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A91487	Severall speeches delivered at a conference concerning the power of Parliament, to proeeed [sic] against their King for misgovernment. In which is stated: I. That government by blood is not by law of nature, or divine, but only by humane and positive laws of every particular common-wealth, and may upon just causes be altered. II. The particular forme of monarchies and kingdomes, and the different laws whereby they are to be obtained, holden and governed ... III. The great reverence and respect due to kings, ... IV. The lawfulnesse of proceeding against princes: ... V. The coronation of princes, ... VI. What is due to onely succession by birth, and what interest or right an heire apparent hath to the crown, ... VII. How the next in succession by propinquity of blood, have often times been put back by the common-wealth, ... VIII. Divers other examples out of the states of France and England, for proofe that the next in blood are sometimes put back from succession, ... IX. What are the principall points which a common-wealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding their king, wherein is handled largely also of the diversity of religions, and other such causes.	Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610, attributed name.	1648 (1648)	Wing P573; Thomason E521_1; ESTC R203152	104,974	80

truly nor the example of one Princes punishment maketh another to beware for the next successour after this noble Edward which was King Richard the second though he were not his son but his sons son to wit son and heire to the excellent and renowned black Prince of Wales this Richard I say forgetting the miserable end of his great Grandfather for evill government as also the felicity and vertue of his Father and Grandfather for the contrary suffered himselfe to be abused and misled by evill councellours to the great hurt and disquietnesse of the Realme For which cause after he had reigned 22. yeares he was deposed by act of Parliament holden in London the yeare of our Lord 1399. and condemned to perpetuall prison in the Castle of Pomfret Polyd. l. 20. hist Aug. 1399. where he was soon after put to death also and used as the other before had been and in this mans place by free election was chosen for King the noble Knight Henry Duke of Lancaster who proved afterwards a notable King and was father to King Henry the fifth sirnamed commonly the Alexander of England for that as Alexander the great conquered the most part of Asia in the space of 9. or 10. yeares so did this Henry conquer France in lesse then the like time I might reckon also this number of Princes deposed for defect in government though otherwise he were no evill man in life this King Henry the fourths nephew I mean King Henry the sixt who after almost forty yeares reigne was deposed imprisoned and put to death Polyd. l. 23. ●istor Anglie together with his sonne the Prince of Wales by Edward the fourth of the house of Yorke and the same was confirmed by the Commons and especially by the people 〈◊〉 London and afterwards also by publicke Act of Parliament in respect not only of the title which King Edward pretended but also and especially for that King Henry did suffer himselfe to bee overruled by the Queen his wife and had broke the articles of agreement made by the Parliament between him and the Duke of Yorke and solemnly sworne on both sides the 8. of Octob. in the yeare 1459. In punishment whereof and of his other negligent and evill government though for his owne particular life he was a good man sentence was given against him partly by force and partly by law and King Edward the fourth was put in his place who was no evill King and all English men well know but one of the renownedst for martiall acts and justice that hath worne the English Crowne But after this man againe there fell another accident much more notorious which was that Richard Duke of Glocester this King Edwards yonger brother did put to death his two nephews this mans children to wit King Edward the fifth and his little brother and made himselfe King and albeit he sinned grievously by taking upon him the. Crown in this wicked manner yet when his nephews were once dead he might in reason seem to be lawfull King both in respect that he was the next male in blood after his said brother as also for that by divers acts of Parliament both before and after the death of those infants his title was authorised and made good and yet no man wil say I think but that he was lawfully also deposed again afterward by the Commonwealth An. 1487. which called out of France Henry Earle of Richmond to chastise him and to put him downe and so he did and tooke from him both life and Kingdome in the field and was King himselfe after him by the name of King Henry the seventh and no man I suppose will say but that he was lawfully King also which yet cannot be except the other might lawfully be deposed I would have you consider in all these mutations what men commonly have succeeded in the places of such as have been deposed as namely in England in the place of those five Kings before named that were deprived to wit