is taken for so many troupes or bands which made in all 7000. chariots counting ten to a troupe or companie 3. But for the latter doubt Iunius solution seemeth not to be so good who thus readeth 7. hundreth chariots and 40. thousand footemen of horsemen referring horsemen not to the 40. thousand immediatly going before but to the 7. hundreth chariots first mentioned but this reading seemeth not to be so fit both because the words are not so distinguished in the Hebrew and there was great difference betweene the chariots and horsemen as c. 18.4 Dauid tooke from Hadarezer a thousand chariots and 7. thousand horsemen and 20. thousand footemen the horsemen then can not be referred to the chariots And it is euident that the Ammonites hired both chariots and horsemen 1. Chron. 19.6 there were then both chariots horsemen and footmen in the host of the Aramites here the chariots and horsemen are numbred which were destroied and in the other place the chariots and footemen 4. But whereas the Latine translation speaketh of 58. thousand men which fled before Israel v. 19. there is no such thing in the originall so that therein there is a manifest corruption in the Latine CHAP. 11. 1. Quest. v. 1. What time Kings goe forth to battell in 1. AFter that Ioab had smitten the Ammonites and they were fled into the Citie c. 10.14 hee the winter season as it seemeth comming on seased to pursue them or besiege their citie which was Rabbah afterward called Philadelphia the cheife citie of that nation he expecteth the next spring when Dauid sent Ioab againe against the Ammonites Pellic. 2. The time which in those countries was thought meetest for warre was the spring tide when as both grasse and corne beginneth to waxe ripe in those regions and so they might haue food and releefe for their horse and their whole armies Borr. Osiand Mar. 3. Wherein appeareth a great difference betweene the warres of these times and those for now this age is so fierce that euen in the dead time of winter many Princes and Captaines will not forbeare warre As Pope Iulie tooke Mirandula in the deepe snow Frauncis king of Fraunce was taken at Ticinam in Februarie Callis was sacked in Ianuarie Mart. Quest. 2. Of Dauids adulterie and the vse which is to be made thereof 1. They which thinke to patronize their licentious life by Dauids fall doe therein tempt God and sinne of presumption for they which thus reason with themselues if Dauid committed adulterie why may not we likewise might they not as well inferre Iudas beeing an Apostle betraied his master and Paul persecuted the Church therefore it is lawfull for them to doe so likewise 2. But seeing the Scripture condemneth the adulterie of Dauid what impudencie is it for any thereby to seeke defense of their sinne yea the heathen by the light of nature held adulterie to be a most grieuous sinne as Pharaoh king of Egypt Gen. 12. Abimelech king of Gerar Gen. 20. So Nebuchadnezzar burnt Achab and Zedechia two false prophets and adulterers with fire Ierem. 29. 3. But this profitable vse may be made of Dauids fall that sinne is not altogether extinguished in the regenerate they oftentimes feele in their members the law of sin rebelling against the spirit and by this example of Dauids sinne who by his repentance found forgiuenesse we learne that Gods seruants if they offend of infirmity should neuer despaire of forgiuenes And herein are we to imitate Dauid not in his sinnes but in his true repentance and teares after he had sinned Mart. 3. Quest. v. 2. Of Dauids idlenesse and securitie vpon these words Dauid arose from his bed 1. The beginning of Dauids fall proceeded from his idlenes and securitie he rose from his bed wheron he vsed to rest in the afternoone which as the Physitians hold to be vnwholesome to the bodie Osiand so was it a signe of Dauids great security who gaue himselfe to ease and rest his captaine and souldiers beeing occupied in dangerous battells abroad Dauid vsed not to goe forth with them as he had in fore time Pellican 2. There are diuerse kinds of ease some doe sequester themselues from busines to giue themselues to contemplation as our blessed Sauiour preached in the day prayed in the night Luk. 21. Some keepe an holy rest from sinne But there is beside a lasciuious and wanton rest or idlenesse which is the mother of lust as one of the sinnes of Sodome was aboundance of idlenesse Ezeck 18. As Ambrose fitly resembleth idle persons to the oyster who while he openeth his shell in the Sunne is assaulted by the crabbe or creavish which commeth and thrusteth his clawes between the shells and so deuoureth the oyster so idle persons are tempted and seduced made a pray of Sathan 3. But as idlenesse is hurtfull to al so it beseemeth not the person of Princes who though they neuer plow or digge yet are to watch ouer the people to see them wel gouerned and to prouide for them good lawes And as in Dauid this pleasant ease brought forth adulterie so the idle life of Monkes feeding and pampering their bellies was the cause of that filthie vncleannes and vile corruption which were detected to be among them 4. Then seeing Sathan is so vigilant to catch euery oppertunitie to supplant vs going about like a roaring lion as S. Peter saith seeking whom he may deuoure we ought so much the more carefully to watch ouer our selues that we may escape his snares Mart. 4. Quest. v. 2. Of the wandring of Dauids eyes vpon these words Hee saw a woman washing her selfe 1. Dauids curious eyes wandring falling vpon such a pleasant obiect did intangle his affection and enflame his desire Dauid at this time had forgotten that prayer Psal. 119.37 Turne away mine eyes from regarding vanitie Borrh. first seeing her he committeth adulterie with her in his heart then he resteth not till hee had acted his vncleane desire Osiand 2. This sinne of Dauid appeareth the greater if it be compared with Iosephs continencie Ioseph was young and a single man and was entised of his mistresse yet consenteth not Dauid was of good yeares hauing many wiues which might haue contented him and beside he was a soliciter of a woman one of his subiects whose chastitie he ought to haue defended Mart. 3. We see then hereby how dangerous a thing it is to suffer the eyes to wander Iob therefore made a couenant with his eyes not to looke vpon a maide Gregorie hath a good saying qui externo oculo abutuntur digni sunt quibus internus oculus offuscetur they which abuse the outward eye are worthie to haue the inward eye darkened Ridiculous then and vaine is their pretext who thinke that while they gaze and looke vpon such pleasing obiects se illis spectaculis non moueri that they are not stirred with such spectacles and sights doe they thinke them wiser stronger then Dauid who was caught
Achab vsed against Naboth hee coueted but his vineyard Dauid desireth an others wife Achab wrought this onely by his wicked wife Iezabel but Dauid doth this himselfe Martyr 3. And Vriah his innocencie maketh Dauids sinne more grieuous hee which all his life before hated fraud and deceit now hateth simplicitie and truth hee which spared his cruell enemie Saul before now pursueth vnto death a most faithfull friend and dutifull subiect And further he maketh Ioab accessarie to his sinne who though his sinne was the lesse because the Kings authoritie forced him yet is it not thereby excused It might be Dauid pretended some capitall offence to haue beene committed by Vriah yet Ioab was not ignorant of the Lawe that none were to bee put to death but vnder two or three witnesses hee therefore should herein haue obeyed God rather then man Mar. 10. Quest. v. 17. Why it pleased God that Vriah in this manner should be slaine 1. In that God suffred a iust and innocent man in this manner to be cut off it need no more to call Gods iustice in question then that he suffered Iohn Baptist to be beheaded Peter and Paul to be slaine Euerie one is borne to die for death is the stipend or wages of sinne God therefore whose counsells are most secret yet most iust doth for some causes best knowne to himselfe giue way sometime to vnlawfull attempts 2. And who can tell whether Vriah had not some sinnes of his owne for the which he is chastised as in attributing too much to his wife and in suffring himselfe to be mis-led often by her or such like But we must not howsoeuer it is complaine of the Lords proceeding herein as vniust Mart. 11. Quest. v. 20. Of Ioabs answer returned vnto Dauid 1. In Ioab though it was commendable in him in that he was conuersant in the sacred histories as appeareth by the instance giuen of Abimelech yet in beeing so seruiceable to the vnlawfull desire of the king he sinned diuersly both in condemning a man his cause beeing vnheard and in accomplishing the kings desire with the losse of many beside Osiand 2. The messenger also plaieth his part to picke a thank who staied not till Dauid should obiect as Ioab had before conceiued but presently telleth Dauid of the death of Vriah which he knew would be acceptable vnto him 3. Dauid also dissembleth the matter to the intent that neither this cruell commaundement nor Ioabs fawning obedience should be discouered to the messenger Geneuens 12. Quest. v. 27. Of these words and shee became his wife Whether it be lawfull to marrie her with whome adulterie formerly was committed 1. Nothing is defined directly concerning this matter in the Scripture for Leu. 18. where many impediments of marriage are rehearsed and diuerse prohibitions of marriage yet no mention is made of this barre of adulterie going before but the reason hereof may be this because the adulterer and adultresse by Moses Law were to be stoned vnto death and so there could be no question of this matter 2. But it hath beene decreed by many Pontificiall decrees that the marriage of such who committed adulterie before should be actually void as is extant in the Extrauagant in diuerse places Extrav titul de eo qui duxeratt vxorem quam polluerat c. in tit de convers infidel can laudab But this example of Dauid convinceth that opinion whose marriage with Bethsheba the Lord ratified and confirmed 3. Wherefore the best resolution is this that such mariages are indeed altogether vnfit and inconuenient for if this were vsually permitted for the adulterer and adultresse to marie together it would giue occasion for one of them to practise against the life of an other yet though such mariages are not conuenient and may with good cause be letted and preuented and such by the Magistrate may be punished yet such marriages beeing consummate are not for any such pretense to be dissolued for then Dauids mariage had beene vnlawfull Osiand it is adulterie following after not going before that breaketh mariage knot see more of this question Synop. Cent. 3. er 96. 13. Quest. v. 27. How the thing which Dauid had done displeased the Lord. 1. In that it is said this fact displeased God there is an euident distinction and difference made betweene the thing and the person for Dauid in respect of his election was beloued of God but this thing which he had committed namely the adulterie with Bathshebah and the murther of Vriah the Lord abhorred neither is it to be held as an absurd thing that one in respect of his present estate should bee an enemie vnto God and so displeasing vnto him and yet in respect of his election beloued of God Rom. 5.8 as S. Paul saith God setteth forth his loue toward vs seeing that while we were yet sinners Christ died for vs. 2. We must learne herein to be like vnto God to loue the persons of our enemies and yet to hate and abhorre their vices as God here hateth the sinnes of Dauid yet loued his person as elected vnto life Mart. 14. Quest. Of the greatnes of Dauids sinne of adulterie and murther 1. Concerning adulterie in generall it is a most grieuous and abominable sinne as may be made plaine by these reasons 1. It is against the lawe of the creation and the first institution of marriage that hath made man and wife but one flesh which is diuided by adulterie 2. The effects thereof are vile and abhominable for adulterie bringeth forth oftentimes murther â—â— Psal. 51. hom 3. and poisoning as Chrysostome sheweth 3. Cyprian writeth that in some Churches the Christian Bishops vtterly refused to receiue adulterers into the peace of the Cchurh they held it to be so grieuous a sinne Lib 4 eâ—ist 2. 4. By the sinne of adulterie great iniurie is offred to posteritie and so to the common-wealth in the commixtion of seede Ad lâ—g Iul de adult in paâ—d in which regard Bartalus maketh it the next offence against the common wealth vnto treason 5. Thales Milesius held periurie not to be worse then adulterie 6. Yea Chrysostome maketh adulterie worse then idolatry hom 62. iâ— Iohann because the one is a pollution of marriage and maketh a dissolution thereof so doth not the other But though this argument conclude not for though in respect of mariage adulterie is the more grieuous yet simply it is not and idolatrie is fornication against God the other is against man yet these former reasons doe sufficiently lay open the vilenesse of this sinne Mart. 2. And Dauids sinne both of adulterie and murder is amplified 1. in respect of the thing or obiect which was not siluer or gold lands or possessions but the chastitie and life of man 2. The person against whome the sinne was first committed was god whose lawe was contemned and secondarily the persons of Vriah and his wife who beeing an alone woman her husband beeing gone into
Patriarks desired to be buried in the land of Canaan that they might be releeued by the prayers of the Church hereof also it is Controv. Against Purgatorie that Dauid would not pray for his child after hee knew he was dead because the infant needed not Dauids prayers to this purpose Bellarm. lib. 1. de purgator c. 3. Contra. 1. It is euident by the text that all this lamentation of Dauid was to shew his griefe that there was a great man fallen in Israel v. 38. neither is there one syllable of any prayer made for Abner it is then great boldnesse to ground that error vpon Scripture which is altogether silent in that behalfe neither were there any sacrifices in the lawe there beeing so many diuerse kinds prescribed appointed for the dead 2. Neither was that any cause of their desire to be buried in the land of Canaan but onely to shew their hope in the certaine expectation of the promises of God and to be a monument to their posteritie that the Lord would bring them thither for otherwise seeing the Israelites continued in Egypt almost 200. yeares after Iacobs buriall in Canaan if he had intended to be helped by the prayers of the Church he should haue desired to haue his bones kept in Egypt then caried thence at their departure as Ioseph did that he might haue had the benefit of the Churches prayers which yet was to soiourne there 3. And the cause is euident why Dauid ceaseth to pray any longer for the infant being dead because he knew that then he should not be brought to life againe The childs soule indeed had no need of Dauids prayers no more had the soules of the faithfull departed and for the rest that died in their sinne they receiued their iudgement and by the prayers of the liuing could not be releeued 21. Quest. v. 39. Of the meaning of Dauids words I am weake and the sonnes of Zerviah are too hard for mee 1. Some thinke that whereas the word here vsed rach signifieth tender that Dauid speaketh of his clemencie and mercie that he had spared Abner and shewed him fauour but the sonnes of Zerviah which was his sister by whom they are called because it seemeth their father was but obscure were hard hearted and cruell 2. Some other doe make this the sense that whereas Dauids kingdome was but yet weake these two men shewed more inhumanitie and inclemencie then was for the safetie of his kingdome 3. But it is euident by Dauids words that he hath relation to himselfe that they were too hard for him it was not in his power to punish them as their fact deserued and therefore he committeth the reuenge of this cause vnto God 22. Quest. v. 39. Whether Dauid offended in deferring and forbearing the punishment of Ioab 1. Some are of opinion that Dauid offended herein and of a partiall affection spared Ioab whereas he ought to haue beene put to death and thus they doe reason 1. By the law he that slaieth a man presumptuously is to be taken from the Altar and to be put to death Exod. 21.14 his punishment is not to be deferred or suspended 2. It was the ruine of Eli his house because he was too remisse toward his children 3. And the King of Israel is reprooued because he let Benhadad goe when the Lord had giuen him into his hands Mart. Contra. 