decay the which I rather mention because it is within your Province The more is taken away from the King's Clergy the more accrews to the Pope's and the Servitors and Undertakers who should be Instruments for settling a Church do hereby advance their Rents and make the Church poor In a word in all Consultations which concern the Church not the Advice of sages but of young Counsellors is followed With all particulars the Agents whom we have sent over will fully acquaint you to whom I rest assured your Lordship will afford your Countenance and best Assistance And my good Lord now remember that you sit at the Stern not only to guide us in a right Course but to be continually in action and standing in the Watch-Tower to see that the Church receive no hurt I know my Lord's Grace of Canterbury will give his best furtherance to the Cause to whom I do not doubt but after you have fully possessed your self thereof you will address your self And so with the remembrance of my Love and Duty unto you praying for the perfect recovery of your Health I rest Your Lordship 's most true and faithful Servant to command Tho. Kilmore c. March 26. 1624. LETTER LXXXI A Letter from Mr. Tho. Davis to the most Reverend James Usher Arch-bishop of Armagh Most Reverend MAY it please your Grace upo the 8th of July past I received your Letter baring date the 12th of March from Much-Haddam and the 5th of the last Month the Copy thereof by way of Legorn whereby I perceive that my Letter of the 29th of Spetember 1624 together with the five Books of Moses in the Samaritan Character came in safety to your hands being very glad it proves so acceptable to your Lordship however find myself to have been abused by a Jew who pretends to have knowledg in that Tongue affirming to me that it contained all the Old Testament How they read those Books I have enquired having no better means of him who I perceive knows no more if so much than their Alphabet and to hear him read the first two Verses of Genesis I could not because another of those Books is not here to be had The Name of God Jehovah is pronounced by them as saith he Yehueh and the fist eight and sixth of these Letters of their Alphabet are pronounced hef chef ef the ch of the eight Letters must be pronounced deep in the throat Chef I sent to Damascus to see if I could procure the Grammer Chronicles and Calendar which your Lordship desires but could not obtain any of them there being but one poor Man of the Samaritan race left in Damascus who is not able to satisfy me in any thing you desire only he said there were certain Books in their Language pawned to a great Spahee of that City but what they contained the poor Fellow knew not The Spahee would not part with them under 200 Dollers which is 60 l. Sterling so I durst not venture upon them being ignorant of their worth yet I will not cease labouring as occasion shall serve to give satisfaction to your Grace in what you require touching the Samaritans and I hope to prevail in some things unless the Troubles in and about Jerusalem do hinder the free passage of Caravans this ensuing Spring A former Letter which it seems your Lordship writ and sentaway by Marcelles I never received but as for the Old Testament in the Chaldean Tongue my diligence hath not wanted to procure and to this end sent divers times to Tripoly and Mount Libanus but could not prevail I have seen here the two first Books of Moses but examining them according to your Direction I found them to be out of the Greek whereupon I resolved to send to Emmit and Carommitt a City in Mesopotamia where divers of the Sect of the Jacobites do remain and after a long time there was sent me which I received eight days past the five Books of Moses only in an old Manuscript and according to the Hebrews with a promise ere long to send the rest of the Old Testament the Party that sent me this is the Patriarch of the Jacobites in those Parts who writ also that I should have Eusebius his Chronicle with some of the Works of Ephraem which if he do shall be sent by the first good Conveyance Those parcels of the New Testament viz. the History of the Adulterous Woman the second Epistle of St. Peter the second and third of John the Epistle of Jude with the Book of the Revelations I have procured and sent them together with the five Books of Moses and a small Tract of Eprhaem by the Ship Patience of London With the said Books I have sent another in the same Tongue which I humbly present your Grace if it shall yeild any matter worthy your reading I have obtained my desire however it may prove I presume it will be accepted as a Token of his Love who will ever be ready in what he can to observe and effect what your Lordship shall command him I have sought the Old Testament in that Tongue which is out of the Greek and distinguished by certain Marks and Stars but I cannot hear of any such From Emmit I hope to have some good News to write your Lordship and to send you a Catalogue of such Books as be here to be had When this Book which I now send shall be received I beseech your Grace to give your Secretary order to advise me thereof in the mean time if any of the Books you desire shall be brought or sent unto me I will not let them go for a small matter more or less such Books are very rare and esteemed as Jewels by the Owners tho they know not how to use them neither will they part with them but at dear rates especially to Strangers who they presume would not seek after them except they were of good worth and indeed they give a kind of superstitious Reverence to all Antiquity Thus have I related my proceedings and what intend to do in what your Lordship writes for and I should be very glad to accomplish your desire but I presume my willing and ready mind shall be accepted Here is News from Bagdat that the Vizier with the Army have been thereabouts now three Months past but have done little worthy so great a force and now for 70 or 80 days have besieged Bagdat but can do no good upon it The Persians have made divers Sallies out of the City and after a small Skirmish returned giving the Turks the worst the King of Persia if report be true draws all his Forces that way but rather to fear the Turk than encounter him unless by some Stratagem wherein he hath the advantage of the Turks the sequel and issue of this War we expect and greatly desire in this place the rather because our Trade depends much thereupon There hath of late happened some Troubles about Jerusalem by the
A Letter from Mr. William Eyres to Mr. James Usher afterward Arch-Bishop of Armagh Clarissimo Viro ac amico suo singulari Dom. Jacobo Usher sacrae Theologiae Professori eximio Guil. Eyre salutem in Christo. Cùm multis aliis nominibus clarissime charissiméque Usher metibi oboeratum esse lubens agnoscam tum postremùm pro libro quem superiore anno abs te dono accepi intelligo historicam tuam explicationem gravissimae questionis cujus tertiam partem multi sat scio avide desiderant expectant certe omnes qui Orthodoxam fidem amplexantur pro utilissimo hoc opere tuo multùm tibi debent Beasti me hoc munere ut non dicam quanti aestimo atque praeterea animum addidisti ad antiquitatis studia intermissa in quibus infantiam meam agnosco jam hospes plane fui in iisdem praesertim perquinquennium quo hic Colestriae assiduis ad populum concionibus distentus fuerim Gratulor tibi purpuram si verus sit rumor nobis etiam ipsis Vitam Valetudinem tuam gratulari debeo propter tristem rumorem de morte tua apud nos sparsum cura quaeso Valetudinem ac si me audies minùs frequens eris post reditum tuum in Angliam quem expectamus quà m olim fueris Londini concionibus ne ardor tuus citiùs quà m cupimus languescat Tu quidem ipsissimos antiquitatis fontes reconditos thesauros apperuisti limatissimo judicio Veritatem collegisti quam scioli nonnulli ex Foxii Martyrologio aliisque id genus rivulis tantum derivatum à te affirmare non dubitârunt Hoc forsan in proxima operis editione vel saltem in ejusdem proxima parte praeoccupare juvabit Sed in tanta re minimè opus esse consilio existimo Atque de his rebus si nobis tam liceat esse fortunatis in Angliâ reverentiam vestram alloqui speramus Aliquoties Domino nostro Domino Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi Academiae vestrae Cancellario officium meum praesentare soleo quod si aliquid sit vobis negotii apud illum quod mea tenuitas expedire possit nec mihi nec meis parcere decrevi sed facilè intelligo paratissimos vos habere Londini quorum opera uti liceat hoc tantum amoris Officii mei erga vos Collegium vestrum Gratiâ calamo incidebat Deus opt max. clementissimus in Christo Pater vos omnes omni benedictionum genere cumulatissimos reddat per Dominum nostrum Jesum Amen Guil. Eyre Colcestriae 29. die Aprilis 1615. LETTER XVI A Letter from Mr. H. Briggs professor of Astronomy at Gresham College to Mr. James Usher late Arch-Bishop of Armagh Salutem in Christo. Good Sir MR. Carew shewed me your Letter written to Mr. Smith of Lincolns-Inn whose Death I perceive even we which did not know him have much cause to lament wherein you mention me and a Letter which formerly you Writ to me which never came to my hands But to the point which here you repeat I cannot tell how to meet with that part of Theon his Commentary upon Ptolomoeus his magna constructio I have it in Greek but there I have no hope to find that thing either explained or recorded There is in Christman upon Alfraganus which I suppose you have in his Treatise de connexione annorum pag. 306. and in other places mention of oera Philippica which Kabasilla maketh the same with à morte Alexandri but the Arabs ignorantly confound Philip and Alexander and Alexander and Nicanor making oeram Alexandrinam Seleucidarum 12 years and 325 days later than oera Philippica But I am out of mine element and I do not doubt but you have these things better known than I can But I shall most gladly do any thing I can according to your direction Concerning Eclipses which my Coufien Midgeley putteth me in mind of from you for whom I heartily thank you and for all your other kindnesses Mullerus in his Phris Tabulis hath mightily discouraged me for he hath weakned the Prutenicks my Foundation in three places of his Book at least yet hath not either helped it or shewed the fault in particular that others might seek remedy I have seriously set upon it but these difficulties and other straitness of time and weight of other easier and more proper business have sore against my will forced me to lay it aside as yet till I can find better leisure and then I hope still to do somewhat Napper Lord of Markinston hath set my Head and Hands a Work with his new and admirable Logarithms I hope to see him this Summer if it please God for I never saw Book which pleased me better or made me more wonder I purpose to discourse with him concerning Eclipses for what is there which we may not hope for at his hands Paulus Middleb is at pawn as I hear and the other Book likewise but I have somuch as I can in Mr. Crawshaw's absence had care to have them kept I pray you if you see Mr. Widdows commend me heartily to him We have here long expected him Thus desiring the Almighty ever to bless and prosper you referring all news c. to Mr. Egerton's report I take my leave from Gresham House this 10th of March 1615. Yours ever to his Power in the Lord H. Briggs Let me I pray put you in mind de pres numero Officio I set it here that you may the more seriously remember it LETTER XVII A Letter from the most Reverend Tobias Mathews Arch-Bishop of York to James Usher late Arch-Bishop of Armagh Salutem in Christo Jesu HAving oftentimes wished occasion to Write unto you since the publication of that your Learned Work de continuâ Successione Statu Christianarum Ecclesiarum c. God now at last though long first sending so good opportunity by this honest Religious Gentleman Mr. Peregrine Towthby I can do no less than both wish and advise you to Proceed in the full performance of the same by addition of the third part according to the project of your whole Design Which last shall I hope be no less useful and beneficial to all Christian and truly Catholick Professors than the former have been and are like to be for ever And as I doubt not but you may contain the rest within the compass of no more at the most than the Volume already extant doth comprehend So do I verily perswade my self you shall therein glorifie God and edifie his People exceedingly Especially if you will but interlace or adjoyn some rather judicious than large or copious discourse of this punctual question or objection Quid de Salute Patrum Majorum nostrum c. fit statuendum whereof albeit some other good Authors have well and worthily delivered their Opinions yet you shall be sure not to lose your farther labour endeavour and determination therein For assure your self that in the Controversie de Ecclesiâ our adversaries
have shewed themselves more forward than wise in preaching publickly against this kind of Toleration I hope the great charge laid upon them by your selves in the Parliament wherein that Statute was inacted will plead their excuse For there the Lords Temporal and all the Commons do in God's name earnestly require and charge all Arch-Bishops and Bishops and other Ordinaries that they shall endeavour themselves to the utmost of their knowledge that the due and true execution of this Statute may be had throughout their Diocesses and charged as they will answer it before God for such Evils and Plagues as Almighty God might justly punish his People for neglecting these good and wholesome Laws So that if in this case they had holden their Tongues they might have been censured little better than Atheists and made themselves accessary to the drawing down of God's heavy vengeance upon the People But if for these and such like Causes the former project will not be admitted we must not therefore think our selves discharged from taking farther care to provide for our safeties Other consultations must be had and other courses thought upon which need not be liable to the like exceptions Where the burden is born in common and the aid required to be given to the Prince by his Subjects that are of different judgments in Religion it stands not with the ground of common reason that such a Condition should be annexed unto the Gift as must of necessity deter the one Party from giving at all upon such terms as are repugnant to their Consciences As therefore on the one side if we desire that the Recusants should joyn with us in granting a common aid we should not put in the Condition of executing the Statute which we are sure they would not yield unto so on the other side if they will have us to joyn with them in the like Contribution they should not require the Condition of suspending the Statute to be added which we in Conscience cannot yield unto The way will be then freely to grant unto his Majesty what we give without all manner of Condition that may seem unequal unto any side and to refer unto his own Sacred Breast how far he will be pleased to extend or abridge his favours of whose Lenity in forbearing the executing of the Statute our Recusants have found such experience that they cannot expect a greater liberty by giving any thing that is demanded than now already they do freely enjoy As for the fear that this voluntary Contribution may in time be made a matter of necessity and imposed as a perpetual charge upon Posterity it may easily be holpen with such a clause as we find added in the Grant of an aid made by the Pope's Council Anno 11 Hen. 3. out of the Ecclesiastical profits of this Land Quod non debet trahi in consuetudinem