeit it were thy hard destiny to taste thereof Yong Honnies also whose father is Master of the châ—ldren of her Mâ—jesties chappell being at that time Page to the said Earle and accustomed to take the taste of his drinke though since entertâ—ined also among other by my Lord of Leicester for better covering of matter by his taste that he then tooke of the compound cup though in very small-quantity as you know the fashion is yet was he like to have lost his life but escaped in the end being yong with the losse onely of his haire which the Earle perceiving and taking compassion of the youth called for a cup of drinke a little before his death and drunke to Honnies saying I drinke to thee my Robin and be not afraid for thiâ— is a better cup of drinke then that whereof thou tookest the taste when we were both poysoned and whereby thou hast lost thy haire and I must lose my life This hath yong Honnies reported openly in divers places and before divers Gentlemen of worship siâ—hence his coming into England and the foresaid Lea Iâ—ishman at his passage this way towards France after he had been present at the forenamed Mistris Draykâ—ts death with some other of the Eaâ—les servants have and doe most constantly report the same where they may do it without the terrour of my Lord of Leicesters revenge Whâ—refore in this matter there is no doubt at all though most extreame vile and intollerable indignity that such a man should be so openly murdered without punishment What Noble-man within the Realme may be safe if this be suffered or what worthy personage will adventure his life in her Majesties service if this shall be his reward But Sir I pray you pardon me for I am somewhat perhaps too vehement in the case of this my Patron and noble Peere of our Realme And therefore I beseech you to goe forward in your talke whereas you left I was recounting unto you others said the Gentleman made away by my Lord of Leicâ—ster with like art and the next in order I think was Sir Nicelas Throgmarton who was a man whom my Lord of Leicester used a great while as all the World knoweth to overthwart and crosse the doings of my Lord Treasurer then Sir William Cicill a man specially misliked alwayes of Leicester both in respect of his old Master the Duke of Somerset as also for that his great wisdome zeale and singular fidelity to the Realme was like to hinder much this mans designments wherefore understanding after a certaine time that these two Knights were secretly made friends and that Sir Nicholas was lâ—ke to detect his doings as he imagined which might turne to some prejudice of his purposes having conceived also a sâ—cret grudge and griefe against him for that he had written to her Majesty at his being Embassadour in France that he heard reported at Duke Memorances table that the Queene of England had a meaning to marry her Horsâ—keeper he invited the said Sir Nicholas to a supper at his house in London and at supper time departed to the Court being called for as he said upon the sudden by her Mâ—jesty and so perforce would needs have Sir Nicholas to sit and occupie his Lordships place and therein to be served as he was and soone after by a surfeit there taken he died of a strange and incurable vomit But tâ—e day before his death he declared to a deare friend of his all the circumstance and cause of his disease which he affirmed plainly to be of poison given him in a Salet at supper inveying most earnestly against the Earles cruâ—lty and bloody disposition affirming him to be the wickedest most perilous and peâ—fidious man under heaven But what availed this when he had now received the bait This then is to shew the mans good fortune in seeing them dead whom for causes he would not have to live And for his art of poisoning it is such now and teaâ—heth so far as he holdeth all his foes in England and elsewhere as also a good many of his friends in fear therof and if it were knowne how many he hâ—th dispatched or assaulted that way it would be marvailous to the posterity The late Eale of Sussex wanted not a scruple for many yeers before his death of some dram received that made him incurable And unto that noble Gentleman Monsieur Simiers it was discovered by great providence of God that his life was to be attempted by that art and that not taking place as it did not through his owne good circumspection it was concluded that the same should be assâ—ulted by violence whereof I shall have occasion to say more hereafter It haâ—h beene told me also by some of the servaâ—ts of the late Lady Lenox who was also of the blood Royall by Scotland as all men know and consequently lâ—ttle liked by Leicester that a little before her death or siâ—knesse my Lord tooke the paines to come and visit her with extraordinary kindnesse at her house at Hackney bestowing long discourses with her in private but as soone as he was departed the good Lady fell into such a flâ—x as by no meanes could be slayed so long as she had life in her body whereupon both she her selfe and all such as were neere about her saw her disease and ending day were fully of opinion that my Lord had procured her dispatch at his being there Whereof let the women that served hâ—r be examined as also Fowler that then had the chiefe doings in her affâ—iâ—es and since hath beene entertained by my Lord of Leicester Maâ—et also a stranger borne tbat then was about her a sober and zealous man in religion and otherwise well qualified can say somewhat in this point as I thinke if he were demanded So that this art and exercise of poisoning is much more perfect with my Lord then praying and he seemeth to take more pleasure therein Now for the second point which I named touching marriages and contracts with Women you must not marvaile though his Lordship be somewhat divers variable and inconstant with himselfe for that according to his profit or pleasure and as his lust and liking shall vary wherein by the judgement of all men he surpasseth not onely Sardâ—napaâ—us and Nero â—ut even Heliogâ—batus himselfe so his Lordshâ—p also changeth Wâ—ves and Minions by killing the one denying the other using the third for a time and he fawning upon the fourth And for this câ—use he hath his tearmes and pretences I warrant you of Contracts Precontracts Postcontracts Protracts and Retracts as for example after he had killed
preparation First in the privy Chamber next unto her Majesties person the most part are his own creatures as he calleth them that is such as acknowledge their being in that place from him and the rest he so over-ruleth either by flattery or feare as none may dare but to serve his turne As his reign is so absolute in this place as also in all other parts of the Court as nothing can passe but by his admission nothing can be said done or signified whereof hee is not particularly advertised no bill no supplication no complaint no sute no speech can pâ—sse from any man to the Princess except it be from one of the Councell but by his good liking or if there doe he being admonished thereof as presently he shall the party delinquent is sure after to abide the smart thereof Whereby he holdeth as it were a locke upon the eares of his Prince and the tongues of all her Majestâ—es servants so surely chained to his girdle as no man dareth to speak any one thing that may offend him though it be never so true or behovefull for her Majesty to know As well appeared in the late marriage with Dame Essex which albeit it was celebrated twise