1. Neither did Dauid pardon Ioab but he gaue charge vnto Salomon concerning him who caused him to be slaine at the Altar and that law commandeth not that which is not possible or not in the Magistrates power to performe as if a murderer flie the countrie and so be out of the Magistrates power he doth not break the Law in not putting him to death so neither doth he that can not reach the malefactor without great tumult and danger to the common wealth but watcheth his conuenient time to doe it which was Dauids case here 2. Eli might haue corrected his sonnes without any danger so could not Dauid 3. And so was Benhadad deliuered into the Kings hand who beeing a forren enemie might with lesse trouble haue beene put to death then Ioab a domesticall freind and much fauoured among the people 2. The better opinion then is that Dauid did prudently forbeare to punish Ioab not so much because he was his kinsman and had beene faithfull vnto him in the time of his affliction Pellic. or that he had many wayes well deserued of him and could not well spare his seruice Borrh. but for that they were too hard and strong for him And it seemeth in the historie of Absalom c. 18.19 that Ioab did beare greater sway among the souldiers and militarie men then Dauid himselfe therefore it is a wise mans part as well to consider what may be done as ought to be done Iun. This then was in Dauid no conniuence or winking at Ioabs sinne which he bare in mind and charged his sonne to see iustice executed But Dauid prudently deferred the punishment onely which could not presently without great daunger be inflicted At other times when it was in his power he delaied not to doe iustice as vpon the Amalekite that said he had killed Saul and vpon those two that killed Ishbosheth The like example we read of Iacob who when his two sonnes Simeon and Levi had committed that shamefull murder vpon the Sichemites did not proceed against them being then a Magistrate in his owne familie but deferred the censure till his death Gen. 49.5 for both his children being stubburne and vnruly were too strong for him and beside there was then no time to make a stirre in his owne familie they beeing round about beset and enuironed of their enemies 23. Quest. v. 39. Of these words of Dauid The Lord reward the doer of euill according to his wickednesse 1. Some thinke that this is rather a prediction of Dauid what should befall the wicked then an imprecation But it may verie well be a prayer also which Dauid maketh against those which continue in their sinne without repentance Mar. 2. Yet it may seeme strange that Dauid prayeth for reuenge vpon Ioab for this murder seeing he himselfe calleth for mercie at Gods hand for the like sinne committed against Vrias wherefore here he must be vnderstood to speake of those which were impenitent not of those which were touched with a feeling of their sinnes as Dauid was when as a testimonie of his vnfained repentance he endited the 51. Psalme Borrh. 3. But concerning the meaning of these words these three things are to be considered 1. That God neither rendreth to good workes nor euill workes in this world according to the rule and measure of equalitie but in some proportion and similitude for he rewardeth good workes more liberally then they are worthie of and euill workes he recompenseth with lesse punishment then they deserue 2. Good workes are no cause of their reward but they are crowned in mercie but euill workes are
humanum sed diuinum beneficium this is no humane but a diuine benefit in that thou hast promised that all nations shall be blessed in my seed 5. Iunius interpreteth ratione humana after the manner of men that is familiariter mecum agis thou dealest familiarly with me as one man with an othe◠to this purpose also Sa. 6. Rupertus giueth this sense this is the Law of Adam that is we are all the children of wrath by nature not worthy to be thine house 7. But these words are much better referred vnto Christ This is the lawe of that excellent man which word excellent is supplied 1. Cor. 17.17 that is thou grantest me these things not for any merit or worthinesse in me but for the worthinesse of that excellent man Christ Mar. And Osiander doth make this place an euident testimonie of Christ both God and man not putting it in the vocatiue case O Iehouah God but ioyning all these words together by apposition this is the lawe of that man Iehouah God in this is the condition of the Messiah both man and God but the word Iehoui is taken in the vocatiue case as Gen. 15.8 yet there is here a manifest reference to Christ the word is haadam of that man the article is put too to note some excellent and singular man which title is added 1. Cor. 17.17 And Daud here hath manifest reference to the Messiah because he speaketh of the continuing of his house for euer v. 19. the next words also following v. 21. for thy words sake Iunius vnderstandeth of Christ who is the eternall word of God 16. Quest. v. 21. Gods owne will the cause of his decree According to thine owne heart c. 1. Like as Gods owne gracious purpose not any respect of Dauids worthinesse was the cause of these promises made vnto him concerning the Messiah Osiander So the Lord in the election and predestination of his Saints vnto life respecteth not their workes but according to his owne heart and voluntarie decree hee ordaineth them vnto life this place then directly maketh against their opinion Controv. Against election by workes who thinke that the decree of election proceeded from the foresight of mens workes 2. But it will be obiected that God ordained none to be saued but such as lead a godly life true it is but yet the foresight of their good workes it not the cause of their election vnto life but an effect and fruit of it God as he hath appointed the end so likewise he hath ordained the meanes tending to that ende As the Apostle saith He hath chosen vs in him before the foundation of the world that we should be holy Eph. 1.4 And againe We are his workemanship created in Christ Iesus vnto good workes which he hath ordained that we should walke in them Ephes. 2.10 17. Quest. v. 13. Of the meaning of these words Whose Gods went and redeemed them 1. Some in that the word eelohim gods is here put in the plurall doe vnderstand it in respect of the opinion of men who thinke there are many gods according to that saying of S. Paul there are many gods and many lords 1. Cor. 8. but seeing mention is here made of that singular worke of the redeeming Israel out of Egypt it must be referred to the true God 2. Chimhi thinketh that Dauid thus speaketh of God in the plurall for more honour sake but this custome of vsing the plurall for the singular for more honour and dignitie sake was not taken vp in those dayes and if that had beene the reason why doth the Prophet Dauid afterward throughout his prayer vse the singular number speaking vnto God 3. Some by gods here vnderstand Moses and Aaron which went to redeeme the people Chaldè paraphrast for so Magistrates and gouernours are sometime in Scripture called by the name of Gods but it is euident that the Prophet speaketh here of God himselfe as in the verse following Thou hast redeemed vnto thy selfe thy ptople Israel 4. Wherefore this rather is referred to God himselfe the blessed Trinitie the Father Sonne and holy Ghost here both the verbe and the other word are put in the plurall number halehu eelohim the gods went but 1. Chron. 17.21 the verbe is put in the singular haloch and eelohim gods in the plurall This pluralitie of persons is an euident demonstration and proofe of the blessed Trinitie Mart. whome in the vnitie of essence he said before to be but one v. 22. and none like vnto him Osiand 18. Quest. In what sense it is said God went and redeemed them to himselfe 1. God beeing in himselfe infinite as he cannot be comprehended and contained in any place so neither doth he goe from place to place But God is said to goe to a place when it pleaseth him to make some visible demonstration of his presence as he did by those wonderfull and fearefull works which he shewed in Egypt when he deliuered his people 2. This also may most fitly bee applyed to the incarnation of the Sonne of God who then came and visited vs when he tooke our humane nature vpon him And so God went and redeemed his people which was the worke of the whole Trinitie the Father Sonne and holy Ghost 3. Yet our nature was assumed onely to the person of the Sonne not to the person of the Father or the holy Ghost the internall workes of the Trinitie as they are called How the works of the Trinitie are diuided and distinguished how they are vndiuided are peculiar to the persons as to the Father to beget to the Sonne to bee begotten to the holy Ghost to proceede from them both but in externall works they ioyne together as the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost created the world and whatsoeuer is done in the world by God is wrought by the vndiuided and ioynt power of the Trinitie 4. Yet the Sonne of God is onely said to be incarnate in respect of the worke it selfe but if the action of his incarnation be considered therein the whole Trinitie concurred for God gaue his Sonne for the redemption of the world the holy Ghost ouershadowed Marie when Christ was conceiued and Christ also is said to haue giuen himselfe Galat. 2.10 So Ioh. 10.36 the father is said to sanctifie Christ and Ioh. 17.19 he saith I sanctifie my selfe likewise Ioh. 2.13 Christ saith Destroy this temple and in three dayes I will raise it vp againe and the father also is said to raise him vp Rom. 8.11 Then in the action of the incarnation of Christ the blessed Trinitie did worke but opus ipsum the worke wrought the incarnation it selfe was appropriated to the person of the Sonne onely Mart. 5. Further the diuine essence or nature is to be considered two wayes either absolutely in it selfe as it is common vnto the three persons of the blessed Trinitie and so the diuine essence was not incarnate or vt est determinata in vna aliqua 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
the beard the other artificiall the garments which couer the nakednes in both these the King of Ammon seeketh the disgrace of Dauids seruants 3. The reason whereof may be this the Israelites were forbidden to cut their beards Leuit. 19.27 as a signe of mourning and especiall prouision was made by the law that their nakednesse should not appeare and therefore they were forbidden to make any Altar with staires Exod. 20.26 the more then to despight them they offer them this ignominious disgrace in despight of their owne law Mar. 4. Now in that they are bidden afterward by Dauid to stay till their beards were growen it is euident that the vse then in Israel was not to shaue their beards for then they might haue cut away the other part also howsoeuer then this tricke of shauing of beards be superstitiously vsed among the Romanists it is certaine that the Israelites custome was not to shaue their beards Controv. Against shauing for they might more easily haue cut off the rest of their beards which was remaining then haue staied till they were growen Pellican Osiander The heathen indeede had a fashion to cut their beards as Adriane the Emperour is noted to haue beene the first among the Romane Emperours that did spare his beard and suffered it to grow long But this superstitious vse was not taken vp by the people of God Mar. 4. Quest. v. 6. From whence the Ammonites hired their souldiers and assistants 1. Here are fowre countries named whence the Ammonites had their supplie from the Aramites of Rechab which was a citie at the foote of Libanus the vtmost bound of Syria toward Palestina whereof mention is made Numb 13.22 from the Aramites of Zaba from the King of Maacah who was also subiect to Hadadezer king of Zabah of the Maacahthites read 3.14 And from the men of Tab as Iun. rather then Ishtob making it all one name as the rest doe reade Tab was the countrie where Iepthah dwelt Iudg. 11.3 Beside they had some helpe from Aram Naharaim 1. Chr. 19.6 2. All these belonged to Aram or Syria which was diuided into Syria beyond the riuer v. 16. and Syria on this side Borrh. which is subdiuided into these foure regions Camagena Damascena Coelosyria Phoenicia Mar. which are here called by other names 3. Some things are here omitted which are mentioned 1. Chron. 19.6 as how they hired these soudiers for a thousand talents of siluer and that beside the number of men here expressed they hired 32. thousand chariots Iun. 4. These Ammonites were so farre from reconciling themselues to Dauid and making amends for this wrong that they prouoked Dauid to battell and came as farre as Medeba 1. Chron. 19.7 a citie in the borders of Ammon 5. Quest. v. 12. Of Ioabs courage and magnanimitie against the enemies of Gods people Here is nothing wanting in Ioab which is requisite in a good Captaine 1. He vpon the present vseth most diligent care and prudent aduise in diuiding the souldiers and committing part of them to Abishai his brother and leading part of them himselfe which sheweth what an excellent thing concord is as among Captaines which fight terrene battels so specially among Ministers which doe fight the Lords spirituall battels Osiand 2. As he is not daunted or dismaied himselfe so by his couragious speach hee animateth others saying let vs be strong and valiant for our people c. like as Moses setteth downe in the waging of battell how the priest should encourage the people Let not your hearts faint neither feare or be amased c. Deut. 20.3 3. Hee sheweth the right end of battell to fight in defence of the Lords people and to maintaine the true seruice and worship of God Mar. 4. Hee doth religiously commit the euent of this businesse vnto God saying Let the Lord doe that which is good in his eyes non potest vox duce dignior cogitari a more worthie speach beseeming a Captaine could not be thought then this was here vttered by Ioab Pellic. 6. Quest. Whether this were true fortitude in Ioab True fortitude consisteth in the vndertaking and bearing of great and suddaine dainger in a good cause and for some honest and commendable end wherein diuerse things are to be considered 1. The obiect or matter wherein true fortitude is seene which is not in those euills which are internall as in auoiding of vices and sinnes for these a man falleth into by his owne default nor yet is it properly seene in such daungers which are involuntarie as in sicknesse shipwracke and such like though to beare these things patiently is an excellent vertue but fortitude is exercised chiefly in such dangers as are outwardly incident and in those most of all which are suddain as this daunger of battell wherein Ioabs fortitude did shew it selfe was vnexpected and vnlooked for 2. The end of fortitude must not be praise vaine glorie profit such as the valiant Heathen propounded to themselues who shewed their valour to get themselues a name and many aduentured themselues because of those rewards which were promised vnto them that did fight for their countrie but the end of this vertue is some honest cause as to defend our parents or countrie to deliuer the oppressed especially to maintaine true religion and worship of God Mart. 3. There are diuerse kinds of fortitude 1. There is a warlike valour which commeth by skill and experience in militarie affaires 2. There is an other kind which riseth of confidence which a man hath in his strength 3. An other proceedeth from ignorance of the greatnesse of the danger 4. Another which riseth from anger or rage when one is inflamed to reuenge himselfe but all these are farre off from true fortitude which is a vertue not giuen by nature but wrought in men by the spirit of God whereby they are resolued in an honest cause to attempt difficult labour and endure the vtmost dangers so that there are two offices of a Christian fortitude ferre aggredi to beare and suffer and to attempt or enterprise but the first rather wherein the fortitude and patience of the Martyrs was tried in enduring vnspeakable and intollerable torments for the name of God 6. Although Ioab were a treacherous and bloodie man yet he might haue this morall vertue at this time as many common graces of the spirit are oft to be found in the wicked Mart. 7. Quest. v. 18. Of the number of chariots and horsemen which were slaine of the Aramites Here mention is made of seauen hundreth chariots and 40. thousand horsemen but in 1. Chron. 19.18 there are said to haue beene destroied 7. thousand chariots and 40. thousand footemen 1. Some doe thus reconcile the places that the principall of the chariots are here rehearsed but the whole number there and that the horsemen are here onely spoken of there the footemen Mart. Bor. Genev. 2. Iunius giueth a better solution of the first doubt that the number of 700.