of which kinds of Grants many other Examples of later memory might be produced And as for the proportion of the Sum which you thought to be so great in the former Proposition it is my Lord's desire that you should signifie unto him what you think you are well able to bear and what your selves will be content voluntarily to proffer To alledge as you have done that you are not able to bear so great a charge as was demanded may stand with some reason but to plead an unability to give any thing at all is neither agreeable to Reason or Duty You say you are ready to serve the King as your Ancestors did heretofore with your Bodies and Lives as if the supply of the King's wants with monies were a thing unknown to our Fore-fathers But if you will search the Pipe-Rolls you shall find the names of those who contributed to King Henry the Third for a matter that did less concern the Subjects of this Kingdom than the help that is now demanded namely for the marrying of his Sister to the Emperour In the Records of the same King kept in England we find his Letters Patents directed hither into Ireland for levying of Money to help to pay his Debts unto Lewis the Son of the King of France In the Rolls of Gascony we find the like Letter directed by King Edward the Second unto the Gentlemen and Merchants of Ireland of whose names there is a List there set down to give him aid in his Expedition into Aquitaine and for defence of his Land which is now the thing in question We find an Ordinance likewise made in the time of Edward the Third for the personal Taxing of them that lived in England and hold Lands and Tenements in Ireland Nay in this case you must give me leave as a Divine to tell you plainly that to supply the King means for the necessary defence of your Country is not a thing left to your own discretion either to do or not to do but a matter of Duty which in Conscience you stand bound to perform The Apostle Rom. 13. having affirmed That we must be subject to the higher powers not only for wrath but for Conscience sake adds this as a reason to confirm it For for this cause you pay tribute also as if the denying such payment could not stand with a conscionable subjection thereupon he infers this conclusion Render therefore to all their due Tribute to whom Tribute Custom to whom Custom is due agreeable to that known Lesson which he had learned of our Saviour Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's and unto God the things which are God's where you may observe as to with-hold from God the things which are God's man is said to be a robber of God whereof he himself thus complaineth in the case of substracting of Tythes and Oblations So to deny a supply to Caesar of such means as are necessary for the support of his Kingdom can be accounted no less than a robbing of him of that which is his due which I wish you seriously to ponder and to think better of yielding something to this present necessity that we may not return from you an undutiful answer which may be justly displeasing to his Majesty This Speech though it had not its desired effect yet may sufficiently declare the Lord Primate's abilities in matters of Government when ever he would give his mind to them and how well he understood the present state of that Kingdom And it had been well for Ireland if his advice had been then hearken'd to since those standing Forces then moved for being to have been all Protestants would in all probability have prevented that Rebellion that some years after broke out in that Kingdom but a Copy of this Speech being desired by the Lord Deputy was transmitted to his Majesty who very well approved of it as much conducing to his Service and the publick safety It cannot now be expected in times so peaceable and quiet as these seem'd to be and in which my Lord Primate proceeded in one constant course with little
of the People to War Moses and so successively the Supreme Governor had the power of the Trumpet for that purpose Nu. 10. 2. 9. and accordingly the Duty and Oath of Allegiance binds every Subject to come in to the defence of his Sovereign against what Power soever The danger of Poverty and ruine of Estate must give way to publick respects Nor must it be provided against but in a just way in the prosecution of which Life and Goods and every thing else must be committed to the Providence of God To the Second FOr the discerning of the justness of the Cause We must not look only at the Ends pretended which though never so fair and specious do not justifie a bad Cause or unlawful Means nor at the Wickedness or Evil carriage of Instruments imployed in the prosecution which doth not conclude the Cause to be bad and unjust But we must look at the means used for such Ends and then consider the Ends whether intended by those that do pretend them By these we shall see the Cause of the adverse Party to the King is unjust For First The means they use is War maintained against their Sovereign the End pretended is the defence of Religion Laws Liberties But War made by Subjects though really intending such an End is Unjust I. It has no Warrant in Scripture but is disallowed Prov. 30. 31. No rising up against a King 1 Sam. 8. 18. No remedy left them against the Oppressions of their King but crying to the Lord. The Prophets also which bitterly reproved the Idolatrous and unjust Kings of Israel and Judah never called upon the Elders of the People by Arms to secure the Worship of God or the just Government of the Kingdom In the 13th to the Romans and the 1 Ep. 2 Cap. of Peter the same Doctrine of Passive Obedience is taught and accordingly was the Doctrine and Practice of the Primitive Christians II. Arms taken up by Subjects do invade the Power and Rights of the Sovereign For it takes from him the Sword which he is said to bear Rom. 13. 4. and so doth every Supreme Magistrate The Supreme Power being signified by bearing the Sword as the best Interpreters do affirm And as our Laws and the Oath of Supremacy do acknowlege our King the only Supreme Governor and to be vested with the Power of Arms. Now what saith the Scripture He that takes the Sword shall perish by the Sword that is He that takes and uses it without Warrant without and against his consent that bears the Sword that is Supreme Also War undertaken by Subjects invades the Rights of the Sovereign his Revenue Customs c. will not give to Caesar what is Caesar ' s. But the Scripture is very express in preserving Rights and Power entire even to the worst Princes Give unto Caesar that which is Caesar's said our Saviour when Caesar was bad enough And St. Paul bids us Render them their Due Tribute Customs Honour when the Emperours were at the worst And our Laws determine Insurrection or Levying of War to be Treason not against a Religious and just Prince only but indefinitely against any Secondly Their Pretences are taken away if we consider That the continuance of the Established Religion and Government together with a just Reformation of all Abuses and Grievances has been offered promised protested for by his Majesty But the Religion and Government of Church and State as by Law Established will not content the adverse Party however they pretend to fight for Religion and Laws I mean those of the Party which are the main contrivers of the Enterprise and those also upon whose number the main strength of the Faction rests being of such Sects for the most part as are by the Law to abjure the Land because not to be held within the bounds of any setled Government There are no question many which follow them and do really intend the advancement of Religion going after them as many did after Absalom in the simplicity of their hearts expecting a speedier course of Justice and redress of Grievances which they suffered by some evil Officers under David 2 Sam. 15. 4. 11. But for the other to whom we owe this War and who will rule and dispose all if they do prevail their end intended and driven at is the abolishing of the Publick Service and Liturgy which is Established by Law the utter taking away of Episcopal Government which has always been And for their greater security they will have the Power which by Law is his Majesty's and because these are not granted Arms are taken up by Subjects to the invading of his Majesty's Rights and Power and for the maintaining of them the Right and Liberty of Subjects are destroyed To the Third HEnce will appear what is to be Answered to the Third Query That there is Precept and Example for Passive Obedience but none for taking Arms to divert apparent Innovations The Example commonly abused to this purpose is that of the Israelites preparing to go out to War against their Brethren the 〈◊〉 and Gadâ—es for raising an Altar Jos. 22. 13. But it is altogether impertinent for those Arms are taken up and that War prepared by those that had the Supreme Power To the Fourth THe right being discovered it would tend much to the ending of this War and the restoring of our peace if the King's Subjects would rise as one Man to maintain the Right Every particular Man is bound to do it upon the Summons of his Sovereign commanding his assistance The danger and loss of Estate in discharge of Duty is but an outward Consideration and to be left to the Providence of God as was said in the first Resolution To the other part of this fourth Query Answer That necessary maintenance is due to him that lawfully bears Arms For who goeth a Warfare any time as the Apostle saith at his own charges And if the Army cannot be maintained but by free Quarter it is Lawful to receive maintenance that way though at the cost of others whose private interests must give way to the publick Indeed the abuse of free Quarter may make a Souldier guilty of the Sins here mentioned but then it is by his own wilful Transgression To the Fifth HE must in the prosecution of his Military Duty so behave himself as to observe John Baptist's rule Do violence to no man that is unjust violence for he forbids not to use force against them of the adverse Party who are in Arms ready to offer force For sparing Friends and Kindred he must be guided by Christian prudence so to do it as thereby not to endanger any present design or at large to hinder the publick Service As for the King 's Person it cannot be every where so that he must not limit his Duty and Service to the immediate defence of it but know That to serve any where in the defence of his Majesty's just Cause is to defend Him To the Sixth
IT is Lawful to fight in the Company of notorious wicked men and of a different Faith looking at the Cause whatever inordinate ends they have The Primitive Christians fought in the Company of Heathens and Idolaters under their Heathen Emperors and did by prayer obtain relief for the whole Army when it was in distress Which did also shew That God approved that their Service it being the duty they owed to their Lawful Emperors From the performance of which duty to a Sovereign the many evil Examples and occasions of Sin which the Military life abounds with cannot excuse that Subject that is justly Commanded to it But the Conscionable Souldier must commend himself to the Grace and Protection of the Almighty who is able to keep him from the dangers as of the Body so of the Soul too Remember the Examples of the good and faithful Centurion that came to our Saviour Luke 7. And of the Godly Centurion Cornelius who is approved of God Acts 10. To the Seventh FOR obeying Extrajudicial Precepts of his Majesty If they be such as command a Man to be Active in doing that which is unjust by the known Laws of the Land he yields truest Obedience that denies to fulfil such a Command Only this must not be generally pronounced as a Rule in time of War where necessity will be in many things a stronger Law than that which is fixed for a peaceable Government But if they be such Commands as make me only Passive by requiring some of my Estate upon a Loan or Tax I may not hastily square with my Sovereign by denyal and standing out For any Man as he may recede from his right and that which is his own so ought he not to contest with his Sovereign upon matters of no very great Moment As for the Infringing of the Liberties of the Subject such Taxes or Loans or any other Extrajudicial Commands of the King must be General extending to all or most Subjects and Customary being often imposed before they can be judged so immediately to infringe the Subject's Liberty as to make a Subject think he is bound to deny To the Last TO yield to Martialists quartered upon him if they be the King 's he is bound in duty if of the Rebels he is directed by prudence to yield unto it when they can by force command it About this time he also preached before the King on a Fast day the Text 2 Chron. 7. 14. If my people which are called by my name shall humble themselves and pray and seek my face and turn from their wicked ways Then will I hear from Heaven and will forgive their Sin and will heal their Land In this Sermon among other things suitable to the occasion he had this remarkable passage viz. The casting of our Eyes upon other mens sins more than upon our own makes us to esteem the things we suffer to be the injuries of men and not the punishments of God When the outward senses fail we take it to be a sign of approaching death and so when we are given over to have Eyes and see not Ears and hear not it is an argument of decaying Souls For as no Prayers or Fastings in the World can sanctifie a Rebellion nor tempt God to own an unjust party so neither will a good cause alone justifie us any more than a true Religion without practice we must first do our duties otherwise neither the one nor the other will do us any good with many other things against that looseness and debauch'dness of manners which he had observed in too many who believed that the being of the right side would atone for all other faults Thus he neither spared or flattered any when his duty required him to speak the truth and to reprove those sins that were most scandalous at that time and place He would also tell them in conversation that such actions would frustrate all our hopes of success for how could they expect that God should bless their Arms whilst they were fighting against him Nor was he less severe against the actions of the then Rebellious Houses against his Majesty and declared against the War they made as wicked and of fatal Consequence and which cast an irreparable scandal upon the Reformed Religion so that they thereby rendered themselves liable to the Censures of the Church that might justly have been pronounced against them And during the Treaty of Peace at Uxbridge he preached likewise before the King on a Fast day upon Jam. 3. 18. The fruits of Righteousness is sown in Peace of them that make Peace Wherein he shewed from vers 16. the great evils which come of Contention Strife and War and from whence they proceed and the great happiness and blessings of Peace and wished that those then up in Arms in a Rebellious manner against their Prince would seriously consider this and speedily accept of those gracious Concessions that His Majesty then offer'd though all to no purpose for the Treaty quickly after broke off the Rebels being too stout to yield to any equal Terms and so that unhappy War for a short time suspended broke out again with greater violence never ceasing till at last it ended not only with the murder of the best of Kings but also with the loss and destruction of those very Rights and Priviledges for which these men pretended to shed so much blood And now it being given out that Oxford would soon be besieged year 1644 5 and that the King would speedily quit that place the Lord Primate was advised by his friends if it were possible to be avoided not to run that hazard and therefore having been before invited by his Son-in-law Sir Timothy Tyrrel who had married his only Daughter to come to them to Caerdiffe in Wales where the said Sir Timothy was then Governor and General of the Ordnance under the Lord Gerard Lieutenant General of his Majesty's Forces in South Wales which invitation the Lord Primate resolved to accept and so having taken leave of His Majesty he with his approbation took the opportunity of waiting upon his Highness the Prince of Wales our late Gracious Sovereign as far as Bristol and from thence he went to Caerdiffe where his Son and Daughter welcomed him with all that Joy and Affection which so good a Father after so long an absence could expect Here he staid almost a year free from the dangers of War this being a strong Garrison and well manned which invited many persons of good Quality to come thither for safety so that the Lord Primate had a good opportunity to pursue his Studies having brought many Chests of Books along with him and he now made a great progress in the first part of his Annals Whilst he was at Caerdiffe his Majesty after the fatal Battle at Naseby came into Wales to my Lord Marquess of Worcester's at Ragland and from thence to Caerdiffe where he staid some days And the Lord Primate then enjoyed the satisfaction