first at Killingworth and secondly at Waenstead in the presence of the Earle of Warwick Lord Noâ—th Sir Francis Knooles and others and this exactly known to the whole Court with the very day the place the witnesses and the Minister that married them together yet no man durst open his mouth to make her Majesty privy therunto untill Monsieur Simiers disclosed the same and therby incurred his high displeasure nor yet in many dayes after for feare of Lycester Which is a subjection most dishonorable and dangerous to any Prince living to stand at the devotion of his subject what to heare or not to heare of things that passe within his own Realme And herof it followeth that no sute can prevaile in Court be it never so meane except he first be made acquainted there with and receive not only the thankes but also be admitted unto a great part of the gaine and commodity therof Which as it is a great injury to the suter so is it a far more greater to the bounty honour and security of the Prince by whose liberality this man feedeth only and fortifieth himselfe depriving his soveraigne of all grace thanks and good will for the same For which cause also he giveth out ordinarily to every suter that her Majesty is nigh and persimoniouâ— of her selfe and very difficile to grant any sute were it not only upon his incessant solicitation Whereby he filleth his own purse the more and emptieth the hearts of such as receive benefit from due thankes to their Princes for the sute obtained Hereof also ensueth that no man may be preferred in Court be he otherwise never so well a deserving servant to her Majesty except he be one of Leycesters faction or followers none can be advanced except he be liked and preferred by him none receive grace except he stand in his good favour no one may live in counâ—enance or quiet of life excepâ— he take it use it acknowledge it from him so as all the favours graces dignities riches and rewards which her Mâ—jesty bestoweth or the Realme can yeeld must servâ— to purchase this man private friends and favourers onely to advance his party and to fortifie his faction Which faction if by these meanes it be great so as indeed it is you may not marvile seeing the riches and wealth of so worthy a Common weale doe serve him but for a price to buy the same Which thing himselfe well knowing frameth his spirit of proceeding accordingly And first upon confidence thereof is become so insolent and impotent of his Ire that no man may beare the same how justly or injâ—stly soever it bee conceived for albeit he begin to hâ—te a man upon bare surmises onely as commonly it falleth out ambition being alwayâ—s the mother of suspition yet he presecuteth the same with such implacable cruelty as there is no long abiding for the party in â—hâ—t place As miâ—ht bee shewed by the examples of many whom hee hath chased from the Court upon his only displeasure without other cause being known to be otherwise zealous Protestant As Sir Ierome Bâ—wes Mr. Geoâ—ge Scot and others that we could name To â—hâ—s insolency is also joyned as by nature it followeth mâ—st absolute and peremptory deâ—ling in all things whereof it pleaseth him to dispose without respect either of reason order due right subordination custome conveniency or the like whereof notwithstanding Princes themselves are wont to have regard in disposition of their matters as for example among the servants of the Queenes Mâ—jestiâ—s houshold it is an ancient and most commendable order and custome that when a place of higher roome falleth voyd he that by succession is next and hath made proof of his worthinesse in an inferiour place should rise and possesse the same except it be for some extraordinary cause to the end that no man unexperienced or untâ—yed should be placed in the higher roomes the first day to the prejudice of others and disservice of the Prince Which most reasonable custome this man contemning and breaking at his pleasure thrusteth into higher roomes any person whatsoever so he like his inclination or feele his reward albeit he neither be fit for the purpose nor have beene so much as Clarke in any inâ—â—â—iour office before The like hee useth out of thâ— Court in all other places where matters should passe by order election or degree as in the Vniversities in electioâ— of Schâ—lars and Heads of houses in Ecclesiasticall persons for dignities in Church in Officers Magistrates Stewâ—rds of lands Sheriffes and knights of Shires in Burgesses of the Parliament in Commissiâ—ners Judges Justices of the peace whereof many in every shire must weare his livery and all other the like where this mans will must stand for reason and his letters for absolute lawes neither is there any man magistrate or communer in the Realme who dareth not sooner deny their petition of her Majesties letters upon just causes for that her highnesse is content after to be satisfied with reason then to resist the commandement of this mans letters who will admit no excuse or satisfaction but onely the execution of his said commandement be it right or wrong To this answered the Lawyer Now verily sir you paint unto me a strange patterne of a perfect Potentate in the Court belike that stranger who calleth our State in his printed booke Leycestren sem Rempublicam a Leycestrian Commonwealth or the Commonwealth of my Lord of Leycester knoweth much of these matters But to hold siâ— still within the Court I assure you that by considerations which you have laid downe I doe begin now to perceive that his party must needs be very great and strong within the said
the good provâ—dence of God recovering againe letâ—ed the execution of the bargain and my Lord of Huntington having occasion to joyne amity with Leyâ—ester had more respect to his owne commodity then to his friends security as commonly in such persons and cases it falleth out and so discovered the whole device unto him who forgat not after from time to time to plague the deviser by secret means untill he had brought him to that poore estaâ—e as all the world seeth though many men be â—ot acquainted with the true cause of this his disgrace and bad fortune To this answered the Lawyer Iâ— good faith Gentlemen you open great mysteries unto me which either I knew not or considered not so particularly before and no marvell for that my profession and exercise of Law restraineth me from much company keeping and when I happen to be among some that could tell mee much herein I dare not either aske or heare if any of himselfe beginne to talke lest afterward â—he speech comming to light I be fâ—tched over the coales as the proverb is for the same under pretence of another thing But you who are not suspected for religion have muâ—â— greatâ—r priviledge in such matters both to â—eare and speake agâ—ine which men of mine estate dare not doeâ— Onely this I knew before that throuâ—hout all England my Lord of Leycester is taken for Dominus fac totum whose excellency above othâ—â—â— iâ— infinâ—te whose authority is abâ—oluâ—e whose coÌ„â—â—ndment is dreadfull whose dislâ—ke is dâ—ngâ—roâ—â— and whose fâ—vour is omnipotent And for his will though it be seldome Law yet alwayeâ— is his power above lawâ—â— anâ— thâ—refore wâ—e Lawyers in all cases brought unto us have as greâ—t râ—gâ—rd to his inclination as Astronomers have to thâ— Plâ—net dominant or as Seamen have to the North Pole For as thâ—y â—hat faile doe direct â—heir course according to thâ— situation and dirâ—ction of that starrâ— whiâ—h