hee had done indeed faithfull seruice to Abshalom if he would haue beene ruled by him and surceased to pursue his father and his counsell was also in effect profitable to him for it was better that Abshalom was slaine then he should haue killed his father But it is euident that Chushai had no such intendment to profite Absalom by his counsell but to ouerthrow all his deuises 4. Wherefore either with Iunius it may be answered that Chushai ambiguo sermone ludificatur doth with ambiguous speach dally with Absalom and so telleth not a lie See c. 17.16.18 5. Or else as Pet. Martyr concludeth Dauid might herein haue Gods direction and then hee sinned not for God is aboue his owne law as Abraham in attempting to sacrifice his sonne the Israelites in taking fâ—om the Egyptians sinned not because they did it by Gods direction So if it be graunted that Chushai here lied and dissembled if he did it humano impulsu by a mans meere deuise he cannot altogether be excused But if it were by Gods direction they offended not as it may be gathered by this both because presently after Dauids prayer that God would turne Achitophels counsell into foolishnesse Chushai is offred vnto him as the man by whom his praier should be effected and Dauid speaketh as a Prophet confidently that by this means Achitophels counsell should be brought to nought It seemeth then that Dauid herein was not without some diuine instinct But we need not run here to such extraordinarie instinct to seeke defense or excuse of this fact the former solution may be maintained that Chushai did not tell a lie nor is guiltie of vntruth in his speach but onely vsed a doubtfull and ambiguous kind of speach first hee saluted Absalom saying God saue the King which he might as well vnderstand of Dauid as of Absalom c. 16. v. 16. Againe he saith whom the Lord and all Israel and all this people shall choose his will I be who else was that but Dauid And further he addeth as I serued before thy father so will I be before thee hee professeth in effect himselfe still Dauids seruant His whole course of speach is ambiguous he may be thought somewhat to dissemble which in it selfe simply is not vnlawfull but hee is not conuinced of any vntruth CHAP. 16. 1. Quest. v. 3. Of Ziba his vnfaithfulnesse to his master Miphibosheth 1. SAint Paul giueth a rule vnto seruants not to serue their masters with eye-seruice but Ziba herein first sheweth his vnfaithfull seruice for in his masters absence he accuseth him howsoeuer beeing present he might seeme to please his masters eye 2. His disobedience also appeared that beeing bidden to saddle his masters asse to meete the king c. 19.26 hee went and made him readie for himselfe 3. Hee goeth about to robbe his master and seeketh to spoile him of all hee had 4. Hee is discontented with his estate lift vp in pride and thinketh scorne any longer to serue Miphibosheth thinking this a fit time to get his libertie Mar. 5. And to bring this about he plaieth the flatterer both presenting the King with gifts and seemeth in words to extenuate his gifts as not worthie to be offered to the King Osiand 7. And which made vp the full measure of his treacherie whereas a good seruant should haue spoken in defence of his master he most vnfaithfully and treacherously accuseth him vnto Dauid and would in all likelihood haue beene contented to be his butcher if so the King had pleased he should be slaine Mart. 2. Quest. Of Dauids rashnesse in giuing vnto Ziba Miphibosheths goods and lands 1. Dauid is assaulted in this Chapter with two contrarie temptations of flatterie by Ziba of rayling by Shemei hee ouercame the greater and was ouercome of the lesse So many times Gods children stand out in great temptations and giue out in lesse which sheweth their humane infirmitie and what they are being left vnto themselues 2. But there is great difference betweene the slippes of the righteous and the fall of the wicked for these are caught in the snare of temptation and cannot wind themselues out but though the righteous stumbleth yet hee recouereth himselfe agine as Dauid afterward made restitution vnto Miphibosheth of that which he had hastely taken from him 2. Dauid sheweth himselfe verie rash in precipitating his sentence against Miphibosheth his cause beeing vnheard It was a likely tale that hee told of Miphibosheth who was the onely heire left of Sauls house but all things that are likely are not true 3. Beside Dauid here sheweth his vnmindfulnesse of Ionathans kindnesse in time past and forgetteth the couenant which was made betweene them 4. By this we see how daungerous a thing it is for a Magistrate to receiue gifts which blind euen the eyes of the wise Osiand 5. And this mutabilitie in Dauid sheweth how vaine and vncertaine a thing it is to put any confidence in Princes Mart. 3. Quest. v. 7. Of Shemeâ— his cursing Hee vttereth many vile slanders against Dauid 1. He most falsly chargeth him with the blood of Sauls house whereas Dauid was therein most innocent for Abner and Ishbosheth were slaine against his will and the warres that were betweene the house of Dauid and the house of Saul were procured by Abner who prouoked Ioab to fight 2. Sam. 2. 2. He maketh Dauid an vsurper as though he had inuaded and thrust himselfe to raigne in Sauls stead whereas Dauid not once dreaming of a kingdome was thereunto called by the Lord and anointed by Samuel 3. He iustifieth wicked Abshalom saying that God had deliuered Dauids kingdome into his hands which was most vntrue Absalom was a most vniust and ambitious man and thought to depriue his father of his kingdome 4. He saith that Dauid was punished for his wickednesse which was true but not for those things whereof Shemei before challenged Dauid 4. Quest. v. 9. Of Abishai his inconsiderate zeale in Dauids cause 1. Here we haue two men one speaketh against Dauid the other defendeth Dauid both speake in the behalfe of their kinsmen the one hath a bad cause and yet handleth it cunningly as Shemei the other had a good cause the defence of the king but he handleth it not well both of them are lead with a carnall minde to seek reuenge 2. Abishai is here carried away with a preposterous zeale as often the children of God are So Ionas waighted still to see the destruction of Niniueh Iames and Iohn Luk. 9. would haue had fire come downe vpon the Samaritans This then proceeded not from any diuine or religious charitie but from an humane affection 3. He calleth Shemei dogge in contempt beeing compared with the king he was no better then a dogges head that is a vile person as 1. Sam. 24.15 5. Quest. v. 11. Why Dauid chargeth his seruants not to meddle with Shemei 1. Dauid looketh vnto Gods prouidence who had so disposed to trie Dauids patience by Shemei his rayling tongue 2.
challenged into the field a Christian may take the challenge because otherwise it will redound to his great dishonour Contra. But a mans life ought to be dearer vnto him then his honour or fame and therefore he ought not to hazard the more pâ—â—ncipal to preserue the lesse beside the profession of a Christian which is to suffer wrong and not to seek reuenge is hereby disgraced which euery man ought more carefully to preserue from blot then his owne name Fourthly some thinke that when a battell is pitched it were better that a few men should trie it for the whole campe rather then there should be a generall effusion of blood Contra. If the cause of such warre be iust as without a iust cause no warre ought to be enterprised this were to betray the goodnes of the cause in committing such a triall And further the meanes should be neglected which God offreth which is by a iust battell to decide the cause Fiftly if the Magistrate beeing corrupt doe giue sentence against the Innocent to die vnlesse he will trie it by the sword with his aduersarie in this case also some giue allowance to such cumbates Contra. The innocent is rather with patience to abide euen the hardest sentence of the vniust Magistrate then to commit sinne in the killing of an other for we ought rather to die then sinne 3. It will now on the other side be obiected 1. That seeing warre is lawfull and these manomachies are but a kind of warre they are as lawfull 2. Lots were lawfull but these singular cumbates are but a kind of lot 3. Dauids cumbate with Goliah was lawfull Contra. 1. There is great difference betweene warre and a monomachie or sole fight because there the battell is ioyned together by the strength and helpe of many one companie seconding another but here the aduenture lieth vpon a few and in Scripture we haue presidents of the one but not of the other 2. In the casting of lots there followeth no slaughter as in this case therefore they are vnlike for though Ionas were taken by lot yet he was cast ouer board by his owne direction hauing a propheticall instinct 3. The like is to be answered concerning Dauid that he tooke that enterprise in hand by the extraordinarie motion of Gods spirit 4. Yet there is a kind of Monomachie that is commendable in a Christian which is the spirituall and internall cumbate betweene the spirit and the flesh whereof the Apostle speaketh I see an other law in my members rebelling against the law of my minde Rom. 7.22 Mar. 12. Quest. v. 17. Who they were which were slaine in this skirmish 1. The 24. which were chosen on each side twelue were all slaine they one killed an other there was not one left which may seeme the more strange that euery one of them assaulted one another in such sort as that all of them fell downe wounded which sheweth with what egernes of mind this fight was prosecuted 2. But afterward these champions beeing thus slaine the other armies ioyned and Abners men were put to the worse Ioseph Quest. 13. v. 16. Of the name of the place called chelcath hazzurim 1. Some read the place was called S.L.B.G. but in the originall it is hee called that is euery one as Iun. or he which first gaue the name Vatab. 2. As for the name some giue the interpretation of it as the field or portion of the strong Iun. Lat. or the part of the lyers in waite Sep. or the inheritance of the killing of the strong C. or the portion or field of the sword points for tzur signifieth both strong and the point of a sword and chelkah is taken for the part or portion of a field Gen. 33.19 Iun. 3. But sâ—eing it is the proper name of a place the originall name is better retained euery one called it chelkath hazzurim so read Mont. Pag. B.G. 3. This name then was taken vp as a monument not of true fortitude but of cruell rage shewed in that place Mar. 14. Quest. v. 18. Of Asahels swiftnesse of foote 1. This Asahel was brother vnto Ioab and Abishai who were all in this battell and he is numbred among Dauids Worthies 1. Chron. 11. Mar. he is said to be swift as a roe by a kind of hyperbolicall speech as Saul and Ionathan are said to be swifter then Eagles chap. 1.23 Iosephus writeth he was so swift that he did not onely contend with men but with horse in running 2. Here in Asahel we see that saying of the Preacher verefied That the race is not to the swift nor the battell to the strong Eccl. 9.11 the swiftnes of Asahel to the which he trusted too much was the cause of his ruine which teacheth that we ought not to be too confident vpon our strength or any other gift No man is to trust in his strength or swiftnesse or any other internall or external gift either inward or outward Iosias a good Prince trusting to his strength and going against Pharaoh which he needed not to haue done was slaine in the battell Cicero his eloquence was the cause of his confusion Milo so renowned for his strength hauing rent an oake with his armes was caught in the cleft the tree returning againe to his place and was there left to be a prey to the wild beasts Mart. 15. Quest. v. 21. Of these words Take thee one of the young men 1. Some thinke that Abner meaneth if Asahel were afraid to returne alone that he should take any one of the young men to beare him companie and if he were afraid of him he should take away from him his weapons Chimh whom Vatablus followeth 2. Iosephus thinketh that he couenanteth with Asahel so that he would depart and let him alone that he should take any young mans armour in the host and so goe his way 3. But the meaning is thus rather that he would haue him trie his manhood with any other souldier of the host and not with him least he might after repent him Mart. and so he giueth him leaue to encounter with any of his souldiers to slay him and take his spoyle wherein the fashion and guise of captaines is seene in these daies that make small account of the life of their common souldiers Osiand 16. Quest. v. 23. Of the death of Asahel 1. Abner assaid by all meanes to perswade Asahel to desist and leaue off to follow him for he was afraid of Ioab Asahels brother if he should kill Asahel least this might be an hindrance vnto the peace which he hoped to make with Ioab Mar. or it might come into his mind as afterward chap. 3.18 that the kingdome should be established in Dauid and that Ioab should be a great man with him and therefore he was loath to offend him Borr. 2. And by this ruine of Asahel we see it pleaseth not God that euen an enemie especially offering peace and reconciliation should be too eagerly pursued as that
wise saying of the elder Scipio is remembred Viam hosti fugienti muniendam that a way is to be â—â—de euen to an enemie when he flieth Borrh. 17. Quest. v. 26. Of Abners perswasion to Ioab to giue ouer The Sunne beeing now set and so by Gods prouidence the opportunitie of further prosecuting the battell beeing cut off and beside Abner and his men standing vpon their gard both flocking together on an heape and taking the aduantage of the place vpon an hill Iun. then Abner beganne to mooue Ioab to cease pursuing them and thereunto he vseth three reasons The first is from humanitie that he should not suffer the sword to deuoure alwaies for warre beeing one of those things which is not desired for it selfe but as it tendeth to peace it must be vsed in measure such things as are to be desired for themselues can not be too much followed as vertue honestie but those things which are desired and sought to some other ende must be limited and confined The second is that euen such victories are not without losse and griefe euen vnto those that haue the better as the Israelites when they did fight against Beniamin though they ouercame them at the length yet they were twice foyled before Iudg. 20. Mart. Beside saying it will be bitternes in the ende he sheweth that his souldiers beeing in despaire of victorie if they were still vrged and pursued might in the bitternesse of their heart be prouoked and so seeke to reuenge themselues as a beare rageth beeing robbed of her whelps Pellic. His third reason is from their affinitie because they were brethren The Romane Chronicles make mention that in the battell betweene Sylla and Câ—nna and Marius one brother chanced to kill an other and after he perceiued that he was his brother he drew out his sword and killed himselfe It is therefore a forceable perswasion vnto peace because they are brethren Mart. 18. Quest. v. 27. Of Ioabs answer to Abner 1. Ioab refuseth not to be aduertised by his enemie and to heare reason from him for the truth is to be receiued at whosoeuers hand Mar. 2. Ioab knowing it was Dauids minde rather to obtaine the kingdome by peaceable meanes then by crueltie and bloodshed was content to giue ouer the battell vpon this occasion for this time for the warre continued still after this betweene the house of Dauid and the house of Saul Borr. Mar. 3. Ioab laieth the fault vpon Abner protesting in the name of God that if Abner had not first prouoked them to battell they had giuen ouer in the morning when no assault was yet made Mar. Iun. Osiand 19. Quest. v. 29. Of Bithron through the which Abner passed 1. Some read Bethoron as the Latine translatour Pellic. Borr. Bish. but Bethoron the vpper and Bethoron the neather were both on this side of Iordan this was beyond Iordan Borr. 2. The most read Bithron making it a proper name Pag. Montan. Vatab. Genev. but we doe not read that all that countrey beyond Iordan was called by one peculiar and proper name 3. I rather condescend to Iunius that it is here rather an appellatiue then a proper name and signifieth the separate or diuided countrey for so Bether signifieth separation as Cant. 2.17 the mountaines of Bether that is of separation so the Septuag read not much differing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the whole plaine the meaning then is