Places collected from thence in the nature of Inferences and Observations Which I conclude the Arch-bishop put him upon doing while he was now with him The Work was looked over and examined by the Arch-bishop Notes and Corrections of his own Hand being here and there inserted Also the Gospel of S. Mark is handled in the same method by another of the Arch-bishop's Guests Which Writing hath this Inscription by Cranmer's Hand Petrus Alexander in Marcum At this time therefore there were at the Arch-bishop's House besides Bucer Alasco Peter Martyr Paulus Phagius Peter Alexander Bernardine Ochin Mat. Negelinus after a Minister of Strasburgh who accompanied Bucer and Fagius into England and others whose Names do not occur Three of these were soon after preferred to publick Places of Reading in the Universities Peter Alexander was of Artois and lived with the Arch-bishop before Bucer came into England He was a Learned Man but had different Sentiments in the Matter of the Eucharist enclining to the belief of a Corporeal Presence with the Lutherans Though some Years after he came over to a righter Judgment as his Companion Peter Martyr signified to Calvin in a Letter wrote from Strasburgh Peter Martyr coming about the beginning of the Year 1549 unto the University of Oxford his first Readings were upon the eleventh Chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians In which Chapter is some Discourse of the Lord's Supper The Professor when he came so far took occasion to expatiate more largely upon that Argument and the rather that he might state it aright in the midst of those hot Contests that were then about it among Learned Men. These Lectures on the Sacrament he soon after printed at London for the Benefit of the World as they were two Years after done at Zurick and dedicated them to his Patron the Arch-bishop And that partly to give a publick Testimony of his Sense of the Arch-bishop's great Humanity and Benefits towards him Which were so large that he must do nothing else but tell of them to be sufficiently thankful for them And known it was to all as he said how obligingly he received and how liberally he entertained both himself and many other Strangers of his Rank and Condition And partly that by his Authority he would protect and defend what he should find in his Book to be consonant to the Holy Scriptures and agreeable to the King's Laws For he had he said Skill and Industry enough to do it who had himself often both in Publick and Private conflicted with the Adversaries and with admirable Learning accuracy of Wit and Dexterity vindicated the Truth from the spinous and confused Cavils of Sophisters Nor did he want Will to stand up for Sound and Christian Doctrines as all good Men knew who saw how earnest he was in his Labours of restoring Religion that for that Cause he drew upon himself many Enmities and threatning Dangers The first Occasion of Bucer's Call into England was thus He had wrote to Iohn Hales a learned English-man his Acquaintance the sad Estate of Germany and that he could scarce stay any longer in the Place where he was This Hales acquainted the Arch-bishop with which made a great Impression upon his compassionate Soul and he brake out into those words of the Psalmist Mirifica misericordias tuas qui salvos facis sperantes in te a resistentibus dexterae tuae And forthwith writ to Brucer a Letter in October 1548 to come over to this Realm which should be a most safe Harbour for him urging him to become a Labourer in the Lord's Harvest here begun and using other Arguments with him to move him hereunto in the most obliging Stile possible calling him My Bucer And that he might come over the safer from Harms and Enemies the Arch-bishop recommended him to one Hills an English-Merchant to provide for his Passage The Arch-bishop's Letter may be found in the Appendix To this Letter Bucer wrote an Answer seeming upon some Considerations to decline the Arch-bishop's Invitation This Letter coming to the Arch-bishop's Hands he shewed to Peter Alexander who by the Arch-bishop's Order wrote back to Bucer in the said Arch-bishop's and the Protector 's Name to call him again over which Letter was dated March 24 from Lambeth telling him withal that the good old Man Latimer saluted him Letters I suppose of the same Import were also dispatched to the Learned Fagius Bucer and Fagius who were thus honourably invited into England by repeated Letters of the Lord Protector and Arch-bishop Cranmer were by them also nominated for Publick Professors in the University of Cambridg the one of Divinity the other of the Hebrew Tongue This was looked on by their Friends as a notable piece of God's good Providence that when these two eminent Champions of the true Religion were in so much present Danger in Germany so seasonable a Refuge was provided for them elsewhere They both arrived safe in England in the end of April and abode with the Arch-bishop above a quarter of a Year until towards the end of the long Vacation the Arch-bishop intending they should be at Cambridg when the Term should begin in order to their Reading During this Interval while they continued at Lambeth they were not idle being every day busied in some Study and Exercise agreeable to their Function as was hinted before But the main of their Thoughts were taken up in preparing for their University-Lectures Which of what Subject-Matter they should be the Arch-bishop himself directed As it had been a great while his pious and most earnest Desire that the Holy Bible should come abroad in the greatest Exactness and true Agreement with the original Text. So he laid this Work upon these two Learned Men. First That they should give a clear plain and succinct Interpretation of the Scripture according to the Propriety of the Language And Secondly Illustrate difficult and obscure Places and reconcile those that seemed repugnant to one another And it was his Will and his Advice that to this End and Purpose their publick Readings should tend This pious and good Work by the Arch-bishop assigned to them they most gladly and readily undertook For their more regular carrying on this Business they allotted to each other by consent their distinct Tasks Fagius because his Talent lay in the Hebrew Learning was to undertake the Old Testament and Bucer the New The Leisure they now enjoyed with the Arch-bishop they spent in preparing their respective Lectures Fagius entred upon the Evangelical Prophet Esaias and Bucer upon the Gospel of the Evangelist Iohn And some Chapters in each Book were dispatched by them But it was not long but both of them fell Sick which gave a very unhappy stop to their Studies Fagius his Distemper proved mortal who was seized at first with a very acute Fever And notwithstanding Physick and Attendance remaining very ill he had a great desire to remove to Cambridg to
Carnal Presence For a Conclusion let the Reader not hear me but another speak for our Arch-bishop against one of these Calumniators and he a Portugal Bishop After Cranmer by hearing of the Gospel began to savour of Christian Profession what Wickedness was ever reported of him With what outrage of Lust was he enflamed What Murders what seditious Tumults what secret Conspiracies were ever seen or suspected so much to proceed from him Unless ye account him blame-worthy for this that when King Henry Father to Mary upon great Displeasure conceived was for some secret Causes determined to strike off her Head this Reverend Arch-bishop did pacify the Wrath of the Father and with mild continual Intercession preserved the Life of the Daughter Who for Life preserved acquitted her Patron with Death As concerning his Marriage if you reproachfully impute that to Lust which Paul doth dignify with so honourable a Title I do answer That he was the Husband of one Wife with whom he continued many Years more chastly and holily than Osorius in that his stinking sole and single Life peradventure one Month tho he flee never so often to his Catholick Confessions And I see no Cause why the Name of a Wife shall not be accounted in each respect as Holy with the true Professors of the Gospel as the Name of a Concubine with the Papists Thus Fox And so I have at last by God's favourable Concurrence finished this my Work and have compiled an imperfect History yet with the best Diligence I could of this singular Arch-bishop and blessed Martyr and in the conclusion have briefly vindicated him from those many false Surmises and Imputations that his implacable Enemies of the Roman Faction have reported and published abroad against him Not contented with the shedding of his Blood unless they stigmatized his Name and Memory and formed the World into a belief that he was one of the vilest Wretches that lived who in Reality and Truth appeareth to have been one of the holiest Bishops and one of the best Men that Age produced THE END THE APPENDIX TO THE MEMORIALS OF Archbishop Cranmer THE APPENDIX TO THE MEMORIALS OF Archbishop Cranmer NUM I. Account of Mr. Pool's Book by Dr. Cranmer To the Ryght honorable and my syngular good Lorde my Lorde of Wylshire IT may please your Lordeshipe to bee advertised that the Kynge his grace my Lady your wyfe my Lady Anne your doughter be in good helth whereof thankes be to God As concernynge the Kinge hys cause Mayster Raynolde Poole hath wrytten a booke moch contrary to the kinge hys purpose wyth such wytte that it appereth that he myght be for hys wysedome of the cownsel to the kinge hys grace And of such eloquence that if it were set forth and knowne to the commen people I suppose yt were not possible to persuade them to the contrary The pryncypal intent whereof ys that the kinge hys grace sholde be contente to commyt hys grete cause to the jugement of the pope wherein me semeth he lacketh moch jugement But he swadeth that with such goodly eloquence both of words and sentence that he were lyke to persuade many but me hee persuadeth in that poynt no thynge at al. But in many other thynges he satysfyeth me very wel The som wherof I shal shortly reherse Furst he sheweth the cause wherfore he had never pleasure to intromytte hymself in this cause And that was the trouble which was lyke to ensue to this realme therof by dyversitie of tytles Wherof what hurte myght come we have had exsample in our fathers dayes by the tytles of Lancaster and Yorke And where os god hath gyven many noble gyfts unto the kinge hys grace as wel of body and mynde os also of fortune yet this excedeth al other that in hym al tytles do mete and come togyder and this Realme ys restored to tranquillitie and peace so oweth he to provide that this londe fal not agayne to the forsaide mysery and troble which may come aswel by the people within this realme which thynke surely that they have an hayre lawful alâ—â—ady with whom they al be wel contente and wolde be sory to have any other And yt wolde be harde to persuade thaym to take any other levynge her os also by the Emperour whych ys a man of so grete power the quene beying hys awnt the Princes hys nece whome he so moch doth and ever hath favored And where he harde reasons for the kynge hys party that he was moved of god hys lawe which doth straytly forbed and that with many gret thretts that no man shal mary hys brother hys wife And os for the people yt longeth not to thayr judgement and yet yt ys to be thought that thay wil be contente whan thay shal knowe that the awncyente Doctores of the Chyrch and the determinations of so many grete vniversities be of the kynge hys sentence And os concernynge the Emperour if he be so unryghtful that he wyl mayntene an unjust cause yet god wil never fayl thaym that stonde opon his party and for any thynge wyl not transgresse hys commawndments And besyde that we shal not lacke the ayde of the Frenshe kynge whyche partely for the Lege whych he hath made with us and partly for the dyspleasure and olde grutch which he bereth toward the Emperour wolde be glad to have occasion to be avenged Thies reasons he bryngeth for the kyngs party agaynst hys owne opynyon To which he maketh answer in this maner Fyrst os towchynge the Lawe of god he thynketh that yf the kinge were pleased to take the contrary parte he myght os wel justifie that and have os good grownde of the scripture therfore os for that parte which he now taketh And yet if he thought the kyngs party never so juste and that this his mariage were undowtedly agaynst godds pleasure than he cowde not deny but yt sholde be wel done for the kynge to refuse this mariage and to take another wyfe but that he sholde be a doar therin and a setter forwarde therof he cowde never fynde in hys harte And yet he grawnteth that he hath no good reason therfore but only affection which he bereth and of dewty oweth unto the kyngs parson For in so doing he sholde not only wayke ye and utterly take away the Princes Title but also he must neds accuse the most and cheife parte of al the kyngs lyfe hiderto which hath bene so infortunate to lyve more than xx yers in a matrimony so shameful so abominable so bestial and agaynst nature yf it be so os the books which do defend the kyngs party do say that the abomination therof ys naturally wrytten and graven in every mans harte so that none excusation can be made by ignorance And thus to accuse the noble nature of the kyngs grace and to take away the title of hys succession he cowde never fynd in hys harte were the kyngs cause never so
Diocess should not be charged with my Visitation at this time First as concerning my style Wherein I am named Totius Angliae Primas I suppose that to make his cause good which else indeed were naught he doth mix it with the King's cause As ye know the man lacketh neither learning in the law neither witty invention ne craft to set forth his matters to the best that he might appear not to maintain his own cause but the Kings Against whose Highnes he knoweth right wel that I wil maintain no cause but give place and lay both my cause and my self at my Princes feet But to be plain what I think of the Bp. of Winchester I cannot persuade with my self that he so much tendereth the Kings cause as he doth his own that I should not visit him And that appeareth by the veray time For if he cast no further then the defence of the Kings G's authority or if he intend that at al why moved he not the matier before he received my Monition for my Visitation Which was within four miles of Winchester delivered unto him the xxii day of April last as he came up to the Court. Moreover I do not a little mervayl why he should now find fault rather then he did before when he took the Bp. of Rome as chief Head For though the Bp. of R. was taken for Supreme Head notwithstanding that he had a great number of Primates under him And by having his Primates under him his Supreme authority was not less esteemed but much the more Why then may not the Kings Highnes being Supreme Head have Primates under him without a diminishing but with the augmenting of his said Supreme Authority And of this I doubt not at all but the Bp. of Winchester knoweth as well as any man living that in case this said style or title had been in any poynt impediment or hindrance to the Bp. of Rome's usurped authority it would not have so long been unreformed as it hath been For I doubt not but all the Bushops of England would ever gladly have had the Archbushops both authority and title taken away that they might have been equal together Which well appeareth by the many contentions against the Archbushops for jurisdiction in the Court of Rome Which had be easily brought to pass if the Bushops of R. had thought the Archbushops titles and styles to be an erogation to their Supreme authority Al this notwithstanding if the Bushops of this realm pas no more of their names styles and titles then I do of mine the Kings Highnes shal soon order the matier betwixt us al. And if I saw that my style were against the Kings authority whereunto I am especially sworn I would sue my self unto his G. that I might leave it and so would have done before this time For I pray God never be merciful unto me at the general judgment if I perceive in my heart that I set more by any title name or style that I write then I do by the paring of an apple further then it shal be to the setting forth of Gods word and will Yet I wil not utterly excuse me herein For God must be judge who knoweth the bottome of my heart and so do not I my self But I speak for so much as I do feel in my heart For many evil affections ly lurking there and wil not lightly be espied But yet I would not gladly leave any just thing at the pleasure and suite of the Bp. of Wynchester he being none otherwise affectionate unto me than he is Even at the Beginning of Christs profession Diotrephes desired gerere primatum in Ecclesia as saith S. Iohn in his last Epistle And since he hath had mo successors than al the Apostles had Of whom have come al these glorious titles styles and pomps into the Church But I would that I and al my Brethren the Bushops would leave al our stiles and write the style of our Offices calling our selves Apostolos Iesâ— Christi so that we took not upon us the name vainly but were so even indeed So that we might order our Diocess in such sort that neither paper parchment lead nor wax but the very Christian Conversation of the people might be the letters and seals of our offices As the Corinthians were unto Paul to whom he said Literae nostrae signa Apostolatus nostri vos estis Now for the second Where the Bp. of Winchester alledgeth the Visitation of my Predecessor and the tenth part now to be payd to the King Truth it is that my Predecessor visited the Dioces of Winchester after the decease of my L. Cardinal Wolsey as he did al other Diocesses Sede Vacante But else I think it was not visited by none of my Predecessors this forty years And notwithstanding that he himself not considering their charges at that time charged them with a new Visitation within less then half a year after and that against al right as Dr. Incent hath reported to my Chancellor the Clergy at that time paying to the King half of their benefices in five years Which is the tenth part every year as they payd before and have payd since and shal pay stil for ever by the last Act. But I am very glad that he hath now some compassion of his Diocess although at that time he had very smal when he did visit them the same year that my Predecessor did visit And al other Bushops whose course is to visit this year kept their Visitations where I did visit the last year notwithstanding the tenth part to be paid to the Kings G. Howbeit I do not so in Winchester Dioces For it is now the third year since that Diocess was Visited by any man So that he hath the least cause to complain of any Bushop For it is longer since his Dioces was visited then the other Therfore where he layeth to aggravate the matier the charges of the late Act granted it is no more against me then against al other Bushops that do visit this year nor maketh no more against me this year then it made against me the last year and shal do every year hereafter For if they were true men in accounting and paying the Kings Subsidies they are no more charged by this new Act then they were for the space of ten years past and shal be charged ever hereafter And thus to conclude if my said L. of Winchesters objections should be allowed this year he might by such arguments both disallow al maner Visitations that hath bee done these ten years past and that ever shal be done hereafter Now I pray you good Master Secretary of your advise whether I shal need to write unto the Kings Highnes herein And thus our Lord have you ever in his preservation At Otteford the 12 day of May. Your own ever assured Thomas Cantuar. NUM XV. The Appeal of Stokesly Bishop of London to the King against the Archbishops Visitation Contra
Nicene Creed The beginning of their Acquaintance The Archbishop propounds a weighty matter to Melancthon for the Union of all Protestant Churches The diligence of the Archbishop in forwarding this Design Mâ—lancthon's Judgment and Approbation thereof His Caveat of avoiding ambiguous expressions Renews the same Caution in another Letter Peter Martyr of this judgment What Melancthon thought of the Doctrine of Fate CHAP. XXV The Archbishop corresponds with Calvin The Archbishop breaks his purpose also to Calvin Calvin's Approbation thereof and Commendation of the Archbishop Offers his Service Excites the Archbishop to proceed This excellent purpose frustrated Thinks of drawing up Articles of Religion for the English Church Which he communicates to Calvin And Calvin's Reply and Exhortation Blames him for having not made more Progress in the Reformation But not justly The Clergy preach against Sacrilege The University-men declaim against it in the Schools And the Redress urged upon some at Court Calvin sends Letters and certain of his Books to the King Well taken by the King and Council What the Archbishop told the Messenger hereupon CHAP. XXVI The Archbishop highly valued Peter Martyr P. Martyr and the Archbishop cordial Friends The use the Archbishop made of him Martyr saw the Voluminous Writings and Marginal Notes of the Archbishop Two Letters of Martyr from Oxford An Instance of his love to the Archbishop CHAP. XXVII The Archbishop's favour to John Sleidan the Historian The Archbishop's favour to Iohn Sleidan Procures him a Pension from the King The Payment neglected Sleidan labours with the Archbishop to get the Pension confirmed by Letters-Patents Sends his Commentaries to the King Designs to write the History of the Council of Trent For the King's use Sends the King a Specimen thereof In order to the proceeding with his Commentaries desires Cecyl to send him the whole Action between K. Henry VIII and Pope Clement VII Bucer writes to Cecyl in behalf of Sleidan Iohn Leland CHAP. XXVIII Archbishop Cranmer 's Relations and Chaplains His Wives and Children His Wife survived him Divers Cranmers The Archbishop's stock Aslacton Whatton The Rectories whereof the Archbishop purchased His Chaplains Rowland Taylor His Epitaph A Sermon preached the day after his Burning Wherein the Martyr is grosly slandered Iohn Ponett Thomas Becon Richard Harman CHAP. XXIX Archbishop Cranmer 's Officers Robert Watson the Archbishop's Steward His Secretary Ralph Morice His Parentage Well known to divers eminent Bishops Presents Turner to Chartham And stands by him in his Troubles for his faithful Preaching An Instance of the Archbishop's Kindness to this his Secrerary Morice his Suit to Q. Elizabeth for a Pension His second Suit to the Queen to confirm certain Lands descended to him from his Father He was Register to the Commissioners in K. Edward's Visitation Suffered under Q. Mary Morice supplied Fox with many material Notices in his Book Morice a Cordial Friend to Latimer CHAP. XXX A Prospect of the Archbishop's Qualities Morice's Declaration concerning the Archbishop His Temperance of Nature His Carriage towards his Enemies Severe in his behaviour towards offending Protestants Stout in God's or the King's Cause His great Abilities in answering the King's Doubts Cranmer studied three parts of the Day Would speak to the King when none else durst Lady Mary Q. Katherine Howard His Hospitality Falsly accused of Ill Housekeeping CHAP. XXXI Archbishop Cranmer preserved the Revenues of his See The preserving the Bishops Revenues owing to the Archbishop The Archbishop vindicated about his Leases By long Leases he saved the Revenues Justified from diminishing the Rents of the See Oâ—ford and Knol Curleswood Chislet Park Pasture and Medow Woods Corn. The best Master towards his Servants An Infamy that he was an Hostler CHAP. XXXII Some Observations upon Archbishop Cranmer Observations upon the Archbishop His Learning very profound His Library An excellent Bishop His Care of his own Diocess At the great Towns he preached often Affected not his high Stiles His diligence in reforming Religion Puts K. Henry upon a purpose of reforming many things The King again purposeth a Reformation Hs Influence upon K. Edward CHAP. XXXIII Archbishop Cranmer procures the use of the Scriptures A great Scripturist Procures the publishing the English Bible The Bishops oppose it The first Edition of the Bible The Preface to the Bible made by the Archbishop The Contents thereof The Frontispiece of Cranmer's Edition of the Bible CHAP. XXXIV Archbishop Cranmer compassionate towards Sufferers for Religion His Affection and Compassion towards Professors of the Gospel Particularly for Sir Iohn Cheke a Prisoner And the Lord Russel A Patron to such as preached the Gospel in K. Henry's days His Succour of Afflicted Strangers in K. Edward's days England harborous of Strangers The Archbishop's favour to Foreigners Unjustly charged with Covetousness His Words to Cecyl upon this Charge Reduced as he feared to stark Beggary before his Death CHAP. XXXV Some account of Archbishop Cranmer'â— Housekeeping Some Account of his Housekeeping Retrenches the Clergy's superfluous House-keeping His Pious Design therein Others charged him with Prodigality CHAP. XXXVI Archbishop Cranmer Humble Peaceable Bold in a good Cause Humble and Condescending Peaceable and Mild. His Speech upon the News of Wars abroad Unacquainted with the Arts of Court-Flattery Would never crouch to Northumberland He and Ridley fall under that Duke's displeasure Bold and undaunted in God's Cause Falsly charged with Cowardice and too much Flexibility Of ardent Affections Cranmâ—r compared with Cardinal Wolsey CHAP. XXXVII Osiander 's and Peter Martyr 's Character of the Archbishop Osiander's Character of the Archbishop And Peter Martyr's Bale's Character of the Archbishop The difficult times wherein Cranmer lived CHAP. XXXVIII The Archbishop vindicated from Slanders of Papists A lying Character of this Archbishop by a late French Author Allen's Calumny of the Archbishop Wiped off Cleared from his Charge of Apostacy Saunders Falshoods of the Archbishop Parsons his Complements to the Archbishop Fox in behalf of Cranmer The Conclusion Errata and Emendations belonging to the Memorials Where the Reader finds this mark * after the Figure denoting the Line he is to tell from the bottom PAge 5. Line 21. for At read All. P. 29. l. 11. r. Imprisoned P. 30 31. in the Margent in three places r. 1534. P. 36. l. 8. after Appendix Note That the Dissolution of S. Swithins in Winchester tho laid here under the year 1535. happened not that year but about five years after viz. 1540. But the occasion of the Discourse there which was of the vast Wealth obtained to the King by the Fall of Religious Houses made the Author produce it in this place as an Instance thereof Ibid. l. 20. * r. Diocesan P. 37. Among the Diocesan Bishops Consecrated under the year 1535 place Hugh Latymer Consecrated Bishop of Worcester and Iohn Hildesly or Hilsey a Friar of the Order of Preachers first of Bristow and afterwards of Oxford Consecrated Bishop of Rochester next after Iohn Fisher Executed for Treason These two