some of the most considerable Episcopal Clergy in and about London desired my Lord Primate that he would use his Interest with Cromwell since they heard he pretended a great respect for him that as he granted Liberty of Conscience to almost all sorts of Religions so the Episcopal Divines might have the same freedom of serving God in their private Congregations since they were not permitted the publick Churches according to the Liturgy of the Church of England and that neither the Ministers nor those that frequented that Service might be any more hindered or disturbed by his Souldiers So according to their desires he went and used his utmost endeavours with Cromwell for the taking off this restraint which was at last promised though with some difficulty that they should not be molested provided they medled not with any matters relating to his Government But when the Lord Primate went to him a second time to get this promise Ratified and put into Writing he found him under his Chyrurgeons hands who was dressing a great Boyl which he had on his Breast so Cromwell prayed the Lord Primate to sit down a little and that when he was dressed he would speak with him whilst this was a doing Cromwell said to my Lord Primate If this Core pointing to the Boyl were once out I should quickly be well to whom the good Bishop replyed I doubt the Core lies deeper there is a Core at the heart that must be taken out or else it will not be well Ah! replyed he seeming unconcerned so there is indeed and sighed But when the Lord Primate began to speak to him concerning the business he came about he answered him to this effect That he had since better considered it having advised with his Council about it and that they thought it not safe for him to grant liberty of Conscience to those sort of men who are restless and implacable Enemies to him and his Government and so he took his leave of him though with good words and outward civility The Lord Primate seeing it was in vain to urge it any farther said little more to him but returned to his Lodgings very much troubled and concerned that his endeavours had met with no better success when he was in his Chamber he said to some of his Relations and my self that came to see him This false man hath broken his word with me and refuses to perform what he promised well he will have little cause to glory in his wickedness for he will not continue long the King will return though I shall not live to see it you may The Government both in Church and State is in confusion the Papists are advancing their Projects and making such advantages as will hardly be prevented Not long after this viz. about the midle of February following he went from London to Rygate taking his last leave of his Friends and Relations who never had the happiness to see him again As soon as he came thither he set himself to finish his Chronologia Sacra which took up most of that little time he after lived he was now very Aged and though both his Body and mind were healthy and vigorous for a man of his years yet his Eye-sight was extremely decayed by his constant studying so that he could scarce see to write but at a Window and that in the Sun-shine which he constantly followed in clear days from one Window to another so that had he lived he intended to have made use of an Ammanuensis He had now frequent thoughts of his dissolution and as he was wont every year to Note in his Almanack over against the day of his Birth the year of his Age so I find this year 1655. this Note written with his own hand Now Aged 75 years My Days are full and presently after in Capital Letters RESIGNATION From which we may gather that he now thought the days of his Pilgrimage to be fulfilled and that he now wholly resigned up himself to God's Will and Pleasure Not long before his death going to Rygate I preached a Sermon there where this good Bishop was present after Church he was pleased to confer with me in private as 't was usual with him so to do and he spake to this effect I thank you for your Sermon I am going out of this World and I now desire according to you Text To seek those things which are above where Christ sitteth at the right hand of God and to be with him in Heaven of which said he we ought not to doubt if we can evidence to our selves our Conversion True Faith and Charity and live in the Exercise of those Christian Graces and Vertues with perseverance mortifying daily our inbred Corruptions renouncing all Ungodliness and worldly Lusts and he that is arrived at this habitual frame and holy course of life is the blessed and happy man and may rejoyce in hope of a glorious Eternity in the Kingdom of Heaven to receive that Inheritance given by God to those that are sanctified So that all his discourse was of Heavenly things as if his better part had been there already freed from the Body and all Terrene affections and he seemed as if he were seriously considering his Spiritual State and making ready for his departure which he now shortly expected But since it had been usual with him to insist on things of this Nature when we were together and that he was at this time in health I did not believe that his Change was so near as he presaged yet he himself had other thoughts and it proved he was not mistaken for on the 20th of March the day he fell sick after he had been most part of it as long as he had light at his Study he went from thence to visit a Gentlewoman then sick in the House giving her most excellent preparatives for death together with other holy advice for almost an hour and that in such a Heavenly manner as if like Moses upon Mount Pisgah he had then a prospect of the Celestial Canaan that Night after Supper he first complained of his hip judging it to be a touch of the Sciatica which he had many years agone next Morning early he complained of a great pain in his side a Physician being sent for prescribed what he thought convenient in that case but it could not thereby be removed but rather encreased more and more upon him which he bore with great patience for 13 or 14 hours but his strength and spirits decaying he wholly applied himself to prayer and therein had the assistance of the Countesse's Chaplain upon some abatement of the torture he advised those about him to provide for death in the time of health that then they might have nothing else to do but to dye Then taking his leave of the Countess of Peterborough by whom he had been so long and kindly entertained and giving her many thanks for all her kindness to him with excellent Spiritual Counsel as
that one would have thought that none could withstand such powerful perswasions And as this holy man was never better pleased than when he saw the grace of God manifested in any so was he never grieved at any thing more than at the great decay of sound Religion and Christian Piety which too much prevailed in those days together with the mighty encrease of both Spiritual and Fleshly Wickedness as Heresies and Schisms and unchristian Animosities with Debauchery and Prophaneness so contrary to the nature of true Christianity which had so over-run and infected this Nation during those times of Licentiousness and Confusion For these things he would frequently express his grief saying These were the sad Presages of greater miseries that will befal this Church and Kingdom and make way for Popery to which our own Divisions and wicked Lives give the greatest advantage and that these at length would prove a Scourge to the Nation if not cause the greatest blow that had been ever given to the Reformed Churches These things he spake not as pretending to Prophecy but from the then present evil Aspect of those Times And as this Religious man was always well imployed himself so he was a constant reprover of Idleness in others for he would have all men of what Degree or Quality soever still busied in some honest imployment that thereby Temptations might have the less power over them And he would often express his Pity that any who had good Natural Parts and Abilities should not imploy their Talents to better purposes than he saw too many did saying That such were no better than Drones who did nothing but devour the fruits of other mens Labours and would not be at any themselves and thought it a great shame for Persons of Quality to be brought up for the most part only in Learning how to Eat and Drink and Dress themselves and to spend their Time and Estates in luxurious Treats unnecessary Visits or which is worse in down-right Debauchery these he looked on as persons that did not only wrong to their own Souls but were a dishonour to the Nation and a scandal to the Truth of Religion and would frequently affirm that it was better to be an Idiot than such a witty but wicked man better to be an honest Clown than such a fashionable but vicious Gentleman Yet was he not so morose or severe as to disallow what were harmless diversions for he knew how useful they were in their respective Seasons but he could not endure it should become a Trade and Business as if men could find nothing else to do but to run from one vain Recreation to another till they had quite wearied themselves with their eager pursuit and so made themselves unfit for the Service of God or their own Civil concerns And as for particular Recreations he liked those best that exercised the Body without too much force or violence as walking or riding abroad or such as might relax and unbend the Mind and keep it from Melancholy or too deep a thoughtfulness on Business But as for Gaming especially for Mony he by no means could allow of it for several reasons but chiefly for that it too often administred to Passion as also to Swearing Cursing Quarrelling Cheating and not unseldom to Duelling all which arose from coveting that which was anothers so that neither Winners nor Losers were satisfied nor rarely knew when to give over in time As for his own Recreations walking was his greatest delight and at spare times he loved pleasant Conversation and innocent Mirth himself often telling Stories or relating the wise or witty sayings of other men or such things that had occurred to his own observation so that his company was always agreeable and for the most part instructive but still he would conform himself to the Genius and improvements of those he convers'd with for as with Scholars he would discourse of matters of Learning so could he condescend to those of meaner capacities But when any asked his Opinion or Advice in any points of Learning he was highly Communicative and free to impart what he knew or thought would benefit others and would first with great modesty shew them what others said upon that Subject and would after when farther pressed deliver his own thoughts thereupon Yet he was prudently cautious in delivering his Opinion when he was sifted by designing captious men whom he thought intended only to take advantage of what he should declare to them But he never declined giving his true thoughts when desired by those he thought Honest Candid and Pious and that would not make use of his Opinion to evil purposes But he could not endure that any should ridicule either Scripture or Religion or drole upon any man's private Faults or Calamities and above all things he could not suffer filthy or obscene Communication or Swearing He knew it displeased God and therefore it extremely offended him and where he could not make the persons desist from it he would presently leave the place and their company And when he could not with decency or good manners go away and though he was always very uneasie in such Conversation yet did he not always express his abhorrence of it in words nor reprove their persons when he considered it might do more hurt than good but would then hold his peace waiting for an ppportunity to do it with gentleness and by way of Advice when the persons concerned might happily be convinced he did it purely for their good and not in reproach to them And I remember once when there had happened some discourse at Table from Persons of Quality that did not please him he said nothing then seeming not to hear them but after Dinner when I waited on him into his Chamber he looked very Melancholy which I taking notice of and asking him if I might know the cause It is a sad thing said he to be forced to put one's foot under another's Table and not only to have all sorts of Company put upon him but also to be obliged to hear their follies and neither to be able to quit their company nor to reprove their intemperate Speeches If he perceived any whom he accounted truly Religious Sad and Melancholy he would often ask them why they were so and if any thing really troubled them if not he would proceed thus If you have entirely devoted your selves to the Service of God what reason have you to be Melancholy When if you will riously consider none have more cause to be cheerful than those who lead a Holy and a Vertuous Life by this your dejection you may bring an Evil Report upon Religion for people seeing you always sad will be apt to think 't is That occasions it and that you serve a hard Master whose Yoke is heavy and Commands grievous which vvill deter others and scare them from the vvays of Vertue and Piety vvhich you ought by no means to do for sincere Christians may and ought to