guideth them at â—he Pole and as Astronomers who make Prognostications doe foretell things to come according to the aspect of the Planet dominant or bearing rule for â—he time so we doe guide our Clients baâ—ke anâ— do prognosticate what is like to ensue of his cause by the aspâ—ct and inclination of my Lord of Lâ—ycester And for that reason as soone as â—ver wee heare a case proposed oâ—r custome is to ask what part my Lord of Lâ—yâ—â—ster is lâ—ke to favour in â—he matter for in all mâ—ttâ—rs lâ—ghtly of aâ—y â—â—portance he hath a parâ— or what may be gathered of his inâ—linatiâ—â— therein and accordâ—ng to that we give a guess more or lesse what end will ensue But this â—y Masters is from the purpose and thâ—refore returning to youâ— former speech agaâ—â—e I do say that albâ—6it I was not privy before to the particulâ—r pâ—ovâ—sions of my Lord and hiâ— frâ—ends in such and such places yet seeing him acâ—ompted Lord Generall over all the whole Realme and to have at his commandement all these severall commodities and forces pertainiâ—g to her Majesty which you have mentioned before and so many more as be in the Realme and not mentioned by yâ—u for in fine he hath al I could not but account him as hee is a potent Prince of our State for all furniture needfull to defence or offence or rather the onely Monarch of our Nobility whâ— hâ—th sufficient nâ—edfull to plunge his Pâ—ince if he should bee discontented especially for his abundance of money which by the wise is tearmed the Sinewes of Martiall actions wherein by all mens judgements hee is better furnâ—shed at this day then ever any subject of our land either haâ—h beene heretofore or lightly may be hereafter both for bankes wiâ—hout the Realme and stuffed coffers within Insomuch that being my selfe in the last Parliament when the matter was moved for the grant of a Subsidie after that one for her Majesty had given veâ—y good reâ—sons why her Highnesse was in want of money and consequently needed the assistance of her faithfull subjects therein another that sate next me of good account said in mine eare secretly these reasons I doe well allow and am contented to give my part in money but yet for hâ—r Majesties need I could make answer as one answered once the Emperour Tiberius in the like case and cause Abundè ei pecuniam fore si à liberto suo in soâ—ietatem recipiâ—tur that her Majesty should have Money enough if one of her servants would vouchsafe to make her Highnesse partaker with him meaning thereby my Lord of Leycester whose treasure must needs in one respect be greater then that of her Majesty for that he layâ—th up whaâ—soever he getteth and his expences he casteth upon the purse of his Princesse For that said the Gentleman whether he doe or no it importeth little to the matter seeing both that which hee spendeth and that he hordeth is truly and propâ—rly his Princes Treasure and seeing hee hath so many and dâ—vers wâ—yes of gaining what should he mâ—ke accouâ—â— of his own private expences if hee lay â—ut onâ— for a thousand what can that make him â—hâ— poorer hee that hath so goodly land possâ—ssiâ—â—s Seigniories and rich â—ffiâ—es of his owne as he is knowne to have hee that hath so speciall fâ—vour and authority wiâ—h the Prince as he can obtaine whatsoeveâ— he listâ—â—h to demand hâ—â—hâ—t â—ath his part and pâ—rtion iâ— all sures besides that 〈◊〉 grace or els for the most pâ—rt are endeâ— by Lâ—w he thâ—t may â—hop and change what lanâ—s hee listeth with hâ—r Mâ—jâ—sty 〈◊〉 them of al their woods and other câ—mmoâ—ities and rack them afterward to the uttermost penny and then returne the sâ—me so tenter-stretched and bare shorne into hâ—r Majesties hands againe by fresh â—xchange rent for rent for other lands never 〈◊〉 sâ—d before hee that possesâ—eth so many gainfull Lâ—cences to himselfe alone of Wine Oylâ—s Curranâ—s â—loath Velvets with his new office for Licence of alienation most pernicious unto the Commonwealâ—h as hee useâ—h the same with many other the like which were suffiâ—ient to enrich whole Toâ—nes Coâ—porations Countries and Commonwealths he that hath the art to make gaiâ—â—ull to himselfe every offence displeasure and fâ—lling ouâ— of her Majesty with him and every angry countâ—nance cast upon him he that hath his share in all offices of great profit and holdeth an absâ—lute Monopâ—ly of the same he that dispâ—sâ—â—h at hâ—s will the Ecclesiâ—sticâ—ll liviâ—gs of the Realme maketh Bishops nâ—ne but suâ—h as will doe reason or of his Chaplains whom he listeth and retaineth to himselfe so much of the living as liketh him best hee that sweepeth away the glebe from so many Benefices throughout the Land and compoundeth with the person for the râ—st He that so scoureth the University and Collâ—dâ—â—s where he is Câ—ancellouâ— and selleth both Heaâ—ships and Scholâ—rs places and all oâ—hâ—r offices roomes and dignities thaâ— by art or violâ—nce may
both by force and fraud by Mines and countermines by trenches bulwarkeâ— flaukers and rampiers by friends enemies alsies servants creatures and dependents or any other that may serve his turne is very rare and singular His disposition to cruelty murder treason and tyranny and by all these to supream Soveraignty over other is most evident and cleare And then judge you whether her Majesty that now raigneth whose life and prosperity the Lord in mercy long preserve have not just cause to feare in respect of these things onely if there were no other particulars to prove his aspiring intent besides No doubt quoth the Lawyer but these are great matters in the question of such a cause as is a Crown And we have seen by example that the least of these four which you have here named or rather some little branch contained in any of them hath bin sufficient to found just suspition distrust or jealousie in the heads of most wise Princes towards the proceedings of more assured subjects then my Lord of Leycester in reason may be presumed to be For that the safety of a state and Prince standeth not onely in the readinesse and hability of resisting open attempts when they shall fall out but also and that much more as Statists write in a certaine provident watchfulnesse of preventing all possibilities and likelihoods of danger of suppression for that no Prince commonly will put himselfe to the curtâ—sie of another man be he never so obliged whether he shâ—ll retaine his Crowne or no seeing the cause of a Kingdome acknowledgeth neither kindred duty faith friendship nor society I know not whether I doe expound or declare my self well or no but my meaning is that wheras every Prince hath two points of â—ssurance from his subject the one in that he is faithfull and lacketh will to annoy his Soveraigne the other for that he is weake and wanteth ability to do the same the first is alwayes of more importance then the second and consequently more to be eyed and observed in policy for that our will may be changed at our pleasure but not our ability Considering then upon that which hath beene said and specified before how that my Lord of Leicester hath possessed himself of all the strength powers and sinewes of the Realme hath drawne all to his own direction and hath made his party so strong as it seemeth not resistable you have great reason to say that her Majesty may justly conceive some doubt for that if his will were according to his power most assured it is that her Majesty were not in safety Say not so good sir quoth I for in such a case