and come backe or did the Priests find such spirituall comfort in transgressing this Law that they offred to goe out 21 And in all our differences which fell out in this Kingdome betweene our Kings and the Popes when so many capitall Lawes were made against Prouisions and Appeales not to dispute yet wheâ—her de Iure or de facto only or whether by way oâ— Introduction or Declaration doe you finde that the Catholiques then vsed the benefite of those lawes to the procurement of Martyrdome or hath the blood of any men executed by those lawes died your Martyrologes with any Rubriques And yet those times were apt enough to countenance any defender of Ecclesiastique immunity though with diminution of Ciuill and Secular Magistracie as appeares by their celebrating of Becket yeâ— I find not that they affoorded the title of Martyre to any against whom the State proceeded by the Ordinary way and course of law 22 Why therefore shall not the French and Italian and olde English lawes giue occasion of Martyrdome in the same cases as these new lawes shall At least why should Campian and those which were executed before these new statutes be any better Martyres then they since they were as good Catholiques as these and offended the common law of England in the same point as these But if the Breach and violating of the later statutes be the onely or liueliest cause of Martyrdome then of Parsons who euery day of his life doth some act to the breaking thereoâ— it is verie properly said by one of his owne sect That hee is per totam vitam martyr 23 And this may suffice to remember you that you intrude into this emploiment and are not sent and that our Lawes ought to worke vpon your Oath of returning to the annihilation thereof because both the necessitâ—e of the making and continuing â—hereof and the precedents of our owne and other Catholicke Kingdomes giue vs warrant to make seditious Doctrine Treason and your owne Canons and Iâ—dicaâ—â—re giue vs example and if we needed it Authoritie to proceede in that maner CHAP. VI. A comparison of the Obedâ—â—nce due to Princes with the seuerall obediences requir'd and exhibited in the Romane Church First of that blind Obedience and stupiditie which Regular men vowâ— to their Superiours Secondly of thâ—t vsurpeâ— Obedience to which they pretend by reason of our Baptisme wherein we ar said to haue made an implicite surrender of our selues and all that we haue to the Church And thirdly of that Obedience which the Iesuits by a fourth Supernumeraâ—ie vowe make to be dispos'd at the Popes absolute will THere hath not beene a busier disquisition nor subiect to more perplexitie then to finde out the first originall roote and Source which they call Primogenium subiectum that may be so capable of Power and Iurisdiction and so inuested with it immediately from God that it can transferre and propagate it or let it passe and naturally deriâ—e it-selfe into those formes of Gouernement by which mankind is continued and preserued For at the resolution of this all Quâ—stions of Subiection attend their dispatch And because the Clergie of the Roman Church hath with so much fierce earnestnesse and apparance of probablenesse pursued this Assertion That that Monarchall forme and that Hierarchie which they haue was instituted immediately from God Many wise and iealous Aduocates of Secular Authoritie fearing least otherwise they should diminish that Dignitie and so preuaricate and betray the cause haue said the same of Regall power and Iurisdiction And euen in the Romane Church a great Doctor of eminent reputation there agrees as he sayes Cum omnibus sapientibus That this Regall Iurisdiction and Monarchie which word is so odious and detestable to Baronius proceedes from God and by Diuine and naturall Law and not from the State or altogether from man And as we haue it in Euidence â—o we haue it in Confession from them that God â—ath as immediately created some Kings as any Priests And Cassanaeus thinkes this is the highest Secular Authoritie that euer God induced For he denies That old or new Testament haue any mention of Emperour 2 But to mine vnderstanding we iniure and endanger this cause more if wee confesse that that Hierarchie is so Immediately from God as they obtrude it then we get by offering to drawe Regall power within the same Priuiledge I had rather thus farre abstaine from saying so of either that I would pronounce no farther therein then this That God hath Immediately imprinted in mans Nature and Reason to be subiect to a power immediately infus'd from him and that hee hath enlightned our Nature and Reason to digest and prepare such a forme as may bee aptest to doe those things for which that Power is infus'd which are to conserue vs in Peace and in Religion And that since the establishing of the Christian Church he hath testified abundantly that Regall Authoritie by subordination of Bishops is that best and fittest way to those ends 3 So that that which a Iesuite said of the Pope That the Election doth onely present him to God wee say also of a King That whatsoeuer it be that prepares him and makes his Person capable of Regall Iurisdiction that onely presents him to God who then inanimates him with this Supremacy immediately from himselfe according to a secret and tacite couenant which he hath made with mankinde That when they out of rectified Reason which is the Law of Nature haue begot such a forme of Gouernement he will infuse this Soule of power into it 4 The way therefore to finde what Obedience is due to a King is not to seeke out how they which are presum'd to haue transferr'd this power into him had their Authoritie and how much they gaue and how much they retain'd For in this Discouerie none of them euer went farther then to Families In which they say Parents and Masters had Iurisdiction ouer Children and Seruants and these Families concurr'd to the making of Townes and transâ—err'd their power into some Gouernour ouer them all 5 But besides that this will not hold because such Sauadges as neuer rais'd Families or such men as an ouerburdned kingdom should by lot throw out which were peeces of diuers families must haue also a power to frame a forme of Gouernement wheresoeuer they shall reside which could not bee if the onely roote of Iurisdiction were in parents masters This also will infirme and ouerthrow that Assertion that if parents and masters had not this supreme Soueraignty which is requisite in Kings they could not transferre it into Kings and so Kings haue it not from them And if they were Soueraignes they cold not transfer it â—or no Soueraigne can deuest himselfe of his Supremacie 6 Regall authority is not therefore deriued from men so as at that certaine men haue lighted a King at their Candle or transferr'd certaine Degrees of Iurisdiction into him and therefore it is a cloudie and
