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A10969 A philosophicall discourse, entituled, The anatomie of the minde. Nevvlie made and set forth by T.R. Rogers, Thomas, d. 1616. 1576 (1576) STC 21239; ESTC S116111 175,898 458

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To haue them well mannered consisteth in the power of parentes for if they wyll they maye be endued with all vertues Which made Solon to enacte that those parentes in their olde age shoulde not be relieued of their children which cared not howe they practised good manners or profited in other humane literature And therefore Cicero doeth sharply rebuke Timarchides for that being of wicked lyfe and conuersation him selfe yet he was not ashamed to haue his sonne of tender yeares to be a viewer and a witnesse of his wicked lyuing And as vehemently he doeth inueigh against Verres for the same faulte because he cared not howe his sonne spent his tyme whether among harlottes or honest persons Notable is the example of Iulia daughter vnto Augustus the Emperour and maye be a good example to all well disposed parentes howe they bring vp theyr children For she being on a tyme counsayled by a deare friende to leaue her light behauior and to imitate the vertues of her noble father aunswered contemptuously My father hath forgot that he is an Emperor and I doo not remember that he is my father And surely the readiest waye to make children forget them selues and their friendés is not by instructing them in good manners when they are yonge I wyll recite no forraine examples for Englande can minister mater inough and euery iayle can beare mee witnesse howe lytle care parentes haue of theyr childrens good behauior The cause of Iulias wickednesse was her fathers too much pampering her and the cause of al wickednesse not onely in this lande but else where is the carelesnesse of parentes For if they while they are yonge eyther did punishe them or suffer them to be punished they would not without great feare and trembling offende yea in smallest matters Nowe I may very well reason from a contrarie If the hauing of no children be such a griefe and miserie not onely to maried folkes but also to the common weale then the hauing of them is a great comfort to parentes and commoditie to a common weale and againe if carelesnesse of bringing them vp in the studie of vertue be not onely to them selues a shame and vexation but vnto theyr neighbors countreymen hurtfull and pernicious then must it néedes be confessed that to haue children well nurtered bringeth no small praise to their parentes and profite to mankinde And thus much concerning the goodes of Fortune which do illustrate euery man verie much and cause them to be accompted of all men blessed But the vertuous they doo place almoste in the highest degree of Felicitie ¶ Of the goodes of Nature Chap. 3. BEfore I recite which are the goodes of Nature I wyll first shewe what is signified by this worde Nature else wyll my wordes rest in great ambiguitie and my meaning wyll hardly be perceyued The Philosophers take the same diuerslie And sometyme vnder that they comprehende the essence of euery thing whether it be substance or qualitie sensible or not to be perceiued and in this taking of it it is nothing but that which we call Essentia in Latin the essence of any thing sometyme it is taken for euery substance whether it haue a body or be incorporate without one and so is it another name of the first predicament called Substance and so maye be called sometyme the predicament of Nature sometyme of Substance sometyme by this word Nature we vnderstande the vertue force and propertie of euerie thing whether it be spetiall or particular a substance or an accident of the minde or pertayning to the bodie as we saye in common speach it is the Nature of the Adamant to draw iron vnto it it is the Nature of the fire to beate of a Lion to be mercifull of a Tiger to be cruell of a Man to be desyrous of noueltie of a Woman to be fall of wordes But these acceptions make nothing to our purpose Sometyme they distinguishe the same and saye there is a Nature which is endlesse infinite and there is a finite a nature which hath an ende The endlesse nature is that which of it selfe makes and createth all thing and very darkly they call it Naturam naturantem a Nature naturating that is creating all thinges which in deede is nothing else but god Here do the Philosophers shewe great follie and defile them selues with vnspeakeable blasphemie when they wyll ascribe the name of Nature vnto him which is aboue Nature For if Nature be deriued of nascendo as the learned do saye from springing or being borne howe can he be called Nature which is without beginning and was neuer borne for in so doing by name they confesse him to haue a begining so consequently shall haue an ende which in deede hath bene from euerlasting and shall continue for euer then which what can be more wicked The finite Nature is that which hath an ende and may be comprehended Againe they say Nature is of two sortes Vniuersall and Particular The vniuersall they diuide and saye it maye be taken Logically or Physically Logically from an vniuersall comprehension in the minde of particular thinges as by this generall word Creature I vnderstande all men endued with reason and boasts and by this spetiall worde Man I vnderstande all particular men this man or that man by what name so euer he bee called Physically vnderstoode the vniuersall nature is againe distinguished and taken eyther for a celestiall influence equally comming into euery thing according to his nature and is of suche power as it preserueth all thinges from destruction of this celestiall nature springes all seconde causes and singular effectes or else it is taken not for the influence which commeth from the heauens but a secrete working in all kindes ingrafted into them of God for continuaunce Of this it commeth that euerie kinde is preserued by his kinde and mankinde by man the nature of horses by horses of corne by seede and that necessarily For if by chaunce any thing bringes forth which is not of his kinde it is iudged a monster as for a woman to bring forth no man but a beast is monstrous and against Nature horrible out of course This vniuersall nature altogether consisteth in imagination and is nothing without conceipt of minde And this concerning the diuerse vnderstandings of vniuersall nature The particular nature is that vertue which is in any one thing without consideration of a multitude or many thinges vnder one generall as the nature of this hen is to haue chickens these apples to spring out of this trée so that euery particular thinge a particular nature and without this there can be no vniuersall or common nature except only in the minde of immortal creatures This being briefly spoken concerninge the diuerse acceptions of this worde Nature we may the better prosecute our purpose For none of these natures which wee haue recited according to the minds of the
to kil his father Arataxerxes who had displaced himself to make him king Also Eucratides King of the Bactrians after he had vanquished and put to flight Demetrius King of the Iewes was slaine by his owne sonnes whom he had left to guide and gouerne his people in his absence Princes therefore ought to haue great care how they depose them selues out of princely throne leaue the tuition of their people vnto others when as many of their owne childrē haue been so wel rewarded Claudius the Emperor did so bear with his wife in her naughtinesse that at length she took the boldenes of an harlot and his ouertēdernes caused her to doo that openly which before she did secretly and with feare Wel in this kinde of looue a new must be obserued Héere again may be mooued another question Whether the looue of parents towardes their children be greater then the looue of children towards their parents Many reasons may be brought to prooue many examples to confirme either parte some we haue alredy in this chapter recited But certain it is that the looue of parents towards their children is greater and that is prooued by two reasons The first is this By how muche more any man knowes the thing which he looueth then the thing knoweth him by so much he looueth it better But a father dooth better knowe the sonne then the sonne dooth knowe the father and therefore the father dooth looue him better Again an Artificer dooth looue his woorkmanship and the thing wrought by the woorkman But the father is like a woorkman and the sonne as the woorkmanship and therfore he dooth better looue his sonne then his Sonne can fancie him And therefore is it said that this naturall and fatherly affection dooth alwaies descend but it neuer ascends Againe it may be mooued whether a father dooth fancy better his children then the mother It is thought that the mother dooth And the philosophers prooue it by this reason They whiche take the greater paines in getting any thing looue that whiche is gotten more intirely then they whiche take lesse paines But the mother dooth with greater paines attain to thē then the father and therfore her looue muste néeds be greater Now to the last