truly I would repose little upon his will which is so many wayes apparant to be most insatiable of ambition Rather would I thinke that as yet his ability serveth not eiâ—her for time place force or some other circumstance then that any part of good will should want in him seeing that not onely his desire of soveraignty but also his intent and attempt to aspire to the same is sufficiently declared in my conceit by the very particulars of his power and plots already set downe Which if you please to have the patience to heare a Scholars argument I will prove by a principle of our Philosophy For if it be true which Aristotle saith there is no agent so simple in the world which worketh not for some finall end as the bird buildeth not her nest but to dwell and hatch her yong ones therein and not onely this but also that the same agent doth alwayes frame his worke according to the proportion of his intended end as when the Fox or Badger maketh a wide earth or den it is a signe that he meaneth to draw thither great store of prey then must we also in reason thinke that so wise and politick an agent as is my Lord of Leicester for himselfe wanteth not his end in these plottings and preparations of his I meane an end proportionable in greatnesse to his preparations Which end can be no lesse nor meaner then supreame Soveraignty seeing his provision and furniture doe tend that way and are in every point fully correspondent to the same What meaneth his so diligent besieging of the Princes person his taking up the wâ—yes and passages about her his insolency in Court his singularity in the Councell his violent preparation of strength abroad his enriching of his complices the banding of his faction with the abundance of friends every where what doe these things signifie I say and so many other as you have well noted and mentioned before but onely his intent and purpose of Supremacy What did the same things portend in times past in his Father but even that which now they portend in the Sonne Or how should we thinke that the Son hath another meaning in the very same actions then had his Father before him whose steps he followeth I remember I have heard oftentimes of divers aâ—cient and grave men in Cambridge how that in King Edwards dayes the Duke of Northumberland this mans Father was generally suspected of all men to mean indeed as afterward he shâ—wed especially when he had once joyned with the house of Suffolk and made himselfe a principall of that faction by marriage But yet for that he was potent and protested every where and by all occasions his great love duty and speciall care above all others that he bare towarâ—s his Prince Country no mâ—n durst accuse him openly untill it was too lâ—te to withstand his power as commonly it falleâ—h out in such affaires and the like is evident in my Lord of Leycesters actions now albeit to her Mâ—jesty I doubt not but that he will pretend and protest as his Father did to her Brother especially now after his open association with the faction of Huâ—tington which no lesse impugneth under this mans protection the whole line of Henry the seventh for right of the Crowne then the house of Suffâ—lke did under his Father the pâ—rticulâ—r progeny of King Henry the eight Nay rather much more quoth the Gentleman for that I doe not read in King Edwards raigne when the matter was in plotting noâ—withstanding that the house of Suffolkâ— durst ever make open claime to the next succâ—ssion But now the house of Hastâ—ngs is bâ—come so confident upon the strength favor of their fautors as they dare both plot practice pretend all at once and fâ—ar not to set out their title in every place where they come And do they not fear the statute said the Lawyer so rigorous in this point as it maketh the matter treason to determine of titles No thâ—y need not quoth the Gentlemaâ— seeing their party is so strong and terrible as no man dare accuse them seeing also they well know that the procurement of that Statute was oâ—ely to endanger or stop the mouthes of the true Successors
of Edward and Richard the second as also of Henry and Edward the sixt doe sufficiently fore-warne us whose lives were prolonged untill their deaths were thought more profitable to the conspiratours and not longer And for the statute you speak of procured by themselves for establishing the incertainty of the next true successour whereas all our former statutes were wont to be made for the declaration and certainty of the same it is with Proviso as you know that it shall not endure longer then the life of her Majesty that now raigneth that is indeed no longer then untill themselves be ready to place another For then no doubt but wee shall see a faire Proclamation that my Lord of Huntington is the onely next heire with a bundle of halters to hang all such as shall dare once open their mouth for deniall of the same At these words the old Lawyer stepped back as somewhat astonied and began to make Crosses in the ayre after their fashion whereat we laughed and then he said truly my Masters I had thought that no man had conceived so evill imagination of this statute as my selfe but now I perceive that I alone am not malitious For my owne part I must confesse unto you that as often as I reade over this statute or thinke of the same as by divers occasions many times I doe I feele my selfe much greeved and afflicted in minde upon feares which I conceive what may be the end of this statute to our Countrey and what privy meaning the chiefe procurers thereof might have for their owne drifts against the Realme and life of her Majestie that now raigneth And so much more it maketh mee to doubt for that in all our records of law you shall not find to my remembrance any one example of such a devise for concealing of the true inheritour but rather in all ages states and times especially from Richard the first downeward you shall finde statutes ordinances and provisions for declaration and manifestation of the same as you have well observed and touched before And therefore this strange and new devise must needs have some strange and unaccustomed meaning and God of his mercy grant that it have not some strange and unexpected event In sight of all men this is already evident that never Countrey in the world was brought into more apparent danger of utter ruine then ours is at this day by pretence of this Statute For whereas there is no Gentleman so meane in the Realme that cannot give a guesse more or lesse who shall bee his next heire and his Tenants soone conjecture what manner of person shall be their next Lord in the title of our noble Crown whereof all the rest dependeth neither is her Majesty permitted to know or say who shall be her next successor nor her subjects allowed to understand or imagine who in right may be their future Soveraigne An intollerable injury in a matter of so singular importance For alas what should become of this our native Countrey if God should take from us her most excellent Majesty as once he will and so leave us destitute upon the sudden what should become of our lives of our states and of our whole Realme or governement can any man promise himselfe one day longer of rest peace possession life or liberty within the land then God shall lend us her Majesty to raigne over us Which albeit wee doe and are bound to wish that it may bee long yet reason telleth us that by course of nature it cannot bee of any great continuance and by a thousand accidents it may