shall defend me from the curious malice of those men who in this sickly decay and declining of their cause can spy out falsifyings in euery citation as in a iealous and obnoxious state a Decipherer can pick out Plots and Treason in any familiar letter which is intercepted And thus much it seemed necessary to mee to let the Reader know to whose charitable and fauourable opinionâ— I commit the booke and my selfe to his Christianly and deuout Prayers Those literall and punctuall Errors which doe not much endanger the sense I haue left to the discretion and fauour of the Reader as he shall meete with them The rest he may be pleased to mend thus In the Preface § 24. For Sacerdotes nonâ—ntes Reade Sacerdoturientes Pa. Li. Faults Correct 3 1 During Daring 14 14 Inciting Auiling 15 vlt. Princesse Prince 18 14. To proceede So proceedes 29 vlt. Churches church 30 11 Establing Establishing 38 28 Genuit Gemunt 41 8 Vestram Nostram 45 21 Iâ— Tâ— Ibid. 26 Princes Prince 47 14 calles call 57 2 Emperours Emperour 58 22 Profession possession 66 10 Now here No where Ibid. 16 VVrit VVrits 68 7 VVent Meant Ibid. 18 Ingenious Ingenuous 70 20 The Then 71 vlt. After Andâ— adde As. 72 9 Priuatur priuetur 73 1 End Ends 74 15 Other Others 75 3 Intituled Instituted 80 vlt. Exemply Exemplifie 100 26 Ariseth Ariseâ— 102 4 After Aâ—e out out So 107 26 After which adde That Ibid. vlt. Heaued Heard 113 25 Not. Now. 152 7 Enlaline Eâ—lalias 157 28 Your The. Pa. Li. Faults Correct 169 26 After As put out At 170 18 Thereof for Therefore 172 5 Conduced Conducted 175 20 VVords VVord 179 8 Chappels Chappell 193 1 After Are adde Not 195 9 Your The 212 26 VVaine VVaiue 218 7 Extend the Sect. 37. one line into the § 38 225 19 Your The 228 22 After Oath â—dde Bee 229 21 Belong Belongd 233 8 Gaue Giue 240 11 To bey To obey â—44 14 The This 265 25 After And adde Not 274 8 Re-enuersing renuersing 275 8 That It Ibid. 14 After Bâ—t add the panegyricke 276 5 Heads Beards 277 6 Hyol Holy 278 17 Fall Fallen 280 13 Certaintie Certainely 297 21 After Alleadge adde This 304 27 Name Nature 305 5 Receiâ—e Relieue 313 20 God The good 322 2 There This 324 25 Since Sinne 378 21 Aâ— Vs 379 11 Dominium Domicilium Those Faults which are in the Margin by placing the Citations higher or lower I must leaue to the Readers discretion the rest he may mend thus PReface § 8. Pilireade Poli. Fol. 7. lin 28. adde Homil. de Dauid Saul ibid. 24. adde Mar. 10.29 fol. 9. lin 7. for Rauolta reade Raccolta fol. â—7 lin 27. for Possâ—re reade Possessor fol. 31. lin 11. for Hu. reade Offi. fol. 40. lin 5. adde 1. Sam. 24.15 fol. 309. lin 3. adde De potest Eccles. § 6 Nn. 2. A PREFACE TO The PRIESTES and IESVITS and to their Disciples in this KINGDOME I Am so well acquainted with the phrases of Diminution and Disparagement and other personall aspersions which your writers cast and imprint vpon such of your owne side as depart from their opinions in the least dramme or scruple as I cannot hope that any of them will spare me who am further remoued from them For since Cassander whom the two Emperourâ— Ferdinand and Maximilian consulted and called to them not in any schisme betweene the Emperours and Popes about temporall Iurisdiction in which quarrell whensoeuer it happened the Emperours cause was euer sustained by as learned and as Religious and as many men as the Popes but in matters of Doctrine and for a way of Reformation when the Popes themselues confessed that the Church was in extreame neede thereof Since hee I say is called by one of them but a Grammarian to which honour if he which cals him so in scorne had beene arriued he would neuer haue translated vindiciae contra Tyrannos reuenge vpon Tyrants since vindiciae signifies a Decree or Order of the Iudge in a cause of Bondage and Liberty depending before him by which it is ordered that the party whose condition is in question shall remaine either free or bond till the matter be heard without any preiudice if it fall out otherwise vpon the hearing And since of Caietane when hee differs from them in the point of the Canon of scriptures they say That though he were well seene in Scholastique subtilties yet he was not so in the Fathers though in that very matter the same Authour confesse that Caietane followed Saint Hieromes foot-steps since because he denies marriage to be proued a Sacrament out of one place of Saint Paul they say that he fell into grieuous errors in both Testaments Hebraizando and Erasmizando Since when he distasts the coursenesse of the vulgar edition they say that in three or foure pages of his Psalter there are more Barbarismes and Solaecismes then in the whole vulgar Bible Since Erasmus following the opinion of Driedo and other Catholickes and so denying some part of Daniel to be Canonicall is called by Bellarmine a Halfe-Christian these men will certainely be more rigid and seuere vpon me 2 And if they will be content to impute to me all humane infirmities they shall neede to faine nothing I am I confesse obnoxious enough My naturall impatience not to digge painefully in deepe and stony and sullen learnings My Indulgence to my freedome and libertie as in all other indifferent things so in my studies also not to betroth or enthral my selfe to any one science which should possesse or denominate me My easines to affoord a sweete and gentle Interpretation to all professors of Christian Religion if they shake not the Foundation wherein I haue in my ordinary Communication and familiar writings often expressed and declared my selfe hath opened me enough to their malice and put me into their danger and giuen them aduantage to impute to me whatsoeuer such degrees of lazines of liberty of irresolution can produce 3 But if either they will transferre my personall weakenesses vpon the cause or extend the faults of my person to my minde or to her purest part my conscience If they will calumniate this poore and innocent worke of mine as if it were written either for Ostentation of any ability or faculty in my selfe or for Prouocation to draw them to an aunswere and so continue a Booke-warre or for Flattery to the present State which thogh my seruices be by many iust titles due to it needs it not or for exasperation to draw out the ciuill sword in causes which haue some pretence and colour of being spirituall or to get Occasion hereby to vncouer the nakednes and lay open the incommodious and vndefensible sentences and opinions of diuers seuerall Authors in that Church or to maintaine and further a scisme and diuision amongst you in this point of the Popes pretence to temporall iurisdiction I haue no other shelter against