Arbitrary Innovations not within the compass of the Rule and Order of the Book of Common-prayer and that he did not take upon him to introduce any Rite or Ceremony upon his own Opinion of Decency till the Church had judged it so p. 147. What the Lord Primat's behaviour was in England in relation to some of these Ceremonies of lesser moment either to the peace or well-being of the Church the Lord Primat needs no Apology he having reason enough for what he did if he conformed himself no further than the Doctor would have him But to give one Instance for all of the Doctor 's want of Charity towards the Lord Primat Dr. Bernard having asserted his Conformity to the Discipline Liturgy and Articles of the Church of England and that many of those who were called Puritans received such satisfaction from him as to concur with him in the above-said particulars The Doctor immediatly makes this Remark For this says he might very well be done and yet the Men remain as unconformable to the Rules of the Church their Kneeling at the Communion only excepted as they were before Now what other Rules of the Church the Doctor means I know not since I always thought that whoever had brought over a Lay-Nonconformist to conform to the Service and Orders of the Church had done a very good work and I know not when that is done what is required more to make him a true Son of the Church of England But I shall say no more on this ungrateful Subject since I doubt not but the Lord Primat's great Esteem and Reputation is too deep rooted in the hearts of all Good Men to be at all lessened by the Doctor 's hard Reflections tho I thought I could do no less than vindicate the Memory of so pious a Prelate since many ordinary Readers who were not acquainted with this good Bishop or his Writings may think Dr. H. had cause thus to find fault with him So avoiding all invidious Reflections upon the Reverend Doctor long since deceased I shall now conclude heartily wishing that whatever he hath written or published had never done any more prejudice to that Church which he undertook to serve than any of those Writings or Opinions of the Lord Primat's which he so much finds fault with FINIS A COLLECTION Of Three Hundred LETTERS Written between the Most Reverend Father in GOD JAMES USHER Late Lord Arch-Bishop of ARMAGH and most of the Eminentest Persons for PIETY and LEARNING in his Time both in ENGLAND and beyond the SEAS Collected and Published From Original Copies under their own Hands by RICHARD PARR D. D. his Lordships Chaplain at the Time of his Death with whom the Care of all his Papers were intrusted by his Lordship LONDON Printed for NATHANAEL RANEW at the King's Arms in St. Paul's Church-Yard MDCLXXXVI THE CONTENTS LETTER I. A Letter from Mr. James Usher to Mr. Richard Stanihurst at the English Colledge in Lovain Page 1. II. A Letter from Mr. James Usher to Mr. William Eyres 2 III. A Letter from Mr. William Eyres to Mr. James Usher 3 IV. A Letter from Mr. Henry Briggs to Mr. James Usher 11 V. A Letter from Mr. Thomas Lydiat to Mr. James Usher 13 VI. A Letter from Mr. James Usher to Mr. Thomas Lydiat 14 VII A Letter from Mr. James Usher to Mr. Thomas Lydiat 15 VIII A Letter from Mr. James Usher to Dr. Challoner 16 IX A Letter from Mr. Samuel Ward to Mr. James Usher 17 X. A Letter from Mr. James Usher to Mr. Samuel Ward 18 XI A Letter from Mr. Samuel Ward to Mr James Usher 22 XII A Letter from Mr. Alexander Cook to Mr. James Usher 32 XIII A Letter from Mr. Samuel Ward to Mr. James Usher 33 XIV A Letter from Mr. Samuel Ward to Mr. James Usher 34 XV. A Letter from Mr. William Eyres to Mr. James Usher 34 XVI A Letter from Mr. Henry Briggs to Mr. James Usher 35 XVII A Letter from the Most Reverend Tobias Matthews Arch-Bishop of York to Mr. James Usher 36 XVIII A Letter from Mr. Thomas Gataker to Mr. James Usher 37 XIX A Letter from Mr. Robert Usher to Dr. James Usher 38 XX. A Letter from Mr. Thomas Lydiat to Dr. James Usher 39 XXI A Letter from Dr. James Usher to Mr. Thomas Lydiat 43 XXII A Letter from Dr. James Usher concerning the Death and Satisfaction of Christ. 46 XXIII An Answer to some Objections against the said Letter by Dr. James Usher 49 XXIV A Letter from Sr. Henry Bourgchier to Dr. James Usher 53 XXV A Letter from Mr. William Crashaw to Dr. James Usher 55 XXVI A Letter from Mr. Thomas Gataker to Dr. James Usher 56 XXVII A Letter from Mr. Thomas Lydiat to Dr. James Usher 57 XXVIII A Letter from Mr. William Eyres to Dr. James Usher 59 XXIX A Letter from Mr. James Warren to Dr. James Usher 60 XXX A Letter from Dr. James Usher to Mr. Thomas Lydiat 60 XXXI A Letter from Sr. Henry Bourgchier to Dr. James Usher 61 XXXII A Letter from Mr. William Eyres to Dr. James Usher 62 XXXIII A Letter from Dr. James Usher to Mr. William Camden 63 XXXIV A Letter from Mr. William Camden to Dr. James Usher 65 XXXV A Letter from Mr. Thomas Warren to Dr. James Usher 66 XXXVI A Letter from the Right Reverend Thomas Morton Bishop of Chester to Dr. James Usher 67 XXXVII A Letter from Mr. Samuel Ward to Dr. James Usher 67 XXXVIII A Letter from Dr. James Usher to Mr. Thomas Lydiat 68 XXXIX A Letter from Dr. James Usher 71 XL. A Letter from Mr. Edward Browncker to Dr. James Usher 72 XLI A Letter from Dr. James Usher Bishop Elect of Meath to the most Reverend Dr. Hampton Arch-Bishop of Armagh 73 XLII A Letter from the most Reverend Dr. Hampton Arch-Bishop of Armagh to the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath 75 XLIII A Letter from Mr. Thomas Gataker to the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath 76 XLIV A Letter from Sir William Boswell to the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath 77 XLV A Letter from Sir Henry Spelman to the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath 78 XLVI A Letter from Mr. John Selden to the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath 78 XLVII A Letter from Sir Robert Cotton to the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath 79 XLVIII A Letter from Sir Henry Bourgchier to the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath 80 XLIX A Letter from the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath to Mr. John Selden 81 L. A Letter from Dr. Samuel Ward to the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath 81 LI. A Letter from the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath to Oliver Lord Grandison 83 LII A Letter from the most Reverend Dr. Hampton Arch-Bishop of Armagh to the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath 84 LIII A Letter from the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath to Dr. Samuel Ward 85
Death the time whereof was uncertain as falling out in the Persians Dominions This general imputation raised as may seem upon occasion of Pontacus his Note upon Themistocles's Death in Euseb. Chron. is of no force to the shaking of this particular Truth touching Themistocles's Flight in the 2 year of the 77 Olymp. at the latest otherwise sufficiently confirmed Your self alledge no Author that sets it later and you may see that in Eusebius Chron. it is set 2 years sooner to wit in the 4th year of the 76 Olymp. at what time perhaps his trouble began upon the Arraignment and Examination of Pausanias by a manifest and notorious error of two Olympiads acknowledged also by Scaliger It is no more to be doubted that Cimon got that most Famous Persian Victory in the year that Demotion was Archon at Athens and that the same was the 39 year of the 77 Olymp. than that Pompey took Jerusalem when Cicero was Consul at Rome It is true that he there mentioneth them both in his entrance to the History of that year but so as he plainly signifieth they were obtained before that year by what he writeth Cimon the Athenians Admiral after he had taken Eione and Scyrus enterprizing greater matters returned home and encreasing his Navy and making sufficient preparation he set forwards towards Caria c. according to my interpretation of the same years Story out of Diodorus which also you saw Where also it is worth the noting That he concludes the same Story with these express words So these things were done this year And for your further satisfaction note That there being two Fountains as it were of the History and Chronology of the Persian Monarchy The one Herodotus out of the Greek Records as I guessed out of Hecatoeus Milesius his Copy having by some error of the Writer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Darius Hystaspis years the other Ctesias Artaxerxes Mnemor's Physician out of the Persians own Records Howsoever your Author Ptolemy being an Aegyptian-Greek may follow Herodotus account yet Ctesias adding to his account of years a further Advertisement of Darius his dying within a few days after the Marathonian discomfiture deserveth more credit And his meaning is more fully explained by those Words of Scaliger's Georgian Collections in his 43. pag. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Darius himself not enduring the ignominy died for grief Mark those words well Note That the Marginal Notes are the Bishop's and not Mr. Lydyat ' s. LETTER XXI A Letter from Dr. James Usher late Arch-Bishop of Armagh to Mr. Thomas Lydyat Salutem à Salutis Fonte D. N. I. C. Dear Sir I Remember that some three or four years since having occasion in a publick Lecture in the Colledge to speak of the beginning of Daniel's Seventies I laboured to prove that Artaxerxes Longimanus began his Reign toward the end of the third year of the 77 th Olympiad First By the number of years attributed to Darius Hystaspis by Ctesias viz. 31. not 36. Secondly By the time of the death of the same Darius noted not only in him but also in Georgius Syncellus his Collections pag. 43. Graec. Euseb. Scaligeri which place I then did cite long before you advertised me thereof to be not long after the overthrow received at Marathon An. 2 o Olympiadis 72. Thirdly By the Testimony of Petrus Alexandrinus whom Mr. Casaubon in his Exercitations against Baronius wrongfully maketh the same with Peter the Ancient Martyr of Alexandria or whosoever was the Author of those Fasti which commonly are called Siculi wherein the beginning of Artaxerxes is expresly placed at the time above assigned Fourthly By the Testimony of Thucydides making Artaxerxes then to Reign when Themistocles fled into Persia. But here I made a doubt of the time of Themistocles his flight wherein I desired your further resolution For though I willingly yield to that which I find recorded in Thucydides that it fell after the Execution of Pausanias and before Cimon's double Victory Yet whether that Victory was gotten in the year that Demotion was Archon at Athens and whether Themistocles his flight fell out the year before that is not I take it so clear but that we may call it into question The former I would willingly believe for the Authority of Diodorus Siculus upon whose credit only the referring of Cimon's Victory unto that year dependeth Eusebius who is the only man I know of that after him setteth down the time of his Victory placeth it at the fourth year of the 79 th Olympiad by a manifest and notorious Error of two Olympiads you say but prove by no other Authority but the Confession of Scaliger which with me and I think with you too is of very little moment Diodorus is the only man we can find that saith this Victory was gotten in the year that Demotion was Archon at Athens Publicola and Rufus Consuls at Rome But doth not he also say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. and that he being thus made Admiral took Eïone and Scyrus The words methinks sound thus plainly That this year he was made Admiral and then conquered those places which being untrue derogates much from the credit of his report that saith Cimon got his famous Victory at Eurymedon the same year You say the former is reported by him by way of recapitulation but the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seem to me very clear that Diodorus meant plainly That Cimon this year was made Admiral and the words following as plainly import that having thus undertaken the Admiralty he took Eïone and Scyrus I never read that part of your written Chronicle wherein this matter is handled if there be any thing in it that may farther clear the point I pray you communicate it unto me for I do desire as much as you do to strengthen the Authority of Diodorus in placing Cimon's Victory at the Praetorship of Demotion or which is all one at the third year of the 77 th Olympiad But this being admitted for Diodorus his sake how can you prove either out of him or any other Author that Themistocles his flight into Persia fell out just the year before that for this is the main matter that concerneth the cause You say That you prove not that point out of Diodorus but out of Thucydides For Diodorus I think you do well seeing he expresseth not any way that this flight fell upon that year more than his Ostracism or his death but heapeth promiscuously all that appertained to his fall Thucydides saith no more than what I have delivered and do willingly acknowledge that his flight happened after the Execution of Pausanias and before Cimon's Victory Other proof you produce none for the setling thereof at the second year of the 77 th Olympiad but what is contained in these words of your Letter Your self alledgeth no Author that sets it later and you may see that in Eusebius's Chronicle it
labours I rest Your very loving and thankful Friend Edward Browncker From Wadham Colledge Septemb. 11. 1620. LETTER XLI A Letter from the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop-elect of Meath to the most Reverend Dr. Hampton Arch-Bishop of Armagh My very good Lord I Received yesterday your Grace's Letter whereby I understand how unadvisedly the Bishop of Clogher entred into contestation with your Lordship for the exercise of his Jurisdiction and laboured to turn your particular favour toward me to his own advantage whereat I was not a little grieved It was far from my meaning ever to oppose either your Archiepiscopal right or the duties of your Register for the time present much less for the time to come The difference betwixt the Registers is by their mutual consent referred to the determination of my L. Chancellor before whom let them plead their own Cause I mean not to intermeddle with it The exercising of the Jurisdiction hitherto cannot be justified by taking out a Commission now from your Lordship But seeing what hath been done herein cannot now be undone I will thus far shew my respect unto your Metropolitical Authority that whensoever the matter shall be called in question I will profess that what I have done in the exercising of the Jurisdiction I have done it by your special Licence without which I would not have meddled with it And for the time to come I have given order to my Commissary that he shall proceed no farther but presently surcease from dealing any way in the Jurisdiction that no occasion may be left whereby it might be thought that I stood upon any right of mine own to the derogation of any point of your Archiepiscopal Authority And thus much for my self As for my Lord of Clogher howsoever I be none of his Council yet the respect and duty which I owe unto you as unto my Father forceth me to wish That your Grace would seriously deliberate of this business before you bring it unto a publick Tryal For then I fear the matter will be determined not by Theological Argumentations of the power of the Keys but by the power of the King's Prerogative in Causes Ecclesiastical and the Laws of the Land If my Lord of Clogher's Council told him that he might challenge the exercising of his Jurisdiction as an incident to that which he had already received from the King It is certain that in his Letters Patents the Bishoprick is granted unto him Una cum omnibus Juribus Jurisdictionibus Prerogativis Preeminentiis Allocationibus Commoditatibus Privilegiis tam spiritualibus quà m temporalibus with a Mandamus directed Universis singulis Archiepiscopis Episcopis Decanis Archidiaconis Officialibus Commissariis Rectoribus Vicariis Presbyteris aliis personis Ecclesiasticis quibuscunque quatenus ipsum Episcopum ejus Officiarios tam spirituales quà m temporales Episcopatum proedictum habere percipere gubernare gaudere disponere permittant And howsoever if the matter were to be disputed in the Schools he peradventure might obtain the victory who did defend That Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical doth issue from the Keys not from the Sword Yet I doubt me when