be much shorter And shall then our most noble Common-wealth and Kingdome which is of perpetuity and must continue to our selves and our posterity hang onely upon the life of her Highnesse alone well strucken in yeares and of no great good health or robustious and strong complexion I was within hearing some six or seaven yeares agoe when Sir Christopher Hatton in a very great assembly made an eloquent oration which after I wene was put in print at the pardoning and delivery of him from the gallowes that by errour as was thought had discharged his peece upon her Majesties Barge and hurt certaine persons in her Highnesse presence And in that Oration he declared and described very effectually what inestimable dammage had ensued to the Realme if her Majesty by that or any other means should have beene taken from us He set forth most lively before the eyes of all men what division what dissension what bloudshed had ensued what fatall dangers were most certaine to fall upon us whensoever that dolefull day should happen wherein no man should be sure of his life of his goods of his wife of his children no man certain whether to flie whom to follow or where to seeke repose or protection And as all the hearers there present did easily grant that he therein said truth and farre lesse then might have beene said in that behalfe things standing as they doe so many one I trow hath heard these words proceed from a Councellour that had good cause to know the state of his own Countrey entred into this cogitation what punishment they might deserve then at the whole State and Common-wealths hands who first by letting her Majesty from marriage and then by procuring this Statute of dissembling the next inheritour had brought their Realme into so evident and inevitable dangers for every one well considered and weighed with himselfe that the thing which yet only letted these dangers and miseries set downe by Sir Christopher must necessarily one day faile us all that is the life of her Majesty now present and then say we how falleth it out that so generall a calamity as must needs overtake us ere it be long and may for any thing we know to morrow next is not provided for aswell as fore-seene Is there no remedy but that wee must willingly and wittingly runne into our owne ruine and for the favour or feare of some few aspirours betray our Countrey and the bloud of so many thousand innocents as live within the land For tell mee good Sirs I pray you if her Majestie should die to morrow next whose life God long preserve and blesse but if she should be taken from us as by condition of nature and humane frailty she may what would you doe which way would you looke or what head or part knew any good subject in the Realme to follow I speake not of the conspiratours for I know they will bee ready and resolved whom to follow but I speake of the plaine simple and well-meaning subject who following now the utter letter of this fraudulent statute fraudulent I meane in the secret conceipt of the cunning aspirours shall bee taken at that day upon the sudden and being put in a maze by the unexpected contention about the Crowne shall be brought into a thousand dangers both of body
and goods which now are not thought upon by them who are most in danger of the same And this is for the Common-wealth and Countrey But unto her Majesty for whose good and safety the statute is onely pretended to be made no doubt but that it bringeth farre greater dangers then any devise that they have used besides For hereby under colour of restraining the claimes and titâ—es of true successours whose endeavours notwithstanding are commonly more calme and moderate then of usurpers they make unto themselves a meane to forster and set forward their owne conspiracy without controlement seeing no man of might may oppose himselfe against them but with suspition that he meaneth to claime for himselfe And so they being armed on the one side with their authority and force of present fortune and defended on the other side by the pretence of the statute they may securely worke and plot at their pleasure as you have well proved before that they doe And whensoever their grounds and fouxndations shall be ready it cannot be denied but that her Majesties life lyeth much at their discretion to take it or use it to their best commodity and there is no doubt but they wâ—ll as such men are wont to doe in such affaires Marry one thing standeth not in their powers so absolutely and that is to prolong her Majesties dayes or favour towards themselves at their pleasures whereof it is not unlike but they will have due consideration least perhaps upon any sudden accident they might be found unready They have good care thereof I can assure you quoth the Gentleman and meane noc to bee prevented by any accident or other mishap whatsoever they will bee ready for all events and for that cause they hasten so much their preparations at this day more then ever before by sending out their spies and sollicitours every-where to prove and confirme their friends by delivering their common watch-word by complaining on all hands of our Protestants Bishops and Clergy and of all the present state of our irreformed Religion as they call it by amplifying onely the danger of Papists and Scottish faction by giving out openly that now her Majesty is past hope of Child-birth and consequently seeing God hath given no better successe that way in two Women one after the other it were not convenient say they that another of that sexe should ensue with high commendation of the Law Salick in France whereby women are forbidden to succeed Which speech though in shew it be delivered against the Queen oâ— Scots and other of King Henrâ— the seventh his lâ—ne that discend of Sister yet all men see that it toucheth as well the disabling of her Mâ—jesty that is present as othâ—rs to come and so tendeth directly â—o Mâ—turation of the principall purpose which I have declaâ—e◠〈◊〉 Here said I foâ—â—he rest which you speake of besides the Watch word it is common and every where â—reated in tâ—lke among them but yet for the Wâ—â—ch word it selfe for that you name it I thinke Sir many knâ—w iâ— not it I were the first that told yoâ—â—he stoâ—y as perchâ—nce I was For in truth I came to it by a rare hâ—p as then I told you the thing being utâ—ered and expounded by a Baron of their owne faction to another Noble man of the same degree and religion though not of the same opinion in these affaires And for that I am requested not to utter the second who told it me in secret I must also spare the name of the first which otherwise I would not nor the time and place where he uttered the same To this said the Lawyer you doe well in that but yet I beseech you let me know this Watch word if there bee any such for mine instruction and helpe when need shall require For I assure you that this Gentlemans former speech of halters hath so terrified mee as if any should come and aske or feele my inclination in these matters I would answer them fully to their good contentment if I knew the Watch-word whereby to know them For of all things I love not to bee hanged for quarrels of Kingdomes This Watch-word is said I Whether you be setled or no and if you answer yea and seeme to understand the meaning thereof then are you knowne to be of their faction and so to bee accompted and dealt withall for things to come But if you stagger or doubt in answering as if you knew not perfectly the mistery