it selfe as farre as one limme thereof the Iacobins do in Paris to whom Philip le longe gaue a Charter for their dwelling in that Citie in these wordes A porta eorum ad portam Inferni inclusiue 32 And how easily and slipperily Princes incurre these censures may be collected by Nauarrus who saies It is the Catholique faith without firm beleefe whereof no man can be saued that no Prince can erect or extinguish a benefice without the Pope and to thinke the contrary saith he doth taste of the English Heresie 33 Scarce any amongst themselues can escape that excommunication Dormant which they call Bullam Caenoe in which Nauarrus reckons vp so many hooks with which it takes hold that euery honest man and good subiect with vs now ought to be affraide least he haue not incurred it since all they are within the danger thereof that adhere to any who hath buâ— offended a Cardinall of whose safety the popes are growne so carefull that in the later Decretals it is made treason euen in a stranger and no subâ—ect If he haue any kind of knowledge or coniectuâ—e of any harme intended to any of them And the Emperour himselfe if he abett or receiue or fauour or countenance any that doth or intends personall harme to a Cardinall becomes a traytor For they are the eldest sonnes of the Church and partake of the Maiesty of their father Nor are they brethren to any of lesse ranke but to such their stile is but vester vti frater as Baronius writes to Schultingius his abbreuiator And though Bishops and the Emperour swear fidelity to the pope yet saies Gigas the Cardinals doe not take that oaâ—h because they are parts of his body and his owne Bowels 34 And nâ—t onely all princes are bound to a reuerend respect of them but in solemne processions the Image of Christ must looke backward if a Cardinall follow and God himselfe in the Host must giue them place for at the Coronation of the pope when they prouide twelue horses for the Pope and one gentle one for the Host the dignity of the place being measured by the nearenesse to the Popes person the Cardinals place is to ride betweene the Host and the Pope And in their mysterious passages vpon Ash-wednesday when the Pope laies the ashes vpon a Cardinall he saies not to him as to all others Memenâ—o homo quia Cinis es but quia puluis es Intimating perchance that they are neuer so burnt to ashes but that the fires of lust or ambition are still aliue in them To which I thinâ—e there was some regard had when it was so wisely prouided that when a Cardinall did celebrate masse there might enter no woman nor man without a beard 35 Nor doth the Pope improuidently in aduancing them with these dignities and priuiledges nor in multiplying their number so directly against the Councell of Basil which limits them to twentie foure except vpon vniting the Greek Church it might be thought fit to add two more and forbids expresly any Nephues of the Popes to be admitted For no excesse in number though they were returned to two hundred and thirty at once as they are said to haue beene in Pontianus his time and though he should pile them vp and throw them downe as fast as those Popes which created sixe and twenty in one day and executed sixe in another could disaduantage that Sea of Rome if they might be prouided out of the states of other Princes as in a great measure they are since the Church is their heyre and they are all but stewards for her Of which the Pope gaue a dangerous instance when he put in his claime for the kingdome of Portugall because the last king was a Cardinall These pâ—inces no secular prince may dare to offend nor subiect adhere to him if he doe vpon danger of that Bull and yet they are made Iudges of the actions of all Princes as Baronius saies and so oppressed with infinit suits against Princes that it may be fitly saâ—d of them which Iob saies Ecce genuit gigantes sub aquis qui habitant cum eis which wordes the Cardinals will not thanke Baronius for applying to them if they consider that Lyra interprets this place of Gyants drowned in the flood and now damn'd and lamenting in hell But now a Cardinall cannot chuse but bee a person of great holinesse and integritie since there is a Decretall in a genâ—rall Councell and a Bull of Leo the tenth which doe not only Hortari and Mouere but Statuere and Ordinare that euery Cardinal shall be of good life 36 And as these censures and Excommunications of the Pope inuolue all causes so doe they all persons except the Pope himselfe and such companie as the Canons haue appointed him in this eâ—emption which are Locusts â—nfidâ—ls and the Diuell For these and the Pope sayes Nauarrus cannot be Excommunicated Yet as in their exorcismes of persons possessed it is familiar to them when the Diuell is stubborne to call him Heretique and Excommunicate so some Popes haue kept him companie in both those titles And as they cal their Hermits Locusts because as it is in Salomon They haue no Kings yet they goe forth by bands and accordingly the Hermits are subiect to no Superiour and in that sense Locusts as their owne Glosser stiles them so may they prodigally extend the name and priuiledge of Ineâ—communicable Locusts to many in the other Orders since as the Hermits haue no kings so many of the others wish that none else had any King and doe their best endâ—uour by auâ—ling them to bring them into contempt and to an nihilate their dignitie and them 37 He that should compare the stile of Thomas Becket to his King Olim seruus nunc in Christo Dominus with that of Dauid after he knew Saule to be reproued by God and himselfe anoynted After whom is the King of Israel come out After a dead Dogge and after a Flea Would suspect that this difference of stâ—le was not from one Author Saint Chrisostome notes that euen to Nabuchonozor who persecuted them for their faith they which were condemned said Notum sit tibi Rex and would not offer to the Tyrant that contumelious name And to prophane and irreligious Princes God himselfe in his Bookes affoords one of his owne names Christ. 38 What high stiles did many Christian and Orthodoxe Emperours assume to themselues The Law stiles the Emperour Sanctissimum Imperatorem And his priuiledges Diuinas Indulgentias So Gratian and his Colleagues in the Empire in the first Law of the Code call their Motus animi Caeleste arbitrium And Theodosius and Valentinian making a Law with a non obstante preclude all dispensations which the Emperours themselues might graunt in these words Si Caeleste proferatur Oraculum aut Diuina