that Abner and his men went through all the countrey on the other side of Iordan which was diuided from the rest of Israel by the riuer Iordan till he came to Mahanaim where Ishbosheth was 29. Quest. v. 31. Of the lawfulnesse of warre 1. In that Ioab by Dauids authoritie did encounter with Abner and his men and obtained victorie of them and smote of Abner and his men 360. men we see that it is lawfull for Christians now also vpon iust occasion to wage battell as may appeare by these reasons and places of Scripture 1. Iohn Baptist when the souldiers came vnto him did not bid them renounce their calling but onely saide Doe violence to no man neither accuse any falsly c. he would onely haue them to keepe within their bounds 2. Cornelius the Centurion Act. 10. pleased God in that calling and his prayers were heard and almes accepted before God 3. God gaue diuerse lawes vnto his people concerning warre as Deut. 20.6.7 it is prescribed who should be exempted and freèd from battell and in what manner they should behaue themselues in battell v. 10. but if it had beene vnlawfull at all to make warre it would rather by law haue been altogether prohibited and restrained then by certaine orders and rules commended 4. Warre also is ascribed vnto God as Exod. 17.16 The Lord will haue warre with Amalek and Dauid is said to fight the battels of the Lord 1. Sam. 25.28 But God is not the author of euill 2. But as it is lawfull to wage battell so yet euerie kind of warre is not lawfull These conditions then therein are required First that warre is not to be attempted without the authoritie of the Magistrate for to him the sword is committed as the Apostle saith He beareth not the sword for naught Rom. 13.4 therefore it is not lawfull for priuate men of their owne head to beare armes but in case of extreame necessitie as where the enemies make sodaine inuasion when there is no time to consult with the Magistrate who yet haue the secret consent and authoritie of the Magistrate whose will is that his subiects should be preserued from wrong Secondly the cause of warre must be iust and honest as to deliuer the oppressed to suppresse the enemies of God to recouer things wrongfully taken away and for such like causes Thirdly it must be enterprized with a good minde not to seeke reuenge or with a desire to the spoile of the enemies or to grow rich by warre as mercenarie souldiers for no other cause loue warre but first all honest meanes must be vsed for peace before warre be attempted and then the other conditions concurring they must proceede to battell setting before them chiefely the glorie of God to the ende they may liue in peace 3. The contrarie obiections of the Anabaptists The Anabaptists reasonâ— answered who denie it to be lawfull for châ—istians to make warre that hold it not lawfull for Christians to wage battell are these 1. Our Sauiour Christ saith Resist not euill whosoeuer will smite thee on the right cheek turne to him the other also 2. Christ said to Peter Hee that smiteth with the sword shall perrish with the sword 3. S. Paul findeth fault with the Corinthians for going one to lawe with an other 1. Cor. 6. much lesse is it lawfull to goe to warre 4. Christ in the parable would not haue the tares weeded out but to remaine vntill the time of haruest therefore warre is not to bee taken in hand for to purge the euill 4. Christ saith vnto
was then a sleepe and in good health the one was killed in the field the other in his owne house and thirdly Dauid was then but as a priuate man when he commaunded the Amalekite to be killed but now he was anointed King in Hebron therefore in all these three respects there was greater cause why he should put them to death then the other 7. Quest. v. 12. Of the cutting off their hands and feete and hanging them vp 1. Dauid either caused their bodies which were hanged vp to be taken downe before night according to the Law Deuter. 21. and as it was practised by Iosuah c. 7. Mart. or else he hung vp onely their hands and feete ouer the poole in Hebron Reconcil after their bodies were taken downe both in detestation of that horrible murder and to be a spectacle to others Borr. An example is made of those parts which were the speciall instruments of contriuing this villanie their feete in going to shedde blood and their hands in cutting off his head Mart. 2. This cutting off the hands and feet was beside the prescript of the law which commanded the murderer onely to be put to death but as the sinne might be more hainous so the Magistrate might also encrease the punishment as they cut off Adonibezeks thumbes of his hands and feete So that though the Lawe inflicted onely the bare punishment of death Iudg. 1. yet according to the circumstances of the crime more grieuous torments might be added by the Magistrate Mar. He was not to adiudge to death where the law imposed not the punishment of death but he might aggrauate that penaltie in the manner of death according to the qualitie of the offence CHAP. 5. 1. Quest. v. 1. How all the tribes of Israel came to Dauid and of the summe of their embassage ALl the multitude came not but the Elders only and cheife in the name of the rest Mar. or rather messengers and embassadours from all the tribes Iun. 2. They vse three reasons and perswasions which mooued them to affect Dauid for their king first he was of their kinred of their bones and flesh as they were appointed by the Law to make a king from among their brethren Deut. 17.15 secondly they had experience of his valor in the dayes of Saul when he led the people in and out thirdly the Lord had elected him as the law likewise requireth that they should make him their king whom the Lord should choose Deuter. 17.15 Borr. The Lord had said vnto him by Samuel when he annointed him Thou shal feede my people the signe went not without the word though in that place for breuiâ—ie sâ—ke it be omitted Iun. 2. Quest. How they made a covenanâ— before the Lord. 1. Some thinke that after Shilo was destroyed an high place was erected in Hebron where they offered sacrifices vnto God Pellic. where Abraham also in his time had built an altar and therefore they are said therâ— to make a couenant before the Lord Mart. But it was not lawfull for any sacrifice ordinarily to be offered but where the arke was 2. Some thinke that thâ— high Priest was present with his Vrim and Thummim Borr. Iosephus also saith that the high Priest was there with diuerse other Priests and Leuites but not the presence of the Priests onely but of the Arke also was requisite when in that sense they wâ—re said to be before the Lord which was yet in Abihadabs house Geneuens 3. Some thinke it is so said because God is present in the assemblies of his Saints yea where two or three are gathered together in his name Vatab. 4. But it signifieth more then so that they tooke the Lord solemnly to witnes and so as in his presence and by his name made this solemne league and couenant Iun. Geneuens 3. Quest. Of the number of those which came to Dauid to Hebron 1. Though the number be not here expressed it is at large set downe 1. Chron. c. 12. v. 23. to the ende of the Chapter The particular numbers out of euerie tribe that came to Dauid were these out of Iudah 6800. out of Simeon 7100. of Leui 4600. of Beniamin 3000. of Ephraim 20800. of the halfe tribe of Manasseh 18000. of Issachar 200. captaines with their companies the number whereof is not set downe of Zebulun 50000. of Nephtali 1000. captaines and with them 37000. of Dan 28000. of Asher 40000. and of them beyond Iordan an 120000. The whole number beeing summed together maketh about 300000. 2. But Iosephus somewhat differeth in his account for the odde 800. yeares of Iudah he reckoneth but 600. for the odde 600. of Leui he writeth 700. he numbreth of Issachar 20000. which is not expressed in the text and the number of 30000. out of Nephtali he omitteth from them beyond Iordan he accounteth but 22000. who made 120000. 3. Of all these the most backward are noted to haue beene of Beniamin for of that tribe came the smallest number but 3000. for they yet held with the house of Saul the most forward were they of Zebulun as it appeareth by their number of 50000. which was the greatest of any one tribe and they are directly mentioned not to haue bin of a double heart Iosep. l. 7. antiq cap. 2. And Iosephus writeth that this tribe onely came whole to Dauid 4. Quest. Of the time that Dauid raigned ouer Israel v. 4. The whole time is said to be 40. yeares whereof he raigned 7. yeares six moneths in Hebron and 33. yeares in Ierusalem which make in all 40. yeares sixe moneths 1. Some thinke that these sixe moneths are not summed because so long the kingdome of Dauid was intermitted by the rebellion and sedition of Absalom so the Hebrewes 2. Others thinke that the 33. yeares mentioned were but 32. yeares and a halfe the imperfect yeare beeing counted for an whole and perfect yeare Iun. Pell 3. But it is more like that to make the number of 40. yeare euen the odde sixe moneths are omitted Borrh. see the like Iud. 20.46 where there are said to be slaine of Beniamin 25000. men in which number one hundred is omitted for v. 25. they are said to be 1800. This place Iunius alleadgeth for his opinion that to make a round and euen number 33. yeares are put for 32. and an halfe but the place sheweth rather that to make a perfect and square number sometimes the odde ouerplus is detracted rather then added 5. Quest. v. 6. Of the citie Ierushalem and the name thereof 1. Dauid goeth vnto this citie purposing to make in the head city of the kingdom not only in respect of the situatioÌ„ thereof being set as it were in the mids of the tribes but he by the direction of Gods spirit did see that it was the place which the Lord did chuse where sometime Melchisedec dwelt that great priest of the most high God there was the mount Moria where Abraham would haue sacrificed his sonne 2. Ierushalem
Why the Lord smote Vzzah and how 1. Some of the Rabbines thinke that Vzzah was smitten because when he saw the Arke declining he had such an inward thought as though God were not able to stay it but no such thing is in the text Petrus Camestâ—r gesseth it waâ— for that hee had companied with his wife the night before which conceiâ— riseth of their prophane and base opinion of marriage which the Apostle calleth honourable the cause is euident out of the text because they had put the Arke into a caâ—t whereâ—s it was to be caried vpon the Leuites shoulders Mar. and because beeing no Priest he touched the Arke which it was not lawfull for the Leuites to doe Osiand both these causes are rendered of this iudgement the first 1. Chron. 15.3.14 the other 1. Chron. 13.10 2. How Vzzah was smitten it is not expressed some thinke he was striken with a thunderbolt Hierome is of opinion that his shoulder and arme waâ— suddenly withered and dried vp because he should haue borne the Arke vpon his shoulder De mirabilib Script lib. 2. c. 12. Augustine thinketh he was presently suffocated so died as they which are taken with an apoplexie but it seemeth it was a violent death and that by some rent rupture or diuision of his bodie as the place was thereupon called Perâ—z Vâ—zah the rent breach or diuision of Vzzah 3. Vzzah is smitten here whereas the Philistims were not punished at all for carting the Arke for they knew not the law of God and therefore were excused by their ignorance but the Israelites if they transgressed the law did it of carelesse negligence and forgetfulnesse as Vzzah here and therefore this punishment is laid vpon him Pellican 4. And Vzzah is smitten rather then Ahio not as Hierome thinketh if hee be the author of the traditions vpon the Chronicles bâ—cause Abinadab had Vzzah carie the Arke vpon his shoulders and he refused Mar. But though Ahio with the rest of the Priests and Leuites were all guiltie of the first fault in putting the Arke into a cart yet this fault was peculiar to Vzzah in that he presumed to touch the Arke which it was not lawfull for the Leuites to doe Num. 4.11 and therefore he was smitten and not Ahio Iun. 12. Quest. v. 7. Of thâ— right vse which is to be made of this iudgement vpon Vzzah 1. The Pope grossely abused this place against the Emperour who hauing made some constitutions in Germanie concerning râ—ligion and namely that of the interim was threatned by the Pope with the vengeance that did light vpon Vzzah for medling with things that appertained not vnto him But therein the Emperour did no more then other godly Kings before him Salomon Esechias Iosias and those Christian Emperours Constantine Theodosius Honorius Arcadius Mart. 2. But this example hath this application rather 1. It condemneth all will-worship and humane deuises brought into the seruice and worship of God as Nadab and Abihu were slaine for offering with strange fire 2. It teacheth vâ— ne in alienam functionèm nos ingreamus that we intrude not our selues into an others function as Vzzia the King was smitten with leprosie because he tooke vpon him to offer incense Osiander 3. The Arke also signifieth the Scripture quae non est illotis manibus tractanda which must not be handled with vncleane hands Pellican 4. It sheweth also that a good intention declining from the prescript of Gods word is not acceptable to the Lord Osiander For Vzzah here of a good meaning staied the Arke with his hand but because it was against the Law it displeased the Lord. 13. Quest. Why Dauid was displeased 1. Whereas the words in the originall are Dauid was angrie or anger was to Dauid some take it that Dauid was angrie not with the Lord for God could not be accused of iniustice here and it was farre from Dauid to lay any such imputation vpon God but he was angrie with the negligence of the Preists and his owne ouersight in such an apparant transgression of the Law Mart. 2. But the text giuing this reason because the Lord hath smitten Vzzah sheweth that this indeed was the cause of Dauids greife therefore the meaning is that displicuit Dauidi it displeased Dauid I.G.B. or Dauid was mooued and troubled as Samuel was mooued when the Lord had cast off Saul and cried vnto the Lord all night 1. Sam. 15.11 where the same phrase is vsed 3. As Dauid was mooued and troubled so it is said Dauid feared the Lord that day which both sheweth that Dauid setting before him the like punishment vpon the Philistims first then vpon the Bethshemites for their irreuerent behauiour toward the Arke feared the like punishment himselfe and therefore durst goe no further with the Arke Mart. And beside it made Dauid more carefull afterward nihil tentare praeter doctrinam legis to attempt nothing beside the doctrine of the Law Pellican 14. Quest. Whether Dauid did well in going no further with the Arke 1. Some think that Dauid was herein ouerseene and though he were an holy man yet he was not without his faults for if he were assured that it was the Lords will to bring the Arke to Ierusalem he should not haue giuen ouer notwithstanding this crosse successe and if he were not he should neuer haue begunne and taken it in hand Mart. 2. To the same purpose Osiander that Dauid exceeded a due measure in this his feare in that he sendeth away the Arke from him as many now a dayes because they thinke themselues vnworthie to receiue the Sacrament do along time forbeare and will not receiue it at all 3. But Dauid herein rather obeyed as it seemed to him the Lords will which hee might thinke was not at this time that the Arke should be brought to his house as was declared by this fact Iun. so aguoscit se indignum c. he acknowledgeth himselfe vnworthy with whome the Arke which was the seat of God should remaine and dwell Pellic. 15. Quest. v. 10. Of the leauing of the Arke in the house of Obed Edom the Gittite 1. The most doe thinke that this Obed Edom is called a Gethite or Gittite because he had sometime soiourned with Dauid or vpon some other occasion in Gath a citie of the Philistims Pellic. Vatab. and it might be he fled thither when Saul put the Priests to death Mart. But he was so called of Gath Rimman one of the cities giuen in common by the tribe of Manasses and of Dan to the Kohathites the Leuits Iosh. 21.24 Iun. 2. And with him the Arke is left not that Dauid forced him to take the Arke and so would turne the daunger vpon an other which he feared But it seemeth rather that Obededom dwelling in the way and beeing a good man and also a Leuite that he was willing to giue entertainement vnto the Arke Osiand Martyr Rupertus thinketh that Dauid as yet knew not the cause why the Lord