parte of this naturall freendship Reason willeth that as first we should abooue all thinges looue God our parents Contrie wiues and children so next we are bound in conscience to make much of those which are of our kin and acquaintance And therefore who is he that dooth not quake for feare when he heareth but the mentioning of Tiberiꝰ Caesar Nero Artaxerxes Ptolomie other most vnnatural wretches It is written of Tiberius that he murthered his sonnes killed his kinsemen slew his deere fréends and afterwarde thought him self an happy man because like Priamus he remained after the death of his kin Nero slewe his mother and his maister Artaxerxes his sister Ptolomie also his sister his sisters sonnes called Lysimachus and Philip. Another Ptolomie also moste vnnaturally murthered his owne Sonne begotten of his sister Cleopatra Therfore how necessarie and abooue all this naturall freendship is to be sought for it is apparant Without which we can neither serue God neither our Parents kinsefolke to whme especially we ar boūd with a more straight chain and surer link thē to any others ¶ Of Ciuil freendship Cap. 40. CIuile Freendship is of thrée sortes The first is a common or generall good will wherby we wish wel vnto all men and are prouoked the●unto by the rites lawes and customes of our Countrie or otherwise by any common thing to all men And therefore it is a great cause of looue and amitie among men to be vnder the same Princes to be in subiection to the same lawes to be of one societie of one Contrie Cittie to be of one religion c. There be also many things which men haue in common and belong aswel to the one as to the other as Churches market places stages guildhalles places appointed to the vse of all men and doo conioine men in gadwil meruailously And this common amitie is so requisit as without the same there is no difference betweene brute beastꝭ and men we should without the same liue in solitarines neuer without snares to intrap vs mischeefꝭ to bereaue him of al ioies Which made Cicero to say that he which would cut of this common freendship did euen as it were go about to take the Sun from the world And in a certaine Oration of his he hath a pretie place to the praising of this Fréendship where he saith that those citizens whiche will not willingly helpe one another doo in that whiche in them lieth go about to ouerthrowe the common estate of a common weale and to disturbe the fellowship of this life For saith he nature hath not so made vs that of our selues we can doo all things without the aide of others and one is more apt to one thing then an other And therfore goodwil is gotten that so by helping one another according to their calling the common profit may be sought for The Epicures whose indeuorꝭ are t' encrease plesure doo altogither commēd this kinde of Fréendship abooue any other as that without which no plesure could be in this life But their freendship is nought els but that which we call Good fellowship whiche in deed continueth but a time as lōg as pleasure lasteth but no pleasure no Fréendship The nature of this fréendship shal be better declared héerafter bothe whē we shall speake of Concorde also of th' other partes of this Ciuil fréendship The second kinde of this Ciuil Fréendship is that which is gotten not without pleasure or profit but only by vertue and likenes of manners This fréendship bringeth to passe that among men there be a greate agreement bothe in wil and in woorking For as Salust saeith this is perfect and vnfained freendship to think one the same thing And as Tullie saith there is none more certain token of true fréendship then is consent and communicating of our cogitations one with another This fréendship is only between honest and wel disposed persons For the cōsent which is betwéene wicked men is not fréendshippe whose end is the increase of godlines but a faction to il purpose and disquieting of the common weale Isocrates writeth very wel of this matter saith that the gréement of the wicked is easely vpon a a small occasion brokē but the fréendship of the vertuous cōtinueth for euer And wil you knowe in déed who is a true perfect fréend Then harken vnto a lerned man. Be not drawen away with fair woordꝭ nor seduced with wickednes nor ouercōe with iniuries looue with all your hart vnfainedly and then shall you be a perfect fréend This fréendship hath many noteꝭ to be knowē by For it is a freendship for
Prince for his prayse ought aboue all to endeuour to seeme and to bee mercifull without which we appere odious to our friends to our foes monstrous brutishe before men and before God deuilishe And thus much concerning the firste parte of Sorrowe called Pittie in as fewe wordes concerning the necessitie thereof as myght bée The next is called Enuie whose nature and propertie shall nowe be declared ¶ Of Enuie Chap. 26. THe second part of Sorrow is Enuie which is defined of Zeno to be a Sorrowe taken at the welfare or prosperitie of another man which nothing at all hurtes him which enuieth This Enuie is compared vnto the Canker For as the Canker eateth and destroieth iron so doth enuie eate and consume the hartes of the enuious The Poets faine Enuie to be one of the furies of Hell and to be fedde with nothing but adders snakes to shewe that enuious persons doo swallowe downe poyson and lykewise vomit vp the same againe For anothers prosperity is theyr poyson and anothers aduersity theyr comfort Therfore did Politian write very pleasantly vnto an enuious man after this manner Thou enuiest all thinges to all men except enuie And the same lykewise thou doest enuie in another man which is more enuious then thy selfe So doth not he enuie that in thee which notwithstāding thou canst not abide in him And this the nature of the enuious What you are I wyll not vtter least I make you more miserable then you are nowe For if I should make you knowne your very name also you woulde not abide It is the part of this enuie lyke as fire to couet the highest places and to barke at those whiche are wortheliest preferred And therefore it is called the companion of Vertue It doth not onely seeke the destruction of noble vertuous men but also of notable and famous citties For by this Themistocles which by sea had vanquished and ouerthrowne the whole nauie of Xerxes which in nomber was almost infinite and set his countrey free from thraldome and seruitude this I say Themistocles which had brought so much honor fame vnto his countrey by enuie was compelled to forsake the same to liue lyke a miserable captiue in banishmēt for the space of ten yeeres Though enuie were the cause of his punishment yet the Athenians to cloake their ingratitude sayd they did the same to suppresse keepe vnder his stomache least the remembrance of his glory and victories should make him so to excell the rest as he should haue no companion like vnto him and the better to bring him into hatred they caused Timocreō a Rhodian Poet by verses to report him to be a couetous person wicked a violater of his faith and no kéeper of hospitalitie So lykewise Aristides which for his vertues was called Iust was not without enemies and enuious persons For in recompence of al paines and troubles sustained both by lande and sea to the encreasing of his countreys fame yet through some enuious folkes he was I say notwithstanding all his vertues and benefites bestowed as a most vnprofitable member cut from the body of his contrey And not only those two lights and examples of vertue Themistocles and Aristides were brought into misery but also the whole state of Athens into perpetuall slauery whē as none could abide one to be in greater estimatiō then him selfe or to excell in vertue the same brought destruction vnto the Romanes Thebanes and many other countreyes of great renowme This Enuie is compared in some respect of olde auncient diuines vnto the Sunne For as the nature of the Sunne is to obscure and darken thinges whiche are cleare and manifest and likewise lighten and illustrate that which is obscure so enuie endeuoreth to obscure the glory of those which are famous and in aucthoritie So that none are subiecte vnto the talke of the enuious but such as either by welth riches renowne auctority or vertue are better then the rest and none are in their bookes but those which are cowards dastards wicked obscure persons Tullie hath a notable sētence worthy to be had in continual remembrance of all such as are well disposed his wordes be these I haue alwayes bine of this minde that I haue thought enuie gotten by vertue to be no obscuring of my name but an illustrating of the same Amongst all enuious persons which haue bene for number infinite none hath bene so much reprehended for the same as was Timon of Athens For he coulde away with none but onely with Alcebiades and being asked of Apemantus why enuiyng all others he so fauoured him aunswered that therefore he dyd loue and accompt of him because he perceiued the disposition of Alcebiades to be such as he should in tyme be a scourge to the Athenians a cause of many troubles which they should come into And as he was so are all they which are enuious they can lyke of none but such as are