him yet he cals him also Golias and himselfe Hymnidicum Dauidem And part of the quarrell was because the Emperour had written Insolentia quaeâ—am certâ—ine vnusuall phrases which were â—ussimus vt quosdam ad nos mitteretis for saies Nicholas Honorius said to Boniface Petimus and other Empâ—rours Inuitamus and Rogamus and Constantine and Irene Rogamus magis quidem Dominus Deus rogat which phrase though Charles the great at that time when it was written repâ—ehended and allowed a whole Chapter in his booke for the reproofe thereof yet not onely that Pope dissembled it but this drawes it into example and precedent 65 And in this letter the Pope giues the Emperour some light that hee is not long to enioy the stile of Romane Emperour for he hauing despised the Romane tongue as Barbarous as euery Prince loues to be saluted in his owne or in an equall language the Pope replies That if hee call the Romane tongue barbarous because â—ee vnderstands it not it is a ridiculous thing to call himselfe Romane Emperour 66 And thus hauing at once receiued and recompensed a benefite by concurring in the aduancement of the French to the Empire they kept good hold vpon that Kingdome by continuall correspondencies and by interceding with those Kings for pâ—rdons and fauours when any delinquents fled ouer to them and by aduising them in all emergent causes and by doing them many seruices in Italy and so establishing the Empire in that family vpon good conditions to them both For so Iohn the eight writes to Charles as well to refresh his benefit in his memorie as the reasons that moued him to conferre it Well knowes your Kingly Highnesse that I was desirous a long time for the profit and exaltation of the Apostolicke Sea to bring you Ad Culmen Imperij And as we with all our endeuour haue desired to giue perfection to your Honour and glorie you also must performe those things which are profitable to the vtilitiâ— and exaltâ—tion of that Seate And there he addes That for Conference about that he came to meete him at Rauenna leauing his owne Church in the cruell hands of enemies And in the next Epistle he sends to the same purpose his Nephew Faruâ—fus Deliciosum consiliarium nostrum Becauâ—e saâ—es he in anothâ—r place We desire greedily to accomplish this And yet at this very time for his better indemnitie hee practis'd with the Esterne Emperour and kept faire quarter with him also as appeares by his Letter to him 67 Hauing thus establish'd a stronger reputation and laide earnest Obligâ—tions vpon France and by example and authoritie thereof in other places also they beganne to feele their stâ—ength and to draw their swords as farre as they would goe which was to excommunication euen in France it selfe 68 But because in the excommunications issuing in â—hese times and in the tiâ—es betweene this and Gregory the seuenth and perchance in some bâ—fore this time there is found often mention of pâ—nishment after eâ—communicationâ— whiâ—h hath occasioned some to erre in an opinion that besides spiâ—ituall câ—nsures temporall penalties were alâ—o inflicted vpon pâ—iuate persons and consequently eradication vpon Princes we wâ—â—l arrest and stay a little vppon the stile and phrase of some of those excommunications by which it wil appeare that they intended nothing but spirituall punishment 69 The first which I haue obserued is a letter of Innocent the first to Arcadius the Emperour whom he thought guilty of the eiecting of the death of Chrysostome His words are Ego minimus peccator segrego te a perceptione mysteriorum Christi This then went no farther then to depriue him of spirituall foode and the Pope if thaâ— Epistle be genuine was very hasty in it for the Empâ—rour discharged himselfe presently by pleading ignorance of the fact which that Bishoppe ought to haue tried before hee had procâ—eded to excommunicâ—tion Chrysostome himselfe whose quarrell it was had taught sâ—fficiently the limits of that iurisdictâ—â—n for he said When the Priâ—st had reprehended Ozias De spreto Sacerdotio he could doe no more for it is his part onely to reprooue and to perswade not to stirre warre and he addes that God himselfe to whom onely it belongs to punish so inflicted a leprosie vpon the King in which saies he we see Humanitatem Diuinae ultionis who sent not lightning nor shaked the earth nor moued the Heauens So farre was Chrysostome from counsayling any such punishment as should be accompanied with tumult 70 And so a iust estimation and true vnderstanding of their liberties in Ecclesiastique causes were the Fathers in the Councell at Ephesus arriued when in that Synodicall Letter to the Emperour which they call Libellum supplicem they make this protestation The scope of our profession prouides that we be obedient to all Princes and Potentates as long as that obedience brings no detriment to our Soulâ—â— health but if it come to that we must dare to vse our libertie Aduersus Regium fastigium And how farre may this courage and libertie carie vs if the Prince command any thing in detriment of our soule As farre as thoâ—e Fathers durst aduenture vpon that ground which they expressed thus to the Emperour If you approue the banishment of Câ—rill and Memnon which were banished by persons Excommunicate then know you that we are ready with that alacritie which becomes Christians to vndergoe any danger with them that is to suffer as they goe 71 But about this time of Iohn 8. it was very frequent that Excommunications had a farther comminatorie clause For so against a Bastard of Lotharius who had broke an Oath made to a French King he sayes VVe depriue him of all Christian Comunion and if he perseuer let him know that Anathematis vinculis innodabitur So to an Earle and hâ—s Lady which had seduced a Nunne from her profession â—e sayes We seperate them from the body and blood and all fellowship with Christians and if they neglect to restore her Anathemate innodamus So in the next Epistle he threatens a Bishop that refus'd to come to him Know that you are to be Excommunicate and if you perseuer A Communione alienandus And against another Bishop and his whole charge he pronounces Priuation from the Communion seperation from the Church and except they conuert Maioris damnationis sententiam and with such as these his time abounds 72 And his predecessour Adrian the second had gone thus farre towards the King of France when hee attempted to inuade his Brothers Dominion VVe admonish you by our Apostolique Authoritie and by all spirituall meanes which we may vse we perswade you and in a Fatherly effection command you to forbeare elsâ— we will performe tâ—at which belongs to out Ministerie But in another letter to his Nobles he threatens them That if they aide the Father to warre against the Sonne who was then in his displeasure They shall