himselfe by that vow Mart. 2. And whereas Dauid voweth that hee will not sleepe nor climbe vp into his bed till hee had found out a place for the Lords house the meaning is not that Dauid would alwaies thinke of it and haue it in minde for otherwise his naturall infirmitie and frailnesse could not so long endure without sleepe and rest Mart. But he voweth that he will not take possession of his new habitation and dwelling place which hee had made vntill he had found out an house for the Lord Iun. 3. But notwithstanding this vow the Lord forbiddeth Dauid to goe forward in this purpose he therefore reuoketh and reuerseth his vow Controv. Whether rash vowes may be broken for if the father may call backe the vow of his daughter and the husband of the wife Numb 30. much more may the Lord dispense with the vowes of his seruants which are rashly or vnaduisedly made therefore we hold that all rash vowes as of single life voluntarie pouertie and such like which are made without warrant of Gods word by the authoritie of the same word may be reuersed as God here doth rebuke the hastie vow of Dauid 5. Quest. Wherefore the Lord would not haue Dauid build him an house v. 6. 1. The first reason which the Lord vseth is in respect of himselfe that he had dwelt in no house since he brought Israel out of Egypt and yet he was present with Israel and contented himselfe to dwell in tents he was all this while notwithstanding their Almightie God therefore in respect of himselfe there was no cause why Dauid should be so carefull to make God an house 2. Againe in respect of Dauid himselfe there was iust cause seeing there were many Princes and Gouernours before him vnto whom the Lord gaue no such commandement neither was he angrie with them for not building the Lord an house Dauid therefore should not thinke that it concerned him more then any of the rest which went before him 3. An other reason is yeelded by Salomon 1. King 5.3 why it pleased not God that Dauid should build him an house because he had warre with the nations round about and therefore he had no leisure nor opportunitie to enterprise such a great worke 4. And beside Dauid himselfe sheweth that the Lord forbad him to build him an house because he was a man of warre and had shed blood 1. Chron. 28.3 not as though it had beene vnlawfull for Dauid to fight the Lords battels or that he had beene defiled therewith but because the building of the Temple was a type of the spirituall building of the Church by Christ the Prince of peace it was requisite that the Temple should be built by peaceable Salomon that the figure and shadow might be correspondent to the bodie 5. But this was no cause as the Romanists imagine because Dauid by shedding of blood and waging of battell became irregular for then many of their Popes which haue beene warriers and warlike men should haue beene irregular yea and many of the founders of their Abbyes which had beene murtherers should haue much more incurred the same censure for Dauids warres were iust but they killed vniustly Mar. 6. But in that God would not suffer Dauid to build him an house we see that ceremonies are of no vertue or force but as they haue their strength from the word of God and therefore Ieremie reprooueth the hypocrites of his time for hauing such confidence in the materiall Temple who thought whatsoeuer sinnes they were guiltie of that they were deliuered in comming to the Temple Ierem. 7.10 Mart. 6. Quest. Whether Dauids desire to build God an house were simply in it selfe acceptable 1. That Dauid did well therein and that the Lord was well pleased with his intent and purpose Salomon sheweth 1. King 8.18 so that generally in it selfe it was a good purpose and desire but yet failed herein because hee had no particular direction from Gods word to doe it for God may approoue some acts which notwithstanding he will not haue done at all times and seasons 2. True it is that the Lord purposed to haue an house built as is euident Deut. 12.11 but the circumstance of time and place beeing not expressed they were to waite for further direction and warrant from God for it is not in these ceremoniall precepts as in morall for where any morall precept is generally propounded it must be executed without expecting any other commandement as the Apostle saith Philip. 4.8 Whatsoeuer things are true whatsoeur things are honest whatsoeuer things are iust c. thinke of these things but ceremonies and sacraments must haue a particular institution from God of which kind the building of the temple was 3. And though Dauid here be inhibited to build Gods house yet the Iewes in Haggies time were worthely reprooued for their negligence therein not that God is contrarie to himselfe in forbidding and commanding the same thing but the reason of the difference is because Dauid had no word of God to warrant this enterprise but the Iewes were commanded by the Prophets and so had the word of God which they stubburnely disobeyed 7. Quest. v. 7. Whether these words are well translated spake I one word with any of the tribes 1. Most of the Interpreters so translate the word shibtez tribes as S.L.C.V. with the rest 2. But it is better translated by a Synecdoche Iudges or gouernours the word properly signifieth scepters where the scepter beeing an adiunct of the gouernment is taken for the gouernours themselues Iun. And that this reading is best these reasons may show because it is so expounded 1. Chron. 17.6 where this place is rehearsed thus spake I one word to any of the Iudges of Israel c. 2. And beside the words following here confirme the same sense whom I commanded to feede my people but they were the Iudges not the tribes whom the Lord commanded so to doe 3. v. 11. the Lord also saith since the time that I commanded Iudges ouer my people 4. And there is great affinitie and similitude in the words betweene shibtee and shophtee 8. Quest. v. 8. Why the Lord maketh mention that he tooke Dauid from the sheepcoate The Lord to a diuerse end remembreth this here then afterward when he had committed that sinne in the matter of Vriah where the Lord rehearsing the benefits which he had done for him as how he had anointed him King ouer Israel and deliuered him out of the hand of Saul c. 12.7 vpbraideth Dauid for his vnthankefulnesse But here 1. the Lord by putting Dauid in mind of these benefits he thereby doth incourage him not to thinke that this inhibition to goe forward in his purpose to build God an house proceeded from any disfauour seeing he had heaped so many blessings vpon him but that the Lord had another meaning in it Mart. Osiand 2. And beside hereby the Lord doth stil keepe him in hope that he will haue an
manum suam c. to set or oppose his hand toward Euphrates but the word iatzab signifieth to settle to establish not to oppose or set against and there he referreth iado his hand to Dauid whereas here he vnderstandeth it of Hadadezer but it must haue the same sense in both places likewise there is great affinitie betweene the word Iashab here vsed which signifieth to constitute or place and iatzab to settle establish 3. It seemeth therefore that Hadadezer rather sought to inuade Dauids bounds then onely to passe through them for that had beene no iust occasion of warre and by this occasion that prophesie Genes 15.18 was fulfilled that the Lord would giue vnto Abrahams seede that land euen vnto the great riuer Euphrates 5. Quest. v. 4. What number of chariots and horses Dauid tooke from Hadadezer There is mention made 1. Chron. 18.4 of a thousand charets and seuen thousand horsemen and 20. thousand footemen but here the number is a thousand seauen hundred horsemen Reconcil and 20. thousand footemen lib. 7. antiq c 5. 1. Iosephus is farre wide that speaketh onely of fiue thousand horsemen and 20. thousand footemen for he agreeth with neither of these numbers 2. Pet. Martyr thus reconcileth the places that here onely the principall horsmen are spoken of which were 1700. in the other place the whole number and multitude 3. But the best solution is this that to the first number of a thousand must be added charrets he tooke a thousand charrets as it is in the other place and the same number of a thousand chariots Iosephus also hath And by 700. horsemen here wee must vnderstand 700. companies of horsemen which euery one had tenne which make in all seauen thousand see the like c. 10.18 where it is said that Dauid destroied seuen hundred chariots of the Aramites but 1. Chron. 19.18 they are said to bee seuen thousand chariots which make but 700. companies or bandes allowing tenne to euery companie Iun. 6. Quest. v. 4. Why Dauid houghed some of the chariot horse and reserued some 1. It is said that Dauid houghed all the chariots that is the chariot horses sauing an hundred this Dauid did to make them vnfit altogether for the seruice of warre as Ioshuah did the like by the Lords direction c. 11.6 It was not lawfull for Dauid to take them all to his owne vse because the king is directly forbidden to multiplie horses Deut. 17.16 least they might put their confidence in horses neither was Dauid to destroy them all because they were not Cherem that is anathema vowed to destruction Dauid therefore taketh a course betweene both neither to destroy the horse nor yet to reserue them for his owne vse but to hough them and so make them vnfit for warre though they might serue for other workes of tillage and husbandrie 2. Yet Dauid reserueth an 100. chariots that is fowre hundred horse for foure horse went to a chariot as the Hebrewes gather out of that place 1. King 10.29 where it is said that Salomon gaue 600. shekels for a chariot that is an 150. shekels for an horse These Dauid might reserue for his owne vse for in respect of the whole seruice of the kingdome 400. horse were not many Mart. 7. Quest. v. 5. Of the Aramites that came to aide Hadadezer against Dauid 1. Iosephus thinketh that this kings name was Hadad and that the succeeding kings of Damascus were called by that name as the kings of Egypt were called by the name of Ptolomees and that Benhadad the third from this king was both of the same name and line who afflicted Israel vnder the raigne of Achab thus Iosephus reporteth out of Nicolaus an olde historiographer But it is like rather that the title and name of Hadad should come from Hadadezer the king of Sabah Borrh. but seeing there is no certaintie either of the one or of the other out of the text wee may so leaue it 2. This King of Aram or Damascus here taking part with Hadadezer and medling with a matter which appertained not vnto him looseth his owne libertie which example should teach Princes how they take in hand any vnlawfull battell Osiand As it was the ruine and ouerthrowe of good Iosias when he went against the King of Egypt beeing not prouoked 3. Here now is fulfilled the prophesie of Baalim That there should rise a scepter of Israel and smite the coasts of Moab and destroy all the sonnes of Seth Numb 24.17 These Aramites are counted among the sonnes of Seth because all the posteritie and offspring of Cham perished in the flood Borrh. 8. Quest. v. 7. How farre it is lawfull to reioyce for the destruction of our enemies Thai king of Hamath who had continuall warre with Hadadezer whome Dauid had discomfited sendeth his sonne Ioram to reioyce with him because his mortall enemie was vanquished and to enter into league of amitie and friendship with him It is here then to bee considered how farre it is lawfull to reioyce in the fall of an enemie 1. First in the spirituall fall of an enemie as into sinne and wickednesse it is not lawfull to reioyce but therein we ought much to be grieued as S. Paul bewayled them which sinned among the Corinthians 2. Cor. 12.21 2. In other temporall calamities some thinke it is not lawfull to reioyce ouer the ruine of our enemies as long as the will of God is not reuealed in the iust punishment of such but when God hath euidently declared his will in the iudging of such then they hold it lawfull to reioyce as Moses did triumph in the ouerthrowe of Pharaoh and of the Egyptians in the red Sea 3. But this matter must otherwise be considered of for when God doth iudge an enemie we must consider whether we ioy therein in respect of our own priuate quarrell or as it concerneth the glorie of God for it is vnlawfull for vs in any priuate respect to insult ouer our enemies fall as the wiseman saith in the Prouerbs Be not glad when thyne enemie falleth c. least the Lord see it and it displease him Prou. 24.17 But if we consider Gods glorie which was hindred by such enemies and the Churches common good then we may reioyce and be thankefull vnto God that hath therein also together iudged our cause as Dauid gaue thanks vnto God when he heard of the death of Nabal But it seemeth that this Thai reioyced onely of a carnall mind because his enemie was foyled and ouercome 4. Yea it often falleth out that these two affections of griefe and ioy together may concurre in Gods seruants that their naturall compassion may be mooued to shewe their sorrow in the calamitie and ruine of their foes as Dauid mourned for Saul and yet in respect of Gods glorie and the truth which was hindred by such they may be gladde that they are taken out of the way as Dauid no doubt in the ouerthrowe of Saul did thankefully and humbly
between them in the name of God and now therefore according to the same will performe the mercie and kindnes which they Ionathan and Dauid promised each to other Iun. 4. Quest. v. 7. Of the kindnes which Dauid shewed to Miphibosheth 1. It will be said that Dauid in restoring vnto Miphibosheth the lands of Saul did performe no great matter seeing they were of right due vnto him as the next heire to this R. Salomon answereth that it was in the power of the King to take from whom he would and giue vnto another at his will and pleasure as Samuel describeth the office of a King 1. Sam. 8.12 Hee will take your feilds and your vineyards and your best oliue trees and giue them to his seruants And therefore Dauid did shew great kindnes in giuing these lands to Miphibosheth which he might haue bestowed vpon another But D. Chimhi herein opposeth himselfe to R. Salomon shewing that it is not in the power of the king to dispose of mens grounds and possessions at his pleasure as Ahab though a wicked king yet would not by violence take away Naboths vineyard the fruits of their lands were to serue the kings vse they were thereof to giue toward the prouision of his house but their possessions simply he was not to dispose of But it was otherwise in this case for Ishbosheth hauing rebelled against Dauid the lawfull king might iustly haue beene depriued and likewise Miphibosheth for taking part with him as is most like Iun. of all the right which they had in the goods and possessions of Saul and therefore Dauid sheweth herein great mercie in restoaring of them vnto Miphibosheth Mart. 2. It will further be obiected that Dauid was bound to doe this by vertue of the former league made betweene Ionathan and Dauid and therefore he was in a manner forced to shew this kindnesse It is true Dauid was tied vnto it by the force of the league yet Dauids faithfulnesse is therein no whit lesse to be commended that was so mindfull of the couenant these circumstances specially considered as 1. that Ionathan was now dead and could not challenge Dauid 2. The house of Saul had resisted him and put him to much trouble which might haue seemed a iust cause for Dauid to haue violated that league 3. And some might haue pretended policie that it was not safe to aduance the house and familie of a contrarie faction Dauid notwithstanding all these obiections which might haue bin pretended extendeth his kindnes and therein sheweth his goodnes and faithfulnesse 3. But Dauid promised Ionathan that he should be the next and second vnto him in the kingdome 1. Sam. 23.17 he therein kept not his promise with Ionathan yes Dauid made good herein that promise to the full for Miphibosheth is nourished at the kings table as one of the kings sonnes who were cheifest in reputation as is before shewed c. 8.18 and Miphibosheth was counted among them But in that Miphibosheth was not imployed in any place of gouernment it was not Dauids fault but because hee in respect of his lamenesse was not fit for any such employment Mart. 5. Quest. v. 8. Why Miphibosheth calleth himselfe a dead dogge 1. Miphibosheth so calleth himselfe as vile and contemptible in diuerse respects 1. In regard of his familie which was reiected of God and Dauid chosen to be king in the place of Saul Mar. 2. And herein he confesseth and acknowledgeth the trespasse of that familie against Dauid by the which they deserued to be cast off and despised of Dauid as a dead dogge Pellican 3. He confesseth himselfe in respect of his person to be as an abiect and forlorne man not worthie to be respected of Dauid Osiander 2. But this speach must not be vnderstood as simply spoken but therein there is both an hyperbole in that by way of amplification to set forth his miserable state he resembleth himselfe to a dead dogge it is also spoken by way of comparison in respect of Dauid and of his princely estate hee taketh himselfe to be but as a dead dogge 6. Quest. Whether any to shew their humilitie may make a lie of themselues It may seeme that Miphibosheth did more abase himselfe then he needed and confessed himselfe to be that which he was not which giueth occasion of this question which may thus be resolued 1. It is not lawfull for any to lie of himselfe to expresse his humilitie for S. Pauls rule is generall Rom. 3 8. that we must not doe euill for good to come thereof neither is it lawfull to make a lie Ibid. v. 7. that the veritie may now abound thorough my lie vnto his glorie nay it is not lawfull for to make a lie for Gods cause for then as the Apostle saith wee should be found to be false witnesses of God 1. Cor. 15.8 Epist. 