the case cometh to be argued in the King's Court he will have the advantage that hath the Sword on his side and standeth to maintain the King's Prerogative Again by the Statute of 2 Eliz. whereby Congedelires are taken away he that hath the King's Letters Patents for a Bishoprick is put in the same state as if he were Canonically both Elected and Confirmed Now howsoever by the Law a Bishop barely elected can do little or nothing yet the Canonists do clearly resolve that he who is both Elected and Confirmed may exercise all things that appertain to Jurisdiction although he may not meddle with matters of Ordination until he receive his Consecration Lastly I would intreat your Lordship to consider when the See of Armagh becometh void as sometimes it hath been for two or three years together in whom doth the exercise of the Archiepiscopal Jurisdiction remain Doth it not in the Dean and Chapter of Armagh If a Dean then who is but simplex Presbyter without receiving Commission from any other Bishop is by the custom of the Land capable in this case of Episcopal Jurisdiction What should make him that is elected and confirmed a Bishop to be uncapable of the same I speak now only of the Law and ancient Customs of the Realm by which I take it this matter if it come to question must be tryed All which I humbly submit unto your Graces grave consideration protesting notwithstanding for mine own particular that I will not only for the time to come cease to exercise the Jurisdiction of the proceeding further wherein I see no great necessity before my Consecration but also willingly herein submit my self unto any course that your Lordship shall be further pleased to prescribe unto me There is at this time in Dublin neither Civilian nor Register with whom I might advise touching the matter of the Dilapidation My Lord Chancellor offered to grant if I pleased a Commission out of the Chancery for the inquiry hereof But I considered with my self that this business was more proper for the Archiepiscopal Court whereof I remembred that famous President of William Wickham Bishop of Winchester who sued the Executors of his Predecessor in the Court of William Witlesey Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and recovered against him 127 afros 1556 boves 3876 mutones 4717 oves matrices 3521 agnos 1662 libras cum 10 solidis pro reparatione Aedificiorum ad ruinas vergentium as in the Register of the said Witlesey is yet to be seen I will cause Mr. Ford to draw up my Libel in the best manner he can and then expect the issuing of the Commission with all convenient expedition For it behoveth me that the inquiry of the Dilapidations be returned before I go in hand with the reparation and that I must do very shortly though upon mine own charges unless I will see the house fall quite down the next Winter I humbly thank your Grace for your remembrance of me in the matter Armagh For howsoever I conceive very little hope that I shall ever enjoy that Deanry yet am I nothing the less beholding unto you for your care of me for which and for all the rest of your honourable favours I must always remain Your Graces in all Duty to be Commanded James Usher Dublin July 11. 1621. LETTER XLII A Letter from the most Reverend Dr. Hampton Arch-Bishop of Armagh to the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath Salutem in Christo. I Thank your Lordship for your care and respect of me as likewise your counsel that I should be well advised ere I brought the matter of Jurisdiction into publick Tryal I truly have not cause to complain but if the Bishop of Clogher or any other think themselves wronged that I give not way to the exercise of his Jurisdiction until he be
Consecrated and thereupon desire Justice I shall be ready to shew reason and yield account of my Opinion as well in the King's Courts as in Theological Schools For to pass the general words of his grant cum omnibus Jurisdictionibus which grant him Jus ad rem but not in re The Statute of 2 Eliz. cap. 1. expresly forbiddeth all that shall be preferred to take upon them receive use exercise any Bishoprick c. before he hath taken the corporal Oath of the King's Supremacy before such person as hath Authority to admit him to his Bishoprick As for the Statute of Conferring and Consecrating Bishops within this Realm I find not the words you have written viz. That he which hath the King's Letters Patents for a Bishoprick is put in the same state as if he were Canonically elected and confirmed But that his Majesties Collation shall be to the same effect as if the Conge delire had been given the election duly made and the same election confirmed for the Dean and Chapters election in England is not good until the King have confirmed by his Royal assent then it followeth in the Statute upon that collation the person may be consecrated c. Afterward in the same Statute it is further enacted That every person hereafter conferred invested and consecrated c. shall be obeyed c. and do and execute in every thing and things touching the same as any Bishop of this Realm without offending of the Prerogatives Royal. Now by an argument à contrario sensu it appeareth that it is not I which stand against his Majesties Prerogative but they which exercise Jurisdiction without the form prescribed in these Statutes Confider again how impertinent the opinion of Canonists is in this case where the King's collation is aequivalent to a Canonical Election and Confirmation The Confirmation which the Canonists speak of is from the Pope not from the Prince Gregoriana constitutione in Lugdunensi Consilio cautum est Electum infra tres menses post consensum suum electioni proestitum si nullum justum impedimentum obstat confirmationem à superiore Proelato petere debere alioqui trimestri spatio elapso electionem esse penitus irritandam When the See of Armagh falleth void the Dean and Chapter have Authority by the Canons to exercise Jurisdiction which the Bishop elect hath not until he be consecrated as you may read in Mason's Book and elsewhere and so it is practised in England Behold the cause which maketh the Dean capable namely the Authority Canons and Custom of the Church So is not the Bishop elect warranted and standeth still in the quality of a simple Presbyter until he be further advanced by the Church When Jo. Forth shall bring his Libel I will do the part which belongeth to me In the mean time I commend you to God and rest Your Lordships very loving Friend Armagh 13 July 1621. LETTER XLIII A Letter from Mr. Thomas Gataker to the Right Reverend James Usher Lord Bishop of Meath Right Reverend MY duty to your Lordship remembred This Messenger so fitly offering himself unto me albeit it were the Sabbath Even and I cast behind hand in my studies by absence from home yet I could not but in a line or two salute your Lordship and thereby signifie my continued and deserved remembrance of you and hearty desire of your welfare By this time I presume your Lordship in setled in your weighty charge of Over-sight wherein I beseech the Lord in mercy to bless your Labours and Endeavours to the glory of his own Name and the good of his Church never more in our times oppugned and opposed by mighty and malitious Adversaries both at home and abroad never in foreign Parts generally more distracted and distressed than at the present Out of France daily news of Murthers and Massacres Cities and Towns taken and all sorts put to the Sword Nor are those few that stand out yet likely to hold long against the power of so great a Prince having no succours from without In the Palatinate likewise all is reported to go to ruine Nor do the Hollanders sit for ought I see any surer the rather for that the Coals that have here been heretofore kindled against them about Transportation of Coin and the Fine imposed for it the Quarrels of the East-Indies the Command of the Narrow Seas the Interrupting of the Trade into Flanders c. are daily more and more blown upon and fire beginneth to break out which I pray God do not burn up both them and us too I doubt not worthy Sir but you see as well yea much better I suppose than my self and many others as being able further to pierce into the state of the times and the consequents of these things what need the forlorn flock of Christ hath of hearts and hands to help to repair her ruines and to fence that part of the Fold that as yet is not so openly broken in upon against the Incursions of such ravenous Wolves as having prevailed so freely against the other parts will not in likelihood leave it also unassaulted as also what need she hath if ever of Prayers and Tears her ancient principal Armor unto him who hath the hearts and hands of all men in his hand and whose help our only hope as things now stand is oft-times then most present when all humane helps and hopes do fail But these lamentable occurrents carry me further than I had purposed when I put Pen to Paper I shall be right glad to hear of your Lordship's health and welfare which the Lord vouchsafe to continue gladder to see the remainder of your former learned and laborious Work abroad The Lord bless and protect you And thus ready to do your Lordship any service I may in these parts I rest Your Lordships to be commanded in the Lord Thomas Gataker Rothtrith Sept. 19. 1621. LETTER XLIV A Letter from Sir William Boswel to the Right Reverend James Usher Lord Bishop of Meath My very good Lord IF your Lordship hath forgotten my name I shall account my self very unhappy therein yet justly rewarded for my long silence the cause whereof hath especially been my continual absence almost for these last eight years from my native Country where now returning and disposed to rest I would not omit the performance of this duty unto your Lordship hoping that the renewing of my ancient respects will be entertained by your Lordship as I have seen an old Friend or Servant who arriving suddenly and unexpected hath been better welcomed than if he had kept a set and frequent course of visiting and attendance With this representing of my service I presume your Lordship will not dislike that I recommend my especial kind friend Dr. Price one of his Majesties Commissioners for that Kingdom and for his Learning Wisdom and other Merits which your Lordship will find in him truly deserving your Lordships good affection The most current news I can signifie to
your Lordship from this place are That the Lord Vicomte Doncastré returneth within three days into France as 't is thought invited thereunto by that King both at his coming from thence and since by his Ambassadour resident here which occasioneth some forward natures to presage of Peace very speedily in those Parts between the King and his Protestant Subjects Whereof notwithstanding except want of moneys the importunity of his old Councellors at length having been long slighted the disunion of his Grandees and desperate resolution of the afflicted Protestants to withstand these Enemies shall beget an alteration for my own part I see little reason for it is not likely That either the Prince of Condé who hateth the Protestants and loveth to fish in troubled Waters or the Jesuit party earnest votaries of the House of Austria being still powerful in France will ever suffer that King to be at rest until their Patrons Affairs shall be settled in Grisons Germany c. From Italy I hear that in Rome there is lately erected a new Congregation De fide propaganda consisting of 12 Cardinals whereof Cardinal Savelli is chief A principal Referendary thereof being Gaspar Schioppius There are to be admitted into this Congregation of all Nations and their Opus is to provide maintenance from their Friends c. for Proselites of all Nations who shall retire into the Bosom of the Romish Church But I fear I begin to be tedious to your Lordship and therefore craving Pardon as well for my present boldness as former omissions with my ancient and most unfeigned Respects I take leave of your Lordship desiring to know if in these parts I may be useful to your Lordship and remaining ever Your Lordships most Affectionate to love and serve you William Boswel From Westminster Colledge March 17. 1621. LETTER XLV A Letter from Sir Henry Spelman to the Right Reverend James Usher Lord Bishop of Meath Right Reverend and my most worthy Lord THough I be always tied to reiterate my thankfulness to your Lordship for your favours here in England yet is it not fit to trouble you too often with Letters only of complement And other occasion I have hitherto not had any save what in Michaelmas Term last I wrote unto you touching the Monument of Bury Abby which the Cutter going then in hand with came to me about as directed so by your Lorship I was bold to stay him for the time and signified by those Letters that I thought much exception might be taken to the credit of the Monument for that both the ends of the upper Label pictured in the Glass over the head of Antichrist are stretched out so far as they rest not in the Glass but run on either way upon the stone Pillars which as your Lordship knows could not possibly be so in the Window it self How it cometh to pass I do not know whether by the rashness of the Painter not heeding so light a matter as he might take it or that perphaps those which in the picture seem to be the Pillars of the Window were but painted Pillars in the Glass it self and so the whole Window but one Pannel I cannot determine this doubt but out of all doubt such a picture there was and taken out exactly by a Painter then as a right honest old Gentleman which saw it standing in the Abby Window and the Painter that took it out did often tell me about 40 years since affirming the picture now at the Cutters to be the true pattern thereof But at that time my understanding shewed me not to make this doubt if I had he perhaps could have resolved it For my own part though I think it fitter in this respect not to be published as doth also Sir H. Bourgchier yet I leave it to your direction which the Cutter hitherto expecteth So remembring my service most humbly to your Lordship and desiring your blessing I rest Your Lordships to be commanded Henry Spelman Tuttle-street Westm. Mar. 18. 1621. LETTER XLVI A Letter from Mr. John Selden to the Right Reverend James Usher Lord Bishop of Meath My Lord I Should before this have returned your Nubiensis Geographia but Mr. Bedwell had it of me and until this time presuming on your favour he keeps it nor can we have of them till the return of the Mart. Then I shall be sure to send your through Mr. Burnet There is nothing that here is worth memory to you touching the State of Learning only I received Letters lately out of France touching this point Whether we find that any Churches in the elder times of Christianity were with the Doors or Fronts Eastward or no because of that in Sidonius Arce Frontis ortum spectat aequinoctialem lib. 2. ep 10. c. and other like I beseech your Lordship to let me know from you what you think hereof I have not yet sent it but I shall most greedily covet your resolution And if any thing be here in England that may do your Lordship favour or service and lye in my power command it I beseech you and believe that no man more admires truly admires your worth and professes himself to do so than Your Lordships humble Servant J. Selden March 24. 1621. Styl-Anglic My Titles of Honour are in the Press and new written but I hear it shall be staid if not I shall salute you with one as soon as it is done LETTER XLVII A Letter from Sir Robert Cotton to the Right Reverend James Usher Lord Bishop of Meath My honourable Lord THe opportunity I had by the going over of this honourable Gentleman Sir Henry Bourgchier I could not pass over without doing my service to your Lordship in these few lines We are all glad here you are so well settled to your own content and merit yet sorry that you must have so important a cause of stay that all hopes we had to have seen your Lordship in these parts is almost taken away Yet I doubt not but the worthy work you gave in England the first life to and have so far happily proceeded in will be again a just motive to draw you over into England to see it perfected for without your direction in the sequel I am afraid it will be hopeless and impossible Let me I pray you intreat from your Honour the Copy of as much as you have finished to show his Majesty that he may be the more earnest to urge on other Labourers to work up with your Lordships advice the rest I have received Eight of the Manuscripts you had the rest are not returned If I might know what my Study would afford to your content I would always send you and that you may the better direct me I will as soon as it is perfected send your Honour a Catalogue of my Books The Occurrents here I forbear to write because a Gentleman so intelligent cometh to you What after falleth worthy your Honours knowledge I will write hereafter upon direction from your