causers and helpers to bring those which are at rest and as it were in felicitie into miseries But I wyll not spende more wordes about this Perturbatiō Enuie for which I haue spoken may sufficiently set forth her nature I wyll therefore come to a very familiar companion of hers which is Emulation ¶ Of Emulation Chap. 27. EMulation Cicero defineth to bée a griefe of the minde because one doeth enioye that which we are desirous to haue This Emulation hath a great affinity with Enuie whose nature we haue expressed and hereof it comes that he which doth Emulate labours with tooth and nayle to get all praise and glorie whiche another hath already vnto him selfe No better example of this Emulation than Alexander the great for looke what any of his familiars dyd excell in that did he by al meanes seeke to attaine And therfore it is sayd that he did Emulate in Lysimachus skilfulnesse of warre in Seleucus an inuincible corage a rare ambition in Antigonus in Attalus a diuine maiestie in Ptolomie a happie successe in all enterprises Syllaes emulation of Marius felicitie was the cause of ciuile dissention among the Romanes For when Bocchus king of Mauritania ▪ had betrayed Ingurtha vnto Marcius that so he might purchase vnto him the fauour good wyl of the Romane people Sylla being sent ambassador into Mauritania brought Ingurtha being sent vnto Marius to Rome and there not as desired deliuered him vnto Marius but as his prisoner by pollicie ouercome kepte him and both openly euery where and among his friends priuately bragged of his good fortune Which Emulation of his dyd so strike Marius at the harte as neuer they coulde be reconciled againe into friendship And therefore Emulalation except it be ruled gouerned by the raines of reason is the cause of much dissension troubles in a cōmon weale It bringeth likewise infamie vnto those which are infected with the same when they wyll contende
Philosophers and are all wyse and prudent men Therefore ought euery man so prepare him selfe that not so much as a shewe of that harde bitter and sowre sadnesse which hath alwayes bene commended of none but contemned of all wyse men shoulde appeare in him but this graue and seuere sadnesse ought not onely to be wished for but laboured for that so he maye be nombred among the graue and wyser sort of men ¶ Of Pensiuenesse Chap. 31. NOt vnlyke to Sadnesse is Pensiuenesse therefore is it next adioyned vnto the same and is defined of Cicero to be a doleful or wéeping sorrowfulnesse It is named in Latin Moeror that is deriued from the Latin verbe Maresco which signifieth to drye or wyther Because that this Pensiuenesse withereth the bodie of man But if any be not content with that deriuation they maye thinke the same to be fetcht eyther from the Greeke verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is by interpretation to receyue a lot and herof it commeth that aduersity is ascribed to fortune or else from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is is by chaunce to get a thing But whiche of these opinions are true greatly it skylleth not and yet there bée which thinke this worde to be deriued of eyther of them Nowe to my purpose This wofull Sorrow is a Perturbation which ought not to be in a discréete and wise man For it is a manifest signe and token of an effeminate womālike person And not without good cause it is so iudged for it weakeneth the string or vaines of vertue and maketh them in al theyr doing negligent of no strength or power to accomplishe any good enterprise which consideration made the Lacedemonians by a certaine superstition at theyr alters to whip and scorge theyr children that so they might in tyme be without Pensiunesse and be hardned to sustaine al miseries with a bolde corage And theyr custome was so narrowly obserued that almost none were founde no not among the weake sorte which eyther would groane or geue any signe of griefe when they were in paine and if any dyd in his calamities shedde but one teare he was not onely derided of his fellowes but also brought againe to the altar there to be greeuously tormented for his not obseruing theyr custome Hereof it procéeded that the Lacedemonians of all people in peace and warre proued the most valiaunt The Spartanes also were maruelously commended because they were free frō this pensiue sorrowfulnesse And though they dyd alwayes declare their patience yet at no time or place more thē in their miserable seruitude vnder king Antigonus for when he had ransacked theyr cittie bereft them of theyr treasure and left nothing which good was yet amōgst them all there was none founde no not so much as a woman which was pensiue at the matter but euery one reioysed the olde men that their lustie inuentus the fathers that theyr children the women that theyr husbandes and euery one triumphed that so many had gotten so gl●rious deathes for the defence of they● countrey Therefore who doth not commend these men for their noble stomaches which can without griefe beare patiently so great losses So that the lacking of this affection beings commendation but the subiection to it brings defamation As it dyd vnto Cicero a man of great renowme and one which by eloquence brought much honour vnto his countrey for being called by Clodius into iudgement because of his owne aucthoritie without permission of the Senate he had commaunded Lentulus and Cethegus to be punished he was of such an abated corage as hauing changed his garment weeping and miserablie pensiue as he was going fell at the feete of euery one which he met ▪ A strange thing that he which by eloquence coulde turne the hardest harte into pittie shoulde by his pensiuenesse be a laughing stocke vnto all men But as Cicero was such was Demosthenes in eloquence persuading inferiour to none if by studie not Ex tempore he shoulde haue spoken for when he shoulde haue defended him selfe before the Athenians he with pensiuenesse so forsooke him selfe as rather he had to go into perpetuall banishment then by talke openly to beséeche fauour or forgeuenesse at the handes of the Athenians So that this childishe affection Pensiuenesse hath as much darkned theyr fame as theyr eloquence purchased theyr commendation Wherefore by theyr examples we with great heede should beware least we be spotted with the same faulte and so bring our selues into contempte and derision when as other qualities cause vs to be wondered at ¶ Of Mourning Chap. 32. MOurning Cicero calleth a Sorrowe conceiued of the death of him which was déere vnto vs By thē Lawes of Twelue tables at Rome all crying and funerall wéeping were sharply forbidden And that not without good cōsideration for reason hath geuē vs this knowledge that theyr deaths whose life hath bene good and without any notorious crime shoulde alwayes be a comfort vnto vs by a continuall remembrance so farre shoulde we be from mourning for them Againe patiently shoulde that be borne which no strength can ouercome nor counsayle auoide And therefore what auaileth mourning when nothing can alter Rather shoulde this perswasion comfort vs to thinke no strange thing is happened but that which all mankinde sometime shal haue But permit mourning to be a tollerable thing to be suffered yet shall we get nothing but this therby that we afterward shall seeme in behauiour light and in habite vnséemely And who is he but doeth deride such an vnpleasant person who is he but doth contemne a man which in aduersitie wyll mourne and shed teares we therefore naming him a wyse man whiche can mortefie immoderate affections wyll haue a man because he shall not appeare altogether forgetfull of his friendes to shewe some token of Sorrowe but that shal be after a graue sort such as shall become a man not brutishly to howle or crye out but after a modest sort shall make the same to appeare And that the better it maye be done I wyll bring forth some who are worthy to be imitated herein who doth not greatly commend Anaxagoras for his so patient bearing the departure of his sonne for when newes was brought him that his sonne was dead he was so farre from shedding teares that lyke a wyse man he aunswered Is that such a strange thing thou tellest mee I knewe I had begotten a mortall man Or what man is hee which hearing of the Leena is not ashamed of himself if he bee a mourner or what woman should not follow her steps if she be a mother which hearing that her sōne in battayle died valiantly neuer cried or bewayled the same with outcryes as the vse is now a dayes almost among al womē but lifting vp her hands to the heauens thanked God hartely that she had brought such a sonne into the world which in respect of