8 ad Hier. And Augustine well sheweth by occasion of these words that it is no lesse sinne falsa laudare de Deo quam de eo vera non credere to speake by way of commendation false things of God as not to beleeue that which is true if it be not lawfull for Gods honour to tell a lie much lesse to preserue the credite of our modestie and humilitie 1. Tim. 1.13 2. But Saint Pauls example will be obiected that saith he was peccatorum primus the first or chiefe of sinners and yet there were greater sinners then hee And the Prophet Agur saith of himselfe Prov. 30.1 that hee was more foolish then any man yet was not he the foolishest among men 1. Some here answer that they thus spake in respect of their own weakenesse confessing they had no strength at all of themselues but from God 2. It may further be added that they thus confessed in their owne opinion who thought themselues to be inferiour vnto all 3. But here is a difference to be made betweene a generall confession of the weaknes and impotencie of our nature which the most perfect in this world may truely ackowledge and a particular ackowledgement of some actuall sinne which no man is to confesse of himselfe beeing not guiltie thereof as S. Paul though he say he was the chiefest sinner yet he doth not make himselfe an adulterer Idolater or such like which sinnes he was free from 4. Saint Paul also speaketh by way of comparison with those which were called that none of them had so persecuted the way of Christ as he had done consequently none of them had so greatly sinned in that behalfe so also the Prophet Agur doth acknowledge his ignorāce not simply but in respect of the high things of God which he was not able to comprehend Mar. 7. Quest. v. 10. Whether Miphibosheth did in deed eate at the Kings table The occasion of this question is this v. 10. Dauid saith Thou and thy sonnes and thy seruants shall till the land and bring in that thy masters sonne may haue foode to eate but
to haue his sonne returne againe and his reason is because after Absalom was returned Ioab came not at him for two yeares neither would come being sent for till Absalom had caused his field of barley to be set on fire But it is euident that Ioab did it to pleasure Absalom as appeareth ver 22. where Ioab giueth great thankes vnto the King for graunting his request And afterward Ioabs minde might somewhat change toward Absolom as he sawe the kings minde to alter and because the king would not haue him see his face neither would Ioab visit him and courtiers beside are forgetfull of their friends and variable At this time it is like Ioab thinking Absalom like to succeede in the kingdome would by this meanes insinuate himselfe into his fauour 2. Quest. Why Ioab dealeth couertly by parable with the King not directly Whereas there are two kind of examples some are true some are fained the fained are of two sorts either parables or fables and parables sometime are vsed for illustration onely sometime for proofe and demonstration this parable is of this latter sort Borrh. which Ioab here putteth into the womans mouth for these causes 1. Parables doe mooue much and leaue a vehement impression behind them 2. They were very vsuall in those dayes 3. But the cheifest reason of all was opus erat obliqua petitione in causa mala in an euill cause it was necessarie to vse an oblique and indirect petition Osiand for it would haue seemed an harsh and vnsauourie petition at the first to request a parricide of his brother to be restored Antonius Caracalla after he had killed his brother Geta would haue had Papinian the lawyer to defend the fact who made this franke answer paricidia facilius committentur quà m defenduntur that parricides are more easily committed then defended but for this his free speach hee was slaine Mart. 4. This diligence of Ioab in bolstring out a badde cause should teach vs not to be slacke in following of a good cause Mart. 3. Qâ—est Of the woman of Tekoah whom Ioab vsed 1. This Tekoah some thinke to haue beene a citie in the tribe of Asher Bor. Mar. Pellic. but it is found to haue beene in the tribe of Iudah 2. Chron. 11.6 Iun. Genev. 2. The Rabbines thinke that this towne brought forth many wittie and eloquent men and women out of which place came the Prophet Amos and therefore Ioab made choice to take a woman from this place 3. Pellican thinketh that this woman indeed did truely put this case of her two sonnes which killed one the other but it is otherwise expressed in the text v. 3. that Ioab taught her what she should say 4. Ioab therefore maketh choice of this woman whom he knew to be of a subtile wit and readie speech to put forth this parable to the King and to take vpon her the person and habite of a mourner which part was fittest to be played by a woman full of passion and so able to mooue compassion 4. Quest. Of the womans speach in generall 1. The womans parabolicall narration consisteth of two parts of the proposition of the parable to v. 12. then the reddition and accomodation of it to Absalom v. 12. to v. 21. Borrh. 2. The reasons which the woman vseth to perswade compassion are specialy three taken ab honesto vtili facili it was an honest thing which she desired profitable and easie to be done first it was honest both by the lawe of nature which teacheth a man to defend himselfe and to repell wrong by force and might as this her sonne did defend himselfe from his brothers wrong it was honest by the written lawe which appointed cities of refuge for such inuoluntatie offenders It was also a thing profitable to her house that her sonne should liue otherwise her sparke should be put out if both her sonnes should be taken way And it was an easie matter for the King to determine who was as an Angel of God that is of great dexteritie in hearing good and bad 3. The woman alleadgeth many vnlike things in her parable which were not true in the case betweene Amnon and Absalom 1. One of these supposed sonnes did not intend an others death but they fell out vpon the sudden but Absalom had purposed Amnons death long before 2. one of these inuaded an other but Amnon did not assault Absalom 3. there no witnesses were present here all the Kings sonnes were assembled together 4. the cities of refuge were not appointed for wilfull murderers such as Absalom was 5. she pretended that if her other sonne died all hope of posteritie should be cut off but though Absalom should neuer returne the King had more sonnes Mart. Thus she of purpose inserteth into this her oration some vnlike things least the King should at the first perceiue her purpose Osiand 5. Quest. v. 9. What the woman meaneth when she saith This trespasse be vpon me and my fathers house 1. Some thinke that she cunningly turneth the speach and curse vpon her selfe which she meaneth toward the King that if he did not helpe in this case and deliuer her sonne from them that pursued him that God would require it at his hand Borrh. Mart. But it is not like that she would either apertly or couertly vse any such commination all her speach beeing petitionarie 2. Therefore this rather is her meaning that if it were so that the king should offend in redeeming her sonne that had killed his brother she would before the Lord take all the fault vpon her selfe and her familie the King and his throne should be innocent Iun. Osiand 6. Quest. v. 11. Why the woman saith to the King Remember the Lord thy God 1. The Chalde paraphrast seemeth to giue this sense that he would remember what is written in the law of God concerning the pursuit of blood that they should not pursue deadly the innocent 2. Osiander giueth this sense remember the Lord thy God to imitaate him in shewing of mercie 3. But it appeareth by Dauids immediate answer which he bindeth with an oth that the woman for her better assuraÌ„ce did couertly desire it of the king Iun. Vat. Mar. 4. And whereas the king seemed but to speake of one reuenger of blood ver 10. bring him to me that speaketh against thee she desireth a more generall graunt of the king that he would not suffer the reuengers of blood to be multiplied that not onely one but all it might be inhibited by the King Pel. 5. The King by this oath was not tied to graunt her request following for Absalom for his was a diuerse case from this here propounded by the woman and confirmed by Dauids oath 6. Neither did the King abase himselfe in swearing to the woman to confirme his promise it beeing so waightie a matter seeing that God did so much condiâ—cend to Abraham to confirme the promises made vnto him by swearing by himselfe Mart. 7. Quest. v. 13. Of the
haue beene an offence vnto Amnons friends and they might hereby haue beene prouoked to seeke reuenge Mart. 4. And Dauid did it to this ende vt melius filios in officio contineret that he might by this example of seueritie the better containe his children and bring them to doe their dutie Osiand 5. And Dauid thought it good not to restore Absalom all at once he knew him to be of an insolent nature hee would haue him therefore by little and little to conceiue more hope of pardon Pellic. 11. Quest. v. 25. Of Absaloms beawtie 1. Mention is made here of Absaloms beautie to shewe his pride that grewe insolent and ambitious in respect of his beautie and fauour that he not long after aspired to the crowne 2. Beautie is no vertue and yet it is in it selfe a commendable gift of nature especially if it be accompanied with these two things humanitie and chastitie as Ioseph beeing a beautifull person excelled in both these he was courteous toward his brethren and chast to his mistris But both of them were wanting in Absolom he was both cruell and of a murderous mind and verie vnchast that hee did not forbeare his fathers concubines 3. Beautie and comelinesse is not alwaies ioyned with vertue Saul was a comely tall person yet prooued a tyrant Alcibiades among the Athenians was a comely man but caused many tragedies Isocrates was wont to say of such that had beautie but no vertue that they had navim bonam sed gubernatorem malum a good ship but an euill gouernour Chrysostome compareth thē to faire trees in the wood In Psalm 50. that bring no fruit but for swine And they may be likened to peacockes which haue gaie feathers but are not so profitable as the poore hourely bee that yeeldeth honie Mart. 12. Quest. Of Absalom haire v. 16. 1. Some thinke that Absalom was a Nazarite and therefore polled not his haire but the Nazarites did not cut their haire once euery yeare as Absalom did but when their vow was at an end It is like as D. Kimhi thinketh that he had a pride in his haire and did glorie in it 2. In some countries the vse was not to poll their haire as among the Lacedemonians and they did it for this reason if they were comely the haire would adde grace vnto them if they were deformed it would make them terrible to their enemies But among the Romans they as much abhorred those which did weare long haire There was a certaine tree whereon the young men and virgins did hang their first haire which they consecrated vnto the gods Absalom in nourishing his haire followed therein no custome but did it onely of pride 2. His haire waighed 200. sicles which as Iosephus counteth was fiue pound but some Hebrews better value the pound at 25. sacred sicles that is so many halfe ownces this was esteemed after the kings that is the ciuill and common sicle Iunius which is held to be but two drammes that is a quarter of an ownce Iosephus is here in an errour who thinketh hee polled his head at euery 8. monthes end whereas the text saith it was at the end of euery yeare and it being too heauie for him weighing 200. common sicles that is an 100. halfe ownces and 50. whole ownces which maketh about 4 l. weight counting 12. ownces and an halfe to the pound he then cut it off But if the sicle contained halfe an ownce as Montanus thinketh then the waight of his haire was as much more Some thinke that it was sold for 200. sicles not that it waighed so much Emm. Sa. But the valuation of it at such a reckoning would seeme more strange then the weight thereof at such a summe In Saul and Absalom two men of goodly stature but of badde conditions we haue the right description of hypocrites who beare a faire shew outwardly but within are corrupt Borrh. CHAP. 15. 1. Quest. v. 1. What mooued Abshalom to aspire vnto the kingdome and when 1. IOsephus thinketh that he beganne to attempt this after foure yeares whereof though there be no mention in the text yet it may well be that after he had bin kept from his fathers presence two yeares and had beene receiued into his fauour and sight and so continued one yeare then he beganne thus to practise in the fourth 2. And seeing Amnon the Eldest was now slaine and Chileab the second sonn◠was dead he tooke himselfe to be the next heire and therefore beginneth betimes to preuent the conueying of the kingdome ouer to Salomon which now might beginne to be surmised and talked of Mar. 3. He might also carrie an hatefull mind toward his father and so purposed vngraciously with himselfe to be reuenged of him His mother also beeing a straunger and his kindred were not so much it may be respected and therefore he also sought their aduancement 4. And herein God had a secret worke that Nathans prophecie might take place that the sword should neuer depart from Dauids house Further herein Dauid was a type and figure of the Messiah against whom one of his Apostles lift vp his heele Borrh. 2. Quest. Of Abshaloms practises whereby he seeketh to aspire to the kingdome 1. Hee taketh vpon him great state and pompe hee prouideth him a chariot and horses which was a thing vnusuall and 50. men And by this glittering shew he beginneth to be aduanced of the people who are much affected with nouelties and vnwonted vsages Mart. It was maruell that his father perceiued not to what this tended but hee was blinded with fatherly loue and affection toward him Osiand 2. The next thing whereby he insinuateth himselfe is his diligence and paines he would rise vp earely euery morning and goe and stand in the gate ambitious men will spare no trauaile or paines to atcheiue their purpose which may teach vs to be diligent in following of good causes if the ambitious are so diligent and studious in prosecuting of euill 3. Then followeth his flatterie he would commend euery ones cause that it was verie good and would giue them faire promises wishing that hee were set to be a Iudge ouer them he would then minister iustice vnto euery one 4. He slaundereth also his Fathers gouernment and accuseth his officers of negligence and iniustice as the propertie of ambitious men is to dispraise all but themselues 5. Vnto these insinuations he addeth a fawning kind of humanitie and courtesie abasing himselfe to kisse euery one that came by 6. And by these meanes it is said he stole away the hearts of the people both in respect of Dauid to whom they were bound by couenant from him hee stealeth their hearts Mart. and in respect of the people also who knew not Absaloms purpose herein it was also secret and as theft vnto them 3. Quest. v. 7. After fourtie yeares from what time these yeares must be counted 1. Osiander thinketh those yeares to take beginning from Dauids first annoynting by Samuel but