this time a kind of a general combination to be made for the disgrace and keeping down of our Ministers What that particular is which your Grace doth mention in the beginning of your Letter I do not yet understand John Forth having not as yet sent any Letter unto me But whatsoever it is I will not fail God willing to be present at the Assizes in Trim and both in that particular and in all other things wherein your Grace shall be pleased to employ me to follow your directions as one who desireth always to be accounted Your Graces ready to do you all service Ja. Midensis Pinglass August 6. 1623. LETTER LX. A Letter from the Most Reverend the Arch-Bishop of Armagh to the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath Salutem in Christo. UPon Sunday last as I was going to Bed a Pacquet was brought unto me from my Lord Deputy with the Advertisements of all that passed at White-Hall the 20th of July But by good hap I received advice from my Lord Grandison five days before of the King 's noble profession in a Speech used to his Judges That as he had so he would still maintain the Religion Established in the Church of England and would never give way to the contrary Only he wished the Judges to proceed in the execution of Laws with temperance and fitting moderation Seeing it hath pleased God whose Councils may be secret but not unjust to exercise us with this mixture let us remember how dangerous it is to provoke Princes with too much animosity and what hazard Chrysostom brought to Religion that way The Gospel is not supported with wilfulness but by patience and obedience And if your Lordship light upon petulant and seditious Libels too frequent now-a-days as report goeth I beseech you to repress them and advise our Brethren to the like care So I commend you to God resting Your Lordships very loving Brother Armagh August 12. 1623. LETTER LXI A Letter from Dr. Ryves to the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath Right Reverend and my very good Lord I Have now too long time forborn to write unto your Lordship the cause whereof hath been for that we have here lived in suspense our selves of what would ensue of our Noble Prince his Journey into Spain neither durst I write you any thing for certain because I was ever in fear of a contrary report before my Letter could come unto you and as for Uncertainties they were not worth the writing But now at the last thanks be to our good God we have our Prince again he came to London on Monday Morning last being the 6th of this present at Eight of the Clock in the Morning it was my hap to be at Lambeth at that time with my Lord of Canterbury and whilst I was there the Prince came to Lambeth Stairs where his Grace received him and kissed his Hand and from thence in his Graces Barge went to York-House where he brake his Fast and presently went away to Royston where the King then was and is News of his lodging that Night at Guilford came to his Grace of Canterbury that Morning at Three of the Clock and presently all London rang with Bells and flamed with Bonfires and resounded all over with such Shouts as is not well possible to express The day without bidding was kept festival by every Man whereof because I took such pleasure in seeing it I conceive your Lordship will also take some pleasure in hearing the Relation As for the Match Rumor in ambiguo est pars invenit utraque causas some say it will be a Match others that it will not and each part thinks he hath reason for what he says but nothing is yet known that may be reported for a certainty As for my self hanging otherwise in equal Ballance between the two Opinions your divining Spirit is always obversant before mine eyes and sways me to believe as I hope that it will please God to dispose of our Prince's Affections for the greater benefit of his Church and our State It hath happly ere this came to your Lordship's Ears that I was not long since commanded to attend my Lord Chichester into Germany after a while that Negotiation was hung up upon the Nail in expectance of the Princes return and now we look to hear of a new Summons but nothing is done as yet therein And even so my good Lord humbly desiring your good Prayers to God for me in all my honest Endeavours I take leave and rest Your Lordship 's in all Service to be commanded F. Ryves From my House near the Doctors-Commons this 8th of October 1623. POSTSCRIPT MY good Lord no Man doubts but that the Prince went a good Protestant out of England but it 's as certain thanks be given to God for it that he is returned out of Spain tenfold more confirm'd in ours more obdurate against their Religion than ever he was before So is the Duke of Buckingham in so much that upon his Letters to his Dutchess out of Spain she went also publickly to her Parish-Church at St. Martins the Sunday before Michaelmas-day and on Michaelmas-day it self and so continueth Moreover what is befallen to the Prince himself and to the Duke the same is befallen to all the rest of his Company they all return more resolv'd Protestants than ever being thorowly perswaded ex evidentia facti that Popery is Idolatry if ever any were F. R. LETTER LXII A Letter from Sir H. Bourgchier to the Right Reverend James Usher Bishop of Meath Salutem à D. N. Iesu Christo. Most Reverend in Christ I Hope you will impute my long silence to your long expected and much wished repair hither which you seemed in your last kind Letter to intend before this time I trust that your Stay proceeds not from want of Health but some other occasion which I shall most gladly understand We are here full of business but all in Treaty and so little concluded that I know not what to deliver for Truth to my Friends Here hath been a great Conventicle of Embassadors which is now dissolved Dieguo de Mendoza who accompanied the Prince is gone yesterday Dieguo de Meshia who came from Bruxells with a fair train of Nobles Gentlemen and Military Men goes away on Tuesday next Our late prodigious Events as that of the fall of the House in Black-friers being related in three several Pamphelts the late dangerous Fire in London with some others of that kind cannot now be new to your Lordship The latest which I must send you is very sad and dolorous being of the death of our late worthy Friend Mr. Camden whose Funeral we solemnized at Westminster on Wednesday last in the Afternoon with all due Solemnity At which was present a great Assembly of all Conditions and Degrees the Sermon was preached by Dr. Sutton who made a true grave and modest Commemoration of his Life As he was not factious in Religion so neither was
of some Pasture Grounds which I held I have forgone but the main Matter of my Estate lying in Mony I cannot yet recover At my coming up hither I left one of my Children sick of an Ague which he hath had these three Weeks and if he should be recovered he cannot be presently fit to travel neither are the Ways and Weather indeed seasonable thereto But that which to deal plainly doth most of all trouble me is the report of the new Broils in the Colledg which I see partly in other Mens Letters for to my self as if I were but a Cypher in Algorism they vouchsafe not a word That some Fellows are displaced by the Visitors others placed by Mandate of my Lord Deputy old Grudges and Factions revived malè sarta gratia necquicquam coit rescinditur I never delighted nor am made for it ignum gladio fodere Some of my Friends represented to me the Examples of Mr. Travers and Mr. Alvey and that comes to my mind Better sit still than Rise and Fall I have now an honest Retreat with that form Non nostrum inter vos tantas componere lites It is written hither and I have seen it with mine Eyes That I am said to be a weak Man and so thought to be by wise Men. This Witness is most true In all these regards I humbly beseech your Grace by your undeserved love to me which God knows how much I value and that it was no small encouragement to me to enter into this Business by your love to the Colledg which I know is great by your love to our Lord Jesus Christ whereof he takes that proof your love to his Lambs Since you know now my weakness a little better than when you first nominated me to that place and the want of the Colledg of an able Head dispose of my place as you shall think most fit for that Colledg University Church and Kingdom For my part I do here absolutely resign all my Interest unto it into your Grace's hands or the hands of those whom it may concern Assuring your Grace that I shall account your freeing me from this burden the greatest favour that you can do me under the which if it had not been for the fear of offending God I think I had never put my shoulder so far as I have done But if you shall esteem in Conscience I cannot go back I beseech you be pleased freely to set down your Opinion touching my Case propounded in my last I desire of God that neither my Living nor my Life may be so dear unto me as to finish my Course with joy and the Ministry that I have received of the Lord Jesus Upon the receipt of your Graces Letters I shall resolve presently if God let not to come or stay Touching the Parliament-Affairs I know your Grace hath better advertisement than I can give you The beginnings yet go marvellously well the Lower House excellently tempered Nothing hath as yet been so much as put to question The Upper House joined with them insomuch as when they had received the Motion for a publick Fast they added a Motion to petition to his Majesty for the putting in execution all Laws and Acts of State against Recusants This Petition was penned by the Bishops of Norwich and Litchfield and presented to his Majesty by both Houses The former is appointed by Proclamation to be April 21. The latter the King hath taken into consideration with good signs of approbation The Lower House is now employed about the Liberties of the Subjects which they deduce even from the Conquest and so down They purpose it seems to proceed to the examination of the infringing of them and of their Causes and Remedies It is resolved among them that the Grievances of the Subjects shall go hand in hand with the Supply of the King's Wants which are so great as his Majesty when he received the latter Petition told them March 3. That without present Supply he could not set forth one Ship c. God of his Mercy grant that the Progress and End may be correspondent In which hearty Prayer I end recommending your Grace to the Lord's Protection and my self to your Prayers and rest Your Grace's in all Duty W. Bedell London April 1. 1628. LETTER CXXV A Letter from Dr. Bainbridge Professor of Astronomy in Oxford to the most Reverend James Usher Arch-bishop of Armagh Right Reverend and my very good Lord HAving so fit opportunity I am bold to remember my Service to your Grace and withal my former suit concerning Hipparchus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which being both in the Vatican and Escurial I marvel that Patavius did not procure a Transcript thereof certainly it would have helped much in his Doctrina Temporum contra Scaligerum Whereas now the neglect of that and other ancient Monuments hath left that Work imperfect and given just cause to others of a more curious search wherein I purpose to bestow my best Endeavours not doubting of your Grace's Favour Mr. Selden hath written some Notes upon certain ancient Greek Inscriptions which were brought out of Turky for my Lord of Arundel amongst which one doth promise some light in the Persian Chronology I mean of the Persian Monarchy which of all others I most desire to be illustrated being so necessary to the connexion of Sacred and Prophane History concerning which I will yet forbear to signify my Opinion daily expecting a view of Mr. Selden's Book Your Grace's most obliged Servant John Bainbridg Oxon April 7. 1628. LETTER CXXVI A Letter from Dr. Bedell to the most Reverend James Usher Arch-bishop of Armagh Right Reverend Father my honourable good Lord HAving the opportunity of this Bearer's return from his Friends my Neighbours to Kelles I thought fit to send by him if it were but the Duplicate of my last to your Grace from London the first of this Month sent as Mr. Burnet told me by one Mr. Goodwyn of London-Derry who had special occasion to repair to your presence Wherein I satisfied you I hope of the rightness of my Intention in the restriction of the Statute for Batchelors Probationers to seven Terms standing and represented to your Grace the chief exercise of my Thoughts since my leaving Ireland I mean the Draught of a new Patent and new Statutes to be procured for the University which I hope you have safely received You may perhaps esteem it a pragmatical unquietness of Spirit in me that would busy my self with things beyond mine own line But since it hath pleased God to embarque me by their means in the Affairs of that Country I take my self bound to further the Voyage what I may not only for mine own safety and the rest of the Passengers but for the honour of your self that are the Pilot and the Glory of God especially unto which Port I am well assured all your Course is directed I suppose it hath been an Error all this while to neglect the Faculties of Law