Serenissimam Catharinam necessario esse faciendum The twelfth and concluding Article is this We think that the pretended Matrimony of Henry King of England and Catharine the Queen hath been and is none at all being prohibited both by the Law of God and Nature CHAP. V. The Arch-Bishop visits his Diocess AFter his Sentence against Q. Katharine and confirmation of Q. Ann's Marriage one thing he did which looked as if he was not like to prove any great Friend to a Reformation For he forbad all Preaching throughout his Diocess and warned the rest of the Bishops throughout England to do the same as I have it from an old Journal made by a Monk of St. Augustine's Canterbury But this was only for a time till Orders for Preachers and the Beads could be finished it being thought convenient that Preaching at this Juncture should be restrained because now the Matter of Sermons chiefly consisted in tossing about the King's Marriage with the Lady Anne and condemning so publickly and boldly his doings against Q. Katharine the Priests being set on work by her Friends and Faction In October or November the Arch-bishop went down to Canterbury in order to a Visitation The third day of December the Arch-bishop received the Pontifical Seat in the Monastery of the Holy Trinity And soon after viz. the Ninth of the same Month began to go on Visitation throughout all his Diocess that he might have finished that Work before the Sessions of the Parliament This same Year a remarkable Delusion was discovered in the Arch-bishop's Diocess and even under his Nose the Scene being chiefly laid in Canterbury by some belonging to the Cathedral Church For a certain Nun called Elizabeth Barton by marvellous Hypocrisy mocked all Kent and almost all England For which Cause she was put in Prison in London Where she confessed many horrible things against the King and the Queen This forenamed Elizabeth had many Adherents but especially Dr. Bocking Monk of Christ's-Church in Canterbury who was her chief Author in her Dissimulation All of them at the last were accused of Treason Heresy and Conspiracy And so stood in Penance before the open Cross of S. Paul's in London and in Canterbury in the Church-yard of the Monastery of the Holy Trinity at the Sermon time they stood over the high Seat where of the Preacher they were grievously rebuked for their horrible Fact And in April the next Year she with Bocking and Dering another Monk of Canterbury were led out of Prison through all the Streets of London unto Tyburn where she and these Monks and also two Brothers of the Minors suffered with the rest upon the Gallows for Treason and Heresy In the Month of November the Arch-bishop sent a Letter to Bonner the King's Ambassador at Marseilles together with his Appeal from the Pope to be there signified as was hinted before The reason whereof was this Upon the King's Divorce from Q. Katharine the Pope had by a publick Instrument declared the Divorce to be null and void and threatned him with Excommunication unless he would revoke all that he had done Gardiner Bishop of Winton about this time and upon this occasion was sent Ambassador to the French King and Bonner soon after followed him to Marseilles Where Gardiner at the interview between the French King and the Pope now was For the King and the Council apprehended some Mischief to be hatching against the Kingdom by the Pope who was now inciting the Emperor and other Princes to make War upon us And indeed he had vaunted as the Ld Herbert declares that he would set all Christendom against the King And the Emperor in discourse had averred that by the means of Scotland he would avenge his Aunt 's Quarrel The Arch-bishop in this Juncture had secret intimation of a Design to excommunicate him and interdict his Church Whereupon as the King by Bonner Novemb 7 had made his Appeal from the Pope to the next General Council lawfully called so by the King and Council's Advice the Arch-bishop soon after did the same sending his Appeal with his Proxy under his Seal to Bonner desiring him together with Gardiner to consult together and to intimate his Appeal in the best manner they could think expedient for him And this Letter he wrote by the King 's own Commandment It was not the Hand of the Arch-bishop nor of his Secretary So I suppose it was drawn up by some of his own Lawyers and is as followeth In my right hearty manner I commend me to you So it is as you know right well I stand in dread lest our Holy Father the Pope do intend to make some manner of prejudicial Process against me and my Church And therefore having probable Conjectures thereof I have appeal'd from his Holiness to the General Council accordingly as his Highness and his Council have advised me to do Which my Appeal and Procuracie under my Seal I do send unto you herewith desiring you right-heartily to have me commended to my Ld of Winchester and with his Advice and Counsel to intimate the said Provocation after the best manner that his Lordship and you shall think most expedient for me I am the bolder thus to write unto you because the King's Highness commandeth me this to do as you shall I trust further perceive by his Grace's Letter Nothing doubting in your Goodness but at this mine own desire you will be contented to take this Pains though his Highness shall percase forget to write unto you therein Which your Pains and Kindness if it shall lie in me in time to come to recompense I wol not forget it with God's Grace Who preserve you as my self From Lambeth the xxvii th day of November Thomas Cantuar. Cranmer being now placed at the Head of the Church of England next under God and the King and the chief care of it devolved upon him his great study was conscientiously to discharge this high Vocation And one of the first things wherein he shewed his good Service to the Church was done in the Parliament in the latter end of this Year 1533. When the Supremacy came under debate and the usurped Power of the Bishop of Rome was propounded then the old Collections of the new Arch-bishop did him good service for the chief and in a manner the whole burden of this weighty Cause was laid upon his Shoulders Insomuch that he was forced to answer to all that ever the whole Rabble of the Papists could say for the defence of the Pope's Supremacy And he answered so plainly directly and truly to all their Arguments and proved so evidently and stoutly both by the Word of God and Consent of the Primitive Church that this usurped Power of the Pope is a meer Tyranny and directly against the Law of God and that the Power of Emperors and Kings is the highest Power here upon Earth Unto which Bishops Priests Popes and Cardinals ought to submit
at Canterbury IN order to the bettering the State of Religion in the Nation the Arch-bishop's Endeavours both with the King and the Clergy were not wanting from time to time And something soon after fell out which afforded him a fair opportunity which was this The King resolving to vindicate his own Right of Supremacy against the Encroachments of Popes in his Dominions especially now the Parliament had restored it to him being at Winchester sent for his Bishops thither about Michaelmas ordering them to go down to their respective Diocesses and there in their own Persons to preach up the Regal Authority and to explain to the People the Reason of excluding the Pope from all Jurisdiction in these Realms Our Arch-bishop according to this Command speeds down into his Diocess to promote this Service for the King and the Church too He went not into the neerer parts of Kent about Otford and Knol where his most frequent Residence used to be because his Influence had a good effect for the Instruction of the People thereabouts in this as well as in other Points of sound Religion But he repaired into the East parts of his Diocess where he preached up and down upon the two Articles of the Pope's Usurpations and the King's Supremacy But the People of Canterbury being less perswaded of these Points than all his Diocess besides there in his Cathedral Church he preached two Sermons wherein he insisted upon three things I. That the Bishop of Rome was not God's Vicar upon Earth as he was taken Here he declared by what Crafts the Bishop of Rome had obtained his usurped Authority II. That the Holiness that See so much boasted of and by which Name Popes affected to be stiled was but a Holiness in Name and that there was no such Holiness at Rome And here he launched out into the Vices and profligate kind of living there III. He inveighed against the Bishop of Rome's Laws Which were miscalled Divinae Leges and Sacri Canones He said that those of his Laws which were good the King had commanded to be observed And so they were to be kept out of obedience to him And here he descended to speak of the Ceremonies of the Church that they ought not to be rejected nor yet to be observed with an Opinion that of themselves they make Men holy or remit their Sins seeing our Sins are remitted by the Death of our Saviour Christ. But that they were observed for a common Commodity and for good Order and Quietness as the Common Laws of the Kingdom were And for this Cause Ceremonies were instituted in the Church and for a remembrance of many good things as the King's Laws dispose Men unto Justice and unto Peace And therefore he made it a general Rule that Ceremonies were to be observed as the Laws of the Land were These Sermons of the Arch-bishop it seems as they were new Doctrines to them so they were received by them at first with much gladness But the Friars did not at all like these Discourses They thought such Doctrines laid open the Truth too much and might prove prejudicial unto their Gains And therefore by a Combination among themselves they thought it convenient that the Arch-bishop's Sermons should be by some of their Party confuted and in the same place where he preached them So soon after came up the Prior of the black Friars in Canterbury levelling his Discourse against the three things that the Arch-bishop had preached He asserted the Church of Christ never erred that he would not slander the Bishops of Rome and that the Laws of the Church were equal with the Laws of God This angry Prior also told the Arch-bishop to his Face in a good Audience concerning what he had preached of the Bishop of Rome's Vices that he knew no Vices by none of the Bishops of Rome And whereas the Arch-bishop had said in his Sermon to the People that he had prayed many Years that we might be separated from that See and that he might see the Power of Rome destroyed because it wrought so many things contrary to the Honour of God and the Wealth of the Realm and because he saw no hopes of amendment and that he thanked God he had now seen it in this Realm for this the Prior cried out against him that he preached uncharitably The Arch-bishop not suffering his Authority to be thus affronted nor the King's Service to be thus hindred convented the Prior before him before Christmass At his first examination he denied that he preached against the Arch-bishop and confessed that his Grace had not preached any thing amiss But sometime afterward being got free from the mild Arch-bishop and being secretly upheld by some Persons in the Combination he then said he had preached amiss in many things and that he purposely preached against him This created the Arch-bishop abundance of Slander in those parts The Business came to the King's Ears who seemed to require the Arch-bishop to censure him in his own Court But upon occasion of this the Arch-bishop wrote his whole Cause in a Letter to the King dated from his House at Ford 1535. Declaring what he had preached and what the other had preached in contradiction to him And withal entreated his Majesty that he the Arch-bishop might not have the judging of him lest he might seem partial but that he would commit the hearing unto the Lord Privy Seal who was Crumwel or else to assign unto him other Persons whom his Majesty pleased that the Cause might be jointly heard together He appealed to the King and his Council If the Prior did not defend the Bishop of Rome though he had said nothing else than that the Church never erred For then they were no Errors as he inferred that were taught of the Pope's Power and that he was Christ's Vicar in Earth and by God's Law Head of all the World Spiritual and Temporal and that all People must believe that de necessitate Salutis and that whosoever did any thing against the See of Rome is an Heretick But if these be no Errors then your Grace's Laws said he be Erroneous that pronounce the Bishop of Rome to be of no more Power than other Bishops and them to be Traitors that defend the contrary In fine in the stomach of an Arch-bishop and finding it necessary to put a stop to the ill designs of these Friars he concluded That if that Man who had so highly offended the King and openly preached against him being his Ordinary and Metropolitan of the Province and that in such Matters as concerned the Authority Mis-living and Laws of the Bishop of Rome and that also within his own Church if he were not looked upon he left it to the King's Prudence to expend what Example it might prove unto others with like colour to maintain the Bishop of Rome's Authority and of what estimation he the Arch-bishop should be reputed hereafter and what Credence would be
Lordship writeth to me in the favour of this Bearer Massey an old Servant to the King's Highness that being contracted to his Sister's Daughter of his late Wife deceased he might enjoy the Benefit of a Dispensation in that behalf especially considering it is none of the Causes of Prohibition contained in the Statute Surely my Lord I would gladly accomplish your Request herein if the Word of God would permit the same And where you require me that if I think this Licence may not be granted by the Law of God then I should write unto you the Reasons and Authorities that move me so to think that upon Declaration unto the King's Highness you may confer thereupon with some other Learned Men and so advertise me the King 's farther Resolution For shortness of time I shall shew you one Reason which is this By the Law of God many Persons be prohibited which be not expressed but be understood by like Prohibition in equal degree As S. Ambrose saith that the Niece is forbid by the Law of God although it be not exprest in Leviticus that the Unkle shall not marry his Niece But where the Nephew is forbid there that he shall not marry his Aunt by the same is understood that the Niece shall not be married unto her Unkle Likewise as the Daughter is not there plainly expressed yet where the Son is forbid to marry his Mother it is understood that the Daughter may not be married to her Father because they be of like degree Even so it is in this Case and many others For where it is there expressed that the Nephew shall not marry his Unkle's Wife it must needs be understood that the Niece shall not be married unto the Aunt 's Husband because that also is one equality of degree And although I could allege many Reasons and Authorities mo for this purpose yet I trust this one Reason shall satisfy all that be Learned and of Judgment And as touching the Act of Parliament concerning the Degrees prohibited by God's Law they be not so plainly set forth as I would they were Wherein I somewhat spake my Mind at the making of the said Law but it was not then accepted I required then that there must be expressed Mother and Mother-in-Law Daughter and Daughter-in-Law and so in further degrees directly upwards and downwards in Linea recta also Sister and Sister-in-Law Aunt Aunt-in-Law Niece and Niece-in-Law And this Limitation in my Judgment would have contained all degrees prohibited by God's Law expressed and not expressed and should have satisfied this Man and such others which would marry their Nieces-in-Law I have no News to send you from these Parts but I much long to hear such News as be concurrent with you And therefore if you have any good News I pray you to send me some Thus my Lord right heartily fare you well At Ford the 7 th Day of September Your Lordship 's own Tho. Cantuarien About this Year as near as I can guess the Arch-bishop made an Order concerning the Proctors of his Court of Arches The Numerousness and Irregularities of Proctors made these Civil Courts uneasy to the People Complaints were made of their Clamorousness by reason of the plenty of them that neither Advocates nor Judges could be heard of the Injuries they did to Advocates in retaining and concluding Causes oftentimes without them and of thrusting themselves into Causes without the knowledg or will of the Parties and such like The Evils of which long after endured were endeavoured to be redrest by the Canons and Constitutions made in the beginning of the Reign of King Iames I. Our Arch-bishop conceived that in order to the Reformation of the Proctors it were good to begin at first with a restraint of the Numbers of them Wherefore he decreed That whereas the Number of the Proctors in the Court of Arches was heretofore about Twenty or four and Twenty and my Lord's Grace at liberty to add more Thenceforth no more should be admitted till the Number were reduced to Ten and then that Number never to be encreased This liberty which his Predecessors always had he willingly infringed himself of out of no other intent but for the benefit and ease of the People whom he saw were inticed to Contention by the crafty Insinuations of this kind of Men setting Neighbours together by the Ears for their own Lucre. And therefore the fewer of them the better And this Number he thought sufficient for the necessary Business of the Court. But some looked upon this as a crafty Fetch and Plot of the Proctors of that Time upon the good Nature and pious Disposition of the Arch-bishop That so all others being excluded from officiating as Proctors they might have all the Business of the Arches in their own Hands And hence might divers Abuses come into that Court. And for the confirmation of this Order of the Arch-bishop for the tying of his Hands they who were Counsellors to the Arch-bishop in this matter got it confirmed by the Chapter and Convent of Christ's-Church Canterbury This giving Offence to many there were some who drew up a long Paper against this Order and presented it to the consideration of the Parliament because it could be redressed no other way the Arch-bishop having put it out of his own Power to do it In this Paper they set forth that the said Statute was prejudicial unto the Common-wealth because the Number of ten Proctors was not sufficient to dispatch the Causes that came into that Court and so there must be Delays and prolix Suits while these Proctors were attending other Causes in the Arch-bishop's Court of Audience and the Bishop of London's Court of Consistory Whereas before it had been seen by experience that Twenty Proctors could not suffice for the managery of the Causes in these Courts without Delays and Prorogations from Day to Day That Causes by this means could not be diligently attended when there were many Causes and few Proctors to look after them And hereby many good Causes were like to perish for lack of good looking after That this had occasioned the Proctors to neglect a very good Oath called Iuramentum Calumpniae which was the best Provision that could be against unlawful Suits and lengthning them out further than was necessary This Oath was that the Parties or the Proctors should swear that they believed their Cause was just and that they should not use unlawful Delays whereby Justice might be deferred that they should answer the Judg truly to what he should demand of them that nothing should be given or promised to the Judges or any other Officer besides the Fees allowed by Law and that they should not procure any false Witness Again this Paper urged for a good Number of Proctors that this would be a means that the Judges could not so easily keep them in subjection and fear of them whereby they had been hindred sometimes in speaking freely before them in