stale and obsolete names of positiue Diuinity or Controuerted or Schoole Diuinitie and haue reduced all to Crowne Diuinity 42 And yet they account the handling of these points to bee but a dull and obuious learning in their Colledges as though any man were able to resolue questions against Princesâ— for they haue a Rule that they which are vnapt for greater studies shall study cases of conscience 43 So also of the Immunitie of the Church out of which if it be denied to be by the Indulgence of the Prince issues and results presently the dimunition of the Prince they haue written abundantly and desperately So haue they of the Institution of a Prince of which one of them writing and presuming and taking it as vulgarlie knowne that it is lawfull in some cases to kill a King is carefull to prouide least when you goe about to kill him by putting poyson in his meat or drink you make him though ignorantly kill himselfe So haue they also of Militarie institution many Authors and of as many sciences as concurre to publique affaires 44 And with such bookes as these they allure and catch ambitious wits which hauing had a lower and darker breeding in schooles and vniuersities haue some hunger of reading state learning in any forme much more where they shall finde it more freely debated vpon then if they had had place at twentie Councell Tables or Conspiracies And as Auerroes is saide to haue killed Auicen by anointing the booke which hee knew the other would read with certaine poison and as it is said that whatâ—oeuer flew ouer the Iewes Targum whilst the authour thereof was compiling it was scorched with the beames therof so doe these bookes of theirs enuenome and catch hold of all such as bring in themselues anie desire to come within too neere a distance of them 45 And of all these kindes of bookes without doubt we should haue had many more but that as the gatherer of all the writers of the Carthâ—sian Order not daring to slippe and leaue out the present Generall Bruno and finding no books of his making saies That since he hath an excellent wit and singular learning â—e could write many bookes if he had leisure and in the meane time hee tooke care that the missall should be printed in a faire character and delicate paper So the Iesuites since â—hey haue a vow to binde them to it and a naâ—urall disposition to incline them could wriâ—e more bookeâ— to this purpose but that they are continually exercised in disposing actuall plots And yet in the meane time they take care that the Popes Breues be procur'd promulged conceal'd interpreted or burnt as the cause may be most benefited and aduanced 46 And I do not remember that I haue found in the Approbation of any Iesuits booke this clause which is so ordinary in most of the workes of other men Nihil fidei contrarium aut bonis Moribus aut Principibus And yet they say that in printing their bookes there is great caution and diligence vsed and that they passe the hands of men most intelligent and of mature iudgement but as it seems by this remarqueable omission no good subiects nor fauourers of Princes 47 If they doe thus much when they are Serui papae what will they doe when they are famuli which diffrence I learned out of the Missal where a Bishoppe must pray vnd cum me indigno Seruo tuo but the Pope Famulo For he may well be said to be in Ordinary with God since he is one Ordinary with him for so saies Aluares God and the Pope haue one Consistorie and in another place All cases reserued to God are reserued to his Vicar so that by that Rule what euer God can do in disposing the matters of this world the Pope also can do for there he saies out of Hostiensis that that direction Dic Ecclesiae if the Pope sinne who cannot be complain'd of is ment Dic Deo vt conuertateum aut Dic Ecclesiae Triumphanti vt oret pro eo 48 So when Bellarmine who had done sufficiently for the Pope whilst he was but a Seruant that is an Ordinarie Iesuite came to his familiarity and housholde seruice by being a Cardinall in the Consistorie and so grew more sensible of the Papacy being now himselfe as they speake Papabilis he takes al new occasions to extoll his Master and his Throne and Sea And hauing manie yeares neglected his owne defence and answered such great men as opposed him onely with such Proctors as Gretzer and Eudaemo-Ioannes vnprouoked he rises vp in the Venetian and in the English cause to establish by new bookes the new Article of Temporall authority in the Pope And since that as Aeneas Syluius retracted all which he had written before for the Basil Councell when he came to be Pope so Bellarmine when perchance hee would be Pope hath made a new â—uruay and Recognition of all his workes in which as though he had beene too moderate before in al those places which concerne this question he hath expressed a supple and variable conscience a deiect slauerie to that Sea and a venemous malignity against Princes of which it seemes to me expedient to present a few examples 49 I allow not now saies Bellarmine that which I said before That Infidell Princes may not be depriued by the Church of that Iurisdiction which they haue ouer Christians for though Durandus doe probably teach so against Saint Thomas and I then followed his opinion yet now the authority of S. Thomas preuailes more with me Yet he had seene and considered both their reasons before 50 In another place he saies Now I allow not that which I said before that Paul appealed to Caesar as to his Iudge And after Whereas I said that Popes vsed to be chosen by Emperours the word Emperour potest forte debet deleri For saies he I followed Gratians Canons which as I learned since are not approued â— And againe when I said That the Pope was subiect to the Emperour as to his temporall Lord I meant De facto not De iure and this course he holdes in that booke of Recognitions 51 And here we may conuenâ—ently concludâ— this Chapter of the Iesuites speciall aduancing all those doctrines which incite to this Martyrdome after we haue produced some of their owne testimonies of their inordinate hunger thereunto and of the causes for which they affect it 52 One of their spirituall Constitutions is That euery one of that Order must thinke that Christ spoke to him when he said he that doth not hate his owne life c. And so they make an obligatorie precept to binde at all times of that which vvas but a direction for our preparation and readinesse to suffer for his saâ—e 53 Ribadeneyra names two Iesuites in the â—nâ—dies which being sicke in bedde when they might haue escaped came forth halfe naked