John Edward the second Richard the second Henry the sixt and Richard the third there have succeeded the three Henries to wit the third fourth and seventh and two Edwards the third and fourth all most rare and valiant Princes who have done infinit important acts in their Commonwealths and among other have raised many houses to Nobility put downe others changed states both abroad and at home distributed Ecclesiasticall dignities altered the course of discent in the blood Royall and the like all which was unjust is void at this day if the changes and deprivations of the former Princes could not be made and consequently none of these that doe pretend the Crowne of England at this day can have any title at all for that from those men they descend who were put up in place of the deprived And this may be sufficient for proofe of these two principall points that lawfull Princes have oftentimes by their Commonwealths been lawfully deposed for misgovernment and that God hath allowed and assisted the same with good successe unto the Weal-publique and if this be so or might be so in Kings lawfully set in possession then much more hath the said Commonwealth power and authority to alter the succession of such as doe but yet pretend to that dignity if there be due reason and causes for the same The fourth Speech TRuly Sir I cannot deny but the examples are many that this Gentleman hath alleaged and they seeme to prove sufficiently that which you affirmed at the beginning to wit that the Princes by you named were deprived and put downe by their Common-wealths for their evill government And good successors commonly raised up in their places and that the Common-wealth had authority also to doe it I doe not greatly doubt at leastwise they did it de facto and now to call these facts in question were to embroyle and turne up-side-down all the States of Christendome as you have well signified but yet for that you have added this word lawfully so many times in the course of your narration I would you tooke the paines to tell us also by what Law they did the same seeing that Belloy whom you have named before and some other of his opinion doe affirme Belloy apolog catholic part 2. paragraf 9. apol pro rege cap. 9. That albeit by nature the Common-wealth have authority over the Prince to chuse and appoint him at the beginning as you have well proved out of Aristotle and other wayes yet having once made him and given up all their authority unto him he is now no more subject to their correction or restraint but remaineth absolute of himselfe without respect to any but onely to God alone which they prove by the example of every particular man that hath authority to make his Master or Prince of his inferiour but not afterwards to put him downe againe or to deprive him of the authority which he gave him though he should not beare himselfe well and

England had two K. Henries living at one time with equall authority and this was done in the 16. year of his Reign and in the year of our Lord 1170 but his device had no good successe for that K. Henry the younger made war soone after upon K. Henry the elder and had both the Kings of France and Scotland and many Nobles of England and Normandy to take his part for which cause it is thought that this thing hath never been put in practise again since that time in England but yet hereby it is evident what the opinion of the world was in those daies of the force of Coronation and admission of the Common-wealth and how little propinquity of bloud prevaileth without that The Seaventh Speech I Should begin with the Grecian Kings it were infinite that might be alleadged and perhaps some man would say they were over old and far fetched examples and cannot be presidents to us in these ages and if I lay before you the examples of Roman Kings and Emperours put in and out against the Law aed Rights of succession the same men perhaps will answer that it was by force and injury of mutinons souldiers whereunto that Common-wealth was greatly subject And if I sh●uld bring forth any presidents and examples of holy Scripturs some other might chance to reply that this was by particuler priviledge wherein God Almighty would deale and dispose of things against the ordinary course of mans law as best liked himselfe whose will is more then Law and whose actions are right it selfe for that he is Lord of all and to be limitted by no rule or law of man but yet that this is not properly the Act of a Common-Welth Thus I say it may be that some man would reply and therefore having store enough of plain and evident matter which hath no exception for that it hath happened in setled Common-Wealths and those near home where the law of succession is received and established to wit in Spayne France and England I shall retyre my selfe to them alone but yet putting you in mind before I passe any further that it is a matter much to be marked how God dealt in this point with the people of Israel at the begining 1. Règ. 8. after he had granted to them that they should have the same government of Kings that other Nations round about them had whose Kings did ordinarily reigne by succession as ours do at this day