and Physick and attend only to the ordering of one poor Colledg of Divines whereas with a little more labour and a few Priviledges attained a great many more good Wits might have been allured to study and seasoned with Piety and made Instruments for the bringing in Learning Civility and Religion into that Country I did communicate the Plat to my Lord of Canterbury at my first being with him especially in that Point of admitting all Students that should be matriculated though they lodg in Dublin in private Houses and of the four Faculties with their several Promoters c. who seemed not to dislike it but required it should be maturely thought of by your Grace and the University and promised his assistance if it were found fit At that time I left with him the Statutes of our Colledg which I had this Winter written out with mine own hand and caused to be fair bound He retained them with him till the very morning of my departing from London At which time he signified his good approbation of the whole only accounted that too strait for the Provost's absence but six weeks whereas many Causes there would be which would require longer discontinuance I shewed his Grace that Colledg-Business was excepted and that we had not innovated any thing in that Statute it being so before my Election Another Point he disliked was touching Students wearing Gowns always in the Colledg and if it might be when they went into the Town Whereas that of all other said he would have been provided for I answereth The Streets in Dublin were very foul and that by the Statutes Scholars were not permitted to go ordinarily into the Town without their Tutors consent He said they might if the Streets were never so foul take their Gowns under their Arms. I told him that this was also an old Statute e're I came there With the occasion I told his Grace of the new Stirs I heard of in the Colledg for even but the day before I had understood by other Mens Letters more perfectly of my Lord Deputy's putting in certain Fellows and of their displacing of Mr. Lloyd by your Grace and the Visitors whereof I had no intelligence till then save by Rumors only I added of mine own fears that I should make a very ill Pilot in so rough Seas He perswaded me to go on using that Verse Tu ne cede malis c. I told him of my deafness and that the Law not allowing surdum procuratorem how could it be but absurd in the Provost of such a Society He told me that was not so great a matter for a great many did male andire He bad me not be dismayed representing to me the future Reward I told him indeed if that were not I had little eneouragement sith neither I should for ought I saw have the Maintenance for the Lecture which I was put in hope of nor retain the Title of my Benefice only renouncing the Profits To that he said there was no question I might that I had not beneficium and he would maintain it to any Man c. With these Discourses having brought his Grace from his Chamber to his Barge I recommended my self to his Prayers The same morning e're my departure I wrote to Dublin amongst others to Mr. Lloyd endeavouring to let him see his Fault and to keep him from being hardned in it At my return home I found one of my Sons yet afflicted with an Ague which hath held him these six weeks and the Ways being not yet fit for travel the Spring having been very late and winterly I have resolved to attend your Grace's Letters both in answer to my Case propounded in my Letters of September and of my last from London wherein I did put my place there wholly in your disposition and if you think it may be more to the good of the Colledg and Church there that I forgo it did and do again by these Presents absolutely resign it into your hands or the hands of them whom it may concern Your Grace may be pleased to consider seriously my insufficiency which by my last being there partly by your own experience and the report of others you may have understood to be more than perhaps you imagined before And by these new Accidents you may perceive the need the Colledg hath of a more able Head I have ever liked and loved to proceed by that good old Form Ut inter bonos bene ageir c. I have seen it written from thence that you and other wise Men account me a weak Man and in truth I do know my self so to be Do not the Colledg that wrong to clog it with me hitherto iâ— hath received no great damage and these new Broils may serve fitly as a good occasion to cover my defectiveness I may without any disgrace and with much content fit still That which Annibal when in the Common-Council at Carthage he plâ—cked down a turbulent Orator that stood up to disswade a necessary Peace said to excuse his uncivility That the Feats of War he had meetly learned but the Fashions of the City he was to be taught by them I would crave leave to invert the Arâ— of dutiful Obedience and just ruling also in part I did for 17 years endeavour to learn under that good Father Dr. Chaderton in a well temper'd Society the câ—â—nning tricks of paching siding bandying and 〈◊〉 with and between great Men I confess my self ignorant in and am now I fear too old to be taught And me thinks the Society it self like to the Frogs in the Tale weary of the Block set over them esteem the neither worthy to be acquainted with the Colledg-Affairs nor so much as answered in mine own and wherein they do extreamly wrong not me only but your Grace also as I verily believe do keep your Letters from me I wish them a more active Governor Concluding I be send your Grace vouchsafe me your last resolution for my coming or stay and esteem 〈◊〉 as you shall ever truly Your Grace's humble Servant in Christ Jesus W. Bedell Horningerth April the 15th 1628. LETTER CXXVII A Letter from Dr. Samuel Ward to the most Reverend James Usher Arch-bishop of Armagh at Tredagh Most Reverend and my very good Lord THough I must needs acknowledg my neglect in writing or forgetfulness or both since your last going into Ireland yet now I could have no further pretext for the omission of that Duty by which I am obliged by no few Bonds especially having such conveniency of sending by my most worthy Friend with whom I am most loth to part but that upon higher considerations I conceive God may use him as an Instrument of much good in that place if God send him health and life I assure your Lordship I know not where you could have pitched upon a Man every way so qualified for such a place He is a sincere honest Man not tainted with avarsee of ambition pious
Mead will not be able to evince either out of Deut. 5. 15. or out of any other Scripture whatsoever And the Text Gen. 2. 3. as you well note is so clear for the ancient institution of the Sabbath and so fully vindicated by Dr. Rivet from the Exceptions of Gomarus that I see no reason in the Earth why any Man should make doubt thereof especially considering withal that the very Gentiles both civil and barbarous both ancient and of later days as it were by an universal kind of Tradition retained the distinction of the seven days of the Week which if Dr. Heylin had read so well proved as it is by Rivetus and Salmasius he would not have made such a conclusion as he doth That because the Heathen of the four great Monarchies at least had no distinction of Weeks therefore they could observe no Sabbath whereas he might have found that the distinction of the days of the week did reach etiam ad ipsos usque Sauromatas for even of the Slavonians themselves while they yet continued in their ancient Paganism thus writeth Helmoldus Chronic. Slavor lib. 1. cap. 84. Illic secundâ feriâ papulus terrae cum flamine regulo convenire solebant propter judicia The same order of the days of the Week being retained by them which Theophilus the old Bishop of Antioch noteth to have been observed by all Mankind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he lib. 2. ad Antolycum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confounding as it seemeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as also doth Lactantius lib. 7. cap. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wherewith we may joyn that other place of Johannes Philoponus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lib. 7. Cap. ult 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who with shewing the cause thereof thus shuts up the whole work 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We see it almost generally observed in all Nations though never so far distant and strangers one to another that in their reckoning of Numbers when they come to 10 they return to their addition of 1 2 and 3 again If it should be demanded how they did all come to agree upon this kind of Arithmetick and not some place their Period at 8 some at 12 some at 15 I suppose this could not be better resolved than by saying They had this by tradition from the first Fathers that lived before the Dispersion and that this is not an improbable Evidence of that Truth propounded by the Apostle unto the Philosophers of Athens Acts 17. 26. That God made of one Blood all Nations of Men to dwell on all the Face of the Earth How much more when we find a far greater Agreement among the Nations in the computation of the seven days of the Week the self-same day which is accounted the first by one being in like manner reckoned so by all notwithstanding that great variety of differences which is betwixt them in the ordering of their Years and Months How much more strongly I say may we conclude from hence that the tradition of the seventh-Day was not of Moses but of the Fathers and did not begin with the Common-Wealth of Israel but was derived unto all Nations by lineal descent from the Sons of Noah Add hereunto that those Heathens who were strangers from the Common-wealth of Israel though they made not the seventh day a Festival as the Jews did yet did they attribute some holiness to it and gave it a peculiar honour above the other days of the week wherein they retained some Relicks and preserved still some clear foot-steps of the first institution Quinetiam populi jam olim saith Josephus sub fin lib. 2. contra Apion multùm nostram pietatem aemulantur neque est civitas Graecorum ulla usquà m aut Barbarorum nec ulla gens ad quam septimanae in qua vacamus consuetudo minimè pervenerit Jejuniaque candelabra accensa c. Of which Rite of lighting of Candles or Lamps rather mention also is made by Seneca in his 95th Epistle Accendere aliquam lucernam Sabbathis prohibeamus quoniam nec lumine Dii egent ne homines quidem delectantur fuligine And by Tertullian lib. 1. ad Nation cap. 13. where he noteth also those to be the Sabbaths observed by the Nations saying thus unto them Qui solem diem ejus nobis exprobratis agnoscite vicinitatem Non longè à Saturno Sabbatis VESTRIS sumus wherein though their Devotion were somewhat like unto that of the Jews which is all that those words of Josephus do import Multum nostram pietatem aemulantur yet that it was not done by any late imitation of them or with any relation at all to their observance that other place of Tertullian doth seem to evince in the 16th Chapter of his Apologeticum Aequè si diem solis laetitiae indulgemus aliâ longè ratione quà m religione solis secundo loco ab eis sumus qui diem Saturni otio victui decernunt exorbitantes ipsi à Judaico more quem ignorant And that they did not celebrate their Saturdays with that solemnity wherewith themselves did their Annual Festivities or the Jews their Weekly Sabbaths may appear by the words of this same Author in the 14th Chapter of his Book de Idololatriâ thus speaking unto-the Christians who observed 52 Lord's Days every Year whereas all the Annual Festivities of the Pagans put together did come short of fifty Ethnicis semel annuus dies quisque festus est tibi octavo quoque die Excerpe singulas solemnitates nationum in ordinem texe Pentecosten implere non potuerunt And yet as I said that they accounted Saturday more holy and requiring more respect from them than the other ordinaray days of the Week may be seen by that of Tibullus Eleg. 3. lib. 1. Aut ego sum causatus aves aut omnia dira Saturni SACRA me tenuisse die And that of Lucian in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Boys getting leave to play 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that of Aelius Lampridius touching Alexander Severus using to go unto the Capitols and other Temples upon the seventh Day Whereunto we may add those Verse of the Ancient Greek Poets alleadged by Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 5. Stromat and Eusebius lib. 13. Praeparat Evangelic which plainly shew that they were not ignorant that the Works of Creation were finished on the Seventh Day for so much doth that Verse of Linus intimate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And that of Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And that of Callimachus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Israelites by the Law of Moses were not only to observe their weekly Sabbath every seventh Day but also their Feast of Weeks once in the Year Which although by the vulgar use of the Jewish Nation it may now fall upon any day of the Week yet do the Samaritans until this day constantly observe it on the first Day of the Week which
is our Sunday For which they produce the Letter of the Law Levit. 23. 15 16. where the Feast of the first Fruits otherwise called Pentecost or the Feast of Weeks is prescribed to be kept the morrow after the seventh Sabbath which not they only but also amongst our Christian Interpreters Isychins and Rupertus do interpret to be the first Day of the Week Planius saith Isychius Legislator intentionem suam demonstrare volens ab altero die Sabbati memorari praecepit quinquaginta dies Dominicum diem proculdubiò volens intelligi Hic enim est altera dies Sabbati in hâc enim resurrectio facta est qua hebdomadae numerantur septem usque ad alterum diem expletionis hebdomadae Dominicâ rursus die Pentecostes celebramus festivitatem in quâ Sancti Spiritus adventum mernimus Where you may observe by the way that although this Author made a little bold to strain the signification of altera dies Sabbati which in Moses denoteth no more than the Morrow after the Sabbath yet he maketh no scruple to call the Day of Christ's Resurrection another Sabbath Day as in the Council of Friuli also if I greatly mistake not the Matter you shall find Saturday called by the name of Sabbatum ultimum and the Lord's Day of Sabbatum primum with some allusion perhaps to that of St. Ambrose in Psal. 47. Ubi Dominica dies caepit praecellere quâ Dominus resurrexit Sabbatum quod primum erat secundum haberi caepit à primo not much unlike unto that which Dr. Heylin himself noteth out of Scaliger of the Ethiopian Christians that they call both of them by the name of Sabbaths the one the first the other the latter Sabbath or in their own Language the one Sanbath Sachristos i. e. Christ's Sabbath the other Sanbath Judi or the Jews Sabbath But touching the old Pentecost it is very considerable that it is no where in Moses affixed unto any one certain day of the Month as all the rest of the Feasts are which is a very great presumption that it was a moveable Feast and so varied that it might always fall upon the day immediately following the ordinary Sabbath And if God so order the matter that in the celebration of the Feast of Weeks the Seventh should purposely be passed over and that Solemnity should be kept upon the First what other thing may we imagine could be presignified thereby but that under the State of the Gospel the solemnity of the weekly Service should be celebrated upon that day That on that day the famous Pentecost in the 2d of the Acts was observed is in a manner generally acknowledged by all wherein the Truth of all those that went before being accomplished we may observe the Type and the Verity concurring together in a wonderful manner At the time of the Passeover Christ our Passeover was slain for us the whole Sabbath following he rested in the Grave The next day after that Sabbath the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or sheaf of the first Fruits of the first or Barly Harvest was offered unto God and Christ rose from the Dead and became the first Fruits of them that slept many Bodies of the Saints that slept arising likewise after him From thence was the Account taken of the seven Sabbaths and upon the morrow after the seventh Sabbath which was our Lord's Day was celebrated the Feast of Weeks the day of the first Fruits of the second or Wheat Harvest upon which day the Apostles having themselves received the first Fruits of the Spirit begat three thousand Souls with the Word of Truth and presented them as the first Fruits of the Christian Church unto God and unto the Lamb. And from that time forward doth Waldensis note