them After that the printed Injunctions and others not printed with the Book of Homilies were delivered both to the Bishop for his Church and the Arch-deacons for their respective Arch-deaconries strictly injoining them to see them speedily executed reserving other new Injunctions to be ministred afterwards as they should see cause Their next Work was to examine the Canons and Priests by virtue of their Oaths which they had taken concerning their Lives and Doctrines What was discovered in other Places concerning the Vices of the Clergy we may conlude from what was found among the Dignitaries of St. Pauls For when the Canons and Priests belonging to this Church were examined one of them named Painter openly confessed that he had often carnally used a certain Married-man's Wife whom he would not name And divers others both of the Canons and Priests confessed the same of themselves There be remaining in the Archives of the Church of Canterbury the Injunctions of the King's Visitors to the Dean and Chapter there bearing date Sept. 22. An. 1 Edw. VI. subscribed by the Visitors Hands Which Injunctions do all relate to the particular Statutes of the Church and are of no other moment There was now a Book of Homilies prepared for present use to be read in all Churches for the Instruction of the People and Erasmus's Paraphrase upon the New Testament in English was to be set up in all Churches for the better instruction of Priests in the Sense and Knowledg of the Scriptures And both these Books by the King's Injunctions aforementioned were commanded to be taught and learned CHAP. III. Homilies and Erasmus's Paraphrase ARch-bishop Cranmer found it highly convenient to find out some Means for the Instruction of the People in true Religion till the Church could be better supplied with learned Priests and Ministers For which purpose he resolved upon having some good Homilies or Sermons composed to be read to the People which should in a plain manner teach the Grounds and Foundation of true Religion and deliver the People from popular Errors and Superstitions When this was going in hand with the Arch-bishop sent his Letters to the Bishop of Winchester to try if he could bring him to be willing to join in this Business shewing him that it was no more than what was intended by the former King and a Convocation in the Year 1542 wherein himself was a Member to make such a stay of Errors as were then by ignorant Preachers spread among the People But this Bishop was not for Cranmer's Turn in his Answer signifying to him That since that Convocation the King his old Master's Mind changed and that God had afterwards given him the Gift of Pacification as he worded it meaning that the King made a stop in his once intended Reformation He added That there was a Convocation that extinguished those Devices and this was still in force And therefore that now nothing more ought to be done in Church-Matters And a Copy of this Letter he sent to the Lord Protector trying to perswade him also to be of his Mind The Arch-bishop answered these Letters of Winchester Wherein he again required these Homilies to be made by virtue of that Convocation five Years before and desired Winchester to weigh things But he replied It was true they communed then of such things but they took not effect at that time nor needed they to be put in execution now And that in his Judgment it could not be done without a new Authority and Command from the King's Majesty Then he used his Politicks urging That it was not safe to make new Stirs in Religion That the Lord Protector did well in putting out a Proclamation to stop vain Rumors and he thought it not best to enterprize any thing to tempt the People with occasion of Tales whereby to break the Proclamation And as in a natural Body he said Rest without Trouble did confirm and strengthen so it was in a Common-wealth Trouble travaileth and bringeth things to loosness Then he suggested the Danger the Arch-bishop might involve himself in by making Alterations That he was not certain of his Life when the old Order was broken and a new brought in by Homilies that he should continue to see the new Device executed For it was not done in a Day He wished there were nothing else to do now He suggested that a new Order engendred a new Cause of Punishment against them that offend and Punishments were not pleasant to them that have the Execution And yet they must be for nothing may be contemned There were two Letters Winchester sent to the Arch-bishop in answer to as many from the Arch-bishop In which he laboured to perswade the Arch-bishop not to innovate any thing in Religion during the King's Minority and particularly to forbear making Homilies and refusing for himself to meddle therein An imperfect part of one of these Letters I have laid in the Appendix as I transcribed it from the Original So when it was perceived that Winchester would not be brought to comply and join in with the Arch-bishop and the rest they went about the composing the Homilies themselves Cranmer had a great hand in them And that Homily of Salvation particularly seems to be of his own doing This while he was in composing it was shewn to Winchester by the Arch-bishop to which he made this Objection That he would yield to him in this Homily if they could shew him any old Writer that wrote how Faith excluded Charity in the Office of Justification and that it was against Scripture Upon this Canterbury began to argue with him and to shew him how Faith excluded Charity in the Point of Justifying And Winchester denied his Arguments And in fine such was his Sophistication that the Arch-bishop at last told him He liked nothing unless he did it himself and that he disliked the Homily for that Reason because he was not a Counsellor The Council had now put this Bishop in the Fleet for his Refractoriness to the King's Proceedings where if his Complaint to the Lord Protector were true he was somewhat straitly handled For he was allowed no Friend or Servant no Chaplain Barber Taylor nor Physician A sign he gave them high Provocation While he was here the Arch-bishop sent for him once or twice to discourse with him and to try to bring him to comply with their Proceedings in reforming Religion He dealt very gently with him and told him That he was a Man in his Opinion meet to be called to the Council again but withal told him that he stood too much in Obstinacy that it was perverse Frowardness and not any Zeal for the Truth And laboured to bring him to allow the Book which was now finished and the Paraphrase of Erasmus The former he could not allow of because of the Doctrine therein by Cranmer asserted of Justification by Faith without Works Which Cranmer took pains to perswade him about
Life and to give Thanks to God for this Victory but also at the same time immediately after the Sermon and in presence of the Mayor Aldermen and other the Citizens of London to cause the Procession in English and Te Deum to be openly and devoutly sung And that you do also cause the like Order to be given in every Parish-Church in your Diocess upon some Holy-day when the Parishioners shall be there present with as much speed as you may not failing as you tender his Majesty's Pleasure Thus fare you heartily well From Oatlands the 18 th Day of December the Year of our Lord God 1547. Your loving Friend Tho. Cantuarien The Counsellors Pleasure is you shall see this executed on Tuesday next in St. Pauls in London This be given in haste CHAP. IV. A Convocation THE Parliament now sat And a Convocation was held November the 5 th Some Account of what was done here I will in this place set down as I extracted it out of the Notes of some Member as I conceive then present at it Session 1. Nov. 5. Iohn Taylor Dean of Lincoln chosen Prolocutor by universal Consent Sess. 2. Nov. 18. This Day the Prolocutor was presented to the Arch-bishop and Bishops in the Upper House Sess. 3. Nov. 22. It was then agreed that the Prolocutor in the Name of the whole House should carry some Petitions unto the most Reverend Father in God the Arch-bishop viz. I. That Provision be made that the Ecclesiastical Law may be examined and promulged according to that Statute of Parliament in the 35 th Year of Henry VIII II. That for certain urgent Causes the Convocation of this Clergy may be taken and chosen into the Lower House of Parliament as anciently it was wont to be III. That the Works of the Bishops and Others who by the Command of the Convocation have laboured in examining reforming and publishing the Divine Service may be produced and laid before the Examination of this House IV. That the Rigour of the Statute of paying the King the First-Fruits may be somewhat moderated in certain urgent Clauses and may be reformed if possible The fourth Session is omitted in the Manuscript the Writer probably being then absent Sess. 5. Nov. ult This Day Mr. Prolocutor exhibited and caused to be read publickly a Form of a certain Ordinance delivered by the most Reverend the Arch-bishop of Canterbury for the receiving of the Body of our Lord under both Kinds viz. of Bread and Wine To which he himself subscribed and some others viz. Mr. Prolocutor Mr. Cranmer Arch-deacon of Canterbury Mr. May Mr. Ienyngs Mr. VVilliams VVilson Carleton c. Sess. 6. Decemb. 2. This Session all this whole Session in Number Sixty-four by their Mouths did approve the Proposition made the last Session of taking the Lord's Body in both Kinds nullo reclamante The same Day with Consent were chosen Mr. Dr. Draycot Bellasis Dakyns Ieffrey Elize ap Rice Oking Pool and Ap Harry to draw up a Form of a Statute for paying Tithes in Cities c. This was a thing the Clergy now were very intent upon For I find in the Arch-bishop's Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Laws there is a Law made for paying Tithes in Cities as was done in London Sess. 7. Decemb. 9. By common Consent were nominated and assigned Mr. Rowland Merick Iohn ap Harry Iohn VVilliams and Elizeus Price DD.LL. to obtain the following Effects viz. That the Petition made to have this House adjoined to the Lower House of Parliament may be granted Item That a Mitigation of the sore Penalty expressed in the Statutes against the Recusants for non-payment of the perpetual Tenths may be also obtained And the same Day were likewise appointed Mr. Dean of VVinchester and Mr. Dr. Draycot to accompany Mr. Prolocutor to my Lord of Canterbury to know a determinate Answer what Indemnity and Impunity this House shall have to treat of Matters of Religion in Cases forbidden by the Statutes of this Realm to treat in Sess. 8. Dec. 17. This Day was exhibited a certain Proposition under these words viz. That all such Canons Laws Statutes Decrees Usages and Customs heretofore made had or used that forbid any Person to contract Matrimony or condemn Matrimony already contracted by any Person for any Vow or Promise of Priesthood Chastity or Widowhood shall from henceforth cease be utterly void and of none Effect To which Proposition many subscribed partly in the Affirmative partly in the Negative In the Affirmative 53 Voices In the Negative 22 Voices And here I will insert a few words which I take out of a Book writ very near this Time and by one who was well acquainted with the Affairs of this Convocation The Affirmants saith he of this Proposition were almost treble so many as were the Negants Amongst which Affirmants divers were then unmarried and never afterwards did take the Liberty of Marriage as Dr. Taylor the Bishop Dr. Benson Dr. Redman Dr. Hugh VVeston Mr. Wotton c. Of them that denied it notwithstanding their Subscriptions to the contrary as few as they were yet some of them took upon them the Liberty of Marriage not long after as Dr. Oken Mr. Rayâ—er Mr. Wilson c. This Subscription following was made by the Hand of Iohn Redman S. T. P. in this very Convocation who being absent this Session for his Name is not among the 53 was desired to declare his own Sense in this Point under his own Hand being so Learned a Man and in such great Credit universally for his Ability in deciding Questions of Conscience I think that although the Word of God do exhort and counsel Priests to live in Chastity out of the Cumber of the Flesh and the World that thereby they may the more wholly attend to their Calling Yet the Band of containing from Marriage doth only lie upon Priests of this Realm by reason of Canons and Constitutions of the Church and not by any Precept of God's Word as in that they should be bound by reason of any Vow which in as far as my Conscience is Priests in this Church of England do not make I think that it standeth well with God's Word that a Man which hath been or is but once married being otherwise accordingly qualified may be made a Priest And I think that forasmuch as Canons and Rules made in this behalf be neither universal nor everlasting but upon Consideration may be altered and changed Therefore the King's Majesty and the higher Powers of the Church may upon such Reasons as shall move them take away the Clog of perpetual Continency from the Priests and grant that it may be lawful to such as cannot or will not contain to marry one Wife And if she die then the said Priest to marry no more remaining still in his Ministration Some larger Account of this memorable Convocation especially as to some of these Matters then under their Hands may be read in Bishop Stillingfleet's
but that the Heart before God was required and nothing else Such other like warm Disputes there were about Scripture There were likewise such Assemblies now in Kent These were looked upon as dangerous to Church and State And two of the Company were therefore taken and Committed to the Marshalsea and Orders were sent to apprehend the rest viz. to Sir George Norton Sheriff of Essex to apprehend and send up to the Council those Persons that were assembled for Scripture Matters in Bocking Nine of them were named being Cowherds Clothiers and such like mean People The like Order was sent to Sir Edward Wotton and to Sir Thomas Wyat to apprehend others of them seven whereof are named living in Kent February 3. Those that were apprehended for the meeting at Bocking appeared before the Council and confessed the Cause of their Assembly to be For to talk of the Scriptures that they had refused the Communion for above two Years and that as was judged upon very superstitious and erroneous Purposes with divers other evil Opinions worthy of great Punishment Whereupon five of them were committed and seven of them were bound in Recognizance to the King in forty pound each Man The Condition to appear when they should be called upon and to resort to their Ordinaries for resolution of their Opinions in case they had any Doubt in Religion CHAP. XXII Foreigners allowed Churches A Lasco WE shall now shew a remarkable Instance of the ABp's Episcopal Piety in the care he took of the Souls of Foreigners as well as of the Native English For in King Edward's Reign there were great numbers of Stangers in the Realm French Dutch Italians Spaniards who abode here upon divers Occasions some for Trade and Commerce and some no doubt to be secret Spies and Promoters of the Pope's Affairs and to hinder the Propagation of the Religion But the most were such as fled over hither to escape the Persecutions that were in those Times very violently set on foot in their respective Countries and to enjoy the Liberty of their Consciences and the free Profession of their Religion Our Prelate had a chief hand in forming these Strangers into distinct Congregations for the Worship of God and in procuring them convenient Churches to meet in and setting Preachers of their own over them to instruct them in the true Religion Cecyl and Cheke joining with him in this pious Design and furthering it at Court with the King and Duke of Somerset And this they did both out of Christian Charity and Christian Policy too this being a probable means to disperse the Reformed Religion into Foreign Parts That when any of these Strangers or their Children should return into their own Country they might carry the tincture of Religion along with them and sow the Seeds of it in the Hearts of their Country-men IOHN A-LASCO POLANDER First Pastor of the DUTCH Church in ENGLAND Regn. Edw. 6. Being arrived at Embden he writ to the Arch-bishop relating all Passages that he knew concerning the State of Affairs and particularly of Religion in those Parts desiring him to impart them to the Protector He write also unto Cecyl his Letter bearing date in April 1549 referring him to the Protector 's Letters and withal acquainting him in what a ticklish and dangerous Condition they were That they certainly expected the Cross that they did mutually exhort one another to bear it with invocation upon God's Holy Name that by Patience and Faith they might overcome all whatsoever God should permit to be done against them to the Glory of his Name or for their Trial. They were sure he had a care of them and that he was so powerful that he could in a moment by a Word of his Mouth dash in pieces all the Forces of their Enemies whatsoever they were And that he was so good that he would not suffer so much as an Hair without cause to fall from their Head altho the whole World should make an Assault upon them And that he could no more wish them Harm than a Mother could her own Infant or any one the Apple of his own Eye yea no more than he himself could not be God Who was to be praised in all things whatsoever happened to them since he permitted nothing to fall out to them but for their Good and so for their Welfare And that therefore they committed themselves wholly to him and did expect with all Toleration whatsoever he should allow to be done to them In this pious manner did A Lasco write to Cecyl and no doubt in the same Tenour to the Arch-bishop This made a very great Impression upon the Godly Hearts of them both and caused them vigorously to use their Interest with the Protector to provide a safe Retreat for him and his Congregation Which was obtained for them soon after His whole Letter in a hansome Latin Stile as some Memorial of him I have reposited in the Appendix Latimer also made way for his Reception who in one of his Sermons before K. Edward made honourable mention of him using an Argument proper for that Audience namely How much it would tend to the bringing down God's Blessing on the Realm to receive him and such pious Exiles as he Iohn a Lasco was here a great Learned Man and as they say a Noble-Man in his Country and is gone his way again If it be for lack of Entertainment the more pity I could wish such Men as he to be in the Realm For the Realm should prosper in receiving them He that receiveth you receiveth me said Christ. And it should be for the King's Honour to receive them and keep them It was but a little after the King had received this Congregation of Foreigners into England and had granted them a Church viz. St. Augustins but great Contest happen'd among them about their Church yielded them for their religious Worship This P. Martyr took notice of with grief to Bucer and addeth That their Minds were so implacable to one another that the Difference was fain to be referred to the Privy-Council to make an end of But not to leave our Superintendent yet A Lasco with his Strangers being settled at London and incorporated by the King's Patents being their chief Pastor and a stirring Man was very industrious to procure and maintain the Liberties and Benefits of his Church The Members thereof had planted themselves chiefly in S. Katharines and in great and little Southwark Here they were now and then called upon by the Church-wardens of their respective Parishes to resort to their Parish Churches though the Ministers themselves did not appear in it In the Month of November Anno 1552 some of these Strangers inhabiting the parts of Southwark were again troubled by their Church-wardens and threatned with Imprisonment unless they would come to Church Whereupon their Superintendent A Lasco applied himself to the Lord Chancellor who then was Goodrich Bishop of
corrupt Religion within his Province and Territories But finding the Opposition against him so great and lying under the Excommunication of the Pope for what he had done and being deprived thereupon by the Emperor of his Lands and Function he resigned his Ecclesiastical Honour and betook himself to a retired Life which was done about the Year 1547. But no question in this private Capacity he was not idle in doing what Service he could for the good of that Cause which he had so generously and publickly espoused and for which he had suffered so much I find that in this Year 1552 our Arch-bishop had sent a Message to Secretary Cecyl who accompanied the King in this Summer's Progress desiring him to be mindful of the Bishop of Colen's Letters And in another Letter dated Iuly 21 he thanked the Secretary for the good remembrance he had thereof What the Contents of these Letters of the Arch-bishop of Colen were it appeareth not But I am very apt to think the Purport of them was that Cranmer would solicite some certain Business in the English Court relating to the Affairs of Religion in Germany and for the obtaining some Favour from the King in that Cause But the King being now abroad and the Arch-bishop at a distance from him he procured the Secretary who was ever cordial to the State of Religion to solicit that Arch-bishop's Business for him sending him withal that Arch-bishop's Letters for his better Instruction And this whatever it was seems to have been the last good Office that Arch-bishop Herman did to the Cause of Religion for he died according to Sleidan in the Month of August and our Arch-bishop's Letter wherein that Elector's Letters are mentioned were writ but the Month before And if one may judg of Mens commencing Friendship and Love according to the sutableness of their Tempers and Dispositions our Arch-bishop of Canterbury and the Arch-bishop of Colen must have been very intimate Friends It was said of this Man that he often wished That either he might be instrumental to the propagating the Evangelical Doctrine and Reformation of the Churches under his Iurisdiction or to live a private Life And when his Friends had often told him what Envy he would draw upon himself by the changing of Religion he would answer like a true Christian Philosopher That nothing could happen to him unexpectedly and that he had long since fortified his Mind against every Event These two Passages spake the very Spirit and Soul of Cranmer Which they may see that are minded to read what Fox saith of him as to his Undauntedness and Constancy in the maintaining of the Truth against the many Temptations and Dangers that he met with during these three Reigns successively And lastly as our Arch-bishop devoted himself wholly to the reforming of his Church so admirable was the Diligence Pains and Study this Arch-bishop took in contriving the Reformation of his He procured a Book to be writ concerning it called Instauratio Ecclesiarum which contained the Form and Way to be used for the redressing the Errors and Corruptions of his Church It was composed by those great German Divines Bucer and Melancthon which Book was put into English and published here as a good Pattern in the Year 1547. This Book he intended to issue forth through his Jurisdiction by his Authority to be observed But first he thought fit well and seriously to examine it and spent five Hours in the Morning for five Days to deliberate and consult thereupon Calling to him to advise withal in this great Affair his Coadjutor Count Stolberg Husman Ienep Bucer and Melancthon He caused the whole Work to be read before him and as many Places occurred wherein he seemed less satisfied he caused the Matter to be disputed and argued and then spake his own Mind accurately He would patiently hear the Opinions of others for the information of his own Judgment and so ordered things to be either changed or illustrated And so dextrously would he decide many Controversies arising that Melancthon thought that those great Points of Religion had been long weighed and considered by him and that he rightly understood the whole Doctrine of the Church He had always lying by him the Bible of Luther's Version and as Testimonies chanced to be alledged thence he commanded that they should be turned to that he might consider that which is the Fountain of all Truth Insomuch that the said Melancthon could not but admire and talk of his Learning Prudence Piety and Dexterity to such as he conversed with and particularly to Iohn Caesar to whom in a Letter he gave a particular Account of this Affair And it is to be noted by the way that the said Book according to which the Reformation was to be modelled contained only as Melancthon in his Letter suggested a necessary Instruction for all Children and the Sum of the Christian Doctrine and the Appointments for the Colleges and Ecclesiastical Hierarchy were very moderate the Form of the Ecclesiastical Polity being to remain as it was and so were the Colleges with their Dignities Wealth Degrees Ornaments thereunto belonging only great Superstitions should be taken away Which the wise Melancthon aforesaid did so approve of that he professed he had often propounded it in Diets of the German Nation as the best way to Peace And this I add that it might be observed how Arch-bishop Cranmer went by the same Measures in the Reformation of the Church of England maintaining the Hierarchy and the Revenues Dignities and Customs of it against many in those Times that were for the utter abolishing them as Relicks of Popery Such a Correspondence there was between our Arch-bishop and the wisest moderatest and most learned Divines of Germany But let us look nearer Home CHAP. XXXII Troubles of Bishop Tonstal AS the last Year we heard of the Deprivation of two Popish Bishops so this Year another underwent the like Censure I mean Tonstal Bishop of Durham whose Business I shall the rather relate because our Arch-bishop had some Concern in it Septemb. 21. A Commission was issued out to the Lord Chief Justice and his Colleagues to examine and determine the Cause of Tonstal Bishop of Durham and eight Writings touching the same which he is willed to consider and to proceed to the hearing and ordering of the Matter as soon as he may get the rest of his Colleagues to him It was not long after viz. about the midst of October that this Bishop by these Commissioners whose Names besides the Chief Justice do not occur was deprived and his Estate confiscated Octob. ult Sir Iohn Mason was ordered by the Council to deliver to the use of Dr. Tonstal so he is now stiled remaining Prisoner in the Tower such Money as should serve for his Necessities until such time as further Order shall be taken touching his Goods and Money lately appertaining to him Decemb. 6. It was agreed by the Council that Dr.