waye reprehended him and sayd that his opinon had beene good if he had thought no vertue could haue bine without Prudence but he coulde not saye rightly that euery one was Prudence Many and great haue bene the prayses of this vertue Apollophanes a Stoike stoode in such admiration thereof that he iudged all other vertues in respecte of wisedome nothing worth that shee was to the rest as a prince to her handmaids Another Philosopher whose name was Bion thought aswell of her and sayde that shee dyd as farre excell the rest of the vertues as the sight is better in dignitie then other senses Another Philosopher whose name was Epicurus which though concerning the chiefest happinesse he erred yet in this thing fayde very well that the very cause of all goodnesse was onely wisedome For by that we knowe what to eschue as hurtfull to our selues and againe what to chuse as profitable Hipparchus and other Astronomers doo affyrme that wisdome can preuent future mischiefes and nothing is so hurtfull and pernitious but by wisedome it maye be auoyded For that I maye laeue other examples vntyll I declare the partes of wisedome in order it is reported of Socrates that being according to the iudgement of the Physiognomers geuen to all wickednesse by wisedome he reformed him selfe and became a good example of a godly man. The Poets to declare the excellencie of this vertue faine wisedome to bee a woman and to be borne not of any mortall wight but euen of Iupiter him selfe and not of the vilest part of him as Venus was of Neptune but of the beste and to springe out of Iupiters braine thereby to shewe that wisedome is no base but a diuine thing And certainly to leaue all fictions of Poets if wee consider the place from whence our wisedome comes we shall confesse that it is a most excellent thing The place from whence it floweth is not the beastly part concupiscence but the best the minde which is immortall As the Philosophers Poets say theyr minde to the extolling of wisedome so doo the painters discribe what they think of her They for wisedome painted Minerua they dyd so set her forth that wheresoeuer one stoode eyther before her or behinde shee had a full sight of him Thereby to shewe that the Nature of wisedome is such as it beholdeth and noteth euery place and person neyther doth shee commit and doo any thing for which shee may afterwarde saye Non putaram Nowe all these prayses of all these men maye easely be perceiued in the office of wisedome For it is the part of a wyse man to measure all thinges by the rule of reason to doo nothing but that which is honest and good to bende all his thoughtes to the encrease of godlynesse All this maye easely be perceiued to be true if we consider the parts of which Prudence dependeth which are in momber eleuen namely Reason Iudgement Circumspection Prouidence Docilitie Héede all which Plotinus a Platoniste affyrmeth to be the parts of Prudence but Aristootle doth not onely confesse those to he her partes but also adioyneth Warynesse Wylynesse Craftinesse Subtiltie and righteousnesse What eache of these are according to our skyll and hability shall be manifested ¶ Of Reason Chap. 9. THe firste and moste principall parte of wisdome is reason whiche according to the sentence of Cicero is an order to do all things by the consideration of things to come And he prefers the same aboue all other gifts which man is endued with all and that worthely Especially in his bookes de Finibus he hath a notable place in the prayse of Reason his wordes are these Men although by many other thinges yet chiefly by this one doo most differ from beasts for that they haue Reason of nature and a mind geuen them which is sharpe liuely and noting many thinges at once most readely which doth beholde both the causes and euent of thinges it compareth one thing with another and ioyneth that which is separate and tyeth that which is to come with thinges present and doth consider the state of our lyfe which we haue to lyue the same reason makes a man to loue men and to lyue with them charitably not in worde or deede to disagree that so from a domisticall friendship they may step to a ciuile to a general good wyll towards all men and as Plato writ vnto Archytas the same Reason makes a man to remember that he is not borne to himselfe only but also for his parentes friendes contrey and for other mens causes so that lyttle tyme he hath to bestowe for his priuate profite but all his labors and studie shoulde be conferred to the profiting of others Much more Tullie bringeth forth in praise of Reason which for breuity sake I passe ouer and the rather because his words are not so fit proper for this part for here we vnderstande not reason so largely as it shall be that thing whereby a man differeth from a beast but rather more stricktly for a reasoning of the minde as it were pro and con whether this be good or to bee embraced or bad and to be auoyded And so doeth Aristotle take the same in that place of his Ethiks where he talks of Prudēce And so is it of Cicero so be a diligent heedeful considering of things to be done or no. Whos 's definition is good For if wisedome be perceiued by chusing thinges good or euyll which all men doo graunt then is it the parte of a prudent man well to consult before he begin and that must be had in all which he goes about Which consultation is the reasoning of the minde which reasoning doeth spring from reason And when we haue wel pondered any thing in our minds reason must be iudge and geue sētence whether it ought to be done or no. Hereof is that of Salluste Prinsquam incipias consulto vbi consulueri● maturè facto opus est Before a man begin any thing consultation shoulde be had but hauing deliberated speedy execution ¶ Of Vnderstanding Chap. 10. VNderstanding which otherwise may be called Iudgement or discretion consisteth in two thinges in discerning trueth from falsehood in taking heede lest the mind he ouermuch delighted so deceiued by vaine pleasures of the body Nothing weakneth this vnderstanding so much as idlenesse slothfulnesse euyll affections corrupte manners for they are as it were sworne enemies not only to our wittes but also to our good endeuors Of Idlenesse it is sayde that by doing nothing men learne to lyue naughtily And if we consider truely thereof we shall finde the causes of all mischiefes in euery common weale to spring of idle persons they are the fyrebrandes of sedition the causers of all ciuile dissention And therefore notable was that custome among the olde Indians for there manner was euery night before supper to examine euerie man howe
he had bestowed that daye nowe if any could not proue that he had bene about some good exercises theyr vse was to expell him out of theyr company Which they dyd by the example of the Bee which can abide no Droans among them but as soone as any beginnes to bée idle they fall vppon them and kyll them But the Aegiptians came nigher vnto theyr nature for they had a lawe by which they woulde compell any man to geue an accoumpte of the spending of his tyme and if any were founde to lyue idly hauing no trade or occupation by the lawe he was condemned to dye Ouid sayeth that the waye to extinguishe the burning passion of loue is to beware of idlenesse as the very thing which ministreth matter to the encreasing of that hote affection And Cicero sayeth that idlenesse is the nource of all wickednesse Well as idlenesse and slothfulnesse doo make the braine vnfit for the meditation of that which is good so also when a man wyll subiect himselfe to his carnall desires and wicked affections of the minde he doth as much debilitate ▪ and cut the stringes of his vnderstanding It is very well sayde of Iouianus Pontanus that he which ruleth others ought to be frée from all affections for Anger suffreth not a man to see that which is expedient Hatered hasteneth to vniustice Loue weakeneth the iudgement Luste offereth wrong Greife styrreth to reuengement Enuie ouerthroweth a man And as he thought a prince and one in aucthoritie should be cleare from the contagiousnesse of the immoderate and beastlye Perturbations so doo we thinke it the part of euery man to quench them when they inflame him too much and prouoke him to that which is vnhonest What are these wicked affections and when to be bridled we haue declared sufficienlly in our former booke Now of manners Euill manners come by euill company The nature of euery man is perceyued by those whose familiaritie hee delighteth in so that if he frequent the company of the good he is compted vertuous if of the wicked he may very wel take his denomination from them Likewyll to lyke Isocrates counsayleth Demonicus whose felicitie hée wished as his owne that he shoulde to all men shewe a good countenance but he should enter familiarity with none but such as were of good conuersation For the cōpany of the wicked wyl contaminate a man make him bolde in naughtinesse True is that saying He which toucheth pitche wyll be defiled therewith Nowe how much euyll company weakes our vnderstanding it is no hard thing to perceyue For howe can the wit be sharpned by them whose onely tyme is spent in banishing out of minde all shamefastnesse Howe can they iudge of vertue and godlinesse which chuse to lyue in al vngratiousnes and refuse that wilfully all counsayle of the minde and wyllingly confirme them selues in naughtines Therfore to haue a good vnderstanding it is necessary that we auoide and that carefully all impedimentes to the same idlenesse euyll affections and wicked company and so shall wée finde that Minerua which is reported to springe out of Iupiters braine The which Minerua is fained of Poets to appeare somtime armed in all parts