as the Nobleman my good Lord did imagining that it had beene meant of his religion which was very well knowne to be good and setled in the Gospell then are you discried thereby either not to be of their side or else to be but a Punie not well instructed and consequently he that moveth you the question will presently break off that speech and turne to some other talke untill afterward occasion be given to perswade you or else instruct you better in that affaire Maâ—ry the Noble man whereof I spake before perceiving by the demanding that there was some mistery in covert under the question tooke hold of the words and would not suffer the propounder to slip away as he endeavoured but with much intreaty brought him at length to expound the full meaning and purpose of the riddle And this was the first occasion as I thinke whereby this secret came abroad Albeit afterwards at the publique Communions which were made throughout so ma-many Shires the matter became more common especially among the stranxgers that inhabite as you know in great numbers with us at this day All which as they say are made most assured to this faction and ready to assist the same with great forces at all occasions Good Lord quoth the Lawyer how many misteries and secrets be there abroad in the world whereof we simple men know nothing and suspect lesse This Watch-word should I never have imagined and for the great often assemblies under pretence of Communions though of themselves and of their owne nature they were unaccustomed and consequently subject to suspition yet I did never conceive so farre forth as now I doe as neither of the lodging and entertaining of so many strangers in the Realme whereof our Artizans doe complaine every-where But now I see the reason thereof which no doubt is founded upon great policy for the purpose And by this also I see that the house of Huntington presseth farre forward for the game and shouldâ—eth neare the goale to lay hands upon the same Which to tell you plainly liketh me but a little both in respect of the good will I beare to the whole Line of King Henry which hereby is like to be dispossessed as also for the misery which I doe fore-see must necessarily ensue upon our Countrey if once the challenge of Huntington take place in our Realme Which challenge being derived from the title of â—laâ—ence onely in
House of Yorke where it continued with much trouble in two Kings onely untill both Houses were joyned together in King Henry the seventh and his noble issue Hereby wee see how the issue of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster fourth Son to King Edward the third pretended right to the Crowne by Edmond Crookebacke before the issue of all the other three Sonnes of Edward the third albeit they were the elder Brothers whereof wee will speake more hereafter Now Iohn of Gaunt though hee had many children yet had he foure onely of whom issue remaine two Sonnes and two Daughters The first Son was Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster who tooke the Crowne from King Richard the second his Unkles Sonne as hath beene said and first of all planted the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained in two discents after him that is in his Son Henry the fift and in his Nephew Henry the sixt who was afterward destroyed together with Henry Prince of Wales his onely Sonne and Heire and consequently all that Line of Henry Bolingbâ—ooke extinguished by Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke The other Son of Iohn of Gaunt was Iohn Duke of Somersâ—t by Katherine Sfinsford his third wife which Iohn had issue another Iohn and he Margaret his Daughter and Heire who being married to Edmond Tyder Earle of Richmond had issue Henry Earle of Richmond who after was named King Henry the seventh whose Line yet endureth The two Daughters of John of Gaunt were married to Portugall and Castile that is Philip borne of Blanch Heire to Edmond Crookeback as hath beene said was married to Iohn King of Portugall of whom is descended the King that now possesseth Portugall and the other Princes which have or may make title to the same and Katherin borne of Constanâ—e Heire of Castile was married back againe to Henry King of Castile in Spaine of whom King Philip is also descended So that by this wee see where the remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth if the Line of King Henry the seventh were extinguished and what pretext forraine Princes may have to subdue us if my Lord of Huntington either now or after hâ—r Majesties dayes will open to them the doore by shutting out the rest of King Henries Line and by drawing backe the title to the onely House of Yorke againe which he pretendeth to doe upon this that I will now declare King Edward the third albeit he had many children yet five onely will we speake of at this time Whereof three were elder then Jâ—hn of Gaunt and one yonger The first of the elder was named Edward the blacke Prince who died before his Father leaving one onely Sonne named Richard who afterward being King and named Richard the second was deposed without issue and put to death by his Cosin germain named Henry Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster Son to John of Gaunt as hath beene said and so there ended the Line of King Edwards first Sonne King Edwards second Sonne was William of Hatfâ—â—ld that died without issue His third Sonne was Leonell Duke of Clarence whose onely Daughter and Heire called Phâ—â—ip was married to Edmond Mortimer Earle oâ— Marcâ— and after that Anneâ—he â—he Daughter and Heire of Mortimer was married to Richard Plantagiâ—et Duke of Yorke Son and Heire to Edmond of Langâ—â—y the first Duke of Yorkâ— which Edmond was the fift Son of King Edward the third and younger Brother to John of Gaunt And this Edmond of Lanâ—ley may bee called the first beginner of the Hâ—use of Yorke even as Edmond Crookback the beginner of the House of Lancaster This Edmond Langley then having a Sonne named Richard that married Anne Mortimer sole Heire to Leonell Duke of Clarence joyned two Lines and two Titles in one I meane the Line of Leonell and of Edmond Langley who were as hath bin said the third and the fift Sonnes to King Edward the third And for this cause the childe that was borne of this marriage named after his Father Richard Plantaginet Duke of Yorke seeing himselfe strong and the first Line of King Edward the thirds eldest Son to be extinguished in the death of King Richard the second and seeing William of Hatfield the second Sonne dead likewise without issâ—e made demand of the Crowne for the House of Yorke by the title of Leonell the third Sonne of King Edward And albeit hee could not obtaine the same in his dayes for that hee was slaine in a Battell against King Henry the sixt at Wakefield yet his Sonne Edward got the same and was called by the name of King Edward the fourth This King at his death left divers children as namely two Sonnes Edward the fift and his Brother who after were both murdered in the Tower as shall be shewed and also five Daughters to wit Elizabeth Cicily Anne Katherine and Briget Whereof the first was married to Henry the seventh The last became a Nunne and the other three were bestowed upon divers other husbands Hee had alâ—o two Brothers the first was called George Duke of â—larence who afterward upon his deserts as is to be supposed was put to death in Callis by commandement of the King and his attainder allowed by