sent also their Benevolences Among these was Christopher Duke of Wirtemberg who gave at one time to the Exiled English at Strasburgh three or four hundred Dollers besides what he gave at Frankford as Grindal Bishop of London signified to Secretary Cecyl in the Year 1563 when that Prince had sent a Gentleman upon Business to the Queen The Bishop desired the Secretary to move the Queen to make some signification to this Person that She had heard of his Master 's former Kindness to the poor English that it might appear his Liberality was not altogether buried in Oblivion Or at least he wished some remembrance thereof might pass from the Secretary's own Mouth CHAP. XVI Many Recant Some go to Mass. MANY of the Clergy that were very forward Men under K. Edward now by the Terror of the Times recanted and subscribed And these were of two Sorts Some out of weakness did it but persisted not in it But as soon as they could revoked their Subscriptions and Recantations and after their Releases and Escapes out of Prison made a sorrowful Confession in publick of their Falls Of this sort were Scory and Barlow Bishops Iewel and others But some after their Recantations persisted in the Popish Communion Of this sort was Bush and Bird Bps Harding Chaplain to the D. of Suffolk to whom the Lady Iane sent an Expostulatory Letter Sydal and Curtop of Oxon Pendleton West c. Of this last-named Person let me cast in here one or two Remarks West was in Orders and had been Steward to Bishop Ridley Of whom the said Bishop wrote thus to Grindal then in Strasburg That his old Companion and sometime his Officer relented but that the Lord had shortned his Days For it was but a little after his Compliance that he died Fox writes the Occasion of it namely That when he had relented and said Mass against his Conscience he shortly after pined away and died for Sorrow When his Master the Bishop was laid in Prison for Religion he shrank away and out of his compassion to him being very loth as it appeared that his said Master should be put to Death he wrote a Letter to him whereby to move him if he could to alter his Judgment The Contents of whose Letter may be gathered out of Ridley's Answer Which Answer being so excellent I have put into the Appendix as I transcribed it out of a Manuscript Which concluded thus in Answer to a Sentence that West had concluded his with namely That he must agree or die the Bishop told him in the Word of the Lord that if he and all the rest of his Friends did not Confess and Maintain to their Power and Knowledg what was grounded upon God's Word but either for Fear or Gain shrank and played the Apostates they themselves should die the Death After the receit of which Answer West either out of Compassion to his Master or rather out of Anguish for his own Prevarication died within a few Days himself and his Master out-lived him and writ the News thereof into Germany to Grindal his Fellow-Chaplain as was said before The Persecution was carried on against the Gospellers with much Fierceness by those of the Roman Perswasion who were generally exceeding Hot as well as Ignorant Chiefly headed by two most cruel-natured Men Bishop Gardiner and Bishop Boner in whose Diocesses were London and Southwark and the next bordering Counties wherein were the greatest Numbers of Professors And the Servants were of the same Temper with their Masters One of Boner's Servants swore By his Maker's Blood That wheresoever he met with any of these vile Hereticks he would thrust an Arrow into him Many now therefore partly out of Fear and Terror and partly out of other worldly Considerations did resort to Mass though they approved not of it and yet consorted likewise with the Gospellers holding it not unlawful so to do viz. That their Bodies might be there so long as their Spirits did not consent And those that used this Practice bore out themselves by certain Arguments which they scattered abroad This extraordinarily troubled the good Divines that were then in Prison for the Cause of Christ and particularly Bradford Who complained in a Letter to a Friend That not the tenth Person abode in God's Ways and that the more did part Stakes with the Papist and Protestant So that they became maungy Mongrels to the infecting of all the Company with them to their no small Peril For they pretended Popery outwardly going to Mass with the Papists and tarrying with them personally at their Antichristian and Idolatrous Service but with their Hearts they said and with their Spirits they served the Lord. And so by this means said he as they saved their Pigs I mean their worldly Pleasures which they would not leese so they would please the Protestants and be counted with them for Gospellers This whole Letter deserveth to be transcribed as I meet with it in one of the Foxian Manuscripts but that I find it printed already at Oxon by Dr. Ironside in the Year 1688. The same Bradford counselled the true Protestants not to consort with these Compliers but to deal with them as a certain eminent Man named Simeon Arch-bishop of Seleucia did with Vstazades an antient Courtier to Sapores King of Persia who by his Threatnings and Perswasions had prevailed with the said Courtier a Christian to bow his Knee to the Sun For which base compliance Simeon passing by where this Vstazades was formerly his great Friend and Acquaintance would not now look at him but seemed to contemn and despise him Which when he perceived it pierced him so to the Heart that he began to pull asunder his Clothes and to rend his Garments and with weeping Eyes cryed out Alas that ever he had so offended God in his Body to bow to the Sun For saith he I have herein denied God although I did it against my Will And how sore is God displeased with me with whom mine old Father and Friend Simeon his dear Servant will not speak nor look towards me I may by the Servant's Countenance perceive the Master's Mind This Lamentation came to the King's Ear and therefore he was sent for and demanded the Cause of his Mourning He out of Hand told him the Cause to be his unwilling bowing to the Sun By it said he I have denyed God And therefore because he will deny them that deny him I have no little cause to complain and mourn Wo unto me for I have played the Traitor to Christ and also dissembled with my Leige Lord. No Death therefore is sufficient for the least of my Faults and I am worthy of two Deaths When the King heard this it went to his Stomach for he loved Vstazades who had been to him and to his Father a faithful Servant and Officer Howbeit the Malice of Satan moved him to cause this Man to be put to Death Yet in this Point he
Advice of certain Learned Men. Another was that he had been the great setter forth of all this Heresy received into the Church in this last Time had written in it had disputed had continued it even to the last Hour and that it had never been seen in this Realm but in the time of Schism that any Man continuing so long hath been pardoned and that it was not to be remitted for Ensamples-sake Other Causes he alledged but these were the chief why it was not thought good to pardon him Other Causes beside he said moved the Queen and the Council thereto which were not meet and convenient for every one to understand them The second Part touched the Audience how they should consider this thing That they should hereby take example to fear God and that there was no Power against the Lord having before their Eyes a Man of so high Degree sometime one of the chiefest Prelates of the Church an Arch-bishop the chief of the Council the second Peer in the Realm of long time a Man as might be thought in greatest assurance a King of his side notwithstanding all his Authority and Defence to be debased from an high Estate to a low Degree of a Counsellor to be a Caitiff and to be set in so wretched Estate that the poorest Wretch would not change Conditions with him The last and End appertained unto him Whom he comforted and encouraged to take his Death well by many places of Scripture And with these and such bidding him nothing mistrust but he should incontinently receive that the Thief did To whom Christ said Hodiè mecum eris in Paradiso And out of S. Paul armed him against the Terrors of the Fire by this Dominus fidelis est Non sinet nos tentari ultra quam ferre potestis By the Example of the three Children to whom God made the Flame seem like a pleasant Dew He added hereunto the Rejoicing of S. Andrew in his Cross the Patience of S. Laurence on the Fire Ascertaining him that God if he called on him and to such as die in his Faith either will abate the fury of the Flame or give him Strength to abide it He glorified God much in his Conversion because it appeared to be only his Work Declaring what Travel and Conference had been used with him to convert him and all prevailed not till it pleased God of his Mercy to reclaim him and call him Home In discouring of which place he much commended Cranmer and qualified his former Doing And I had almost forgotten to tell you that Mr. Cole promised him that he should be prayed for in every Church in Oxford and should have Mass and Dirige Sung for him and spake to all the Priests present to say Mass for his Soul When he had ended his Sermon he desired all the People to pray for him Mr. Cranmer kneeling down with them and praying for himself I think there was never such a number so earnestly praying together For they that hated him before now loved him for his Conversion and hope of Continuance They that loved him before could not sodenly hate him having hope of his Confession again of his Fall So Love and Hope encreased Devotion on every side I shall not need for the time of Sermon to describe his Behaviour his Sorrowful Countenance his heavy Chear his Face bedewed with Tears sometime lifting his Eyes to Heaven in Hope sometime casting them down to the Earth for Shame To be brief an Image of Sorrow the Dolor of his Heart bursting out at his Eyes in plenty of Tears Retaining ever a quiet and grave Behaviour Which encreased the Pity in Mens Hearts that they unfeignedly loved him hoping it had been his Repentance for his Transgression and Error I shall not need I say to point it out unto you you can much better imagine it your self When Praying was done he stood up and having leave to speak said Good People I had intended indeed to desire you to pray for me which because Mr. Doctor hath desired and you have done already I thank you most heartily for it And now will I pray for my self as I could best devise for mine own comfort and say the Prayer word for word as I have here written it And he read it standing and after kneeled down and said the Lord's Prayer and all the People on their Knees devoutly praying with him His Prayer was thus O Father of Heaven O Son of God Redeemer of the World O Holy Ghost proceeding from them both Three Persons and one God have Mercy upon me most wretched Caitiff and miserable Sinner I who have offended both Heaven and Earth and more grievously than any Tongue can express whither then may I go or whither should I fly for succor To Heaven I may be ashamed to lift up mine Eyes and in Earth I find no refuge What shall I then do shall I despair God forbid O good God thou art Merciful and refusest none that come unto thee for Succour To thee therefore do I run To thee do I humble my self saying O Lord God my Sins be great but yet have Mercy upon me for thy great Mercy O God the Son thou wast not made Man this great Mystery was not wrought for few or small Offences Nor thou didst not give thy Son unto Death O God the Father for our little and small Sins only but for all the greatest Sins of the World so that the Sinner return unto thee with a penitent Heart as I do here at this present Wherefore have Mercy upon me O Lord whose Property is always to have Mercy For although my Sins be great yet thy Mercy is greater I crave nothing O Lord for mine own Merits but for thy Name 's Sake that it may be glorified thereby and for thy dear Son Jesus Christ's Sake And now therefore Our Father which art in Heaven c. Then rising he said Every Man desireth good People at the time of their Deaths to give some good Exhortation that other may remember after their Deaths and be the better thereby So I beseech God grant me Grace that I may speak something at this my departing whereby God may be glorified and you edified First It is an heavy case to see that many Folks be so much doted upon the Love of this false World and so careful for it that or the Love of God or the Love of the World to come they seem to care very little or nothing therefore This shall be my first Exhortation That you set not over-much by this false glosing World but upon God and the World to come And learn to know what this Lesson meaneth which S. Iohn teacheth That the Love of this World is Hatred against God The Second Exhortation is That next unto God you obey your King and Queen willingly and gladly without murmur or grudging And not for fear of them only but much more for the Fear of God Knowing
as one of the truest Glories of that See Though these three Martyrs Cranmer Ridley and Latimer were parted asunder and placed in separate Lodgings that they might not confer together yet they were suffered sometimes to eat together in the Prison of Bocardo I have seen a Book of their Diet every Dinner and Supper and the Charge thereof Which was at the Expence of Winkle and Wells Bailiffs of the City at that time under whose Custody they were As for example in this Method The first of October Dinner Bread and Ale ii d. Item Oisters i d. Item Butter ii d. Item Eggs ii d. Item Lyng viii d. Item A piece of fresh Salmon x d. Wine iii d. Cheese and Pears ii d.  ii s. vi d. From this Book of their Expences give me leave to make these few Observations They ate constantly Suppers as well as Dinners Their Meals amounted to about three or four Shillings seldom exceeding four Their Bread and Ale commonly came to two pence or three pence They had constantly Cheese and Pears for their last Dish both at Dinner and Supper and always Wine the price whereof was ever three Pence and no more The Prizes of their Provisions it being now an extraordinary dear time were as follow A Goose 14 d. A Pig 12 or 13 d. A Cony 6 d. A Woodcock 3 d. and sometimes 5 d. A couple of Chickens 6 d. Three Plovers 10 d. Half a dozen Larks 3 d. A dozen of Larks and two Plovers 10 d. A Brest of Veal 11 d. A Shoulder of Mutton 10 d. Rost Beef 12 d. The last Disbursements which have Melancholy in the reading were these  s. d. For three Loads of Wood-Fagots to burn Ridley and Latimer 12 0 Item One Load of Furs-Fagots 3 4 For the carriage of these four Loads 2 0 Item A Post 1 4 Item Two Chains 3 4 Item Two Staples 0 6 Item Four Labourers 2 8 Then follow the Charges for burning Cranmer  s. d. For an 100 of Wood-Fagots 06 0 For an 100 and half of Furs-Fagots 03 4 For the carriage of them 0 8 To two Labourers 1 4 It seems the Superiors in those Days were more zealous to send these three good Men to Oxon and there to serve their Ends upon them and afterwards to burn them than they were careful honestly to pay the Charges thereof For Winkle and Wells notwithstanding all their Endeavours to get themselves reimbursed of what they had laid out which came to sixty three Pounds ten Shillings and two Pence could never get but twenty Pounds Which they received by the means of Sir William Petre Secretary of State In so much that in the Year 1566 they put up a Petition to Arch-bishop Parker and the other Bishops That they would among themselves raise and repay that Sum which the said Bailiffs were out of Purse in feeding of these three Reverend Fathers In which Petition they set forth That in the second and third Years of King Philip and Queen Mary Arch-bishop Cranmer Bishop Latimer and Bishop Ridley were by order of Council committed to the Custody of them and so continued a certain Time and for them they disbursed the Sum of 63 l. 10 s. 2 d. Whereof but 20 l. was paid to them Therefore they pray his Grace and the rest of the Bishops to be a means among themselves that the remaining Sum may be paid to them being 43 l. 10 s. 2 d. Or some part thereof Otherwise they and their poor Wives and Children should be utterly undone And to give the better countenance to these Men that were going to carry up their Petition Laurence Humfrey President of Magdalen College and the Queen's Professor wrote this Letter on their behalf to Arch-bishop Parker IEH MY humble Commendations presupposed in the Lord. To be a Suitor in another Man's Case it seemeth Boldness and in a Matter of Money to write to your Grace is more than Sauciness Yet Charity Operiens multitudinem peccatorum doth move me and will perswade you to hear him A Debt is due unto him for the Table of Mr. Dr. Cranmer by the Queen's Majesties Appointment And Mr. Secretary in Oxford wished him at that time of Business in Progress to make some Motion to the Bishops for some Relief The Case is miserable The Debt is just His Charges in the Suit have been great His Honesty I assure your Grace deserves pitiful Consideration And for that my Lord of Sarum writeth to me as here in Oxford he promised That his part shall not be behind what Order soever it please my Lords to take for the dispatch of the same I request your Grace as Successor to that right Reverend Father and chief Patron of such poor Suitors to make by your good Means some Collection for him among the rest of my Lords the Bishops that his good Will shewed to that worthy Martyr may of you be considered And so he bound to your Goodness of his part altogether undeserved Thus recommending the Common Cause of Reformation to you and my self and this poor Man to your good remembrance I leave to trouble you Requesting you once again to hear him and tender his Cause even of Charity for God his Sake To whose Protection I commend your Grace From Oxon November 22 Anno 1566. Your Grace's humble Orator Laur. Humfrey Though I cannot trace this any further yet I make no doubt this Petition was favourably received with the Arch-bishop and Bishops It seems in Cranmer's Life-time Money was sent to Oxford for the sustentation of these Prisoners of Christ but embezzelled For one W. Pantry of Oxford received forty Pounds at Mr. Stonelye's Hand for my Lord Cranmer and the other two in like Case This was declared by the Bailiffs to Thomas Doyley Esquire Steward to Arch-bishop Parker CHAP. XXII Cranmer's Books and Writings HAving brought our History of this singular and extraordinary Light of the Church to this Period we will before we take our leave of him gather up some few Fragments more thinking it pity that any thing should be lost that may either serve to communicate any Knowledg of him to Posterity or to clear and vindicate him from Aspersions or Misrepresentations vulgarly conceived of him And here will fall under our consideration first his Books and Writings after them his Acquaintance with Learned Men and his Favour to them and Learning then some Matters relating to his Family and Officers And lastly we shall conclude with some Observations upon him For the Pen of this great Divine was not idle being employed as earnestly as his Authority and Influence for the furtherance of Religion and rescue of this Church from Popish Superstition and Foreign Jurisdiction He laid a solid Foundation in Learning by his long and serious Studies in the University To which he was much addicted Insomuch that this was one of the Causes which made him so labour by the interest of his Friends with King Henry to
would not be allowed any well-disposed Person to relieve his Necessity nor to give him an Alms a Privilege allowed any Beggar beside And when a Gentleman of Gloucestershire sensible of the Arch-bishop's Need and withal knowing how dangerous it was to give the poor Arch-bishop any Money had conveyed somewhat to the Bailiffs to be by their Hands bestowed on him Boner and Thirleby the two Bishops that degraded him staid this Gentleman intending to send him up to the Council had he not gotten off by the Intercession of some Friends CHAP. XXXV Some Account of Arch-bishop Cranmer's House-keeping BUT the more fully to confute this Calumny it will not be amiss to look more narrowly into his House-keeping His daily custom at Lambeth was to dine in a Room above where all Noble-men and Persons of better Quality that came to dine with him were entertained Here he was very honourably served both with Dishes and Attendants In the Hall the Table was every Day very plentifully furnished both for Houshold-Servants and Strangers with three or four principal head-Messes of Officers Besides the Relief of the Poor at his Gates And which is a very observable Charity as well as Hospitality he appropriated his Mansion-house at Bekesborn in Kent and his Parsonage-Barn for Harbour and Lodgings for the Poor Sick and Maimed Souldiers that came from the Wars of Bulloign and other Parts beyond Seas For these he also appointed an Almoner a Physician and a Chirurgeon to attend on them and to dress and administer Physick to such of them as were not able to resort to their own Countries Having also daily from his Kitchin hot Broth and Meat Besides the common Alms of his Houshold that were bestowed upon the poor People of the Country And when any of these were recovered and were able to travel they had Money given them to bear their Charges according to the number of Miles they were to pass before they got Home I do not know whether some might have taken Advantage thus to slander him from a laudable Endeavour of his to reduce within some Bounds the Provisions of Clergy-mens Tables which in the latter Times of King Henry the Eighth grew to great Excess and Extravagancy so unbecoming Spiritual Men. For in the Year 1541 the Arch-bishop with the Consent of the other Arch-bishop and most of the Bishops and divers other Deans and Arch-Deacons made a Constitution for moderating the Fare of their Tables viz. That Arch-bishops should not exceed six divers kinds of Flesh or as many Dishes of Fish on Fish-days A Bishop not above Five A Dean or Arch-Deacon Four and all under that Degree Three But an Arch-bishop was allowed at second Course to have four Dishes a Bishop Three and all others Two as Custards Tarts Fritters Cheese Apples Pears c. But if any of the inferior Clergy should entertain any Arch-bishop Bishop Dean or Arch-Deacon or any of the Laity of like Degree as Duke Marquess Earl Vicount Baron Lord Knight they might have such Provision as were meet for their Degree Nor was their Diet to be limited when they should receive an Ambassador to recommend I suppose to Foreigners the English Hospitality It was ordered also That of the greater Fish or Fowl as Cranes Swans Turkies Hadocks Pike Tench there should be but one in a Dish Of lesser Sorts than they as Capons Pheasants Conies Woodcocks but Two Of less sorts still as of Partridges an Arch-bishop Three a Bishop and other Degrees under him Two The Number of the Blackbirds were also stinted to Six at an Arch-bishop's Table and to Four for a Bishop And of little Birds as Larks Snytes c. the Number was not to exceed Twelve But so strongly bent were the Clergy in those Days to this sort of Sensuality that these Injunctions of our Arch-bishop were observed but two or three Months and so they returned to their old Superfluity again The Arch-bishop's pious Design hereby was only to curb Intemperance and unnecessary Prodigality in such upon whose Office those Vices cast such just Reflections but it could not reasonably argue any covetous Temper in him for that the Poor might not fare the worse for this Intrenchment of Exorbitant Hospitality but rather the better the Arch-bishop in these aforesaid Orders provided That whatsoever was spared out of the old House-keeping should not be pocketed up but laid out and spent in plain Meats for the Relief of poor People And that this Charge may still appear to be nothing but a meer detraction proceeding from Envy or some other ill Principle others there were that would blame him for the contrary Vice of too much lavishing and unprofitable Expence So hard a matter is it for the best Men to escape the spiteful and venomous Insinuations of the World But he patiently and with an even Mind bore all CHAP. XXXVI Arch-bishop Cranmer Humble Peaceable Bold in a good Cause FOR which is another thing to be remarked in him he was very Humble and Condescending and did not only bear to be reproved but was thankful for it and that even when the Reproof was undeserved Which was the more to be valued in him considering the Height and Dignity of his Calling To give an Instance or two of this When in the Year 1552 Cecyl had charged him with the Imputation of Covetousness as a Report that went of him in the Court and which himself seemed partly to believe begging withal Pardon of his Grace for his freedom with him Our Arch-bishop told him That as for the Admonition he took it very thankfully and that he had ever been most glad to be admonished by his Friends accounting no Man so foolish as he that would not hear friendly Admonishment And when at another time the same Cecyl who would always take the liberty to speak his Mind to his Friends whensoever he thought they wanted Counsel had signified to him the Hazard he incurred in not shewing more Compliance towards the Duke of Northumberland who now swayed all and then apologizing for his Boldness Cranmer was so far from taking this ill that he returned him his very hearty Thanks for his friendly Letter and Advertisements desiring him to be assured that he took the same in such good part and to proceed of such a friendly Mind as he ever looked for at his Hands and whereof he would not be unmindful if Occasion hereafter served to requite the same And this good Temper led him also to Gentleness and Lenity He was no Huffer nor Contender but of an exceeding peaceable and amicable Spirit Whereunto he was moved by the Reason of Policy as well as Religion Because he well saw how a contentious quarrelsome Disposition in great Men would be apt to give an ill Example unto Inferiors There happened once in the Year 1552 a Contest between him and the Lord-Warden of the Cinque-Ports who lived not far from him and so probably it might be about some worldly Matters