that beeing done priuately could not well be a rule of the publike account 2. Vatablus so also Genevens reckoneth those yeares from the time when the Israelites asked a King which was three yeares as he thinketh before Dauid beganne his raigne and he taketh this to be the 37. yeare of Dauids raigne But it was more then 40. yeares from thence for Samuel and Saul gouerned Israel 40. yeeres Act. 13.21 Neither was there any cause why the yeares of Dauids raigne should be counted from thence seeing hee was no way accessarie to the sinne of the people in that petition 3. An other account is to beginne these yeares from the slaughter of the preists by Saul in Nob but the Scripture vseth not to put the yeares of two kings raignes together 4. Iosephus for fourtie yeares readeth fowre but that is contrarie to the text 5. And to count these 48. yeares as runne of the Iubile is without ground because we find not that account to be vsed in Scripture 6. The best reckoning then of these yeares is to count them from the beginning of Dauids raigne But not as Pellican thinketh that this might be done two or three yeares before the end of Dauids raigne for so few yeares he thinkeeth breake no great square in such a summe this account is better taken precisely and exactly that this fell out in the last yeare of Dauids raigne for all the rest of the storie which followeth to chap. 21. seemeth to haue beene done in a veire short time thus therefore the yeares may be diuided two yeares Absalom was at Ierusalem before he sawe his fathers face and three yeares before that in exile two yeares before that were past from the deflouring of Thamar to the slaughter of Amnon these make 7. in all and it is thought that 3. or 4. yeares before that Dauid committed the sinne with Bathsheba in the 59. yeare of his age and about the 29. yeare of Dauids raigne for Dauid raigned 40. yeares and was 70. yeares old when he died so that the 59. yeare of his age will concurre with the 29. yeare of his raigne And it is held of the Hebrewes that Salomon was but a 11. yeares of age when hee beganne his raigne Mart. 4. Quest. Why Abshalom maketh choice of Hebrâ—n to beginne his conspiracie in 1. Iunius thinketh that Abshalom did not sacrifice at Hebron but onely made a vow solemnely among his kinred there to testifie his thankefulnesse vnto God for restoring him to his countrie and his fathers fauour but it is euident in that he saith I will serue the Lord v. 8. that it was a religious act beside a solemne feast for before the Temple was built they sacrificed in other places then where the Tabernacle was Mart. Osiand especially their peace-offerings Genevens See more hereof before 1. Sam. qu. 17. in c. 7. qu. 4. in c. 9. qu. 2. c. 16. 2. Hee maketh choice of Hebron beeing a famous place because of the sepulchre of the Patriarkes there and there Dauid beganne his raigne and Absaloms kinred there dwelt of the tribe of Iudah Mart. 3. Thus Abshalom maketh religion a clooke of his rebellion as the Pope and popelings in their treacherous plottes pretend religion and conscience Borrh. 5. Quest. v. 10. Of Abshaloms conspiracie and the manner thereof 1. First there went with Abshalom 200. men these were inuited to Abshaloms feast but knew nothing of his conspiracie the text saith they went in their simplicitie These were in no fault to goe with Absalom for his father had giuen him leaue and after they saw what Abshalom intended then they could not withdraw themselues sine praesentissimo vitae periculo without most present daunger of their life Osiander 2. But before this Abshalom had sent messengers secretly into all the Tribes to feele and solicite the mindes of the chiefest men and to appoint to meete at Hebron 3. Then he sendeth for Achitophel who it should seeme was of counsell with him in this action but had withdrawen himselfe into his owne countrie that there might be no suspition and from thence came to Hebron beeing acquainted with the whole proiect of the businesse before 4. But it is most to bee wondred at that the people did flocke so fast to Absalom it is like that Achitophel or some other vsed some perswasion to the people shewing the imperfections of Dauids life and gouernment and how beside the adulterie of Bathsheba and murther of Vriah he had suffered Amnon to goe vnpunished for his incest and had dealt hardly with Abshalom for reuenging his sisters wrong By such perswasions the people might be caried being of themselues desirous of noueltie and longing to see a change Mart. 6. Quest. v. 17. Why the King fledde from Ierushalem Dauid hauing armed men with him and beeing in a strong citie might haue remained there still more safely yet he did chuse rather to flie for these reasons 1. He would spare the effusion of blood for he said least hee smite the citie with the edge of the sword he had rather hazard his owne person then that many should be brought into danger hee knew how cruelly ambitious men were set that they would not spare nor haue any compassion till they had accomplished their desire Hereof the Ciuill warres of Scilla and Marius and betweene Augustus Antonie and Lepidus in the Romane state may make demonstration Mart. Antisthenes was wont to preferre hangmen and executioners before Tyrants for they did but put malefactors to death the other did not spare the innocent 2. An other reason of his departure was hee beganne to consider that this was the hand of God vpon him according as Nathan had foretold him that the sword should not depart from his house and therefore he submitteth himselfe meekly to the Lords mercie 3. And by his departure an other prediction of Nathan tooke effect hee left his concubines behind whom Abshalom defiled 4. Dauid with all his people went on foote as is gathered v. 17. R. Leviben Gerson thinketh the reason thereof was that he might not be discerned going as a common souldier but rather Dauid did it to shew his afflicted estate Mart. And Dauid carying himselfe thus humblie in this calamitie continued not long therein but was soone restored to his former estate Pellican 7. Quest. v. 19. Who Itthai the Gittite was 1. Some thinke that this Itthai was the sonne of Achish king of Gath who fauoured Dauid and that these were of the citie Gath of the Philistims who notwithstanding were faithfull toward Dauid Osiand But it is not like that Dauid would vse the helpe of the vncircumcised Philistims 2. Vatablus taketh them for Philistims conuerted to the faith of Israel and that Ittai was a Proselyte also of that countrie Pellic. but it seemeth by their late comming as Dauid saith v. 20. Thou cammest but yesterday that they were no Proselytes they had not beene so long there to be conuerted 3. Iosephus taketh these
He thus reasoneth by way of comparison he had endured the troubles and trialls procured by his son who sought his life whereas Shemei was a stranger vnto him and did but raile vpon him in words much more was it fit he should beare this reproach 3. He sheweth the fruit that might come of it it may be that God would do him good for his cursing not that this affliction was the cause of his reward but it is an order and course which the Lord obserueth to raise them vp whom he had humbled so he dealt with Ioseph and Iob. 4. And hee speaketh doubtfully because we haue no certaintie of these temporall things but of his spirituall state his euerlasting saluation Dauid made no doubt at all 6. Quest. v. 10. Whether Dauid did well in bearing Shemei his reproachfull words and what a reproach is and how to bee borne 1. A reproach is offered either in word as Shemei reuiled Dauid or in deede as Abshalom defiled his fathers concubines not so much of lust as to disgrace his father 2. Reproaches some are meere slaunders as those were which Shemei obiected to Dauid some are true as when one obiecteth such crimes as are true but after a reproachfull manner 3. Some reproachfull words are vttered by way of disgrace and they are sinne some onely are by way of discipline to amend and correct and make one ashamed of his sinne as when Magistrates rebuke offenders and ministers in their sermons sharpely reprooue sinne as the Prophet Isay called the cheife of Israel Princes of Sodome c. 1.10 and S. Paul saith O yee foolish Galatians and such kind of reproaches are not sinne 2. Reproachfull and reuiling words proceede either from anger and desire of reuenge as here in Shemei or from pride as in Rabsake against Hezekiah or from foolishnesse as Nabal reuiled Dauid 3. How we are to behaue our selues in bearing of reproaches these considerations are necessarie 1. that generally we must followe that rule of Christ if one smite vs on the one cheeke wee should turne to him the other also that is not alwayes to doe so in fact for Christ beeing smitten vpon one cheeke did not turne the other but our heart must alwaies be prepared for Christs sake to suffer all wrongs in word and in deed 2. Yet there is a time when a foole must be answered in his foolishnesse and a reuiler must not bee suffered to goe away without a rebuke as if either his reproach tend to the hinderance of our good name or our brothers and they which heare it are by our silence apt to beleeue the slander and if a discreet reproofe may be a means to make him see his sinne 3. And there is a time when a foole is not to be answeared in his foolishnesse least we be like him Prov. 16.4 if we thinke that we shall growe too hotte and cholerike and exceede measure in reproouing it is better for vs to hold our peace and when we see in respect of the slaunderer that his word is of no credit and our defence needeth not in respect of the standers by or if the reuiler is like to be more prouoked by our admonition in all these cases it is better to be silent 4. And where defence is needefull it is not onely lawful for vs priuately to rebuke the slaunderer but to make complaint vnto the Magistrate to preserue our good name as a theife of our goods may be brought before the Magistrate so much more he that stealeth away our good name 5. And as concerning Dauid it was a worthie and commendable part in him to beare Shemeis slaunderous speach for hee was innocent he therein considered the Lords purpose to trie him it was then no time for him to seeke reuenge he had opportunitie offred afterward to meete with this reuiler Mart. 7. Quest. v. 10. How the Lord is said to haue bidde Shemei curse Dauid and how sinne standeth with the will of God and whether he is any way the author thereof 1. First that God is no way the author of sinne by these and such like reasons it is made plaine 1. God is not the author of any thing whereby a man is made worse for if an artificer will not marre his owne worke much lesse God but by sinne man becommeth much worse 2. God is the reuenger of sinne therefore not the author 3. God hateth nothing which he hath made but he hateth sinne 4. He that doth or procureth sinne is a sinner but God cannot without horrible blasphemie be said to be a sinner 5. If God should prouoke vnto sinne we should make him a dissembler an hypocrite who forbiddeth one thing and yet doth an other 6. The Lord saith by his Prophet Hosea thy destruction is of thy selfe then sinne also the cause of destruction is of our selues 7. Our Sauiour saith that when the deuill speaketh a lie he speaketh of his owne sinne then is peculiar vnto the deuill therefore nor to God 8. Christ wept ouer Ierusalem beeing grieued for the calamitie that should befall it much more was he grieued for sinne which was the cause thereof then is he not the author of sinne 9. Tyrants make seuere lawes and then compell men to breake them that they may punish them So God should be a tyrant if he procured or made men sinne and transgresse his lawes 10. If God were the author of sinne he could not be the Iudge of the world 11. If God any wayes should stirre vp vnto sinne there must needs be two contrarie wills in God one whereby he willeth sinne to be the other whereby he disliketh it and is displeased at it 12. The wicked should be in no fault for they might turne all the blame vpon God 13. Men had no reason to be grieued for their sinne but to reioyce seeing they doe that which God is the author of if he were the author or worker of sinne 14. If God would haue men saued then hee would haue them also vse the meanes vnto saluation then would he not haue them sinne which doth hinder their saluation 2. Secondly the reasons on the contrarie that God may be charged with sinne are these 1. The Apostle saith Rom. 1.26 that God gaue vp the Gentiles to vile affections 2. The Lord is saide to haue hardened Pharaohs heart and Isa. 6.10 to make the eyes of the Israelites heauie and to shut their eyes 3. We say in the Lords prayer Lead vs not into temptation 4. He that is the cause of the cause is the cause of the effect procured by that cause But God is the cause and creator of mans will and affections which are the cause of sinne he may seeme then to be the cause of sinne 5. The Lord said to the spirit that offered to goe be a false spirit in the mouthes of Ahabs Prophets goe and prosper 1. King 22. 6. Sinne is an action but all actions proceed from God the first moouer and beginner
that ende had reared vp a pillar to be a monument of his fame vnto posteritie now in stead of that pillar he shrowded vnder an heape of stones Pellic. 3. So was the king of Hai serued there was laid vpon him beeing dead an heape of stones Iosh. 8.29 and the fiue Kings whom Ioshua ouercame Iosh. 10.27 16. Quest. Of Absaloms children v. 18. 1. Some thinke that whereas it is said before c. 14.27 that Absalom had three sonnes and a daughter that all his children were now dead sic Geneuens but it is not necessarie to thinke that all of them were taken away but onely his sonnes as the words of the text are for he said I haue no sonne c. 2. Iosephus is of opinion that his sonnes were not dead alreadie but he prouided if they should chance to die without issue that by this pillar he should be remembred but the text is plaine that they were dead at this time as the Chalde well expresseth non est mihi filius superstes c. I haue no sonne left 3. God therefore had now depriued him of his three sonnes mentioned before c. 14. Iun. he that was so vnnaturall to his father was not worthie to haue any children Pellic. 17. Quest. v. 21. Of the Cushite whom Ioab sent with the newes vnto Dauid 1. Some read Cushai as though he were the same with that Cushai before mentioned which was Dauids friend Osiand but there is great difference in the names that is Cushai with pathah this Cushi with chirieh and that Cushai was yet a follower of Absalom and was not returned to Dauid 2. The most take it for a proper name that he was called Cushi Montan. Pag. with others 3. But he was rather a Cushite that is an Aethiopian as the word is taken Ierem. 13.23 and in diuerse others places and therefore he is afterward called the Kings seruant v. 29. for that cursed posteritie of Cham became seruants to Sems seede according â—o Noahs prophesie Gen. 9. sic Iun. Pellic. Borrh. some thinke he might be so called of his colour and yet an Israelite born Vat. but the other is more probable 18. Quest. v. 29. Whether Ahimaaz knewe not of Absaloms death It is without question that Ahimaaz was not ignorant of Absaloms death for Ioab had yeilded that as a reason v. 20. why he would not send him with the message to the King because the kings son was dead But Ahimaaz of purpose concealed it for these reasons 1. Because as before he had brought heauie newes to Dauid c. 17.20 so now he desireth to bring good newes Bor. 2. He would not all at once tell the king of his death least he might haue bin oppressed with grief but leaues him in suspence that he might by little and little digest his sonnes death 3. Ahimaaz did it also in respect of himselfe for he knew that as the euil tidings is not welcome so neither is the messenger thereof accepted like as the patient doth loath the very cup out of the which he drinketh his bitter potion 4. By this then we are taught these points of good discretion first that we put off the relation of euill newes to others where we are not vrged by necessitie secondly that when we doe tell hard newes we should doe it by degrees for many vpon the sudden report of heauie things haue presently died Osiand 19. Quest. v. 33. Why Dauid mourneth for Absalom 1. Dauids naturall affection which he could not hide did mooue him thus to take on for his sonne as also the consideration of Gods iust iudgment against him for his sinne Genev. 