sometyme without armour Which fictiō declareth the euents of our vnderstanding Those weapons of Minerua hurteth two wayes eyther in coūsayling wickedly or rashly Of wicked counsaile it is saide that it is most hurtfull to the geuer Rashe counsaile although sometyme it maye haue good euent yet that is rather by chance then otherwise hath euyll successe and is the cause of infinite hurtes both priuate and publike And therefore it is sayde that sodaine counsayle bringes speedy repentaunce Wyse men of deepe vnderstanding and iudgement because they counsayled well and to the profite of the common weale of the Romanes were called Consuls of whiche there were a certaine number to whome was committed the gouernment of Rome But it seemeth that Nature hath shewed her selfe a stepdame vnto vs rather then a mother For euerie man hath a better iudgement in other mennes affayres then his owne We haue a clere sight in others businesse but in our owne matters wee are eyther starke blinde or at the least poore blinde and can not so well foresee inconueniences comming towardes our selues as wée can counsayle our friende to preuent a mischiefe And herein we are like Physitians which being sicke doo seeke ease at anothers hande ¶ Of Circumspection Cha. 11. CIrcumspection followeth which is defined to be an espetiall care of the minde to bring those thinges which wee haue in hande to a good passe This circumspection at al tymes and for all persons is necessary as that whiche in warre is the cause of escapinge many dangers in peace doth all thinges to the increase of vnitie among men that so they maye spende theyr tyme ioyfully secure from al feare of forraine assaults And as a skylfull marriner beholdeth all the partes of heauen continually that so at all tymes he may accordingly guide his shippe so a wyse Prince continually prepareth him selfe against all troublesome tempestes and in warre and also in peace he by Circumspection preuenteth all inconueniences which without this vertue woulde bring him into miserie As dyd Q. Cepio which neglecting the good counsayle of his fellowe in office Cn. Metellus cast awaye of the Romanes in one battaile .80 thousande But for his labor he was condemned to perpetuall imprisonment C. Flaminius also by the request of the people created Consull was so puffed and swolne with pride that all his studie was to seeke occasions of warre and hauing attayned his desire and was elected chiefe captaine of the Romane soldiors became so carelesse and voyde of circumspection that by the snares of Hanniball he was entrapped and all his men eyther taken ▪ or put to slight But as rashe captaines voide of circumspection haue brought shame to them selues and defamation to theyr countrey so wyse and circumspecte haue brought as much honor to them selues and countrey As we reade of Fabius Verruscosus whiche for his vertues was called Maximus which by circumspection dyd so abate the hauty courage of that victorious Hanniball as among his friendes and companions he woulde saye that he neuer knewe what warre ment before he had occasion to encounter with Fabius Afterwarde was by the Romane Senate sent vnto Fab. Maximus Marcellus which lykewise was a terror vnto Hanniball And therefore as he acknowledged Fabius to be his maister and to teache him to guide an armie so dyd he confesse him selfe to stand in feare of Marcellus Whose wisdome and circumspection was of the Romanes so wel noted as one of them Fabius was called the buckler the other Marcellus the sworde to cut of the enemies of the people of Rome So that as Cepio and Flaminius for theyr temerity haue bene odious so Fabius and Marcellus for their circumspection haue bene glorious
toyes incident to harlots intycing him to enter league with her was so farre from satisfying her minde that the more earnest shee was in desiring the more vigilante hée was in contayning and the more luste shee declared to Venerie the more lothe he was to commit such Villanie but laye beside her as hote as a marble in the coldeste tyme of winter Yea but hee was a Philosopher and therefore lesse maruayle though he were continent Trueth it is and therefore a shame to all wyse and learned men which are incontinent And I saye he was an infidell and yet by philosophy and reason he perswaded him selfe that fornication was hurtfull to the boddie and damnable to the soule and therefore at the daye of iudgement shall ryse to theyr confusion which are Christians and yet neyther by diuinitye nor religion wyll be in that minde to thin●e that eyther fornication or adultery is eyther hatefull to God or shall be hurtfull to them selues in the tyme of vengeance Well Scipio was no Philosopher by profession but a warri●r a strange thing that one of that sorte shoulde bee so pure from vnchaste cogitations and yet being of the age of three and twenty yeares and hauing brought vnder the subiection of the Romanes a cittie in Spaine a certaine Damosell without comparison amonge all the captiues most bewtifull was brought vnto him for delectation after all his troubles But Scipio before he woulde receaue any recreation at her handes demaunded what shee was which when hée vnderstoode her to bee espowsed vnto a young man called Luceius he thought it a shame for him to vse her company beyonde honesty and so with many precious gyftes and iewelles sent her saufely conducted to her husbande that should bee This continencie of Scipio passeth all the rest For who woulde thinke that a warrier from a woman a lustie young man from a bewtifull mayden a conqueror from a captiue hauing tyme place and permission so that without controlement of any man he might haue vsed her woulde containe him selfe all thinges falling so in the nicke And yet this noble warrier lustie youth and victorious conqueror entred not familiaritye with this woman this bewtifull mayden and captiue because shee had geuen her troth to another O vnspeakeable vertue and most wonderfull continencie of this noble Scipio whiche so preferred honestie before lecherie chastitie before incontinencie and a faythfull promise before sinfull pleasure I maye not in Rhetorical manner enlarge this matter and yet too muche can not be spoken to his prayse and therefore I leaue it By this then it appeareth that betwéene Continencie and Abstinencie ▪ there is great similitude and that they haue so it is euident by theyr contrary For Incontinencie is indifferently referred vnto eyther of them Wee call him incontinent which eyther kéepes no measure in the coueting of worldly thinges or can not contayne him selfe from the effectes of fleshly desires Nowe because I haue illustrated the former parte with examples I wyll also make this parte confirmed by the lyke And therefore opposite to th●se men aboue recited are these women for most commonly women are worste bent and we finde of all the best historiographers least spoken to theyr prayse most incontinent which followe namely Messalina wife vnto the Emperor Claudius and Popilia daughter of Marcus. Messalina was so incontinent that shée coulde not content her selfe I wyll not saye with her husbande whome shee cared leaste for with her youthfull gentlemen of her chamber about the courte but shee woulde goe to common houses where moste whordome was commytted and there contende with moste shamelesse harlottes in theyr abhominable exercise If I shoulde recite what I haue red of this notorious and notable strumpet I shoulde not obserue the preceptes of those two virtues Modesty and Shamefastnes immediatly in the former chapters declared But Temperance wyls me to stay my hand and tels me it is a sinne to wright that whiche with out shame she did commit The incontinencie of Popilia also was such as being tolde of her vnsatiable lecherie and that it might strike a perpetuall terror into her minde for one of her calling which should geue good example to inferior persons of honest conuersation yet without respect of tyme place or persons would prostrate her selfe before those of which if for no other cause yet because of her birth and their basenes she might be ashamed Being thus louingly by a faithfull freind admonished did aunswere that she did but according to her kind and that nature had geuen that power vnto man not so vnto other creatures that they might at al tymes come together at their pleasure and therefore considering it was natures wyll she accoumpted her selfe and woulde bee iudged a beast if shee dyd not as ofte as shee coulde satisfie her luste But we wyll omit particular persons The Corinthians for this Incontinencie haue bene euyll spoken of For they cast all honestie so behinde theyr backes that they would take their owne daughters and make them harlottes to marchantes and straungers in theyr countrey that so they might enriche them selues and theyr countrey Hereof came this prouerbe It was not for euery man to goe to Corinthe for they payde well for theyr pleasure The Babylonians also were greatly spotted with this vice of Incontinencie for once in a yeare they licenced theyr wiues daughters and maidens to goe vnto the temple of Venus which stoode by the sea coaste and there should refuse none which offered