place Hoc in aeternum nunquam fiet that all Laymen will come vnder them they haue prouided that all Clergie men which be vnder them shall be safe enough as welll by way of Counsell for so Mariana modefies his Doctrine that the Prince should not execute any Clergy man though hee deserue it as by positiue way of Aphorismes as Emanuel Sâ doth That they are not subiects nor can doe treason and by way of Fact and publique troubling the peace of al Christendome as appeared by their late attempt vppon Venice for this Exemption 30 And as the immensnesse of this power auerts me from beleeuing it to bee iust so doeth this also decline me that they will not bee brought to tell vs How he hath it nor How hee got it For as yet they doe but stammer and the Word stickes in their iawes and wee know not whether when it comes it wil be Directly or Indirectly And they are as yet but surueying their Euidence they haue ioyn'd no issue nor know we whether they will pleade Diuine Law that is places of Scripture or Sub diuine Law which is interpretation of Fathers or super diuine law which is Decretals of Popes But Kings insist confidently and openly and constantly vpon the law of Nature and of nations of God by all which they are appointed what to do and enabled to do it 31 Lastly this infames and makes this Iurisdiction suspicious to me to obserue what vse in their Doctrine and Practise they make of this power For when they haue proceeded to the execution of this Temporall power it hath beene either for their owne reall and direct profit and aduantage as in their proceeding with the Easterne Emperours And drawing the French Armies into Italy and promouing and strengthning the change of the family and race of the Kings in France or else the benefit hath come to them by whose aduancement that Church growes and encreases as in the disposing of the Kingdome of Nauarre Or at least the example and terrour thereof magnifies the dignitie and reputation of that Church and facilitates her other enterprises for a good time after as a Shippe that hath made good way before a strong winde and vnder a full Sayle will runne a great while of her selfe after shee hath stricken saile 32 VVhen any of these reasons inuite them how small causes are sufficient to awake and call vp this temporall Authoritie The cause why Childerique was deposed was not sayes the Canon for his Iniquities but because he was Inutilis And this was not sayes the Glosse because hee was Insufficient for then hee should haue an assistant and coadiutor but because hee was Effeminate So that the Pope may depose vpon lesse cause then hee can giue an assistant For to bee Insuficient for the Gouernement is more directly against the office of a King then to bee subiect to an infirmitie which concernes his humanitie not his office 33 And when the officers and Commissioners of the Romane Court come to Syndicate Kings they haue already declar'd what they will call Enormities and Excesses by inuoluing almost all faults whether by Committing or Omitting in generall words As When he doeth not that for which he is instituted when he vseth his prerogatiue without iust cause when he vexes his Subiects when he permits Priests to kisse his hands when he proceeds indiscreetly and without iust reason And lastly For any such hunting as they will call intemperate To which purpose they cite against Kings generally those Canons which limit certaine men and times and maners And which as the Glosse sayes of some of them are meant De venatione arenaria When men out of vaine-glorie or for gaine fought in the Theaters with wild beasts And least any small errour in a King might escape them they make account that they haue enwrapp'd and pack'd vp all in this That it is all one whether a King bee a Tyrant or a Foole or Sacrilegious or Excommunicate or an Hereticke 34 This obedience therfore which we neither find written in the tables of our Hearts nor in the Scriptures nor in any other such Record as either our aduersary wil be tried by or can bind vs must not destroy nor shake that obedience which is Naturall and Certaine Cyril hath made this sentence his owne by saying it with such allowance It is wisely said That hee is an impious man which sayes to the King thou dost vniustly Much more may wee say it of any that affirmes a King to bee naturally impotent to doe those things for which he is instituted as he is if he cannot preserue his Subiects in Peace and Religion which the Heathen kings could doe whose Subiects had a Religion and Ministers thereof who wrought vpon men to incline them to Morall goodnesse here and to the expectation of future blessednesse after death though not by so cleare nor so direct waies as Christian Religion doth 35 The king therefore defends the Liberties of the Church as the nature of his office which he hath acknowledged and Declar'd and seal'd to his Subiects by an Oath binds him to do if he defend the Church of England from foraine vsurpation And a most learned and equall man hath obserued well That sidesâ— And since a Iesuite hath affoorded vs this confession That the Prince hath this Authoritie ouer Bishops that hee may call them as Peeres of â—is Realme And since their Clementines or the Glosser yeeldes to vs That a Church Prelate may bee a Traytor because hee holdes some temporalities how can they escape from being â—ubiect in all other cases since their naturall and nâ—tiue obedience is of a stronger obligation then the accepting or possessing of these Temporalities for if â—ure Diuino the Character of Order did obliterate and wash out the Character of ciuill Obedience and subiection the conferring of any temporall dignity or possession could not restore it for vnder color of a benefit it should endammage and diminish them when a little Temporall honour or profit shall draw their spirituall estate and person to secular â—uâ—iâ—dâ—ction â—or as Azorius will proue to vs the king may call a Bishoppe as a Baron to the Parliament and as the Canonist will prooue to vs he may call him to the Barre as a Traytor 36 To recollect therefore now and to determine end this point the title which the Prince hath to vs by Generation and which the Church hath by Regeneration is all one now For we aâ—e not onely Subiects to a Prinâ—e but Christian Subiects to a Christian Prince and members as well of the Church as of the Common-wealth in which the Church is And as by being borne in his Dominions and of parents in his alleageance we haue by birth-right interest in his lawes and protection So by the Couenant of Almighty God to the faithful and their Seede by being born of Christian Parents we haue title to