2. As also Dauid therin saw the accomplishment of Nathans prophesie against his house for his owne sinne which was the cause of these great calamities Bor. Pell 3. He considered that Absalom died in his sinne without repentance and therefore he mourneth not so much for Absaloms corporal death as for the perill and danger of the saluation of his soule Osiand 20. Quest. v. 33. Why Dauid wished to die for Absalom 1. He feared least his sonne dying in his sinne without repentance died out of the fauour of God his owne death he feared not beeing assured that he should die in Gods fauour and therefore he desired by his corporall death that he had redeemed his sonnes life that he might haue liued to repent him Osiand 2. He wished to die rather then to liue to see the miserie and calamitie which he foresawe by Nathans prophesie was like to fall vpon his familie and posteritie Pellic. 3. He was herein a type and figure of Christ who offered himselfe to death for those which persecuted him Bor. 4. The Hebrewes vainely here imagine that Absalom by Dauids teares and prayers was deliuered from hell and taken into paradise but no mention is here made of Dauids prayers at all Pellic. which he would not haue omitted if he had thought that prayers were auaileable for the dead Osiand nay he had shewed the contrarie when he left praying for the child after he knew it was dead CHAP. 19. 1. Quest. v. 6. Of Ioabs speach to Dauid 1. IOab much forgetteth himselfe in speaking so boldly and irreuerently to the king otherwise then it became him Iun. 2. And he chargeth Dauid with some vntruth for though he loued his enemies yet did he not hate his friends Osian 3. And he doth in effect vpbraid him for his former seueritie shewed to those that killed his enemies as in slaying the Amalekite for killing Saul and Rechab and Baanah for the death of Ishbosheth now thou hatest me for killing Abner before and Absalom now Osian 4. True it is that we are in a certaine degree to loue our enemies to pray for them and to wish their amendement but we are not so to loue them How our enemies are to be loued but that the glorie of God and safetie of his people ought to beare a greater sway with vs whereunto Ioab hath respect and therefore wisely admonisheth the King Bor. though somewhat more sharpely then became him 2. Quest. v. 13. Of Dauids purpose in remoouing Ioab from beeing captaine of the hoast 1. Some thinke that Dauid had iust cause to remooue Ioab from his place both for that he so vnmannerly behaued himselfe in words toward him and for that he had killed Absalom contrarie to his commaundement Iun. Osian but neither of these was a sufficient cause seeing Ioab in both these intended Dauids good and the safetie of the people 2. Wherefore the better opinion is that Dauid herein shewed his humane affection both because Ioab had before by his valour deserued that place 1. Chr. 11.6 and Dauid at once here forgetteth all the benefits formerly receiued by Ioabs seruice Bor. and he did this in policie as he did before purpose to aduance Abner for the same cause so now he would preferre Amasa thinking by this meanes to winne the hearts of the rest Pell Gen. 3. Yet seeing Dauid did
now entrenched and enuironed with this trench or rampire as the Septuag 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Latine giueth this sense well obsessa est vrbs the Citie beganne thus to be assaulted 13. Quest. v. 18. Of these words They spake in the beginning saying aske of Abel 1. Some thus expound it in this citie of Abel haue beene in times past excellent men for wisedome whom they were wont to resort vnto for counsell wilt thou then destroi◠such a famous citi◠Osiand But this is not so fit it is better referred to the oblation of peace first to be made when a citie was besieged according to the lawe Deut. 20.10 and therefore the woman saith in the next verse I am one of those that are peaceable that is which will not refuse the offer and order of peace 2. Some read thus they spake in old time saying aske of Abel Genevens It was said in the old Proverb Lat. and the Chalde thus expoundeth Remember what is written in the law that they vsed of old time to aske a citie c. to the same effect Pellic. Borrh. but seeing there is particular mention made of Abel it seemeth that no such proverb is here insinuated though reference be had to the law 3. Therefore they which thus spake in the beginning as the word signifieth and as the Septuag read rather then of old were the Citizens of Abel that thus communed and consulted among themselues that Ioab would first offer vnto the citie peace to see if it would be accepted Iun. 14. Quest. v. 23. Of Ioabs restitution to his office 1. It is neither like that Ioab was absolutely restored vnto his place which Dauid had promised to Amasa because of his valiant exploits Pellican for Dauid did altogether mislike him for those two bloodie murthers of Abner and Amasa 2. Neither yet as Iun. did he improbè recuperare wickedly recouer his place of gouernment against Dauids mind altogether for Dauid could not spare him 3. But Dauid was content hee should retaine his place because his seruice was so necessarie not clearing him of his due deserued punishment but onely deferred it Osiand CHAP. 21. 1. Quest. v. 1. Of the time when this famine was sent vpon the land 1. THe generall opinion is that this famine followed immediately after those ciuill warres ended with Absalom and Sheba bella fame excipiuntur the warres ended with famine Borrh. so also Pellican with others but that this cannot be is euident by that place c. 15.7 where Absaloms rebellion falleth out toward the end of the fortieth yeare which must be vnderstood of the raigne of Dauid as hath been shewed in that place for Dauid raigned but 40. yeares in all but by this account if the three yeares famine followed after Absaloms rebellion Dauid must haue raigned 43. yeares and aboue 2. This is the onely doubt how all these things set downe in this booke from c. 15. to c. 21. could fall out in so short a time in the ende of the fortieth yeare of Dauids raigne But this may easily bee answered for Absaloms rebellion continued not long and immediately vpon that followed the rebellion of Shebah so that all these things might very well fall out in the compasse of not many moneths 3. So then the more probable opinion is that these stories of the three yeares famine c. 21. and of numbring the people c. 24. are transposed as the like is apparant in the 3. last chapters of the booke of the Iudges the order of time then is not obserued in the setting downe of these histories for the Scripture rather respecteth the coherence of the matter and argument then the consequence of time sic fere Iunius 2. Quest. v. 1. How Dauid sought the face of Iehouah 1. The Chalde paraphrast by the face vnderstandeth the mercies of the Lord because mercie and clemencie sheweth it selfe in the face 2. Some doe read that Dauid sought the Lord Vatab. Geneuens but to seeke the face of the Lord is somewhat more then to seeke the Lord. 3. Some he consulted with the oracle of God Latin expressing the sense in part but not wholly for beside that he receiued answer from the oracle of God he went to the place of his presence 4. Iosephus thinketh that Dauid consulted with God by the Prophets and by them receiued an answer 5. But it is rather to be vnderstood not of that extraordinarie reuelation by Prophets but of the ordinarie meanes which was prescribed to aske counsell by which was by the high Priest who gaue iudgement by his Vrim as the Lord himselfe appointeth Numb 27.21 Iun. Osiand 3. Quest. Wherefore this famine was sent and of the causes thereof 1. Although this famine was caused by drought as is euident v. 10. that Rizpah tooke this as a signe that the wrath of God was appeased when the raine fell yet Dauid considereth an other ouerruling cause the prouidence of God and therefore he resorteth vnto him by prayer so faithfull men doe see further into the cause of Gods iudgements then naturall and worldly wise men commonly doe Borrh. 2. The cause which procured this punishment was for the great iniustice and crueltie shewed vpon the Gibeonites whom Saul oppressed contrarie to the oath made vnto them by Ioshua Iosh. 9. 3. Beside herein God punished the people also for their sinne they for their thrice rebelling against Dauid their lawfull gouernour once vnder Ishbosheth againe vnder Absalom thirdly in conspiring with Shebah suffer three years famine Pellic. and by this meanes also the Lord taketh occasion to cut off the posteritie of Saul least they might still haue practised against Dauids house and kingdome which the Lord had promised should continue Borrh. 5. So then by this example we see that famine is sent as a iust punishment of sinne as in Germanie for gluttonie and drunkennesse in Italie for filthie and vncleane lust as also that sometime for the sinne of one wicked man many temporally are punished Osiand 4. Quest. v. 1. Why and at what time Saul slew the Gibeonites 1. Some thinke that he slewe them of malice against the Priests when they were put to the sword in Nob because the Gibeonites were seruants to the Tabarnacle for the cleauing of wood and drawing of water but he is said to doe it of zeale vers 5. therefore not of malice and consequently not then nor at that time Iun. 2. Some thinke that he did it of zeale to the Israelites to conuay vnto them the inheritance lands and possessions of the Gibeonites that they might haue more commodious dwelling Vatab. Osiand but this had beene rather of a couetous minde then of zeale 3. Some thinke that his zeale was herein because they had in Ioshuahs time consened and deceiued the Elders of Israel therefore he would be reuenged of them now Borr. But it is not like that after so long a time he would punish them for that error which Ioshuah and the Elders of Israel then
that some of these fearefull signes were seene in the passion of Christ yet noâ— the rest 3. Therefore Dauids purpose is to set forth Gods power by these his fearefull workes of the earthquake thunder lightning tempest which are euident demonstrations of Gods presence in the world that he is alway readie to defend his Church Iun. wherein also he alludeth vnto the like workes done formerly as in Egypt when the Lord brought his plagues vpon them in mount Sinai when the law was giuen in the red Sea where the bottome was discouered and when the Lord thundred and shot his arrowes from heauen vpon the enemies of Ioshuah Iosh. 10. Osiand 7. Quest. v. 21. How Dauid saith the Lord rewarded him according to his righteousnesse 1. If it be vnderstood of Dauid in his owne person he hath relation either to the goodnesse of his cause which God had respect vnto Iun. or he speaketh comparatiuely that he was innocent in respect of his enemies which persecuted him as Dauid saith vnto Saul vnderstand and see that there is nâ—ither euill nor wickednesse in me neither haue I sinned against thee 1. Sam. 24.4 Genevens Borrh. Pellican 2. And here is to be considered that in the faithfull there is a double righteousnesse there is a perfect righteousnesse which is Christs imputed vnto them by faith whereby they are iustified and an imperfect righteousnesse which is their obedience the fruits of their faith and hereby they are not iustified but thereby they testifie and shew forth their faith Borrh. 3. And this their righteousnesse God rewardeth not of merit or desert for it is imperfect but of fauour accepting their will for the deed Borrh. 4. But if we take Dauid to speake here figuratiuely of Christ he was indeed perfectly obedient and in him was no sinne and his righteousnesse was truely meritorious Osiand 8. Quest. v. 24. I was also perfect toward him 1. There is also a double kind of perfection one absolute perfect which is onely in Christ imputed by faith vnto his members by this perfection only are we here perfect in Gods sight there is an other perfection which is imperfect which in some measure and degree is communicated to the members of Christ and this also is of two sorts it is either begun here in this life or perfected finished in the next now while we here liue there are none perfect without their blemishes and infirmities which notwithstanding the Lord for Christ his sake imputeth not to his members Of perfection in this life 2. Of this double kind of perfection the Apostle speaketh euidently of the absolute perfection he saith not that we are alreadie perfect Philip. 3.12 and of the other immediately after v. 15. Let vâ— aâ— many as are perfect be thus minded S. Paul denieth that he hath the one kind of perfection but he confesseth the other 3. Dauid therefore here saith he is perfect or vpright in regard of his desire and endeauour still striuing vnto perfection Pellican as our Sauiour saith be perfect as your heauenly father is perfect Matth. 5. 9. Quest. v. 27. Of these words With the peruerse thou wilt wrestle out or shew thy selfe peruerse 1. There is a double kind of peruersenesse which is either in doctrine when one speaketh and reacheth peruerse things so is it taken Act. 20.30 or in life when men walke peruersly and frowardly contrarie to the will and commandement of God Bor. 2. With such also will the Lord walke accordingly the most read thou wilt shew thy selfe peruerse or froward A.P.G.V. with others But this interpretation seemeth to be somewhat harsh 1. Because the word properly signifieth taken in that sense â—erversum te facies thou wilt make thy selfe pâ—ruerse which cannot be ascribed vnto God 2. For that whereas in the other three clauses the same word is repeated with the mercifull thou will shew thy selfe mercifull with the perfect and pure thou wilt shew thy selfe perfect and pure here the word is chaunged whereas the peruerse is called ghikkesh he saith not in the same word â—ith gakkesh he will shew himselfe peruerse but tithaph of pathal which signifieth to wrestle 3. Therfore that sense of the word is more fit that God will wrestle with them alwaies crosse and oppose himselfe against them as Leu. 26.28 till he haue ouercome and vanquished them in their owne frowardnes Iun. 4. But the Lord indeede dealeth not peruersly or frowardly but he so seemeth vnto the wicked who accuse the Lord of iniustice against them when he punisheth them according to their deserts And Gods peruerse and crosse dealing with them is nothing else but the not beeing mercifull vnto them or deliuering them out of their troubles Mart. 6. Such crosnes and and peruersenesse the wicked imagine to be in God when he layeth his iudgements vpon them for their sinnes when they expected good things as when vnseâ—sonable weather is sent as winter weather in the time of summer and haruest whereas the peruersenesse and frowardnes of men causeth such peruersenes as the wicked take it to appeare in Gods workes Osiand 10. Quest. v. 27. Of the difference betweene Gods shewing of himselfe pure with the pure and froward with the froward 1. Whereas Dauid saith with the pure thou wilt shew thy selfe pure we must not thus think that first man is pure and then the Lord sheweth himselfe to be so toward man for the beginning of our purenesse and goodnesse is from God as our Blessed Sauiour saith to his Disciples Ioh. 15.16 Yee haue not chosen mee but I haue chosen you and the Apostle saith 1. Ioh. 4.10 herein is loue not that we loued him but that hee loued vs therefore first God maketh vs pure and putteth his spirit into vs. This saying therefore must be vnderstood not of our first election and vocation which followeth thereupon but of the fruites of our regeneration and sanctification that after our hearts are purified by faith and so we bring forth the pure and acceptable workes and fruits of faith the Lord in mercie crowneth and rewardeth them 2. Yet the goodnesse of our workes is not the cause that the Lord sheweth himselfe pure and mercifull but it is the condition which the Lord requireth and an order which God hath set that his children should shew their obedience before they haue their reward 3. But in peruerse workes this difference is not obserued for the wicked haue the prioritie they first shew their frowardnes before they feele Gods iustice and the reason of the difference is this because the euilnes and peruersnes of man is from his owne corruption but the beginning of goodnes is from God 4. Againe these sayings must be so vnderstood not that God presently rewardeth the obedience of his seruants or punisheth the peruersenesse of the wicked both the one may a long time be afflicted and the other prosper in this world but the Lord in his due time will performe both the one and the