them selues and woulde vse them The Tyrrhenians are more incontinent then any For they wyll not onelye haue to doo with theyr wiues openly and lye in the common streates but as though they were vnmaried like brute and sauadge beastes without all reason turned one to another The like is reported of the Messagetans But what stande I vppon this pointe Or what good nature can abide to heare them recyted without blushing and therefore I contayne my selfe from speaking any more of Incontinencie ¶ Of Chastetie Chap. 22. IN this chapter we meane to talke of Chastety and that which is called in Latin Pudicitia together because in signification they are almost one and therefore not seldome they are confounded Such affinitie they haue that howe to expresse this worde Pudicitia in English otherwise I knowe not then by the name of Chastety Hereby is perceaued the barrennes of our toung whiche oftentymes geues to many thinges one appellation Well in sense there is a difference For by Chastety is vnderstoode a generall chastisment of all the troublesome perturbations And therefore doth Varro take a chaste man both for him that is religious and godly man and also for him whiche is an abstinent man and him which is of good conuersation Againe we take him or that to be chaste whiche is pure and vncorrupte And therefore we say him to haue chast eares which cannot abide to heare that which is dishonest And he
posterities It were a long and a very great laboure to recite the triumphes in number many in sight straunge for cost sumptuous appointed to valiant and victorious Captains Nay some haue stood in such admiration of them that they haue thought them worthy not only suche honor as we haue recited but also immortalitie And therfore the Athenians Castor and Pollux Thebans Hercules Indians Bacchus only for their noble hartꝭ and stout courage are numbred among the Gods and so called them and also did appoint alters and sacryficed vnto them euen as if they had been borne of immortall séed because they shewed them selues vigilāt in seeing to them selues valiant in defence of their Contries victorious in subduing their foes and vertuous in al their dooings But we hauing somwhat offended in praysing a thing before we expressed by definitiō what it was I wil now define what is Fortitude Many are the definitions Socrates said it was a knewledge instructing a man how with commendation to aduenture daungerous troublesome and fearful things and in the taking of them in hand to be nothing terrified Chrisippus gaue two definitions therof and said that Fortitude was either a science teaching how to suffer things or it was a vertue of the minde obeying vnto reason without all fear either in patiēt bering or aduēturing any thing The Platonists define it in this maner and say that Fortitude is a kéeping of a stable iudgement in repelling those things which séeme fearfull and terrible in mens eyes Aristotle in a certain place calleth it a meane betwéene feare and holdenes and therfore he sayeth it may séeme to be a knowledge of dreadful things whiche may terrifie a man without this knowledge In a nother place he calles it a vertue by which many and meruailous things are doone not rashly without discretion but according to lawes as far foorth as they will permit Cicero defines Fortitude to be an affection of the minde in labours troubles and torments frée from feare at all times All which definitions wil nothing els but that Fortitude shal be a vertue of the minde aduēturing nothing rashly with out consideration neither fearing any thing in a good cause whether it be death or any thing els séeme it neuer so terrible By which it appéereth that Fortitude consists betwéen two extremities fear and folishboldenes which doo either make a man to doo that which he should not or not to doo that whiche he should For feare wil not let a man doo what he should a good occasion béeing offered and by boldenes he passeth the bounds of the law and in a hed for no occasion or very little will slay God almightie Wel this Fortitude this vertue boldenes frée from foolish and childish fear hath many partes and without any of them none can truely be named a valiaunt man which are in number eight are these Magnanimitie Trust Securitie Magnificence Constancie Suffering Stabilitie Patience whose properties shal be declared ¶ Of Magnanimitie Cap. 28. MAgnanimitie is a certain excellencie of the minde placing before her eyes at all times vertue and honor and to the attaining of them bends all her cogitations and studyes which exposition sheweth that none can truly be Magnanimus but he whiche is an honest good man and only by vertue desireth to cōe to honor and estemation Whiche M. Marcellus of whōe before I made mention declared by the erecting of the temple of honor vnto which none could haue entraunce except first he came through Vertues Temple Now the better to knowe this fellowe it is good to consider the partes of which Magnanimitie dependꝭ and what be the properties of this Magnanimus First his nature is in a good cause and for the looue of vertue only without hope or desire of recompence to doo euery thing He is delighted in a good conscience and therefore if he be in aduersitie he mourneth not in prospe ritie he insulteth not and in troubles he pyneth not away Besides the excellencie of the minde he stands in admiration of nothing neither dooth he thinck any thing to hard to be brought to passe thorowe that stomack whiche vertue hath brought vnto him he is constant but in a good cause neither will he go about any thing but that which is honest and wil bring him credit He is no hipocrite nor flatterer he cannot abide to curry any mans fauour and he wil tel the troth at all times boldely without fear And to be found with a false tale it gréeues him at the hart Such a one was Romain Atticus for he would neither tell a lye nor could abide to hear a lye at any mās mouth He cānot abide to dissemble with any man but is open vnto al that euery man may testifie what he is And therfore if he hate a man he shall knowe it if he looue one he cannot keep it secret He wil not speak one thing and think another He cannot be likened vnto those pictures of Alcibiades fair without and filthy within He wil not be compared to the mermaidꝭ ▪ which sing swéetly but for a pray He is righteous in his dooings If any offend wilfully and of set purpose he wil not fauoure but punish seuerely if any by compulsion through feare violate the lawes he sets th' example of Caesar before his eyes and is to nothing more redy then to mercifulnes All his care is to be good vnto all men and he thinks it a shame for him if any excel him in liberalitie And therfore he neuerlets out of his minde that sentēce of King Anaxilaus which béeing on a time asked what was the best propertie in a King answered to let none excel him in Liberalitie He is alwaies more willing to giue then to receiue a benefit for he is ashamed by a benefit to be bound vnto any man as he whose care is to passe all men in well dooing for he thinks him to be a conqueror which bestoweth a good turn him whiche receiueth he numbreth among them which are vāquished If he receiue any thing he is neuer wel vntil he haue requited the same with greter measure He is easely intreated either to run or ride to pleasure his freend If any man sue vnto hī he is not straūge or wil not he with in but spéedyly satisfie their demaunds He thinks he should not be desired vnto any thing neither dooth hee looue to request a thīg at any bodies hād He knowes well inough that to beg a thing at a frēdꝭ hād is to bye it neither dooth he forget the sentēce of Euripides that it is no smal gréef to a good nature to try his frēd And therfore he is more prepared to bestowe then his fréend is to beg considering with the rest this of Seneca that how much the longer we are in pleasuring so much we loose of good wil. In exacting a dutie he is