Parliamâ—nt And this man left behinde him a Sonne named Edward Earle of Warwick put to death afterward without issue by King Henry the seventh and a Daughter named Margaret Countessâ— of â—alisâ—ury who was married to a meane Gentleman named Richarâ— Poole by whom she had issue Cardinall Poole that died without marriage and Henry Poole that was attainted and executed â—n King Henry the eight his time as also her selfe was and this Henry Poole left a Daughter married afterward to the Earle of Huntington by whom this Earle that now is maketh title to the Crowne And this is the effect of my Lord of Huntingtons title The second Brother of King Edward the fourth was Richard Duke of Gâ—ocester who after the Kings death caused his two Sonnes to be murdered in the Tower and tooke the Kingdome to himselfe And afterward he being slaine by King Henry the seventh at Bosâ—â—orth-field left no issue behind him Wherefore King Henry the seventh descending as hath bin shewed of the House of Lancaster by John of Gaunts last Sonne and third Wife and taking to Wife Lady â—lizabeth eldest daughter of King Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke joyned most happily the two Families together and made an end of all controversies about the title Now King Henry the seventh had issue three Children of whom remaineth posterity First Henry the eighth of whom is descended our Soveraigne her Majesty that now happily raigneth and is the last that remaineth alive of that first Line Secondly he had two Daughters whereof the first named Margaret was married twice first to James King of Scotland from whom are directly discended the Queene of Scotland that now liveth and her Sonne and
thought so quoth the Duke and not without great cause for as the white Paulfrey when he standeth in the stable and is well provendred is proud and fierce and ready to leape on every other horses back still neying and prauncing and troubling all that stand about him but when he is once out of his hot stable and deprived a little of his case and fat feeding every boy may ride and master him at his pleasure so is it quoth he with my Lord of Arundell Whereat many marvelled that were present to heare so insolent speech passe from a man of judgement against a Peere of the Realme cast into calamity But you would more have marvelled quoth the Gentleman if you had seene that which I did afterward which was the most base and abject behaviour of the same Duke to the same Earle of Arundel at Cambridge and upon the way towards London when this Earle was sent to apprehend and bring him up as prisoner If I should tell you how he fell down on his knees how he wept how he besought the said Earle to be a good Lord unto him whom a little before he had so much contemned and reproached you would have said that himselfe might as well be compared to this his white Paulfrey as the other Albeit in this I will excuse neither of them both neither almost any of these great men who are so proud and insolent in their prosperous fortune as they are easily led to contemne any man albeit themselves bee most contemptible of all others whensoever their fortune beginneth to change and so will my L. of Leicester be also no doubt at that day though now in his wealth he triumph over all and careth not whom or how many he offend and injure Sir therein I beleeve you quoth I for wee have had sufficient tryall already of my Lords fortitude in adversity His base and abject behaviour in his last disgrace about his marriage well declared what hee would doe in a matter of more importance His fawning and flattering of them whom he hated most his servile speeches his feigned and dissembled teares are all very well knowne Then Sir Christopher Hatton must needs be enforced to receive at his hands the hâ—nourable and great office of Chamberlainship of Chester for that he would by any meanes reâ—gne the same unto him whether he would or no and made him provide not without his charge to receive the same though his Lordship never meant it as after wel appeared For that the present pange being past it liked my Lord to fulfill the Italian Proverbe of such as in dangers make vowes to Saints Scampato il pericolo gabbato il santo the danger escaped the Saint is deceived Then and in that necessity no men of the Realm were so much honoured commended served by him as the noble Chamberlaine deceased and the good Lord Treasurer yet living to whom at a certaine time he wrote a letter in all fraud and base dissimulation and caused the same to be delivered with great cunning in the sight of her Majesty and yet so as to shew a purpose that it should not be seen to the end her Highnesse might rather take occasion to call for the same and read it as she did For Mistris Francis Hâ—ward to whom the stratagem was committed playing her part dexterously offered to deliver the same to the Lord Treasurer neare the doâ—re of the withdrawing Chamber he then comming from her Majesty And to draw the eye and attention of her Highnesse the more unto iâ— shee let fall the paper before it touched the treasurers hand and by that occasion brought her Majesty to call for the same Which after she had read and considered the stile together with the metall and constitution of him that wrote it and to whom it was lent her Highnesse could not but breake forth in laughter with detestation of such absurd and abject dissimulation sayâ—ng unto my Lord Treasurer there presâ—nt my Lord believe him not for if he had you in like case he would play the Beare with you though at this present hee fawne upon you never so fast But now Sir I pray you goe forward in your speech of Scotland for there I remember you left off when by occasion we fell into these digressions Well then quoth the Gentleman to returâ—e againe to Scotland as you move from whence wee have digressed most certaine and evident it is to all the world that all the broyles troubles and dangers procured to the Prince in that countrey as also the vexations of them who any way are thought to favour that title in our owne Realme doe proceed from the drift and complot of these conspirators Which besides the great dangers mentionâ—d before both domesticall and forraine temporall and of religion must needs inferre great jeopardy also to her Maiesties person and present reign that now governeth through the hope and heat of the aspirâ—rs ambition inflamed and increased so much the more by the nearenesse of their desired prey For as souldiers entred into the hope of a rich and well furnished Citie are more fierce and furious when they have gotten and beaten downe the Bullwaâ—ks round about and as the greedy Burglâ—rer that hath pierced and broken downe man waâ—ls to come to a treasure is lesse patient of stay stop and delay when he commeth in sight of â—hat which he desireth or perceiveth only some partition of wane skot or the like betwixt his fingers and the cofers or monie bags so theâ—e men whâ—n they shall see the succession of Scotland extinguished together with all friends and favourâ—rs thereof which now are to her Majesty as Bullwarks and wals and great obstacles to the aspirors and when they shall see onely her Maiâ—sties life and person to stand betwixt them and their fierie desires for they make little account of all other Competitors by King Hâ—nries line no doubt but it will bee to them a great prick and spurre to dispatch Her Majestie also the nature of both Earles being well considered whereof the one killed his own wife as hath been shewed before onely upon a little vaine hope of marriage with a Queene and the other being so farre blinded and borne away with the same furious fume most impotent itching humor of ambition as his owne mother when she was alive seemed greatly to feare his fingers if once the matter should come so neare as her life had onely stood in his way For which cause the good old Countesse was wont to pray God as I have heard divers say that she might dye before her Majesty which happily was granted unto her to the enâ— that by standing in her sonnes way who she saw to her grief furiously bent to weare a Crown there might not some dangerous extremiâ—y grow to her by that nearenesse And if his owne mother feared this mischance whâ—t may her Majesty doubt