It was Sir Thomas Cheyny who in the Year 1549 was one of those that met with Warwick in London and published a Proclamation against the Arch-bishop's Friend the Duke of Somerset as a Traitor Which might be an occasion that the Arch-bishop did not much affect Cheyny nor Cheyny the Arch-bishop Concerning this Difference between them which it seems was taken notice of at Court when his true Friend Cecyl had wrote to him advising a Reconciliation he gave this Christian and meek Answer from his House at Ford That there was no Man more loth to be in Contention with any Man than he was especially with him who was his near Neighbour dwelling both in one County and whose familiar and entire Friendship he most desired and that for the Quietness of the whole County Adding That the Examples of the Rulers and Heads would the People and Members follow His Peaceableness also appeared in his hearty Desires of the Publick Peace as well as Private When upon occasion of hearing of the Wars that were about the Year 1552 eagerly followed both in Christendom and out of it he used these words The Sophy and the Turk the Emperor and the French King not much better in Religion than they such it seems was his Censure of them by reason of the Cruelty and Persecution they exercised and the Disturbances they made in the World rolling the Stone or turning the Wheel of Fortune up and down I pray God send us Peace and Quietness with all Realms as well as among our selves But though he were of so quiet and mild a Spirit yet being a plain down-right Man he would never learn the Arts of Flattery and base Compliances with them that were uppermost Which had like to have created him much trouble from Northumberland to whom he carried not himself with that Deference and Pleasingness as he expected For Cranmer knew the bad Heart of this haughty Man and could not forget the ill Measure his Friend the Duke of Somerset had found at his Hands He did not care to make any Application to him nor to be an Instrument in forwarding any of his designing Business When he was to write up to some of the Court concerning Reiner Wolf I suppose for Licence to print the Articles of Religion Anno 1552 he desired to take Cecyl's Advice to whom he should write For I know not saith he to whom to write but my Lord of Northumberland to whom to make any Address he would fain have avoided if he could There was about the Year 1552 a Commission issued out for a strict Enquiry to be made after all such as had defrauded the King of any Goods or Treasure accruing to him by the suppression of Chauntries or that belonged to Churches Now this was done by Northumberland and his Creatures on purpose that it might light heavy upon Somerset's Friends who had been the chief Visitors in those Affairs and had many of them been supposed to have enriched themselves thereby Commissioners were appointed in each County In Kent the Commission was directed to the Arch-bishop and to several other Gentlemen and Justices of Peace The Arch-bishop perceiving well the Spite and Malice of this Commission acted very slowly in it Insomuch that Northumberland began to be highly angry with him Cecyl observing it and having ever a great Veneration for that good Man and fearing he might feel the Effects of his Fury writ to him signifying Northumberland's Displeasure and giving him Advice to take heed of him For which the Arch-bishop thanked him and prudently writ his Excusatory Letter to that Duke dated November â—0 signifying That the Cause of his Stay of the Commission was because he was alone and that the Gentlemen and Justices of Peace who were in Commission with him were then at London probably because of the Term before whose coming Home if he should proceed without them he might as he said travel in vain and take more Pains than he should do good And by such soft but honest words mollifying him for the Procrastination of that which he had no mind to meddle in But not long after he and Ridley Bishop of London with him fell under great Displeasure with this Duke and the rest of the great Men of his Party who in the latter end of King Edward's Reign governed all The Reason whereof was for opposing as much as they could though to no effect the Spoil of the Church-Goods which were taken away only by a Commandment of the Higher Powers without Request or Consent of them to whom they did belong as Ridley himself relates in his Treatise wherein he lamented the Change of Religion in England Which indeed was more than ever Henry VIII had done Add to the rest that our Bishop was of a bold and undaunted Courage in the Cause of God and his Church It was a brave and generous Act and worthy the chief Bishop of the English Church I mean that publick Challenge which he made to maintain the Common-Prayer Book and the other parts of the Reformation by the Scripture and Fathers in open Disputation against whomsoever if the Queen so pleased to permit it Which was done by him soon after the Queen's coming to the Throne And had he not been prevented by others who dispersed Copies of this Challenge without his knowledg it had been made very solemnly as he freely told the Queen's Council by fixing this his Declaration on the Doors of S. Pauls and other Churches with his Hand and Seal to it And his Courage herein appeared the greater because he was at this very Time under a Cloud and in great Danger having some time before now been convented before the Council and confined to Lambeth And whosoever shall consider that good Progress that by his Means was made in Religion not only in King Edward's Reign but even in that of King Henry under the Discouragements of antiently-rivited Superstition and Idolatry and withal shall ponder the haughty Nature of that Prince of so difficult Address and so addicted to the old Religion and how dangerous it was to dissent from him or to attempt to draw him off from his own Perswasions cannot but judg Cranmer to have been of a very bold Spirit to venture so far as he did And undoubtedly his Courage went an equal pace with his Wisdom and Discretion and was no whit inferior to his other excellent Qualifications And this I say the rather to vindicate the Memory of this most Reverend Prelat from an unworthy Reflection made upon him in a trisling Account of his Life Wherein he is charged to be Of too easy and flexible a Disposition which made him cowardly to comply with the Church of Rome And that though he never did any harm to the Protestants yet he did not unto them so much good as he might or ought For the confutation of which I appeal to numberless Passages which I have written of him But
that Session Indeed there was once a notable Dispute of the Sacrament in order to an Uniformity of Prayer to be established Or does he mean that this four Months Disputation was the Work of thâ— Convocation sitting that Parliament-time Before it indeed lay now thâ— Matter of the Priests Marriage Which they agreed to almost three against one And likewise of receiving the Sacrament in both Kinds Which was also agreed to Nemine Contradiâ—ente But not a word of any Disputation thâ—n about the Real Presence And yet 't is strange that he should with such Confidence put this Story upon thâ— World of four Months Disputation in the Parliament concerning thâ— Real Presence and that the Arch-bishop then was so resâ—â—ute for it Which cannot be true neither on this Account that Cranmer was a Year or two before this come off from that Opinion He adds That Cranmer stood resolutely in that first Parliament for a Real Presence against Zuinglianism But there was neither in that Parliament nor in that Convocation a word of the Real Presence And that Cranmer and Ridley did allow a Râ—al Presence and would not endure the Sacrament should be contemptibly spoken of as some now began to do The Real Presence that Parsons here means is the gross Corporal Presence Flesh Blood and Bone as they used to say This Real Presence Cranmer and Ridley did not allow of at this time of Day Now they were better enlightned But most true it is notwithstanding that they could not endure to have the Sacrament contemptibly spoken of He tells us Romantickly on the same Argument That many Posts went to and fro between P. Martyr and Cranmer while the imaginary Disputation before-mentioned lasted whether Lutheranism or Zuinglianism should be taken up for the Doctrine of the Church of England For that he was come in his Reading upon the Eleventh of the first Epistle to the Corinthians to those words This is my Body and did not know how to determine it till it was resolved about The Message returned him was That he should stay and entertain himself in his Readings upon other Matters for a while And so the poor Friar did as Parsons calls that Learned Man with Admiration and Laughter of all his Scholars Surely some of them had more Esteem and Reverence for him Standing upon those precedent words Accepit Panem c. And Gratias dedit c. Fregit Et dixit Accipite Manducate c. Discoursing largely of every one of these Points And surely they were words of sufficient weight to be stood upon and Points to be discoursed largely of And bearing one from the other that ensued Hoc est Corpus meum But when the Post at length came that Zuinglianism must be defended then stepped up P. Martyr boldly the next Day and treated of This is my Body Adding moreover that he wondred how any Man could be of any other Opinion The Reporters of this Story Parsons makes to be Saunders Allen and Stapleton and others that were present Excellent Witnesses P. Martyr is here represented as a Man of no Conscience or Honesty but ready to say and teach whatsoever others badâ— him be the Doctrine right or wrong and at the Beck of the State to be a Lutheran or a Zuinglian But if he were of such a versatile Mind why did he leave his Country his Relations his Substance his Honour that he had there Which he did because he could not comply with the Errors of the Church in which he lived But all this fine pleasant Tale is spoiled in case Martyr were not yet come to Oxford to be Reader there For he came over into England but in the end of November 1548 and was then sometime with the Arch-bishop before he went to Oxford Which we may well conjecture was till the Winter was pretty well over so that he could not well be there before the 14 th of March was past The Author of the Athenae Oxonienses conjectures that he came to Oxon in February or the beginning of March but that it was the beginning of the next Year that the King appointed him to read his Lecture So that either he was not yet at Oxon or if he were he had not yet begun his Reading till the Parliament was over And thus we have traced this Story till it is quite vanished Further still he writes That Cranmer wrote a Book for the Real Presence and another against it afterwards Which two Books Boner brought forth and would have read them when he was deposed by Cranmer and Ridley or at leastwise certain Sentences thereof that were contrary one to the other If Cranmer wrote any Book for the Real Presence it was in Luther's not in the Popish Sense and against that Sense indeed he wrote in his Book of the Sacrament Nor did Boner bring any such Books forth at his Deposition or Deprivation nor offered to read them nor any Sentences out of them for ought I can find in any Historians that speak of Boner's Business And I think none do but Fox who hath not a word of it though he hath given a large Narration of that whole Affair Indeed Boner at his first appearance told the Arch-bishop That he had written well on the Sacrament and wondred that he did not more honour it To which the Arch-bishop replied seeing him commend that which was against his own Opinion That if he thought well of it it was because he understood it not Thus we may see how Parsons writ he cared not what and took up any lying flying Reports from his own Party that might but serve his Turn But observe how this Writer goes on with his Tale But Cranmer blushing suffered it not to be shewed but said he made no Book contrary to another Then he needed not to have blushed But if he did it must be at the Impudence of Boner who carried himself in such a tumultuous bold manner throughout his whole Process as though he had no Shame left And lastly to extract no more Passages out of this Author to prove that our Arch-bishop was for a Corporal Presence in the beginning of King Edward he saith That in the first Year of that Reign he was a principal Cause of that first Statute intituled An Act against such Persons as shall unreverently speak against the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ commonly called The Sacrament of the Altar And a very good Act it was But it does not follow that because the Arch-bishop was the Cause of this Act that therefore he believed a gross Carnal Presence the plain Design of the Act being occasioned by certain Persons who had contemned the whole Thing for certain Abuses heretofore committed therein I use the very words of the Act and had called it by vile and unseemly Words And it was levelled against such as should deprave despise or contemn the Blessed Sacrament Nor is there any word in that Act used in favour of the
authority through the world And considering that the Bp. of Cant. beside al the Courts within his own Diocess keepeth in London a Court at the Arches sufficiently authorized to hear and to determine al causes and complaints appertaining to a Metropolitane why should he require this other Court of the Audience to keep it in London within the Church and jurisdiction of another Bp. except he mâ—nded to call other Bps. obedientially out of their jurisdiction contrary to the Act Or else at the lest forasmuch as this Court is kept within the Church and jurisdiction of London and the Arches Court within the city but not within the jurisdiction if he may not vex the Citizens and Diocesans of London at the Arches without an Appele first from the Ordinary immediately because of the Canon Lawes yet he might pul them to his Audience at Pauls as he did heretofore by his Legacy and yet offend not that Act made anno xxiij That no man shall be called out of his own Diocess And where the ABp saith that the Kings Grace bad him continue that Court stil it is to be marvelled that he then hath not in his Citations and other wrirings of that Court expressed or signified the same as he did cal himself in al his Writings Legatum Apostolicae Sedis long after that Act of the Abolishing NUM XVIII Archbishop Cranmers order concerning the Proctors of the Court of Arches shewn to be inconvenient by a Paper presented to the Parlament as followeth ALthough it be expedient that every thing which any way may be noyful unto the common wele be duely reformed yet is there nothing that should be rather looked upon for Reformation than such abuses as may be occasion of not indifferent ministration of justice Wherfore among so many things as heretofore hath been wel and condignely reformed touching other the Spiritualty or the Temporalty there is nothing that requireth speedyer Reformation than a certain Ordinance Lately procured in the Court of the Arches at London by the means of the Proctors there for the advancement of their singular wil only By which may and do come divers abuses in the said Court and occasion not indifferent ministration of justice and chargeable and prolix process there The effect whereof is this The Proctors of the said Court of Arches hath of late upon feigned suggestion surmised unto the most reverend Father in God my Lord Archbp. of Canterbury President and Head of the said Court to have been for the common wele and ease of his Provincialls induced his Grace to make such an Ordinance or Statute in the said Court of the Arches That wher heretofore there were in the same twenty or four and twenty Proctors and my said Lords G. at his liberty alwayes to admit mo or fewer Proctors there as should be seen expedient to his G. for the sufficient attending of the causes there depending for the time there shuld be from thenceforth no mo admitted Proctors there until the said nombre of Proctors than being there were decreased and come down to the nombre of Ten and than the said nombre of Ten Proctors never after to be exceeded And furthermore lest my said Lords G. might be advertised afterwards upon better causes and considerations to dissolve the said Statute as his Predecessors did alike other Statutes made in semblable cause long before the said Proctors knowing that his G. would as alwayes did apply himself to that thing that shuld be most profitable for the Common wele and intending to take away that liberty from him abusing also his G's benignity and good zeal to the restraint of his liberties and â—ulfilling of their covetous intent incontinently upon the obtaining of the said Statute procured the same to be confirmed by the Chapter and Convent of Christ's church in Canterbury So that by reason of the same confirmation my said Lords G. ne his Successors cannot as the said Proctors do pretend though they see never so good a cause therto infringe ne dissolve the same And so therby made in maner an Incorporation among them tho they call it not so Wherin be it considered whether they have first offended the King's Laws which do prohibit such Incorporations to be made without licence had of the King's Highness first thereunto And though all Incorporations in any mystery or faculty be not lightly to be admitted in this case wherupon depends good or evil ministration of justice most of al such Confederacies are to be eschued Also the said Statute is divers wayes noyful to the Commonwele of this Royalm and prejudicial to the King's G. Subjects in the same and occasion of divers abuses in the said Court hereafter to be declared But because the said Proctors are persuaded that my said Lord of Canterbury cannot himself Dissolve the same and seeing that no man wil lighty contend alone with al the said Proctors for the Dissolving thereof For though it touch every man generally no man singularly wil suppose the same to touch him so moche that he should for the impugnation of the same put himself in business against so many and so rich a company as the said Proctors be it were not only expedient but also necessary for the indifferent and speedy ministration of justice in the said Court that his said unreasonable Statute were infringed and dissolved by the authority of this present Parliament where al other abuses and excesses noyeful to the Commonwele ought to be reformed for these causes following First The said Statute is prejudicial unto the Commonwele because it is occasion of prolix sutes and superfluous delayes in the said Court else more necessary to be restrained than augmented For the said nombre of Ten Proctors appointed by the said Statute is unsufficient for the speedy and diligent attending of mens causes in the said Court tho al Ten were procuring there at once as it is not like but that three or four of the same shal bee alwayes impotent or absent For such they account also with the nombre of Ten. And besides that the same Ten or fewer that shal be onely procuring shal serve not onely for the said Court of the Arches but also for my said Lord of Canterburies Audience wherein be as many causes as in the Arches and for the Consistory of the Bp. of London For by the Statutes of both the same Courts of Audience and Consistory there is no man admitted to procure in the same unless he be a Proctor admitted first in the Arches So that so few Proctors appoynted for so many causes as shal be under travayl in al the said Courts can never be able to speed their business without great delayes taking For heretofore when there were in the said Court twenty Proctors continually occupying and more it hath been seen that divers of theym hath been than so overlayd with causes that they were driven to take oft and many delayes and Prorogations ad idem for to bring in their matiers
libells and plees Than moche more must they do the same now being but Ten of theym And most of al when of the same Ten there shal be as like it is alwayes to be three or four absent or impotent Undoubtedly they must needs use infinite delayes Which had else rather more need to be restrained then that any occasion shuld be yet given of more using the same For by reason of the same the King's Subjects called to the same Court are put to great expences tedious Labour and loss of time And therefore divers that have good right to many things pleadable in the said Courts had lever renounce and forgoe their interest in the same than enter so desperate a Sute in the said Courts therefore Also mens causes cannot be diligently attended by so few Proctors And men shal be destitute of councel whereof shuld be alwayes plenty in every Court. And through the negligence of the Proctors that they must be than of whan they shal have so much busines divers good causes must needs perish for lack of good looking unto as likely may be for the forgetting one houre or mistaking of a word doth in the said Courts other whiles marr the best matier And it is impossible that the said Ten Proctors only shal be able to apply accordingly al the causes that shal be depending in al the said Courts as Proctors of duty shuld For a Proctor's office is Laborious and requireth much business First a Proctor must take sufficient instructions of his Clients and keep every Court-day remember every hour that is appointed him to do any thing at solicite and instruct his Advocates write and pen every Instrument that shal be requisite to be made in the matiers And whosoever of the Proctors that shal be negligent or forgetful in doing any of these his matiers must needs delay But so few Proctors as be appoynted by the said Statute are not able not only to do so in each matier but also scant able to remember their Clients names for so many that they shal than have Each matier if it were exactly applied and men able so to do would require a Proctor alone But because every man is not able to find a Proctor for every one matier it were best next the same that there were so many Proctors appoynted as might most easily apply their causes as they shuld And though that were less profit to the said Proctors whose wele is best when they are most charged with busines yet it shuld be more profit for the Common wele whose interest were to have causes speedily and diligently applied in the said Courts Also the fewer that there be of the said Proctors the sooner may they agree among theymselves to give delayes each to other because that one may have the same leave that he gave the other as they do in termes to Prove Where to each of the three termes which they cal Terminos ad proband a month would suffice though they dwelled never so far from the Court within this Royalm they take now by cross sufferance of each other of theym a quarter of a year commonly for each of the same three termes Which were enough and too moche though the parties dwelled in Paris Which delayes though they be nothing profitable ne commodious for the poor Suitors be both profitable to the said Proctors by reason that the causes are kept thereby the longer in their hands And also commodious by reason that they being greatly occupied should have the longer time to do their business in And for like consideration the said Proctors do omit commonly in every matier a certain oath ungeven called Iuramentum Calumpniae which is the best provision ordained in al the said Law of Civil and Canon for the restraint of unlawful Suites and prolix processes The effect wherof is this Both parties being in suite or their Proctors shal by the same oath swear first the Plaintiff That he believeth himself to have a just cause to sue and the Defendant a just cause to defend Secondarily That neitherof them shal use any unlawful delayes whereby justice may be deferred or letted Thirdly That either of theym whan they shal be asked by the Judge shal answer truly to every thing that is asked of theym according to their belief Fourthly That there is nor shal be nothing geven ne promised to the Judge or any other Officer but only the Fees and duty permitted by the Law And fiftly That neither of them shal use ne procure any false witnes wittingly in the matier Which Oath if it were given in every matier as it shuld be there shuld not be so many wrongful causes attempted and kept in the said Courts nor so many delayes as in the same But because that neither of both standeth with the profit of the said Proctors by common assent and cross sufferance of each another of theym they omit the same most commonly not only ungeven but also not spoken of And if they say that they do so because that oft accustoming of oaths maketh men to set less by an oath Truth it is that it doth so And therefore the said oath ought to be chiefly commended For the geving of the same but once in any matier shuld excuse them from geving of many other oaths requisite And where one shuld serve for al better it were for avoyding of too oft swearing that the same alone shuld be given and al others omitted than that it alone shuld be left that al the other doth supply Also The said Statute of Ten Proctors may be occasion that the same shal wax hault arrogant negligent and loth to take paines and excessive in taking by reason that they shuld be so few As we see experiently in al other faculties where fewest Occupiers be of the same trust they be most dangerous and hardest to be gotten to do their faculties and most excessive in taking for the same as scarcity or rarity of any thing else maketh the same dear For whan there be few of a faculty they know than that be they never so excessive in taking or negligent in their doing they shal be occupied wel enough whan men can have no other choice but of a few that be al alike agreed upon the price of every thing as they may soon do whan they be but a few Where if they were many al shuld be contrary Moreover the said Statute of Ten Procters may be occasion that justice shuld not indifferently procede in the said Courts for lack of lawful defence As if the Juges of the said Courts or any of theym be affectionate in any matier depending before them as it may be that the Juges there shal not be alwayes of such integrity as they be of that be there now the said Proctors dare not be retained on his part that the Juge doth not favor or if they be retained they dare not purpose propose their Client 's best Interest and remedy if the same