neuer hastie for it is a pleasure vnto him to haue men in his det He looueth to emulate the best as for others he wil not so much as put them before his eyes If he be surpassed in any good thing he is ashamed He is of the best nature and therfore as nigh as he can hee will be the best man He will for get an iniury offered no man sooner perswading him self that more honestie he shall get by forbearing then by reuenging And therfore he dooth apply the counsail of Cicero vnto Lentulus to him self where he saieth that iniuryes of men wil illustrate his innocencie and all good sayings of prudēt men giuen to the like purpose he carefully committeth to his remembrance Again if he be fallen out with any man he is not wel vntil he be reconciled again and therfore if he haue molested any man willingly or otherwise with spéed he wil submit him self and craue pardon if any man trouble or misuse him he is redy to forgiue He will hurt no man wilfully either by woord or déed for he iudgeth it the parte of a seruile minde and beastly not of a man to offer an iniury or disquiet any mā with out a cause He wil not backbite ne he wil not rail at any persō nay he is so far from rayling at any man that he cannot abide such kinde of men but euen as Memnon a generall Captain instituted by King Darius to fight against Alexander hearing an hyred souldior bitterly to backbite Alexander could not abide his talke but strooke him therfore and with sharp woords rebuked him saying I doo not nurish thée to backbite but for to fight against Alexander he could not abide to heare his deadly soil spoken of so he as he wil speake wel of all men him self so cannot he suffer any to speak railingly no not of his deadly enemye He is no boster of him self and of his dooings But if he haue doone any thing worthy commendation he had rather any should reporte the same then he for he thinks that by repeting what he hath doon he should but raise an opinion of foolishnes among the wise to him self And to auoide that fault the better he calleth in to minde continually when he is mooued to speake of his owne matters the examples of others whiche he knoweth haue beene as that glorious Souldier whome Terence maketh mention of and are odious for the same He cannot abide to medle with other mens matters but all his care is to liue wel in his owne calling and therfore the manners of other men he dooth not greatly note except it be their good behauiour therby to increase good motions within him selfe and therfore as Plato answered Dionisius so dooth he all men which demaund of him the same Dionisius hauing euil intreated Plato whiche came for méere good wil vnto him and letting him departe said O Plato how wilt thou amōg thy fellowes whersoeuer thou commest reporte of me to my defamation how wilt thou blase thy misusage at my hands ▪ Nay answered Plato God forbid that I should haue so much time from study that I should speake euill of any man and so dooth this valiant man say God forbid that he should haue any leasure at all to speake il of any man This vertue although it should be sought for studiously of euery man yet especially is it moste séemly in a Prince for without the same it is impossible that any should reign gloriously for many things come dayly before them which beeing without care let passe may trouble the body of his Realme without this vertue which bringeth vnto him an inuincible courage Of this vertue was Alexander called Magnus and we call him Alexander the great And he is said to haue vertue and to reigne in deede whiche in his countenaunce beares a maieste and in all his dooings dooth so behaue him self as none without great reuerence dare demaund any thing at his hands and wil admit none into his familiarity but such as are of greate wisdome and perfect good behauiour The want of this vertue woorketh much mischeefe when a Prince hath not this maiestie and magnanimitie but wil through an imbecillitie of minde admit he cares not whom into his coūsail Examples héerof we haue many as are all euill gouerned Cuntryes and common weles Verres could say that he had neuer cōe into such misery had he not béen ruled by dissolute felowes which be vsed familiarly the cause of Galba the Emperors destruction was because he lacked this Magnanimitie and suffred him self to be gouerned according to the minds of thrée wicked men in whose company he did muche delight which brought shame to him confusion to his people Therfore is it the praise of euery Prince studiously to laboure to get this excellēt vertue Magnanimitie contrary to this vertue is weaknes of mīde whiche the Gréekes call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whose nature is clene opposit vnto that which we haue now spoken of which again to reporte were vain and superfluous and therefore we leaue it Now to the next ¶ Of Trust or Hope Cap. 29. TRust or Confidence is a certaine presaging or perswasion rather of a prosperitie to come then at hand The cause therof is Hope springing from a good consideration and casting all douts which we haue pōdred out of our mindꝭ Again the causes of this confidence may be two either former good luck when we call into minde how happyly all things went with vs there springꝭ a cōfortable courage and in hope of the like good luck wee are animated to take any thinge in hand seeme it neuer so dangerous or the authoritie of some person Bothe of these we meane to illustrate with examples Of the former we haue many as Nero an Emperor borne to all crueltie which got such a confidence by a continuall good successe of euery thing which he tooke in hand that when by Shipwrack he had lost many rich and precious iewels he said boldely that he did not dout but that the very fishes would be takē and so his iewels as was the Ring of Gyges should be brought vnto him again Also a certain Centurian of C. Caesar beeing sent of him to Roome to vnderstand how all things went with him went to the Senate house and there by common voice hearing that his Captains time of dictatorship was expired and that his gouernment was no longer proroged striking the pommel of his swoord with great confidence boldely said If so it be then this swoord shall prolong the same The confidence of C. Castrinus another Captain of Caesars was wunderfull for when the Pharsalian fight was at hand and the time appointed that Caesar and his enemyes should incoūter he came vnto Castrinus and demaunded of him what he thought of that battaile whether he hoped they should vanquish or no. Then Castrinus giuing foorth his hand vnto Caesar
knowe what is good and to be desired and also what is it and to be despised it is méete that in that good purpose taken we perseuer and continue The vertue which teacheth vs how to doo so is called Constancie There he which confound this vertue with Continencie But Aristotle dooth distinguish them properly and saith it is the dutie of Constancy to resist dolors of minde and of Continencie to repell all foolish pleasure So that the one maketh a man chaste in body the other continuing in a thing wel deliberated Cicero saith that Cōstancie is the helth of the minde so that by the same he vnderstands the whole force and efficacie of wisdome and that appéereth very wel by her contrary For Foolishnes is nothing but a lightnes and inconstancie of minde Wherfore this constant man cannot be to much praised seeing that either whole wisdome or the very force of wisdom is in nothing more apparēt then in Constancie The which wil the better appéer by the examples of true Constancie Who will not highly cōmend and hartely desire that he were that Pomponius Atticus so praised for his great constancie For he vnder the conduct of Lucullus fighting against Mithridates béeing sorely wounded was taken and brought before the King which séeing Pomponius said vnto him in this wise Tel me Pomponius if I so prouide that thou be healed of thy woūds and brought to perfect helth again wilt thou not looue me therfore afterwarde be true and trustie vnto me I cannot chuse but looue answered he if you for your parte will reconcile your self to the Romans if otherwise you wil I neither can nor wil cōe into freendship with you Whose Constancie when Mithridates perceiued he did not only prouide for his helth but estéemed him as one of his Princes about him Or that Fabricius who wil not desire to be whiche beeing sent of the Romans Embassador to king Pyrrhus to will him to leaue afflicting them with war would neither be corrupted with bribes nor terified with the horrible cry of a huge Elephant from dooing his message faithfully But we wil bring forth examples of more straunge wunderful Constancie Zeno the Stoike beeing cruelly tormēted of a King of Cypres to vtter those things which the king was desiroꝰ to know at lēgth because he would not satisfie his minde bit of his owne toung and spit the same in the tormentors face But the constancie of Anaxarchus was more straunge for béeing taken of Nicocreon a moste cruell of all other Tyrants and afterwarde hearing that by the commaundement of the Tyrant he should in a morter he brused and broken into péeces said moste constantly vnto him in this manner Bruse and breake this body of mine at thy pleasure O Tyrant yet shalt thou neuer diminish any whit of Anaxarchus Then the Tyrant because he could not abide his bolde spéech commaunded that his tung should be cut out of his mouth But Anaxarchus laughing at his madnes thought he should neuer haue his minde and therefore he bit out his owne toung ▪ and spit the same by mamocks vppon the tyrants face How wunderful was the Constancie of C. Marius which to recouer his helth did not only giue him selfe to be sawed a sunder but stood so quietly while it was a dooing as if not he but an other man had felt the pain What shuld I heer make mention of Leena that Harlot whiche was so commended of the Athenians that for her constancie she was honored to kéep her in remembrance a brazen Lionesse was erected and the without a tung because that she béeing moste cruelly tormented and by all diuilish deuises tempted to vtter those which with her did conspire against the tyrant wuld for all their tormentes speake neuer a woord but remained dum Or to recite the maner of Epicharius cōstancie were a long thing which béeing apprehēded for conspiring the death of Nero and on the rack drawen and euery way hailed and pulled to confesse who with her went about the