at his his companions hanâ—s when she onâ—ly shall be the obstacle of all their unbridled and impatient deâ—res Cleare it is quoth the Lawyer that the nearenesse of aspirors to the â—â—owne endangereth greatly the present possessors as you have well proved by reason and I could shew by divers examples if it were need For when Henrie Bullingbrooke Duke of Lancaster saw not onely Richard the second to be without issue but also Roger Mortimer Earle of March that should have succeded in the Crowne to bee slaine in Ireland though before as is thought he meant not to usurpe yet seeing the possibility and neare cut that he had was inuited therewith to lay hands of his Soveraignes blond and dignity as he did The like is thought of Richard Duke of Glocester that he nâ—ver meant the murther of his nephewes untill he saw their father dead and themselves in his owne hands his brother also Duke of Clarence dispatched and his onely sonne and heire â—arle of Warwick within his owne power Wherefore seeing that it hath not pleased Almighty God for causes to himselfe best known to leave unto this noble Realm any issue by her most excellent Maiestie it hath been a poynt of great wisedome in mine opinion and of great safety to her Highnes person state dignity to preserve hitherto the line of the next Inheritors by the house of Scotland I meane both the mother and the sonne whose deaths hath been so diligently sought by the other Competitors and had beene long ere this atchieved if her Majesties owne wisedome and royall clemency as is thought had not placed speciall eye upon the conservation thereof from time to time Which Princely providence so long as it shalâ— endure must needs be a great safety and fortresâ— to her Majesty not onely against the claimes aides or annoyance of forraine Princes whâ— wil not be so forward to advance strange titles while so manifest heires remain at home nor yeâ— so willing in respect of policy to â—elpe thaâ— line to possession of the whole Island but also against practices of domesticall aspirers as yoâ— have shewed in whose affairs no doubt but these two branches of Scâ—tland are great bâ—ocks as also speciall bulwarks to her Majesties life and person seeing as you say these copartners make so little account of the other of that line who should ensue by order of succession Marry yet of the two I thinke the youth of Scotland be of much more importance for their purpose to bee made away both for that hee may have issue and is like in time to be of more ability for defence of his owne inheritance as also for that he being once dispatched his mother should soone ensue by one slight or other which they would devise unwitting to her Majesty albeit I must needes confesse that her Highnesse hath used most singular prudence for prevention thereof in placing her restraint with so noble strong and worthy a Peere of our Realme as the Earle of Shrewsburie is whose fidelity and constancy being nothing plyable to the others faction giveth them little contentation And for that cause the world seeth how many sundry and divers devices they have used and do use dayly to slander and disgrace him and thereby to pull from him his charge committed To this the Gentleman answered nothing at all but stood stâ—ll musing with himselfe as though hee had conceived some deep matter in his head â— and after a little pause he began to say as followeth I cannot truly but much marvaile when I do compare some things of this time and government with the doings of formâ—r Princes Progenitors to her Majesty Namely of Henrie the 7. and Henrie the 8. who had so vigilant an eye to the laterall line of King Edward the 4. by his brother of Clarence as they thought it necessary not only to prevent all evident dangers that might ensue that way but even the possibilities of all perill as may well appear by the execution of Ed. Earl of Warwick before named Son and heire to the said Duke of Clarence and of Maâ—gaâ—et his sister Countesse of Salisbury with the Lord Henry Montague her sonne by whose Dauâ—hter the Earle of Huntington now claimeth All which were executed for avoyding of inconveniencies and that at such times when no imminent danger could be much doubted by that Line especially by the latter And yet now when one of the same house and Line of more ability and ambition than ever any of his Ancestors were maketh open title and claime to the Crowne with plots packs and preparations to most manifest usurpation against all order all law and all rightful succession and against a special statute provided in that behalfe yet is he permitted boâ—ne out favoured and friended therein and no man so hardy as in defeâ—câ—â—f her Majestie and the Realme to contrâ—â—le hiâ— for the same It may be that her Majestie is brought into the same oâ—inion of my Lord of Huntingtons fidelity as Iulius Caesar was of Marcus Brutus his dearest obliged friend of whose ambitious practises and aspiring when Caesar was advertised by his carefull friends he anâ—wered that hee well knew Brutus to be ambitious but I am sure quoth he that my Brutuâ— will never attempt any thing for the Empire while Caesar liveth â—nd after my death let him shift for the same among others aâ— he can But what ensued Surely I am loath to tell the event for ominations sake but yet all the world knoweth that ere many moneths passed this most noble and â—lement Emperour was pittifully murthered â—y the same Brutus and his partners in the publique Senate when least of all he expected such treason So dangerous a thing it is to be secure in a matter of so great sequell or to trust them with a mans life who may pretend preferment or interest by his death Wherefore would God her Majestie in this case might be induced to have such due care and regard of her own estate and royall person as the weighty moment of the matter requireth which containeth the blisse and calamity of so noble and worthy a kingdome as this I know right well that most excellent natures are alwayes furthest off from diffidence in such people as proves love and are most bounden by dutie and so it is evident in her Maiestie But yet surely this confidence so commendable in other men is scarce allowable oftentimes in the person of a Prince for that it goeth accompanyed with so great perill as is inevitable to him that will not suspect principally when dangers are foretold or presaged as commonly by Gods appoyntment they are fâ—r the speciall hand he holdeth over Princes affaires or when there is probable conjecture or just surmise of the same We know that the forenamed Emperor Caesar had not onely the warning given him of the inclination and intent of Brutus to usurpation but even the very day when