a Proctor represents him that he is Proctor for and may make or marr his Clients matier by one word speaking wel or il and that the office of a Proctor was first invented for men that might or would not intend to their own business theymself it were more consonant with reason that a man were suffered to take to his Proctor such as he lusteth and may best trust unto of his matier than be driven to commit the order of his cause being mefortune of great weight to such a one as he never knew ne saw before For whan a man is at his choise to choose him what Proctor he lust best if his matier do delay through the default of his Proctor than he can blame no body but himself For that that he would not take better heed to whom he should have committed his matier unto And whan a man is compelled to take one that he knows not if his matier do than delay he may put the blame therof to that Statute that constrained him to take such a Proctor Nevertheles though the tone of both those ways that is the same that is taken by the same Law be moche better than the tother yet the mean way betwixt both as of al other Extremes were best That is to say that nother every man unlearned or unexpert shuld forthwith be admitted to procure for every man in the said Courts lest of that there shuld be no good order but a confuse tumult there Nor yet that there shuld be so few admitted therunto that they were not able ne sufficient for the due exercise of causes there depending But most reasonable and highly expedient for the Common wele it is that it were enacted by the authority of this present Parlament that there should be as many of such as were sufficiently learned and exercised in the experience and practise of the said Courts admitted to procure there as shuld be seen convenient to my said Lord of Canterbury his Grace or other Presidents of the said Courts for the due exercise and expedition of causes there depending as it was used heretofore til the obtaining of the said Statute without prefixion of any precise nombre which for no cause may be exceded For how can a precise nombre of Proctors be prefixed when the nombre of causes can never be appoynted For causes doth grow and encrease as the nature of seasons and men doth require And therfore it were expedient that there were mo Proctors than shuld suffice admitted than fewer For better it were that some of theym shuld lack causes than causes shuld want theym And that such ones so admitted shuld not be removeable from the same their Offices at the said Juges or any other mans plesure as they were heretofore but only for certain great offences proved to be committed by theym after their admission and juged so to be of indifferent Juges chosen to examine the same by the consent of the Proctors that shal be accused therof And because that the Proctors aforesaid are al sworn at the time of their admission that they shal never after be against the Liberty jurisdiction and prerogatives of the said Courts but shal maintain and defend the same to their power And that there may be in the said Courts otherwhiles such causes depending as shuld appertaine to the Kings Gs. determination by his Royal Prerogative or such other as may be there attempted against the Juges or Presidents of the said Courts It were highly expedient as wel for the Conservation and soliciting of the Kings interest there as for the faithful and bold assistence of Proctors there to the Kings Subjects that were called thither at the instance of the said Juges or their fautors or any other person That like as his Grace hath in other his Courts temporal his Solicitors and Atturneys he shuld also have in his said Courts two Proctors or so admitted by his G. and his councel which shuld be sworn to promote and solicite his Gs. interest there and to advertise the same of any thing that shuld appertain to his Gs. prerogative and to defend such of the Kings subjects as shal desire their assistance boldly and without fear or affection of the said Juges And that the same Proctors so admitted be not removeable from the same their offices by any man but the Kings G. or his Councel Which so enacted and established shuld be the readiest means that the foresaid abuses with divers others here not rehearsed caused through the occasion of the said statute shuld be utterly taken away and justice more plainly and speedily proceed in the said Courts than heretofore hath been seen to do And the Kings subjects called thither from al parts of England shuld have plenty of counsil faithful assistance in their matters and speedy process in the same Which ought to be tendred affectantly of every man that regardeth the encrease of the Common wele and true execution of justice NUM XIX The Archbishop to the L. Crumwel giving him some account of his Visitation of his Diocess THese shal be to advertise your Lp. that since my last coming from London into Kent I have found the people of my Diocess very obstinately given to observe and keep with solemnity the hali dayes lately abrogated Wherupon I have punished divers of the Offendors and to divers I have given gentle monitions to amend But inasmuch as by examination I have perceived that the people were partly animated therto by their Curates I have given streit commandment and injunction unto al the Parsons and Vicars within my Diocess upon paine of deprivation of their benefices that they shal not only on their behalf cause the said hali dayes so abrogated from time to time not to be observed within their Cures but also shal from henceforth present to me such persons of their Parishes as wil practise in word or deed contrary to that Ordinance or any other which is or hereafter shal bee set forth by the Kings Graces authority for the redress or ordering of the doctrine or ceremonies of this Church of England So that now I suppose through this means all disobedience and contempt of the Kings Graces Acts and Ordinances in this behalf shal be clearly avoyded in my Diocess hereafter Not doubting also but if every Bp. in this realm had Commandment to do the same in their Diocess it would avoyd both much disobedience and contention in this said realm I would faine that al the enmity and grudge of the people in this matter should be put from the King and his Councel and that wee who be Ordinaries should take it upon us Or else I fear lest a grudge against the Prince and his Council in such causes of religion should gender in many of the peoples hearts a faint subjection and obedience But my Lord if in the Court you do keep such hali dayes and fasting dayes as be abrogated when shal we persuade the people to
satis tentatum est hactenus Et nisi super firmam petram fuisset firmiter aedificata jam dudum cum magnae ruinae fragore cecidisset Dici non potest quantum haec tam cruenta controversia cum per universum orbem Christianum tum maxime apud nos bene currenti verbo Evangelij obstiterit Vobis ipsis affert ingens periculum caeteris omnibus praebet non dicendum offendiculum Quo circa si me audietis hortor suadeo imo vos oro obsecro visceribus Iesu Christi obtestor adjuro uti concordiam procedere coire sinatis in illam confirmandam totis viribus incumbatis pacémque Dei tandem quae superat omnem sensum Ecclesijs permittatis ut Evangelicam doctrinam unam sanam puram cum primitivae Ecclesiae disciplina consonam junctis viribus quam maximè propagemus Facile vel Turcas ad Evangelij nostri obedientiam converterimus modo intra nosmetipsos consentiamus pia quadam conjuratione conspiremus At si ad hunc modum pergimus ad invicem contendere commordere timendum erit ne quod dicens abominor juxta comminationem Apostolicam ad invicem consumamur Habes Optime Vadiane meam de tota controversia illa neutiquam fictam sententâ—am una cum admonitione libera ac fideli Cui si obtemperaveris non modo inter amicos sed etiam vel inter amicissimos mihi nomen tuum ascripsero Bene vale T. Cantuariens NUM XXVI Part of a Letter from a Member of Parlament concerning the transactions of the House about passing the Act of the Six Articles AND also news here I assure you never Prince shewed himself so wise a man so wel learned and so Catholic as the King hath done in this Parlament With my pen I cannot express his mervailous goodnes which is come to such effect that we shal have an Act of Parlament so spiritual that I think none shal dare say in the blessed Sacrament of the Altar doth remain either bread or wine after the Consecration Nor that a Priest may have a wife Nor that it is necessary to receive our Maker sub utraque specie Nor that private Masses should not be used as they have bee Nor that it is not necessary to have Auricular confession And notwithstanding my L. of Canterbury my L. of Ely my L. of Salisbury my L. of Worcester Rochester and St. Davyes defended the contrary long time Yet finally his Highness confounded them all with Gods learning York Durham Winchester and Carlile have shewed themselves honest and wel learned men We of the Temporalty have be al of one opinion And my L. Chancellor and my L. Privy Seal as good as we can devise My L. of Cant. and al his Bishops have given their opinion and come in to us save Salisbury who yet continueth a leud fool Finally al in England have cause to thank God and most heartily to rejoyce of the Kings most godly procedings Without any name subscribed NUM XXVII The Solution of some Bishop to certain Questions about the Sacraments The King's Animadversions of his own hand The Questions The Answers Why then should we cal them so 1. What a Sacrament is 1. Scripture useth the word but it defineth it not 2. What a Sacrament is by the antient Authors 2. In them is found no perfect definition but a general Declaration of the word as a token of a holy thing  3. How many Sacraments be there by the Scripture 3. So named onely Matrimony in effect moo and at the least seven as we find the Scripture expounded Why these Seven to have the name more than al the rest 4. How many Sacraments be there by the antient Authors 4. Authors use the word Sacrament to signify any Mystery in the old or new Testament But especially be noted Baptism Eucharist Matrimony Chrism Impositio manuum Ordo Here is omitted Penance Then why hath theChurch so long erred to take upon them so to name them 5. Whether this word Sacrament be and ought to be attribute to the Seven only 5. The word bycause it is general is attribute to other than the Seven But whether it ought especially to be applied to the Seven only God knoweth and hath not fully revealed it so as it hath been received Whether the Seven Sacraments be found in any of the old Authors or not The thing of al is found but not named al Sacraments as afore  6. Whether the determinate number of seven Sacraments be a doctrin either of the scripture or the old Authors and so to be taught 6. The doctrine of Scripture is to teach the thing without numbring or naming the name Sacrament saving only Matrimony Old Authors number not precisely Twelve Articles of the Faith not numbred in Scripture ne Ten Commandments but rather one Dilectio Seven petitions Seven Deadly sinns * Then Penance is changed to a new term i. e. Absolution Of Penance I read that without it we cannot be saved after relapse but not so of Absolution And Penance to sinners is commanded but Absolution yea in open crimes is left free to the Askers †Laying of hands being an old ceremony of the Church is but a small proof of Confirmation 7. What is found in scripture of the matter nature effect and vertue of such as we cal the seven Sacraments So although the name be not in Scripture yet whether the thing be in Scripture or no and in what wise spoken 7. First of Baptism manifestly Scripture speaketh Secondly Of the holy communion manifestly Thirdly Of Matrimony manifestly 4. Of Absolution * manifestly 5. Of Bishops Priests and Deacons ordered per impositionem manuum cum Oratione expresly 6. Laying †of the Hands of the Bp. after Baptism which is a part of that is done in Confirmation is grounded in Scripture 7. Unction of the sick and prayer is grounded on scripture This answer is not direct and yet it proveth nother of the two poynts to be grounded in scripture 8. Whether Confirmation cum Chrismate of them that be baptized be found in Scripture 8. The thing of Confirmation is found in scripture though the name Confirmation is not there Of Chrisma Scripture speaketh not expressly but it hath been had in high veneration and observed since the beginning  9. Whether the Apostles lacking higher power and not having a Christen King among them made Bishops by that necessity or by authority given them of God 9. The calling naming appointment and preferment of one before another to be Bishop or Priest had a necessity to be done in that sort a Prince wanting  The Ordering appeareth taught by the holy Ghost in the Scripture per manuum impositionem cum oratione  10. Whether Bps or Priests were first And if the Priests were first then the Priest made the Bishop 10. Bishops or not after  11. Whether a Bishop hath authority to make a Priest by the Scripture or
my Lord was of Londons own hand For he that copied them out before us was a Gentleman of my L. Winchesters or to him belonging Mr. Londons Copy lying before him This appeareth that this matter was consulted before Serles can tel what the man was and so cannot I that did write them But as I now remember it was German that is German Gardner By me Iohn Willoughby Gardiners penitent letter unto the Archbishop GEntle father Whereas I have not born so good so tender a heart towards you as a true child ought to bear and as you never gave unto me occasion otherwise but rather by benefits provoked me unto the contrary I ask of you with as contrite a heart as ever did David ask of God mercy And I desire you to remember the prodigal Child Which although from his father swarving yet into favour received again to receive me although unkindly now by folly I did forsake you and not born my heart so lovingly so truly towards you as in dutifulness I should have done I am ful sorry for my fault And yet Good father be you wel assured as I opened my conscience unto you at my last communing with you that I never did bear malice against you But the greatest cause that ever occupied my heart against you and for the which I did bear my heart so little towards you was as God shall save the Soul of me that I saw so little quietness among us and so great jars in Christs religion Supposing that by your permission and sufferance which was not so as I do now perceive That it did arise unto the great grief of my conscience I condescended the sooner unto the making of the book against your Grace when I was thereunto moved by that same suggester Willoughby Where and of whom he took occasion to bring his bills unto Canterbury I know not Good father for my setting forth the same book partly by me made heartily confessing my rashness and indeliberate doings I ask of you mercy Requiring of you of your charity to impute the great fault of it unto those which ministred unto me occasion and to remit unto me my lightnes For of truth I was greatly seduced Remember Good father that our Parent was seduced and yet of God forgiven Forgive me Good father By whom I was seduced my Confession doth declare And Father if it shall please you now more of your goodness then of my deserving punishment and that sharp I have deserved to forgive unto me this my fault and unkindness You shal never hereafter perceive in me but that at al times I shal be as obedient and as true unto you as ever was child unto his natural father If otherwise at any time you find of me never trust me never do for me but utterly without al favor cast me into pain as possible is for a wretch to suffer Gentle Father ponder my grief which is at my heart not little And through your goodness remitting unto me my unkindness and granting mercy with liberty I desire your Grace to set me into ease both of heart and body I am yours aud shal be yours and that truly while I live God prosper your Grace per me William Gardiner Good father I have given my self unto you heart body and service and you have taken me unto you Now remember me that I am your true servant Another letter of Gardiner to the Archbishop MOst Honourable Prelate Due commendations premised These be to give thanks unto your Grace for that that you did yesterday so favourably as my sending for unto your presence Whom I thought that I should never pensiveness lay so sore at my heart have seen again And among al your Communications that your Grace had unto me I noted these words of highest comfort Your Grace did note that I did cal you father in my Writings you said unto me yesterday You cal me father In good faith I wil be a Father unto you indeed Words of high comfort unto me Besides this Most honorable Lord you promised that I should have a book of al Articles layd in against me to make answer unto them I beseech your Grace that I may so have For there is nothing that I have done or known to be done but if I can cal it into remembrance I wil truly open it God prosper your Grace By yours and ever shal be William Gardiner Shethers letter of Submission to the Archbishop MY duty always remembred unto your gracious Lordship I most humbly beseech the same to have compassion upon me your prisoner And for as much as I think by the Articles which Mr. Ioseph mentioned that your Grace hath not only the Articles subscribed with the Witnes hands but also other Articles Which I noted since that time as I heard by Mr. Gardiner Coxton Morice and others So that your Gracious Lordship knoweth al that ever I have heard Pleaseth it your Lordship to understand that many of those Articles last noted were of the Book that was presented to my L. of Winchester as unperfect and not proved as indeed many could never be justified as far as ever I heard And therefore my L. of Winchester sent it again as I have said in my first declaration And it was never willed to be shewed as true But Gracious Lord whether I have offended in that that I noted those Articles after that I was willed by Mr. Baker to mark the chiefest fautors of new opinions I refer it to your gracious judgment and whatsoever shal be thought as nothing can be hid nor I would should not of any my life from any of you both that I have offended in I beseech you both of your mercy and favor and to be good to me Instantly and briefly for I am loth to trouble you or to seem to mistrust your goodness desiring you to have in remembrance my weak nature and the long and solatory durance I have suffered with grievous vexation of mind And for refreshing thereof to Licence me to eat and drink at meals with company and being so nigh my chamber that I may remain in the same to the intent I may pas the time with my own Books Heartily desiring your Good Lp. that notwithstanding any thing heretofore done or how ever I have before wandred not conformably to your gracious advertisement or expectation yet Gracious Lord accept a poor heart which would gladly be received into your fatherly favor again to declare his faithful mind he hath conceived towards your Goodness upon such pity as your Gracious Lp. hath shewed and I trust now wil in his extreme need Assuring your Grace that my whole confidence and only trust is reposed in your goodness only and gentle Mr. Doctors Whose native merciful hearts as they have be declared oftentimes towards many so I most meekly beseech you both mercifully to interpretate my acts and declare your pity in releasing my sorrows as shortly as shal seem convenient to your Wisdomes
with force of armes to their natural King and Prince and say This we wil have But now leaving your rude and unhansome maner of speech to your most Soveraign Lord I wil come to the point and joyn with you in the effect of your first Article You say you wil have al the holy Decrees observed and kept But do you know what they bee The holy Decrees as I told you before be called the Bp. of Romes ordinances and lawes Which how holy and godly soever they be called they be indeed so wicked so ungodly so â—ul of tyranny and so partial that since the beginning of the world were never devised or invented the like I shal reherse a certain of them that your selves may see how holy they be and may say your minds whether you would have them kept or no. And at the hearing of them if you shal not think them meet to be kept here in this realm then you may see how they deceived you that moved you to ask this Article And if you like them and would have them kept after you know what they be then I say assuredly that you be not only wicked Papists but also Heretics and most hainous Traitors to the King and this his realm And yet how an absolute Papist varieth from an Heretick or Traitor I know not but that a Papist is also both a Heretic and a Traitor withal One Decree saith That whosoever doth not acknowledg himself to be under the obedience of the Bp. of Rome is an Heretic Now answer me to this Question Whether be you under the obedience of the Bp. of Rome or not If you say that you be under his obedience then be you Traytors by the laws of this realm And if you deny it then be you Heretics by this Decree And shift is there none to save you from treason but to renounce this Decree that commandeth you to be under the Bp. of Rome and so to confes contrary to your own first Article That al Decrees are not to be kept Yet a great many other Decrees be as evil and worse than this One saith That al Princes lawes which be against a Decree of the Bp. of Rome be void and of no strength Another Decree saith That al the Decrees of the Bp. of Rome ought for ever to be kept of al men as Gods word Another Decree there is That whosoever receiveth not the law of the Bp. of Rome availeth neither him the Catholick faith nor the four Evangelists For his sin shal never be forgiven Yet is there a worse and more detestable decree That al Kings and Princes that suffer the Bp. of Romes Decrees to be broken in any point are to be taken as Infidels Another is there also That the Bp. of Rome is bound to no maner of Decrees but he may constrain al other persons both Spiritual and Temporal to receive al his Decrees and Canons Another is yet more devilish then any before rehersed That altho the Bp. of Rome neither regard his own Salvation nor no mans else but put down with himself headlong innumerable people by heaps unto hell yet may no mortal man presume to reprove him therfore But what should I tarry and make you weary in rehersing a number For a thousand other like Canons and Decrees there be to the Advancement of the Bp. of Rome his usurped power and authority I cannot think of you that you be so far from al godliness from al wit and Discretion that you would have these Decrees observed within this Realm which be so blasphemous to God so injurious to al Princes and Realms and so far from al equity and reason But here you may easily perceive what wily foxes you met withal which persuaded you to arme your selves to make sedition in your own Country to stand against your Princes and the laws of your Realm for such Articles as you understand not and to ask you wist not what For I dare say for you that the subtil Papists when they moved you to stand in this Article that al the holy Decrees should be observed they shewed you nothing of these Decrees that they would have taken for holy Decrees For if they had they knew right wel that you would never have consented unto this Article but would have taken them for Traitors that first moved you thereto For now shal I shew you what miserable case you should bring your selves unto if the Kings Majesty should assent unto this first Article that al the Decrees should be kept and observed For among other partial Decrees made in favor of the Clergy this is one That none of the Clergy shal be called or sued before any Temporal Iudge for any maner of cause either for debt suit of lands fellony murther or for any other cause or crime Nor shal have any other Iudge but his Bp. only Another is That a Spiritual man may sue a Temporal man before a Temporal or Spiritual Iudge at his plesure but a Temporal man cannot sue a Spiritual but only before his Ordinary I cannot deny but these been good and beneficial laws for the liberty of the Clergy But for your own part I suppose you do not think it any indifferent Law that a Priest shal sue you where he list with the licence of his Ordinary and you shal sue him for no maner of cause but only before his own Ordinary Or if a Priest had slain one of your sons or brether that you should have no remedy against him but only before the Bp. What mean those Papistical priests that stirred you to ask and wil such decrees and lawes to be observed in this realm but covertly and craftily to bring you under their subjection And that you your selves ignorantly asking you wist not what should put your own heads under their girdles For surely if you had known these Decrees when you consented to this Article you would have torn the Article in pieces and they that moved you therto also For these Decrees â—e not only partial and against al equity and reason made only for the favor of the Clergy and the suppression of the Laity but also they be and ever have â—e clearly contrary to the Lawes and customes of this Realm And yet by this Article you wil have the old antient Laws and customes of this realm which have ever been used in al Kings times hitherto to be void and to cease and these Decrees to come in their place and be observed of al men and againsaid of no man For whosoever speaketh against them you wil hold them for Heretics And in so saying look what sentence you give of your selves altho your Article say it yet I am sure you be not so much enemies to your own Realm that you would have the old antient Laws and Customs of this Realm for the defence whereof al the Noble Kings of this Realm have so valiantly and so justly stand against the Bishops of Rome now to be taken