him to be a Saint And so it seemes doth that Catholique Priest who hath lately published a History of English Martyres For that which in the Title he calls Martyrologe in his Aduertisement he calles Sanctiloge And therefore it becomes both our Religion and Discretion to consider thoroughly the circumstances of their History whom we admit to the honour of Martyrdome 7 All Titles to martyrdome seeme to me to be grounded vpon one of these three pretences and claymes The first is to seale with our bloode the profession of some morall Truth which though it be not directly of the body of the Christian faith nor expressed in the Articles thereof yet it is some of those workes which a Christian man is bound to doe The second is to haue maintained with losse of life the Integrity of the Christian faith and not to suffer any part thereof to perish or corrupt The third is to endeuour by the same meanes to preserue the liberties and immunities of the Church 8 By the first way they entitle S. Iohn Baptist because he died for reprehending a fault against a morall Truth and that truth being resisted the Authour of truth is despised And therefore all truth is not matter conuenient for the exercise of this vertue as the conclusions of Artes and Sciences though perfectly and demonstratiuely true are not but it must be such a truth as is conuersant about Christian piety and by which God may be glorified which cannot be except he might be iniured by the denying thereof So the Euangelist when our Sauiour spake of S. Peters Martyrdome saies He signified by what death hee should glorifie God For all Martyredome workes to that end And this first occasion of martyrdome seldome fals out in Christian Countries because in Christ the great Mirrour of all these truthes we see them distinctly and euidently But sometimes with Heathen Princes before they arriue to this rich and pregnant knowledge men which labour their conuersion begin or touch by the way some of these Morall dueties and if they grow odious and suffer for that they are perfect Martyrs dying for a morall Trueth and in the way to Christ. 9 By the second claime which is the Integritie of Catholicke Religion the professors of any Christian Church will make a specious and apparant Title if they suffer persecution in any other Christian Church For the Church of Rome will call the whole totall body and bulke of the points of their profession Integritie of Religion and the Reformed Churches call soundnesse puritie and incorruptnesse integritie The Roman thinkes Integritie hurt by nothing but Maimes and we by Diseases And one will prooue by his death that too little is professed and the other that too much But this aduantage we haue that by confession of our aduersaries all that wee affirme is True and Necessarie and vpon good ground we assure our selues that nothing else is so and we thinke that a propensenesse to die for profession of those points which are not necessarie will not constitute a Martyrdome in such a person especially as is of necessarie vse 10 Amongst other things which our Blessed Sauiour warnes his followers this is one That none of them suffer as a busie body in other mens matters but if he suffer as a Christian let him not be ashamed but glorifie God And in another place hee cals them blessed If others say all maner of euill of them falsely and for his sake So that the prohibition forbids vs to suffer for those things which doe not certainely appertaine to vs And the instruction ties the reward to these conditions That the imputations be false That they be imputed for Christs sake that is to dishonour him and that we suffer because we are Christians 11 Since therefore some of you at your Executions and in other conferences haue added this to your comfoâ—t and glory of Martyrdome That because the Kings mercie hath beene offred you if you would take the Oath therefore you died for refusing the same Though your Assertion cannot lay that vpon the State who hath two discharges One that you were condemn'd for other Treasons before that offâ—r The other that the Oath hath no such Capitall clause in it yet since as I said you take it vpon your Consciences to bee so Let vs Examine whether your refusall of the Oath bee a iust cause to Die vpon this point of Integritie of Faith by that measure which our Sauiour gaue in his Prohibition and in his Instruction 12 Is it then any of your matters or doeth it belong to you by your Doctrine and by your Example in refusing the Oath to determine against Princes Titles or Subiects Alleageance If this be any of your matters then you are not sent onely to doe Priestly functions And if it be not then you suffer as busie bodies in other mens matters if you suffer for the Oath 13 And then what is imputed to you which is false which is another condition required by Christ if you be called traytors then when after apparant transgressing of such lawes as make you Traytors you confirme to vs a perseuerance in that Trayterous disposition by refusing to sweare Temporall Alleageance Wherein are you lesse subiect to that name then those Priestes which were in Actuall plots since mentall Treason denominates a man as well as mentall heresie You neither can nor will condemne any thing in them but that they did their treason before any Resolution of the Church and haue you any resolution of the Church for this That the King may be deposed when he is excommunicated If you haue you are in a better forwardnesse then they and you may vndertake any thing as soone as you will that is as soone as you can For you haue as good opinions already and as strong authorities That a King of another Religion then Romane is in the state of an excommunicate person before Sentence as you haue for this That an Excommunicate King may be deposed And would you thinke it a iust cause of Martyrdome to auerre that the King is already vnder excommunication 14 And to proceede farther in Christs Instruction are these things said of you for Christs sake Are you if you be called Traytors for refusing the Oath reproued for anie part of his Commandements If it were for exercising your Priestlie functions you might haue some colour since all your Catholique Religion must bee the onely Christian Religion But can that state which labours watchfullie and zealouslie for the promouing of Christs glorie in all other things bee saide to oppose Christ or persecute him in his Members for imputing trayterous inclinations to them who abhorre to confirme their Alleageance by a iust Oath 15 Lastly can you say you suffer as Christians that is as Christ there intended for Christian faith which is principally the matter of Martyrdome Aquinas cites this out of Maximus The Catholique faith is the mother of martyrdome And he explicates