that the Lord's Day was observed in the Christian Church in the place of the Sabbath Quia inter legalia saith he tunc sublata Sabbati custodia fuit unum planum est tunc intrâsse Dominicam loco ejus sicut Baptisma statim loco Circumcisionis Adhuc enim superstes erat sanctus Johannes qui diceret Et fui in spiritu die Dominicâ Apoc. 1. cùm de Dominicâ die ante Christi Resurrectionem nulla prorsùs mentio haberetur Sed statim post missionem Spiritus sancti lege novâ fulgente in humano cultu sublatum est Sabbatum dies Dominicae Resurrectionis clarescebat Dominicâ The Revelation exhibited unto St. John upon the Lord's Day is by Irenaeus in his fifth Book referred unto the Empire of Domitian or as S. Hierome in his Catalogue more particularly doth express it to the fourth Year of his Reign Which answereth partly to the forty-ninth and partly to the ninty-fifth Year of our Lord according to our vulgar computation and was but eleven or twelve Years before the Time when Ignatius did write his Epistles Of whom then should we more certainly learn what the Apostle meant by the Lord's Day than from Ignatius who was by the Apostles themselves ordained Bishop of that Church wherein the Disciples were first called Christians And in his Epistle to the Magnesians clearly maketh the Lord's Day to be a weekly Holy-Day observed by Christians in the room of the abrogated Sabbath of the Jews than which can we desire more But here you are to know beside the common Edition wherein the genuine Epistles of Ignatius are fouly depraved by a number of beggarly Patches added unto his Purple by later hands There is an ancient Latin Translation to be found in the Library of Caius Colledg in Cambridg which although it be very rude and corrupt both in many other and in this very same place also of the Epistle to the Magnesians yet is it free from these Additaments and in many respects to be preferred before the common Greek Copy as well because it agreeth with the Citations of Eusebius Athanasius and Theodoret and hath the Sentences vouched by them out of Ignatius and particularly that of the Eucharist in the Epistle to the Smyrnians which are not at all to be found in our Greek and hath in a manner none of all those places in the true Epistles of Ignatius against which exception hath been taken by our Divines which addeth great strength to those Exceptions of theirs and sheweth that they were not made without good cause Now in this Translation there is nothing to be found touching the Sabbath and the Lord's Day in the Epistle to the Magnesians but these words only Non ampliûs sabbitazantes sed secundùm Dominicam viventes in quâ vita nostra orta est Whereunto these of our common Greek may be made answerable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 All those other words alleadged by Dr. Heylin Part. 2. pag. 43. to prove that Ignatius would have both the Sabbath and the Lord's Day observed being afterwards added by some later Grecian who was afraid that the custom of keeping both days observed in his
Sydney to his Son Sir Philip Sydney MY Son the vertuous Inclination of thy matchless Mother by whose tender and godly Care thy Infancy was governed together with Education under so zealous a Tutor puts me rather in assurance than hope that thou art not ignorant of that summary Bond which only is able to make thee happy as well in thy Death as Life I mean the Knowledg and Worship of thy Creator and Redeemer without which all other things are vain and miserable so that thy Youth being guided by so sufficient a Teacher I make no doubt but he will furnish thy Life with Divine and Moral Documents Yet that I may not cast off the Care that beseemeth a Parent towards his Child or that thou shouldest have cause to derive thy whole Felicity and Welfare rather from whom thou receivest thy Birth and Being than from those unto whom the Charge of well-living is allotted I think it fit and agreeable to help thee with such Advertisments for the squaring of thy Life as are rather gained by long Experience than much Reading to the end that thou entring into this exorbitant Age mayest be the better prepared to shun those Courses whereunto this World and the want of Experience may easily draw thee And because I would not confound thy Memory I have reduced them into ten Precepts and next unto Moses's Tables if thou imprint them in thy Memory thou shalt reapt the Benefit and I the Contentment and here they follow 1. When it pleases God to bring thee to Man's Estate use great providence and circumspection in the choice of thy Wife for from thence will spring all future Good or Evil and it is an Action like a Stratagem of War wherein a Man can err but once If thy Estate be good match near home and at leasure if weak far off and quickly enquire diligently of her Education and how her Parents have been inclined in their Youth let her not be poor how generous soever for a Man can buy nothing in the Market for Gentility nor chuse a base or uncomely Creature although Wealthy for it will cause contempt in others and loathing in thy self Neither make choice of a Dwarf or a Fool for by the one thou shalt beget a race of Pigmies and the other will be thy daily disgrace and it will irk thee to hear her talk for thou shalt find to thy great Grief that there is nothing more irksom than a She-Fool And touching the Government of thy House let thy Hospitality be moderate and according to the measure of thy Estate rather plentiful than sparing but not costly for I never knew any grow poor by keeping of an ordinary Table But some consume themselves through secret Vices and then Hospitality beareth the blame But banish Swinish Drunkards out of thy House that is a Vice that impaireth Health consumes much and makes no shew And I never heard Praise ascribed to a Drunkard but the well-bearing of Drink which is a Commendation fitter for a Brewer's Horse or Dray-man than for a Gentleman or a Serving-man See that thou spend not above three of the four parts of thy Revenues nor above a third part of that in thy House for the other two parts will do no more than defray thy Extraordinarie which will always surmount the Ordinary by so much otherwise thou shalt live like a rich Beggar in continual want and the needy Man can never live happily nor content for every one left in an unfortunate estate makes him ready to sell Lands and that Gentleman that sells one Acre of Lands sells one ounce of Credit for Gentility is nothing but Ancient Riches So that if the Foundation shrinks the Building must needs follow after 2. Bring thy Children up in Learning and Obedience yet without austerity praise them openly reprehend them secretly give them good Countenance and convenient Maintenance according to thine Ability otherwise thy Life will seem their Bondage And what Portion thou shalt leave them at thy Death they will thank Death for it and not thee I am perswaded that the foolish cockering of some and the over-stern carriage of others causeth more Men and Women to take ill courses than their own vicious inclinations Marry thy Daughters lest they marry themselves and suffer not thy Sons to pass the Alps for they shall bring home nothing but Pride Blasphemy and Atheism And if by Travel they get few broken Languages it will profit them no more than to have one sort of Meat serv'd in divers dishes Neither by my Advice trained up to Wars for that he that sets his rest to live in that can hardly be an honest or good Christian for that every War is of it self unjust except the Cause make it just Besides it is a Science no longer in request than use for Souldiers at Peace are like Chimnies in Summer 3. Live not in the Country without Corn and Cattel about thee for he that presents his hands to his Purse for every expence is like him that thinketh to keep Water in Fire and what Provision thou shalt want prepare to buy it at the first hand for there is a penny in four saved between buying at they need and when the Season and Market serveth fittest for it 4. Be not served with Kinsmen Friends or Men intreated to serve for they will expect much and do little nor with such as are amorous for their Brains are ever intosticated and rather be served by two too few than one too many Feed them well and pay them with the most and thou mayst boldly require Duty and Service at their hands 5. Let thy Kindred and Alliance be welcome to thy Table grace them with thy Countenance and further them in all honest Actions for by these Means thou shalt find Advocates to plead an Apology for thee behind thy back but shake off those Glow-worms I mean Parasites and Hypocrites who will feed and fawn upon thee in Prosperity but in Adversity will shelter thee no more than an Harbour in Winter 6. Beware of Suretyship for thy best Friends he that payeth another Man's Debt seeketh his own overthrow but if thou canst not chuse rather lend thy Mony thy self upon good Bonds though thou borrow for so shalt thou both please thy Friend and secure thy self Neither borrow Mony of a Neighbour or Friend but of a Stranger where paying for it thou shalt hear no more of it otherwise thou shalt eclipse thy Credit lose thy Freedom and yet pay as dear as to another But in borrowing be precious of thy Word for he that hath a care to keep his Days of Payment is a Lord over another Man's Goods 7. Undertake no Suit against any poor Man without much wrong for thou makest him thy Competitor and it is a base request to triumph where there is small resistance neither attempt Law with any Man before thou be throughly resolved that thou have right on thy side then neither spare for Mony nor
forma P. 14. l. 1. r. tristissimam l. 20. f. ex r. l. 35. r. quassatas l. 37. ocellus P. 16. l. 5. r. audacia l. 18. r. tentatas ADVERTISEMENT LEtter 3. was from an imperfect Copy of the Bishops The Marginal Note p. 4 and 417. and so often after is Bishop Ushers The Letters mentioned p. 511. l. ult are in the Appendix p. 7 and 9. Letter 229. should be placed after Letter 230. and Letter 232. should be before Letter 226. Letter 247. should be placed at p. 510. and the Letters p. 599 c. should be placed about An. 1615. when U. A. B. was Bishop of Meath The skilful Reader will perceive that often 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are confounded as p. 359 c. and we must be forced to remit the Hebrew Letters to his Correction the faults being too many to be here inserted The Book being printed at different Presses there is a mis-paging page 92. to which succeeds pag. 301. but without any defect in the Book William Juxon Bishop of London and Lord High Treasurer in a Letter Anno 1639. 1 Tim. 3. 15 16. Vide ejus Praefat. ad Britanno-Machiam c. * Which was the Title he intended to give these Collections Dr. Heylin 's Respondet Petrus St. Augustine's Confession lib. 6. cap. 3. a 1 Pet. 2. 13 14. b Joh. 20. 23. c 1 Tim. 5. 17. d Tit. 2. 15. e Matth. 16. 19. 18. 18. f Rom. 13. 4. g Ezra 7. 26. h Mat. 26. 52. i 2 Chron. 26. 18. k 1 Tim. 2. 2. * As on the other side that a Spiritual or Ecclesiastical government is exercised in causes Civil or Temporal For is not Excommunication a main part of Ecclesiastical government and Forest laws a special branch of causes Temporal yet we see in Sententiâ lat â super chartas anno 12. R. H. 3. that the Bishops of England pronounce a solemn sentence of Excommunication against the-infringers of the liberties contained in Chartâ de Forestâ l Mark 16. 15. m Act. 1. 25 26. Matth. 22. 21. Mal. 3. 8. See Mr. Davis's Letter from Aleppo where the MSS. are specified Vid. Marm. Arundel Edit Lond. Praefat in Bibl. Polyglot * Vide Respondet Petrus Sect. IX Ibid. Sect. XII * In the Life of Arch-Bishop Laud. Blondellus 2 Cor. 11. * See His Majesty's Message sent by Capt. Titus 1648. And Whitlock's Mem. p. 337. See his Majesty's Message by Major Cromwal 21. Nov. 1648. See his Message by Sir Peter Killigrew in Whitlock's Mem. p. 339. P. 141. Edit Magut 1648. Ib. pag. 138. Pag. 166. Ro. 13. 1 2. * Mr. James Tyrrel †Before the late Edition of the Body of Divinity Col. 3. 12. †Drawn by Mr. Lilly after Knighted Eccles. 11. 7. Jam. 3. 17. Dr. Heylin 's Respondet Petrus Not. ad Mat. 6. Observat. in Willeram pag. 248. Praefat in Caedâ—â— Pag. 14. Ib. Sect. 7. Resp. Pet. Sect. 10. The Lord Primat's Judgment * He adds the word real which is not in the Latin vid. Dr Burnet 's Hist. of the Reformation Part 2. p. 405. Answer to the Jesuits Challenge See the places cited at large in the Book p. 118. P. 127. P. 128. P. 135 Lev. 13. P. 136. Bellarmin de Poenitent lib. 3. cap. 2. sect ult P. 137. P. 119. P. 123. That all the antient forms of Absolution in the Greek Church were till of late only declarative or optative and always in the 3d not first person See Dr. Smith 's learned Account of the Gr. Church p. 180 181. Respon Petrus Sect. 10. § 7. P. 287 288. P. 341. P. 342. P. 343. P. 345 346. P. 310. * Vid. Jobi Ludolfi lib. 311. c. 5. 19. Hist. Aethiop * Qui mihi ad sedem Armachanam translato anno 1625. in Midensi Episcopatu successit anno 1650. mortem obiit * Of these Fulgentius Ferrandus seemeth to be one in Dionysius his Days for he never citeth those Canons * Unless in the 5th Canon of the fifth Council of Carthage of which we may further inquire * There are more * Also of the Councils Antioch Laodicen Constantinopolit Ephes. Chalcedon * In Codice Moguntino are 14. * Edit Colon. An. 1551. †Edit Venet. An. 1585. But so in Notitia Episc. Galliae propetiâ—â—m * Hec praesatio extat in Edit per Crab. p. 328. * From Turrian vid. Epist. Pontif Arabic Nomo-Canonum * Another Collector Canon Caroli M. Temporib in 3 Tom. rerum Alamannicarum Goldasti XII Vid. Summam Gratian Cod. 37. qu. 1. c. 9. 10. ex Codice Canâ—num Bernardinus de Biâ—sto in Marcul part 12. Ser. 2. de Coronatione Mariae Lit. V. 1 Aera Dhilkarnain est 2 x apud Albategnium viz. 2 Potiùs 9. 3 Quod caput est arae Dhilk. 4 Quod caput est Hegirae * i. e. aequabiles †complito ‖ 287. Crus pag. 35. * 1205 anni die 297. in anno aequabili ineunte verò an 1206. qui hic intelligitur ut ex collatione Eclipsis luminaris liquet †Vagis non fixis ‖ For though it did well agree with the observation of the Aequinoctial yet it cannot with the first Lunar Eclipse which was in the same year 1194. †i. e. Jul. esse diem 365 sed Alkept non diffâ—rt à Juliano quod etiam provâ—tur ex aerâ Philippicâ in Historiâ mescella * Aegyptiae †i. e. Julian * Why of the Flight rather than of the Ostracism which he principally relates in that place †Thucydides tamen in Attica clà m humatum dicit reserente Attico apud Cic. in Brut. ‖ But that was anno 40. Olymp. 75. according to Diodorus * But he saith that he was made Admiral Archonte Demotione though Plutarch doth make him Admiral before that Pag. 96. * Upon Eusebius's Chronicle 1800 Of the other side * He stiles him Gildas Sapiens also as Bishop Usher noted in the margin M S S. Vid. Abb. c. Qualiter tit de electo electi potestate c. Avaritiae in 6. Gregor Tholosan in Syntagm utriusque Juris alios passim * Tom. 5. Biblioth Patr. Part 1. p. 171. Edit Colon. Your Lordship may by private Instructions and his discretion free your self of this fear Mat. 4. 19. Prov. 11. 30. Mat. 13. 48. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mark 7. 11. * M. Tract Fund 1. c. 3. §. 9 †M. Tr. Fund 2. c. 10. §. 4. ‖ M. Tr. Fund c. 9. §. 1. * M. Tr. Repent c. 5. §. 1 2 3 4 c. †M. Tr. Repent c. 8. §. 7. c. 9. §. 2. 1 John 5. 20. * M. Tr. Repent cap. 7. §. 6. Luke 3. 27. John 6. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. Cor. 1. 22. * M. Tr. Repent cap. 3. §. 3. I would then wast hot or cold but seeing thou art lukewarm I will spuâ— thee out of my mouth