and ungodly behaviour of the ministers in Gloucestershire compellyd me to retourne except I shuld leave them behynd as far out of order as I should fynd the other to whom I am going unto I have spoken with the greatest part of the Ministers and I trust within these six dayes to end for this time with them al. For the love of God cause the Articles that the Kings majesty spake of when we toke our othes to be set forth by his autorite I dout not but they shal do mouch good For I wil cause every minister to confesse them openly before there Parisheners For subscribing privatly in the paper I perceave little avaylyeth For notwithstanding that they speak as ivel of godd faith as ever they did before they subscribyd I left not the Ministers of Gloucestershire so farre foreward when I went to London but I found the greatist part of them as farre backward at my commyng home I have a great hope of the people God send good Justices and faythful ministers in the Church and al wil be wel For lack of hede Corne so passith from hens by water that I fere mouch we shal have great scarsite this yere Doubtles men that be put in trust do not there dewties The Statute of Regrators is so usid that in many quarters of these partes it wil do little good and in some parts where as licence by the Justices wil not be grauntyd the people are mouche offendid that they shuld not as weâ— as other bagge as they were wount to do God be praisid yet al things be quiet and I trust so wil contynew Thus desiring God to contynew you long in health to his pleasure fare ye wel and for gods sake do one yâ—re as ye may be hable to do another Your health is not the surest favour iâ— as ye may and charge it not to farre Ye be wyse and comfortable for others be so for your self also I pray you let god be the end where unto ye mark in al your doyngs And if they for lack of knowledge then happen otherwyse then ye would the thing ye soughte shal partly excuse your ignorancie that may happ to mysse men in weighty afferes If ye se the meanes godd and yet ivel follow of them content your self with patience For the second cause when god wil be it never so like to bring forth the effect mysseth her purpose as ye know by Wise mens counsells that rulyd in Commune wealthes before you God geve his grace to loke alwayes upon hym and then with mercy let hym do his holy wil. Glouc. 6. Julij 1552. Yours with my dayly prayer Iohn Hoper Busshop of Worcestre To the Rt. Honorable my singular frynd Sr. William Cecill Kt. one of the Kings Majesties chiefest Secretories Another of the same Bishop to the same Person THE grace of God be with you for ever Amen I have wroten herewith long letters to the Councel yet not so long as the matter conteynyd in them doothe requyre I trust it wil be your chaunce to read them that the mater may be the better understand Ye know I am but an ivel Secretarie Do the best ye can they may be wel taken It is truth that I write and goddes cause Let god do as his blessid pleasure is with it I have send the maters that these two Canons Iohnsonne and Ioyliffe dislyke in writing Where by ye may understand what is said of both parâ—es The Disputation Mr. Harley can make trew relation of and how unreverently and proudely Ioylyffe usyd both hym and me For as mouch as my jurisdiction cessith until the Letters patent be past for both churches these shal be to praye you to optayne the Kings Majesties letters for my warrant in the mean tyme. For in case I do not at this tyme take accompt of the clergy in Worcestre and Glocestreshire how they have profityd syns my last examining of them it wil not be wel Also souch as I have made superintendents in Gloucestreshire if I commend not my self presently there wel doings and se what is ivel donne I shal not see the goodd I loke for Ah! Mr. Secretarye that there were goodd men in the Cathedral churches god then shuld have mouche more honour then he hath the Kings Majesty more obedience and the poore people better knowledg But the realme wantith light in souche churches where as of right it owght most to be I suppose ye had hard that there shuld be a great spoyle made of this church hyre For what can be so wel donne that men of light conscience cannot make by suggestion to appere ivel Doutles the things donne be no more then the express words of the Kings Majesties Injunctions commandyd to be donn And I darre saye there is not for a Churche to preach Goddes word in and to mynyster his holy Sacraments more godly within this realm But Mr. Secretarie I see mouche myschefe in mens hartes by many tokens and souch as speak very fere meanith crauftely and nothing less then they speake I have to good experience of it Thus god geve us wysdome and strength wyselye and stronglye to serve in our Vocations There is none that eatith there bread in the swet of there face but souch as serve in public Vocation Yours is wounderful but myne passith Now I perceave private labours be but playes nor private trobles but ease and quietnys God be our help Amen I pray you send me my jurisdiction assone as may be Worcestre 25 Octobris 1552. Yours and so wil be whylles I live with my prayer Iohn Hoper bushope of Worcestre Postscript When that I perceavyd my request for jurisdiction made before unto you upon further deliberation I thought it good to unrequest that againe praying you to make no mention of it and therupon wrote the letters to the Councel anew The cause is I send for a President to se the jurisdiction how it is gyven in the like state as I am Which pleasith me not Therefore goodd Mr. Secretarye let it pass til I write unto you again NUM XLIX A Popish Rhime fastned upon a Pulpit in K. Edwards reigne THis pulpit was not here set For knaves to prate in and rayl But if no man may them let Mischef wil come of them no fail If God do permit them for a tyme To brabble and ly at their wyl Yet I trust or that be prime At their fal to laughe my fill Two of the knaves already we had The third is comyng as I understand In al the yerth ther is none so bad I pray God soon ryd them out of this land Prowder knaves was ther never none So false they are that no man may them trust But if God do not send help sone They wil lay al in the dust Al christen men at us now laugh and scorne To se how they be taking of hie and lowe But the child that is yet unborn Shal them curse al on a
hear of the abolishing especially of that law that gave that title of the Supremacy of the Church in the Realm to the Crown Suspecting that to be an introduction of the Popes authority into the Realm Which they cannot gladly hear of And for this cause cannot gladly hear of my Legation in the Popes Name Wherupon her G. in the same letters doth exhort me to stay my voyage until a more opportune time And asketh my counsil in case the lower House make resistance in the renouncing of the title of Supremacy what her G. were best to do and what course she had best to take One other poynt is that her G. desireth in the same letter to be certified by me how it came to pass that a Commission given by her to Mr. Francisco Commendone in secret was published in the Consistory as her Graces Ambassador resident in Venice doth certify her These be the two points wherin her G. requireth my answer And for to obey her demand which to me is a Commandment I do send you not only to present my letters but also my mouth and with these present Instructions for more satisfaction of her G. in al points As touching the first point which is of most weight and so great touching the honor and wealth of her G. both spiritual and temporal as none can be more ye shal shew her G. that my first advise and counsil shal be to obtain of God by prayer that which I pray him to give me writing this Which is to have Spiritum Consilij Fortitudinis And this her G. must now pray for that as in the attaining the Crown his high providence shewed by manifest tokens to have given her these two graces so in the maintaining therof he wil confirm these two gifts in her mind Her Highnes knowes if she had relented at that time for any peril when that both mans counsil and force were against her she had lost So if she for any fear do relent and do not renounce the title of Supremacy which took the name of Princess and Right heire from her she cannot maintain that she hath gotten already by the spirit of Council and Fortitude So that my first counsil is this that obtaining by prayer these two gifts which her G. had at that time to shew her self no less ardent in the leaving of the title of Supremity for to maintain her right then the King her father was in the acquisition therof to the privation of her right Which so much more she ought to do and be more fervent in this then her Father was in that Because that was done against al law both of God and man and this that her Majesty doth now shewing her self most fervent herein doth fulfil both Gods law and mans And that is her very duty if she should loose both state and life withal As she hath known she ought to do by the example of the best men of her realm Which for this cause resisting the Kings unlawful lawes lost both And now the goodnes of God putting no such hard conditions to her G. nor laying afore her eyes only Praemia futura with loss of temporal as he did to those men but praemia coelestia with terrena joyned together That serving to the honor of God which is in this poynt to render the title of Supremacy of the church in earth to whom God hath given it she doth establish her own Crown withal If now she should relent herein for any fear of men being brought to that state that other men should rather fear her then she them especially in so good a cause this afore God and men were most perpetually to be blamed Wherfore what my Counsil is herein on this maner now rehersed you may inform her Highnes Now to come to the execution of the thing After her G. is determined to have it done casting away al fear the same stondeth to have it put forth and causing it to pass by the Parlament this is another council necessarily to be pondered Consisting the whole after my opinion in the proponement of the person that hath to put forth the same that with les difficulty and more favour it may pass Here ye may say that I much pondering the same and considering that it must be a person of Authority that should propone the same if it should take effect When I look in my mind upon al them I know of the Lords both Spiritual and Temporal and persons of the Lower House that might have authority I do see none but that other he hath defended the contrary cause by his Sentence and writing as the Spiritual men have done which taketh away a great part of authority to persuade others when men heareth them accepting that matter that aforetime they have oppugned Or else to speak of the Temporal Lords or others being al intangled with private profit enjoying goods of the Church by rejecting the authority of the same they cannot speak with that freenes of spirit as such a matter requireth Wherfore yee may conclude with her G. mine opinion herein that after long consideration hereof I see no person but one that is able with authority and also favour to propone this matter And that person is her G. her self God having brought it to her hand alone She being in this matter and al other immaculate and without blot ordered of God to defend his cause and her own withal And this ye may say the Counsil that it pleased God to put in my mind is that her G. do in this case as I remember the Emperor did in his own case passing by Rome wheras his mind was to justify his quarrel touching the war betwixt him and the French king afore the Pope and the Cardinals When doubting if onye other person should propose the same it might have contradiction of that party that did favor France he determined without any conference either with his Councel or others to put forth the matter himself And so when nother the Pope nor no other looked for any such thing his Holines and the Cardinals being now congregate he entred in among them in the Consistory and made a long Oration in justifying his cause and obtained that he would without any resistance Underneath this maner my poor advise should be that her Majesty should personally come into the Parlament and put forth the same her self and I dare be bold to say what for her authority and the justnes and the equity of the cause it self she shal have no contradiction And if need were also to shew her self to the Lower house the thing it self so neer toucheth her wealth both godly and temporally that it would be taken rather cum applausu then otherwise Further and jointly with this it shal be necessary her highnes make mention of the Popes Legate in my person to be admitted and sent for Wherin her G. hath this first to entreat that the law of my banishment may be abolished and
our greatest cros may be to be absent from him and strangers from our home and that we may godly contend more and more to please him Amen c. As for your parts in that it is commonly thought your staff standeth next the door â—ee have the more cause to rejoyce and be glad as they which shal come to their fellowes under the Altar To the which Society God with you bring me also in his mercy when it shall be his good plesure I have received many good things from you my good Lord Master and dear Father N. Ridley Fruits I mean of your good labours Al which I send unto you again by this bringer Augustin Benher one thing except which he can tell I do keep upon your further plesure to be known therin And herewithal I send unto you a little treatise which I have made that you might peruse the same and not only you but also ye my other most dear and reverend Fathers in the Lord for ever to give your Approbation as ye may think good Al the prisoners here about in maner have seen it and read it and as therin they aggre with me nay rather with the truth so they are ready and wil be to signify it as they shal se you give them example The matter may be thought not so necessary as I seem to make it But yet if ye knew the great evil that is like hereafter to come to the posterity by these men as partly this bringer can signify unto you Surely then could ye not but be most willing to put hereto your helping hands The which thing that I might the more occasion you to perceive I have sent you here a writing of Harry Harts own hand Wherby ye may see how Christs glory and grace is like to loose much light if your sheep quondam be not something holpen by them that love God and are able to prove that al good is to be attributed only and wholly to Gods grace and mercy in Christ without other respects of worthines then Christs merits The effects of salvation they so mingle and confound with the cause that if it be not seen to more hurt will come by them than ever came by the Papists in as much as their life commendeth them to the world more then the Papists God is my witnes that I write not this but because I would Gods glory and the good of his peopâ—e In Free wil they are plain Papists yea Pelagians And ye know that Modicum fermenti totam Massam corrumpit They utterly contemn al learning But hereof shal this bringer show you more As to the chief captains therefore of Christs church here I complain of it unto you as truly I must do of you even unto God in the last day if ye wil not as ye can help something Vt veritas doctrinae maneat apud posteros in this behalf as ye have done on the behalf of matters expugned by the Papists God for his mercy in Christ guide you Most dearly beloved Fathers with his holy Spirit here and in al other things as most may make to his glory and the commodity of the Church Amen Al here God therfore be praised prepare themselves willingly to pledg our Captain Christ even when he wil and how he wil. By your good prayers we shal al fare the better and therefore we al pray you to cry to God for us as we God willing do and wil remember you My brethren here with me have thought it their duty to signify this need to be no less then I make it to prevent the plantations which may take root by these men Yours in the Lord Robert Ferrar Rowland Taylor Iohn Bradford Iohn Philpot. NUM LXXXIV The Prisoners for the Gospel their Declaration concerning K. Edward his Reformation To the King and Queens most excellent Majesties with their most honorable high court of Parlament WE poor Prisoners for Christs religion require your Honours in our dear Saviour Christs name earnestly now to repent for that you have consented of late to the unplaceing of so many godly lawes set furth touching the true religion of Christ before by two most Noble Kings being Father and brother to the Queens Highnes and aggreed upon by al your consents not without your great and many deliberations free and open disputations costs and paines taking in that behalf neither without great Consultations and conclusions had by the greatest learned men in the realm at Windsor Cambridg and Oxford neither without the most willing consent and allowing of the same by the whole Realm throughly So that there was not one Parish in al England that ever desired again to have the Romish Superstitions and vaine Service which is now by the Popish proud covetous clergy placed again in contempt not only of God al Heaven and al the holy ghostes lessons in the blessed Bible but also against the honors of the said two most noble Kings against your own Country fore aggreements and against al the godly consciences within this realm of England and elsewhere By reason wherof Gods great plagues must needs follow and great unquietnes of consciences besides al other persecutions and vexations of bodies and goods must needs ensue Moreover we certify your honours that since your said unplaceing of Christs true religion and true service and placing in the room therof Antichristâ— Romish Superstition heresy and idolatry al the true preachers have been removed and punished and that with such open robbery and cruelty as in Turky was never used either to their own Countrimen or to their mortal enemies This therfore our humble suit is now to your honourable estates to desire the same for al the mercies sake of our dear and only Savior Iesus Christ and for the duty you owe to your native Country and to your own souls earnestly to consider from what light to what darknes this realm is now brought and that in the weightiest chief and principal matter of Salvation of al our souls and bodies everlasting and for ever more And even so we desire you at this your assembly to seek some effectual reformation for the afore written most horrible deformation in this church of England And touching your selves we desire you in like maner that we may be called before your Honors and if we be not able both to prove and approve by the Catholic and Canonical rules of Christs true religion the church Homilies and Service set furth in the most innocent K. Edwards days and also to disallow and reprove by the same authorities the Service now set furth since his departing then we offer our bodies either to be immediately burned or else to suffer whatsoever other painful and shameful death that it shal please the King and Queens Majesties to appoint And we think this trial and probation may be now best either in the plain English tongue by Writing or otherwise by disputation in the same tongue Our Lord for his great mercy sake
requite the same I have written lettres unto my Lorde of Northumberlande declarynge unto hym the cause of my staye in the Commission which is bicause that al the gentylmen and Justices of the peace of Kent which be in commission with me be now at London Bifore whos 's comynge home if I sholde procede without them I myght perchaunce travel in vayne and take more payne than I sholde do good I have written also unto hym in the favour of Michael Angelo whose cause I pray you to helpe so moche as lieth in you The Sophy and the Turke themperor and the French kynge not moch better in religion than they rollynge the stone or turnynge the whele of fortune up and downe I pray God send us peace and quyetnes with al realmes as wel as among our selfes and to preserve the Kyngs majestie with al his councill Thus fare you wel From my howse of Forde the xx day of November Anno 1552. Your assured T. Cant. NUM CVIII Signifying his desire to have the good will of the Lord Warden his neighbour To my lovyng frende Sir William Cecill Knyght Secretary to the Kings Majestie Yeve thies AFter my harty commendations and thanks for your letters ther is no man more loth to be in contention with any man than I am specially with my Lorde Warden my nere neighbour dwellynge both in one contray and whose familier and entier frendeshippe I most desier for the quyetnes of the hole contray For the example of the rulers and heades wil the people and membres followe And as towchynge learned men I shal sende you my mynde with as moch expedition as I can which by this poste I can not do evyn in the colde snowe sittynge opon coles untyl he be gone But hartely fare you wel in the Lorde Iesus From Forde the last day of November Your Lovynge frende T. Cant. NUM CIX Desiring Cecyl to enform him of the cause of Chekes indictment To my very Lovynge frende Sir William Cecyl Knight AFter my very harty recommendâ—tions Yester nyght I harde reported that Mr. Cheke is indited I pray you hartely if you know any thynge therof to sende me knowledge and wheruppon he is indited I had grete trust that he sholde be one of them that sholde fele the Queens grete mercie and pardon as one who hath been none of the grete doers in this matier agaynst her and my trust is not yet gone excepte it be for his ernestnes in religion For the which if he suffre blâ—ssed is he of god that suffreth for his sake howsoever the worlde juge of hym For what ought we to care for the jugement of the worlde whan god absolveth us But alas if any means cowde be made for hym or for my Lorde Russel it were not to be omitted nor in any wise neglected But I am utterly destitute both of counseil in this matter and of power being in the same condemnation that they be But that onely thynge which I can do I shal not ceasse to do and that is only to pray from theym and for my selfe with al other that be now in adversity Whan I saw you at the courâ—e I wolde fayne have talked with you but I durst not nevertheless if you cowde fynde a tyme to come over to me I wolde gladly commen with you Thus fare you hartely well with my Lady your wife From Lamhith this 14 day of this month of August Your own assured T. Cant. FINIS READER MY Reverend Friend Mr. Wharton as he formerly Encouraged and Assisted me in the Foregoing History hath also further obliged me by the Perusal of it and by communicating to me his Ingenious and Learned Observations and Animadversions thereupon which do highly deserve to be made more Publick and therefore are here gladly added by me together with his Letter as a Supplement to my Book for the Reader 's Benefit To the Reverend Mr. STRYPE SIR AT the Desire of Mr. Chiswell our Common Friend I have perused your Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer not without great Satisfaction being much pleased to see the Actions of that Excellent Prelate and the Affairs of the Reformation of our Church happily begun and carried on in his Time and by his Conduct disposed in so clear a Method I have not been able to make my Observations upon it with that Exactness and Fulness which I desired and you may perhaps expect being at this time placed at a very great distance from all my Papers and Collections and not enjoying the use even of such Printed Books as would be necessary to this Design So that I have been forced to pass by very many Places of your History wherein I have suspected some Error to have been committed but could not either confirm or remove my Suspicion for want of farther present Evidence However I have noted several Places which at first Reading appeared Suspicious and after farther Consideration were judged Erroneous by me altho even in some of those Places I have only Pointed at the Error not being able always to rectify it without the Assistance of Books and Papers whereof I am now wholly destitute Be pleased to accept of my Performance herein with that Candor wherewith I read your Book and made the following Observations since I willingly profess That the commission of Errors in writing any History especially of times past being altogether unavoidable ought not to detract from the Credit of the History or Merit of the Historian unless it be accompanied with Immoderate Ostentation or Vnhandsome Reflections upon the Errors of others from which Imputation that Indifference and Candor which appear throughout your whole Work wholly exempt you altho no History of those Matters or Times which I have seen be wrote with equal Exactness PAGE 16. Line 4. It is the sense of an Ingenious and Learned Friend of mine That the pretended Martyr Thomas Becket tho he died in Vindication of the Privileges of the Church yet he was the First Betrayer of the Rights of his See viz. of Canterbury He made the greatest Breach upon the Authority of the Primacy of Canterbury by resigning the Archbishoprick into the Pope's hands and receiving it again from him as the Pope's Donation Thomas Becket was not the First nor the Chief Betrayer of the Rights of the See of Canterbury The first and greatest Breach upon the Authority of the Primacy of that See was made by his Predecessor William de Corboil Thirty seven years before who after he had been fully Invested in the Archbishoprick of Canterbury by due Authority solicited and accepted the Bulls of Pope Honorius conferring it upon him as by Papal Gift and other Bulls constituting him the Pope's Legate in England whereby he subjected his own See and the Church of England to the Authority of the See of Rome which were before wholly independent of it Page 21. line 21. The Twelfth Article of Cranmer's Judgment of the Unlawfulness of K. Henry's Marriage is this We think that