this hard shift and earnest propensenesse to die no good signe of a good cause or of a true martyrdome for thus he makes his gradations That the Anabaptists are forwardest and the Caluinists next and the Lutherans very slacke So that he makes the vehemency of the pâ—ofessors in this kind some testimony of the ilnesse of the Religion we may also obserue that all circumstances except the maine point with which we intercharge one another which is Hereâ—ie by which they labour to deface and infirme the zeale of our side in this pointâ— and to take from them all comfort of martyrdome doe appeare in them directly or implicitely in this denying of ciuill obedience 34 And because we may boldly trust his malice in gathering them that he will omit none we will take them as they are obiected against vs in Feuardentius the Minorite A man of such dexterity and happines in conuerâ—ing to the Romane Faith that all Turquy and the Indies would not bee matter enough for him to worke vpon one yeare if he should proceed with them in the same pace as he doth with the Minister of Geneua For meeting him once vpon a time by chaunce and falling into talke with him in the person of a Catholique Doctor he dispatches a Dialogue of some eight hundred great leaues and reduces the poore Minister who scarce euer stands him two blows from one thousand foure hundred Heresies And as though he had but drawne a Curtaine or opened a boxe and shewed him catholique Religion he leaues him as â—ound as the Councell of Trent 35 First therefore in this matter of Martyrdome he takes a promise of the Minister That he will be diligâ—nt hereafter from being amazed at the outward behauiour of men which suffer death By which dâ—rection good counsell the confident fashion and manner of any Iesuite at his execution shall make no such impression in vs as to produce arguâ—ments of his innocency After this he saies that our men are not martyres Because they haue departed from the Câ—urch in which they were baptized and haue not kept their promise made in Baptismeâ— but are therefore Apostats and Antichrists Another reason he assignes against them because they haue beene put to death for conspiracies rebellions tumults and ciuill Warres against lawfull Princes and that therefore they haue beene proceeded against in Ordinary forme of Iustice as Traytors And againe hee saies They haue beene iustly executed for making and diuulging libells against Princes And for Acts against a Canon of the Eliberitane Councell of which I spoke before And lastly this despoiles vs of the benefite of Martyrdome in his account Because we offer our selues to dangers and punishâ—ents seeking for honour out of misery and blowen vp with ambition and greedinesse of vaine glorie Thus farre Feuardentius charges vs. 36 And is it not your case also to forâ—ait your Martyrdome vpon the same circumstances Are not many of youd parted â—roâ— your promise in baptisme to our Chuâ—ch or did those which vndertooke for you euer intend this forsaking and this act of deparâ—ing is by Feuardentius made an Essentiall circumstance abstract and independenâ— and incohaerent with that of the Catholique Church for that is another alone by it selfe 37 And haue not you beene proceeded with in Ordinarie course of Iustice as Traytors for Rebellions and Conspiracies and Tumults And after so many protestations so religiously deliueâ—ed so vehemently iâ—erated so prodigally sealed with bloud and engaging your Martyrdome vpon that issâ—e that you neuer intermedled with matters of state nor had any other scope or marke of all your desires and endeâ—ours but the replanâ—ation of Catholique Religion hath not the Recorder and mouth of all the English Iesuites confessedâ— vpon a mistaking that the euennesse of his Maiesties disposition might be shaked by this insinuation That in the Sentence of Excommunication against Queene Elizabeth the Popes relating to a statute in England respected the Actuall right of his Maiesties mother and of him and proceeded for the remouall of that Queene whom they held an vsurper in fauour of the true inheritours oppressed by her not only by spirituall but temporall armes also as against a publique Malefactor and â—ntruder And hauing thus like an indiscreete Aduocate preuaricated for the Pope doth hee not as much betray all his owne complices when he addes This doth greatly iustifie the endeuours and desires of all good Catholique people both at home and abroad against her their principall meaning being euer knowne to haue beene the deliuerance and preferment of the true heire most wrongfully kept out and vniustly persecuted for righteousnes sake Did you intend nothing else but Catholique Religion and yet was the desire and endeuour of all good Catholiqâ—es at home and abroade to remoue her and plant anoâ—her and that by vertue of a statute in England Did the Popes in their Bulls intimate any illegitimation or vsurpation or touch vpon any such statute Or dâ—d they goe about to aduance the right Heire in the Spanish â—nuasion or was the way of the right Heire Catholiquely prepared by Dolemans booke 38 Or was the Author thereof no good Catholicke For these Conspiracies and for the same Authors monethly Libels which cast foule aspersions vpon the whole cause in defence wherof they are vndertaken and published are your preâ—ences to Martyrdome vniust and inualid if your Feuardentius giues vs good rules So are they also because you seeke it against the Eliberitane Councell That is By wayes not found in Scriptures nor practised by the Apostles And last of all bâ—cause you seeâ—e it with such intemperate hunger and vaine-glorie Cultum ex Miseria quaerentes as your Friar accuses our Churches and hunting and pursuing your owne death First ouer the tops of mountaines the Popes Spirituall power then through thicke and entangling woods without wayes in or out that is his Temporall power and then through darke caues and dens of his Chamber Epistles his Breues ready rather then not die to deâ—end his personall defects and humane infirmities And all these circumstancesâ— are virtually and radically enwrapt in this one refusall of the Oath which therefore alone doeth defeate all your pretenceâ— to Martyrdome 39 And though it may perchance truely bee said by you that all those persons which the Reformed Churches haue Enregistred in their Martyrologies are not certainely and truely Martyrs by those Rules to which we binde the signification of the word in this Chapter and in which you account all which die by way of Iustice for aduancing the Romane Doctrine or Dignitie by what seditious way so euer to be true Martyrs yet none of them hath euer transgressed so faâ—re as your Example would warrant them For not to speake of Baronius his Martyrologe where verie many are enrolled which liued their Naturall time and without any externall persecuâ—ion for their faith and where verie many of the olde Testament are recorded besides those which aâ—e canonized