murthering of him would not speake one woord but took all punishmētꝭ patiently and therby shewed her self to haue a more manly courage then many graue men whiche through pain did accuse their fellowe conspirators Héere I must leaue out the example of that mother whiche séeing her Sonnes tormented before her face was so far from lamēting their death or coūsailing thē to saue their liues the she willed them boldly to go into the hands of the tyrant hauing so animated them her self after that manner was with fire and fagot consumed This vertue was so highly commended of Cicero that he was perswaded that a mā might atchiue immortalitie therby as did M. Regulꝰ which he said was not so commended because he had béen twise Consul once had gloriously triumphed as for keeping his faith giuen to the Carthagenians suffering his eye lids to be cut of and so to stand against the Sun vntil he dyed But of this no more only for the better knowing of this vertue with Lactantius we wil say that Constancye except it be in trueth and in a good cause is impudencie Now to that which foloweth ¶ Of Suffering Cap. 33. OF Suffring we spake before whē we spake of the parte of Tēperance which is called Moderation therfore in the explicating therof now we wil be the more bréef Suffring is a notable vertue teacheth vs to go forward in an honest matter without greef and grudging For this vertue are all good Captaines commended for without the same euery labor wil be lothsome euery thing wil strike a terror And therefore their names which especially haue excelled héerin are wunderfully celebrated of all Historiographers C. Marius is reported very quietly without any signe of a troubled minde to beare the labors which belong to a Captain In all things sauing authoritie he would be like a common Soldior he would fare no better then they did his bed was no easier then the rest of his men in all paines that should be taken he would be formoste By whiche his familarnes humblenes and quiet bearing of thingꝭ he so did win the harts of the common people as it was cōmonly said in euery mans mouth that the Romans should neuer end their war begun except C. Marius were made general Captain whiche beeing blazed at Roome from a bace condition he was created Consul The like vertue had Sertoriꝰ for he culd so wel away with the warriers life that the Celtibrians noble fighters and couragious fellowes did prefer him before all the Captaines that then were liuing and commonly called him another Hanniball As these haue béene famous for this vertue so others whiche to recite were long and for breuitie sake I omit especially Fabius Maximus could suffer best He was wunt to say that it was his parte which gouerned others not with woords
her self it is the greatest the moste perfect ●he best the most surest therfore it is the rarest freendship It is called a fréendship Per se because the spring of the same is that which is only good of it self and that is vertue It is the gretest because it is for the sake of that which is greatest which is only vertue It is the moste perfects for what is more perfect then vertue It is the best because bothe the cause and end thereof is vertue It is the surest and continueth longest for no aduersitie can breake the same no sicknes can weaken it no time can alter it no death can dissolue it and therfore it is rare and emōg few And what meruel For what is lesse estéemed then vertue or who careth almoste for her And therefore the cause béeing rare and little estéemed the effect must néeds be rare and therefore no meruail though this Fréendship be little imbraced In all Grecia béeing so populous a Contrie there was scarce three copel that were faithful fréends It was a rare thing in those dayes when so few were celebrated for their vnfained fréendship but much more wunderful is it in these dayes For who wil be content to lose his life for his Damon as did Pytheas Or who wil say he is Orestes when he is Pylades for the sauegarde of his fréend Nay that is a great thing who wil in these daies almost for go his goods doo I say all his goods nay who wil forgo but parte of his goods to ●a●ue his fréend frō misery Such fréendꝭ are as rare as were those Greciā fréendꝭ Wel this fréendship is not popular it is peculiar vnto few for many cannot be in perfect fréendship togither goodwill there may be but vnfained Fréendship cannot be For as a kingdom cānot haue many gouernors nor one wife many husbands looue thē and be looued of them entirely so one cannot looue many and be loued again hartely without hypocrisey For as mightie fluds by how much they are brought into small riuers by so much they loose of their strength so looue cannot be borne to many without abating the force therof The more it fa●oureth of the lesse force but the fewer the more faithful That is a true saying in Philosophie Vis vnita fortior at partes in plures secta peribit Strength is thē weakned when it is diuided Cicero writing to his fréend Atticus declareth the wāt of a true fréend the place though it be long yet because of the worthinesse therof I wil recite Knowe you my fréend that at this time there is nothing that I stand more in néede of then that man to whome I may vnfolde the secrets of my hart fréely communicate as if I were alone those things which any way trouble me whose wisdom is great with whom I may talke boldely and familiarly with out faining without dissēbling without biding any thīg frō him My brother and most plain simple faithful Metellus is absent no man but a shore ▪ and aire and mere solitarines And you my Atticus which oftentimes with louing talke and graue counsail haue lightned my hart of many sorowes which hast béene in publike offices a partener and priuy to all my priuat affaires and a partaker of all my thoughts consultations where art thou Alas séeing the want of thée and Metellus I am now so destitute that all the ioy plesure I haue is which my wife my daughter my hony swéete Cicero offer vnto me For the ambitious fained and fickle freendship in our court hath a certain outward shew but at home and my hart it dooth not delight And therfore when my house in the morning is wel filled and when we go to the cou●te compassed aboute with flocks of fréends among them all I cannot meet with one with whome I may either iest merilie or talke familiarly And therefore your comming is much wished and your sight of me is hartelie desired c. By whiche appéereth the excellencie of this fréendship For he dooth not only prefer the same before the common fréendship whiche is among men but also before the loue which is betwéene parents and their children And certainly to a faithfull fréend nothing can be compared For he when all is gone wil continue And if you respecte either pleasure or profit he is moste to be wished For what pleasure is greater then to haue one with whome we may talke merilie without fear vtter euen the very secretꝭ of our hartꝭ Again what profit is like a fréend to whome in necessitie we may flye for succour in aduersitie is a bulwoork against inuasions and a refuge of whom we may be bolde whiche is one man continually And come welth come wo come prosperitie come aduersitie is no chaungeling Now to that which followeth The last kinde of fréendship is called Sociall or Fellowly fréendship The cause of which fréendship is only perfect and therfore it differeth frō these abooue recited kinds of Amitie For as the one hath pleasure for her end and the other vertue so this hath profit Such is the fréendship of crafts men and merchants but this dooth continue but for a time as the first And therfore when pleasure is gone looue is none and farewel goodwil say they when goods are consumed Of this fréendship Cicero wrote notably to this purpose This woord looue frō whēce freendship is deriued is charie and déere which fréendship if we imbrace onely for our owne sakes and profit not for his whome we looue and beare good will vnto then is it not to be called Amitie but a certain chopping and chaunging of good wil for gaines and fréendly woords for profit and commoditie After which sorte we should looue our féeldes and pasture ground and our beasts cattell because we hope to receiue profit of them but the fréendship amōg men should be free without hope of reaping earthly commoditie But if we only beare goodwill in hope to receiue gain if there be no kindenes whiche is cause of fréendship and makes the same of her owne nature or for none other cause to be desired there is no dout but that we may prefer groues and lāds before freends For they bring moste profit to their owners And therefore it is méet that he which would be coūted my true and faithfull fréend should looue me for mine owne sake not for my goods riches And again Cicero in his secōd book De Finibus declareth the nature of this freendship in these woords what place hath fréendship or who can be a freend vnto any mā which dooth not loue his fréend only for his fréends sake And to Looue from whēce fréendship is deriued what other thing is it but to wish vnto him whom we looue all kinde of goodnes glory and prosperitie although no cōmoditie doo returne to vs at all c. But some wil say saith he