Act Anno 1550. LX. 152 Ibid. Peter Martyr to Bucer Concerning their Review of the Book of Common Prayâ—r LXI 154 MSS. SirW H The Archbishops Letter to procure Wolf the Printer a licence to publish his â—ook LXII 156 Foxij MSS. Articles whereunto William Phelps Pastor and Curate of Ciciter upon good advisement and deliberation after better knowledg given by Gods grace hath subscribed LXIII Ibid. MSS. SirW H The Archbishop to the Lords of the Councel concerning the Book of Articles of Religion LXIV 158 Ibid. The Archbishop nominates certain Persons for an Irish Archbishoprick LXV 159 Ibid. The Archbishop to Sir Will. Cecyl that Mr. Turner intended for the Archbishopric of Armagh was come up to Court LXVI 160 Ibid. The Archbishop to the same Wherin he justifies himself and the rest of the Bishops aâ—ainst the charge of Covetousness LXVII 161 Ibid. Purchases made by the Archbishop Extracted out of K. Edwards Book of Sales LXVIII 162 MSS. D. Wil. Petyt An Instrument of the Council Swearing and subscribing to the Succession as limited by the King LXVIII 163 Ibid. The Kings own Writing directing the Succession  164 MSS. SirW H A Letter of Q. Janes Council to the L. Rich L. Lieutenant of the County of Essex LXIX 164 Foxij MSS. Q. Jane to Sir John Bridges and Sir Nicolas Poyntz to raise forces against a Rising in Bucks LXX 165 Number Page Place The Counsillors of Q. Jane their Letter to the Lady Mary acknowledging her Queen LXXI 166 MSS. Sir W.H. The Archbishop to Mrs. Wilkinson persuading her to flee LXXII Ibid. Foxes Acts. The Words and Sayings of John Duke of Northumberland spoken by him unto the people at the Tower Hil of London on Tuesday in the forenoon being 22th of August immediately before his Death LXXIII 167 Titus B. 2. Archbishop Cranmers Letter to the Queen suing for his Pardon in the Lady Janes business LXXIV 169 Letters of the Mâ—rt Cardinal Poles Instructions for his Messenger to Queen Mary LXXV 170 Titus B. 2. The Form of the Restitution of a married Priest LXXV †179 Regist. Eccl. Christ. Cant. John Foxes Letter to the Parlament against reviving the Act of the Six Articles LXXVI 181 Foxij MSS. An Instrument of the Vniversity of Cambridg appointing certain of their Members to repair to Oxford to dispute with Cranmer Ridley and Latimer there LXXVII 182 Ibid. The Vniversity of Cambridge to that of Oxford relating to the former matter LXXVIII 184 Ibid. Cranmers Letter to the Queens Council after his Disputation at Oxon. LXXIX 186 Foxes Acts. The Lord Legates Commission to the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury Deputing them to Absolve and Dispense with the Clergy in his stead and Absolve the Laity LXXX 187 Registr Eccl. Cant. The Lord Legates Instructions to the Bishops in the performing of his Orders about Absolving their Clergy and Laity LXXXI 190 Ibid. An Italian to his Friend concerning Cardinal Pole LXXXII 192 Balci Cent. Bradford to Cranmer Ridley and Latimer concerning the Freewillers about 1554. LXXXIII 195 Martyrs Letters The Prisoners for the Gospel their Declaration concerning K Edward his Reformation LXXXIV 196 Foxij MSS. John Fox to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Q. Maries time relating to the Persecution LXXXV 197 Ibid. Dr. Ridley late Biâ—hop of London to West formerly his Steward who had complied with the Romish Religion LXXXVI 200 Ibid. John Hopton Bishop of Norwich to the Earl of Sussex giving account of the joy conceived and Te Deum sung for the News of the Queens being brought to bed of a Noble Prince LXXXVII 203 Tit. B. 2. A Proposition in the Convocation against Residence With reasons for the said Propositions and Remedies against Non-Residence LXXXVIII 204 C. C. C. C. MSS. Pole Cardinal Legate to Archbishop Cranmer in answer to the Letter he had sent to the Queen LXXXIX 206 Foxij MSS. Place  Number Page MSS Sir W H Archbishop Parker to the Secretary desiring the Councels Letters in order to his discovering certain Writings of Archbishop Cranmer XC 217 Ibid. Dr. William Mouse Master of Trinity Hal in Cambridg his Letter of Thanks to Secretary Cecyl XCI 218 Ibid. Justus Jonas to Secretary Cecyl Concerning the Miseries of Germany occasioned by the Interim and that he might receive the Kings intended Muniâ—icence XCII 2â—9 Ibid. Miles Wilson to Secretary Cecyl lamenting the Spoiles of Schools Benefices and Hospitals To which are added his Arguments against this Sacrilege XCIII 220 Ibid. Peter Martyr to James Haddon To procure a Licence from the Court for one of his Auditâ—rs named Hugh Kirk of Magdalen College Oxon to preach XCIV 227 Ibid. Peter Martyr to Secretary Cecyl That one who officiated in Dr. Westons place might receive the Stipend detained from him XCV 228 Ibid. John Sleidan to Secretary Cecyl Advices of the State of Affairs in Germany XCVI 229 Ibid. Sleidan to the same More Advices from Germany Desires a Patent for his Stipend granted him by K. Edward VI. XCVII 230 Ibid. Sleidan to the same Intelligences concerning the Motions of the Emperor and the State of the Protestant Princes XCVIII 231 Ibid. Sleidan to the same Advices of the State of the Empire XCIX 232 Ibid. Sleidan to Sir John Cheke and Sir William Cecyl Concerning his Commentaries which he had sent to K. Edward Desires them to send him an exact Information of the Business between K. Henry and Pope Clement His resolution of continuing his Commentaries and of Writing the History of the Council of Trent C. 234 Ibid. Sleidan to Sir William Cecyl Concerning the Affairs of Germany and particularly of the Council of Trent CI. 236 Ibid. â—artin Bucer to the Secretary for the speeding of Sleidans business CII 238 Ibid. Ralph Morice the Archbishops Secretary his supplication to Q. Elizabeth for Prior Wilbore's Pension lately deceased CIII 239  A Prologue or Preface made by Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterbury to the Holy Bible CIV 241 Number Page Place Bucer and other Learned Strangers from Lambeth to Cecyl To prefer the Petition of some poor French Protestants to the Protector CV 250 MSS. Sir W.H. The Archbishop to the Secretary Concerning a French man that desired a Patent to translate the Common prayer into French and print it CVI. Ibid. Ibid. The Archbishop to the same Mention of Letters sent by the Archbishop to the Duke of Northumberland Excusing his not proceding in a Commission His Reflexion upon the News CVII 251 Ibid. The Archbishop to the same Signifying his Desire to have the good Wil of the Lord Warden his Neighbour CVIII 252 Ibid. The Archbishop to the same Desiring Cecyl to enform him of the Cause of Chekes Indictment CIX Ibid. Ibid. The End of the Table of Letters c. BOOKS Printed for RICHARD CHISWELL CEnsura Celebriorum Authorum sive Tractatus in quo Varia Virorum Doctorum de Claris. Cujusque Seculi Scriptoribus Iudicia Traduntur Unde Facilimo Negotio Lector Dignoscere qucat quid in singulis quibusque
their Clients Causes It was urged also that it was a great discouragement to young Men in studying the Law when there is so little prospect of Benefit thereby Lastly That it was contrary to the Civil and Canon Law that permits any Man to be Proctor for another a few excepted But this Paper notably enough written may be read at large in the Appendix And so I leave the Reader to judg of the Expediency of this Order of the Arch-bishop by weighing the Arch-bishop's Reasons with these last mentioned Surely this his Act deserved commendation for his good Intentions thereby though some lesser Inconveniences attended which no doubt he had also well considered before he proceeded to do what he did When Queen Ann on May the 2 d was sent to the Tower by a sudden Jealousy of the King her Husband The next day the Arch-bishop extreamly troubled at it struck in with many good Words with the King on her behalf in form of a Letter of Consolation to him yet wisely making no Apology for her but acknowledging how divers of the Lords had told him of certain of her Faults which he said he was sorry to hear And concluded desiring that the King would however continue his Love to the Gospel lest it should be thought that it was for her sake only that he had favoured it Being in the Tower there arose up new Matter against Queen Ann namely concerning some lawful Impediment of her Marriage with the King and that was thought to be a Pre-Contract between her and the Earl of Northumberland Whereupon the Arch-bishops of Canterbury and York were made Commissioners to examine this Matter And she being before the Arch-bishop of Canterbury confessed certain just true and lawful Impediments as the Act in the 26 of Hen. VIII expresseth it but not mentioning what they were So that by that Act the said Marriage is declared never to have been good nor consonant to the Laws Yet the Earl of Northumberland being examined upon Oath before both the Arch-bishops denied it Upon the Truth of which he received also the Blessed Sacrament And the Lord Herbert saw an Original Letter to Secretary Crumwel to the same import But her Confession of it so far prevailed with the King that he would be divorced from her and with our Arch-bishop that he performed it by due Order and Process of Law And an Act passed that the Marriage between the King and Queen Ann was null and void and the Issue illegitimate The Arch-bishop granted a Licence dated Iuly the 24 th with the full Consent of Richard Withipol Vicar of Walthamstow in Essex to George Monoux Alderman of London and Thomas his Son to have the Sacrament administred in his Chappel or Oratory in his House De Moones now a Farm near Higham-hill in the said Parish of VValthamstow Indulging therein to the Wife of the said Thomas to be purified or churched in the same Chappel I the rather mention this that it may serve to recal the Memory of that pious and charitable Citizen and Draper Sir Geo. Monoux who built the fair Steeple of that Parish-Church and allowed a Salary for ever for ringing the great Bell at a certain Hour in the Night and Morning the Winter half Year He built also the North Isle of the said Church in the Glass-windows whereof is yet remaining his Coat of Arms. In the Chancel his Body was interred under a fair Altar-Monument yet standing In the Church-yard he founded an Hospital and Free-School and very liberally endowed it though now the Endowments are sadly diminished He also made a Causeway over Walthamstow-Marsh to Lockbridg over the River Lee for the conveniency of Travellers from those Parts to London and left wherewith to continue and keep it in Repair but that also is lost and the Ruins now only to be seen But enough of that The Germans conceived great hope of good to befal the Church by Cranmer's Influence and Presidency in England and took their opportunities of addressing to him This Year Martin Bucer published a large Book in Folio upon the Epistle to the Romans intituled Metaphrasis Enâ—rratio and dedicated it in a long Epistle to the Arch-bishop Wherein are sundry Expressions which will shew how well known abroad the Arch-bishop was already among the Protestants and what an excellent Bishop they looked upon him to be and how fixed their Eyes were upon him for doing great things towards a Reformation in England For thus he writ in this Epistle Te omnes praedicant animo praeditum Archiepiscopo tanti sicque ad gloriam Christi comparati regni Primate digno c. That all Men proclaimed him endowed with a Mind worthy of an Arch-bishop and Primate of so great a Kingdom and so disposed to the Glory of Christ. That he had so attained to this high Estate in Christ by his spiritual Wisdom Holiness of Life and most ardent Zeal to render Christ's Glory more illustrious that gathering together the Humble and taking pity upon the Sheepfold being indeed dispersed and scattered abroad he always sought and saved that which was lost and brought back Christ's poor Sheep to his Fold and the Pastures of everlasting Life when they had been before most miserably harassed by the Servants of Superstition and the Emissaries of the Roman Tyranny And after speaking of the King 's rooting out the Usurpation of the Pope and his pretended Jurisdiction by taking to himself the Supremacy the said Learned Man excited Cranmer to a further Reformation by telling him How easy now it would be for him and the other Arch-bishops and Bishops who were endued with the Spirit and Zeal of Christ from the remainders of the Ecclesiastical Administration to retain what might contribute to the true edifying of Consciences the saving Instruction of Youth and to the just Discipline and Polity of the whole Christian People For when the Enemies were once removed out of the way there could not then happen among us any extraordinary great Concussion of Religion and Ecclesiastical Discipline or any dashing one against another as among them in Germany of necessity came to pass striving so many Years for the Church of Christ against such obstinate Enemies The Consecrations this Year were these Diocesan Bishops Iune the 10 th Richard Sampson Doctor of Decrees and Dean of the King's Chappel was elected and confirmed Bishop of Chichester by Resignation of Robert Sherburn who was now very old No Consecration set down in the Register Iune William Rugg a Monk was consecrated Bishop of Norwich This is omitted also if I mistake not in the Register Probably he was consecrated with Sampson Iuly the 2 d Robert Warton Abbot of Bermondsey was consecrated Bishop of S. Asaph at Lambeth by the Arch-bishop Iohn Bishop of Bangor and William Bishop of Norwich assisting Suffragan Bishops Octob. 20. William More B. D. consecrated Suffragan of Colchester by Iohn Bishop of
que si j'avois moien de vousfaire de bons Services il ne tiendroit pas a m'y employer que vous n'eussiez approbation d'un meilleur vâ—uloir que je ne le puis exprimer Je vous eusse faict ces excuses plus tost ou bien remerciemens sâ—il vous plaist les tenir pour telz n'eust esté le desir que ce gentilhomme avoit de vous presenter mes letteres En quoy aussi j'appercois l'amitie que vous plaist monstrer envers moy quant ceux qui meritent bien d'avoir acces envers vous esperent estre tres bien venus par le moien de mes lettrez Cependant Monseigneur je ne cesseray de vous recommander ce qui vous est de soy assez cher precieux cest que vous procuriez tous jours mettiez poine que Dieu soit droictement honore servy Sur tout qu'il se dresse meilleur ordre en l'eglise qu'il ny est pas encore Car a ce qu'on dit il a graud faulte de doctrine pour le simple peuple Combien qu'il ne soit pas ayse de recouvrer gens propres idoines pour f ire ceste oâ—fice toutefois a ce que j'entens il y a deux grandz empeschemens ausquelz il seroit necessaire de proveoir L'un est que les revenus des Universitez qui ont esté fondez pour nourrir les escholiers sont mal d stribuez en partie Car plusieurs sont nourris de bourses qui font profession manifeste de resister a l'evangile Tant s'en fault quilz donnent esperance de maintenir ce qui aura esté la edifie a grande poine travail Le second mal est que le revenu des Cures est distraict dissipe en sorte qu'il n'y a point pour nourris gens de bien qui seroient propres a faire l'office de vrays pasteurs Et par ce moien on y mest prestres ignorans qui empâ—rte une grande confusion Car la qualité des personnes engendre un grand mespris de la parole de Dieu Et puis quant ilz auroient toute l'authorite du monde il ne leur chault guere de s'acquiter Je vous prie doncque Monseigneur pour faire tousiours advancer en mieulx la reformation luy donner fermité permanente a ce qu'elle tienne qu'il vous plaise employer toutes vos forces a la correction de cest abus Je croy bien qu'il n'a pas tenu a Vous que les choses n'ayent esté mieux reglees de prime face Mais puis qu'il est bien difficile d'avoir du primier coup un estat si bien dresse qu'il seroit a desirer il reste de tousiours insister pour parfaire avec le temps ce que est bien commencé Il ne doit pas faire mal a ceux qui tirent aujourdhuy profit du bien des eglises que les pasteurs ayent nourriture suâ—fisante veu que chascun se doit efforcer de les nourrir du sien propre quant ilz n'auroient poin de quoy du publicq Mesme ce sera leur profit de s'en acquiter Car ilz ne peuvent pas prosperer en fraudant le peuple de Dieu de la pasture spirituelle en ce qu'ilz privent les eglises de bons pasteurs Et de vostre part Monseigneur je ne doubte pas quant vous aurez fidelement traivaille a reduire ces choses en ordre que Dieu ne multiplie d'aultant pâ—us ses benedictions en vous Mais pour ce que je me tiens asseure que vous estes si bien affectionné de vous mesme qu'il nest ja besoing en faire plus longue exhortation je feray fin apres avoir supplie nostre bon Dieu qu'il luy plaise vous conduire tousiours par son esprit vous augmenter en tout bien faire que son nom soit de plus en plus glorifie par vous Ainsi Monseigneur je me recommande bien humblement a vostre bonne grace De Genesve ce 25 de Juillet 1551. Vostre tres humble Serviteur Jehan Calvin NUM LIX Sir John Cheke to Dr. Parker upon the Death of Martin Bucer I Have delivered the Universities Letters to the Kings Majesty and spoken with the Lords of the Councel and with my L. of Cant. for Mrs. Bucer I doubt not but she shal be wel and worthily considered The University hath not done so great honor to Mr. Bucer as credit and worship to themselves The which if they would continue in as they cease not to complain they might be a great deal better provided for then they think they be But now complaining outright of al other men and mending little in themselves make their friends rather for duty towards learning then for a deserâ— of the Students show their good wils to the University Howbeit if they would have sought either to recover or to increase the good opinion of men they could not have devised wherin by more duty they might worthily be commended then in following so noble a man with such testimonie of honor as the child ought to his father and the Lower to his Superior And altho I doubt not but the Kings Majesty wil provide some grave learned man to maintain Gods true learning in his University yet I think not of al learned men in al points yee shal receive Mr. Bucers like whether we consider his deepnes of knowledg his earnestnes in religion his fatherliness in life his authority in knowledg But what do I commend you to Mr. Bucer who knew him better and can praise whom ye knew trulier I would wish that that is wanting now by Mr. Bucers death they would by diligence and wisdome fulfil in themselves and that they herein praised in others labour to obtain themselves Wherof I think ye be a good stay to some unbrideled young men who have more knowledg in the tongues then experience what is comely or fit for their life to come I pray you let Mr. Bucers books and scroles unwritten be sent up and saved for the Kings Majesty that he choosing such as shal like him best may return the other without delay Except Mrs. Bucer think some other better thing to be done with them or she should think she should have loss by them if they should not be in her ordering I do not Mr. Parker forget your friendship shewed to me aforetime and am sorry no occasion serveth me to shew my good wil. But assure your selfe that as it lyeth long and taketh deep root in me so shal the time come I trust wherin ye shal understand the fruit therof the better to endure and surelier to take place Which may as wel shortly be as be deferred But good occasion is al. The Lord keep you and grant the Vniversity so much encrease of
godlines and learning as these causes may compel unwilling men to be ashamed not to do for them From Westmester 1551. Mar. 9. Your assured Joan Cheke NUM LX. Peter Martyr to Bucer concerning the Oxford Act Anno 1550. Quibus artibus instituerint Disputationem Theologicam in Comitiis Oxoniensibus S. D. AD tuas prolixas literas mihique eo nomine suavissimas brevi hac mea Epistola rescribo partim quod Tabellarius citius reditum aggressus est quà m ego speraveram partim quod res de qua me vis cogitare non est praecipitanda sed potius quà m diligentissimo examine opus habet Curabo itaque ut quà m primum si certus homo cui rectè possim literas dare se offerret quid ea de re sentio rescribam Gaudeo itaque vehementer Disputationes istas hunc habuisse successum quem sua Providentia Deus illas habere voluit Vix enim mihi polliceor cum non adessent Visitatores aut ulli graves Judices potuisse magnum fructum ex illis vel ad Scholam vel ad Ecclesiam redire Non quasi de viribus donÃsque tibi divinitus collatis quicquam dubitem aut bonitati causae diffidem sed quod istorum consilium videam Satis est illis pugnâsse Qui postea mendacia spargunt Nunquam desunt Et Diabolus omnia curat efferri per sua membra honorificentissimè amplificari Quare non miror si Christus ab initio disputationes Apostolicas miraculis confirmavit Utinam quandoque dignet istos obfirmatos suaque cordis duritie gehennae addictos eâdem potentiâ coercere qua per Paulum Elymam Magum repressit quando non possunt alia ratione adduci ut veritatem instar Magorum Pharaonis non oppugnent suis praestigijs offuscare nitantur Quid mihi acciderit in nostris Comitijs paucis accipe Sunt creati Baccalaurei Theologioe quos ego de more praesentavi Cumque illis ut fit disputandum esset publicè Respondentem Papistam constituerunt Opponentes item Papistas quaestionemque disputandam maximo silentio suppresserunt cum soli eam inter se communicassent Totámque id fiebat ne illam ego possim cognoscere Cumque ad eam publicandam exstimularentur dicebant ad me non pertinere Satis esse ut eam disputaturi inter se nossent Denique pridie ejus diei quo disputandum erat post meridiem secunda hora ut arbitror questionem publicarunt ad valvas Templi affixerunt Volebant autem defendere suam beatam Transubstantiationem atque corporis Christi impanationem Utque me Arbitrum recluderent alium ut loquuntur patrem sibi deligunt Doctorem Chedzeum Ibi Opponentes omnia mea produxissent argumenta Respondens ut visum esset diluisseâ— Opponentes se dixissent esse contentos allata solutione Pater loco meo suppositus omnia vehementer approbasset Mihi vero ea die aut nullus locus dicendi datus esset Nam postremae omnium ad noctem istae disputationes habendae erant postquam Jurisperiti suas partes egissent Nam illi Doctorem ea die inaugurabant Aut siquid mihi dicere licuisset in ipsa fermè nocte dicendum erat omnibus jam Auditoribus fessis abeuntibus Comitia soluta fuissent undique victoriam conclamassent quasi suam causam Oxonij pulcherrimè defendissent Fuâ—tque tanta hominum turba in his Comitijs ut vix credi possit Quotquot enim poterant undique literis acciverant Aderant inter alios Capellanus ut vocant Wintoniensis Doctor Seton Capellanus Episcopî Dunelmensis Istae sunt Adversariorum technae His fraudibus pugnare volunt Sed nescio quo modo ex insperato noster Vicecancellarius sive quod timuerit aliquam turbam sive aliqua alia de causa quae me latet interdixit ne illa die Theologi disputarent Ego aderam paratus in arena consilium capere fretus Domini auxilio quod in eo articulo maximae necessitatis os linguam esset daturus Haec ideo scripsi ut nostrorum Antagonistarum artes intelligas nequid ab ijs simplici animo fieri credas Fuit eo tempore hic mecum vester Vicecancellarius afflicta valetudine visus tamen est nonnihil recreari De te multum locuti sumus ille inter alia sibi pollicebatur quod si per valetudinem ei licuisset Cantabrigiae esse cum illa inter te Yungum acciderunt potuisset illum hominem facile ad modestius agendum adducere Cupio illum restitutum cum tibi ut video optimè velit Religionem candide amplectatur Uxor mea Deo gratia convaluit quod mihi commodum est jucundissimum quod ita tibi sit gratum ut scribis ingentes ago gratias Agnetem tuam Nicolaúmque salutes tuum illum Socium qui nobiscum fuit meo uxoris Iulij nomine qui omnes unà cum Domino Subdecano Domino Carowo te cumprimis magna salute impertiunt 20 Septembr 1550. Oxonij Tuus in Christo Petrus Martyr NUM LXI Peter Martyr to Bucer Concerning their review of the book of Common-Prayer Censura a libri Communium Precum S. D. Hoc tempore nil mihi potuit aut optatius aut jucundius evenire quà m ut censuram tuam viderem librorum sacrorum Quare quod eam ad me dignatus sis mittere gratias immortales ago Jam rogatus sueram ut ipse quoque annotarem quodnam mihi de eo videretur Et cum propter ignotam mihi linguam fuisset data Versio D. Cheeki legenda ut potui de ea colligere annotavi quae digna correctione visa erant Sed quia in versione mihi tradita complura deerant ideò multa praeterij de quibus in meis Annotationibus nihil dixi Haec deinde cum de tuo scripto deprehendissem in ejusmodi libro contineri mihi doluit quod jam ante duos aut tres dies meam Censuram Reverendissimo qui me pro ea urgebat attulissem Caeterùm hoc demum remedium adhibui Quae de tuo scripto cognovi defuisse in meo libro summatim collegi cum eadem quae tu reprehendisti mihi quoque non ferenda viderentur ea in breves articulos redegi exposuique Reverendissimo qui jam sciebat haec ad D. Episcopum Eliensem te scripsisse me in his omnibus capitibus quae illi offerebam in articulis notata consentire tecum ut mutarentur In prioribus autem Adnotationibus omnia fermè quae te offenderunt a me fuerant adnotata Exemplum quidem ad te nunc mitterem sed non habeo ita descriptum ut illud possis legere Tantùm sum miratus quomodo praeterieris de Communione aegrotorum id reprehendere quod statutum est si eo die fiat quo in Dominico habetur coena Domini tum Minister partem ciborum