and as all the Kings of the Jewes did afterwards and yet this notwithstanding God at the beginning at the very entrance of their first Kings would shew plainly that this Law of succeeding of the one the other by birth and propinquity of blood though for the most part it should prevaile yet that it was not so precisely necessary but that upon just causes it might be altered For proofe whereof we are to consider that albeit he made Saul a true and lawfull King over the Iewes and consequent also gave him all Kingly priviledges benefits and prerogatives belonging to that degree and state whereof one principal as you know is to have his Children succeed after him in the Crowne yet after his death God suffered not any one of his generation to succeed him though he left behinde him many Children and among others Isboseth a Prince of 40. Yeares of age 2. Reg. 1. and 21. whom Abner the generall captain of that nation with eleaven tribes followed for a time as their lawfull Lord and master by succession untill God cheked them for it and induced them to reiect him though heire apparent by discent and to cleave to David newly elected King who was a stranger by Birth and no King at all to the King deceased And if you say here that this was for the sinne of Saul whom God had reiected I do confesse it but yet this is nothing against our purpose for that we pretend not that a Prince that is next in blood can iustly be put back except it be for his own defects or those of his ancestors And more over I would have you consider that by this it is evident that the fault of the father may prejudicate the sonnes right to the Crowne albeit the sonne hath no part in the fault as we may see in this example not only of Ishboseth that was punished and deprived for the offence of Saul his Father notwithstanding he had been proclaimed King as hath been said but also of Ionathus Saules other sonne who so good a man and so much praised in holy Scripture and yet he being slaine in Warr and leaving a sonne named Mephiboseth he was put back also 2. Reg. 5. though by nearenesse of blood he had great interest in the succession and much before David But David being placed in the Crowne by election free consent and admission of the people of Israell as the Scripture plainly testifieth though by motion and direction of God himself we must confesse 2. Reg. 2 and 5. and no man I think will deny but that he had given unto him therewith all Kingly priviledges prehemiences and regali●ies even in the highest degree as was conveniene to such a state and among other the Scripture expresly nameth that in particuler it was assured him by God that his seed should reigne after him yea and that for eve● Psal 131. 2. Paral. 6. but yet we do not find this to be performed to any of his elder sonnes as by order of succession it should seeme to appertain no nor to any of their of spring or discents but only to Solomon which was his younger and tenth sonne and the fourth only by Barsabe True it is that the Scripture recounteth how Adonias Davids elder sonne that was of rare beauty a very goodly young Prince seeing his Father now very ould and impotent and to lie on his death bed and himselfe heire apparent by antiquitie of blood after the death of Absalon his elder brother that was slain before he had determined to have proclaimed himselfe heir apparent in Ierusalem before his Father died 1. Reg. 1. and for that purpose had ordained a great assembly and banquet had called unto it both the high priest Abiather and diverse of the Cleargie as also the generall Captaine of all the army of Israell named Ioah with other of the Nobillity and with them all the rest of his bretheren that were sonnes to King David saving only Solomon togeather with many other Princes and great men both spirituall and temporall of that estate and had prepared for them a great feast meaning that very day to proclaime himselfe heire apparent to the Crowne and to be Crowned as indeed by succession of blood it appertained unto him and this he attempted so much the rather by councell of his friends for that he saw the King his Father very ould and impotent and ready to die and had taken no order at all for his successor and moreover Adonias had understood how that Bersabe Solomons Mother

SEVERALL SPEECHES Delivered At a Conference concerning the Power of Parliament to proceed against their KING for MISGOVERNMENT In which is Stated I. That Government by blood is not by Law of Nature or Divine but only by humane and positive Laws of every particular Common-wealth and may upon just causes be altered II. The particular forme of Monarchies and Kingdomes and the different Laws whereby they are to be obtained holden and governed in divers Countries according as each Common-wealth hath chosen and established III. The great reverence and respect due to Kings and yet how divers of them have been lawfully chastised by their Parliaments and Common-wealths for their misgovernment and of the good and prosperous successe that God commonly hath given to the same IV. The lawfulnesse of proceeding against Princes what interest Princes have in their Subjects goods or lives how Oathes do binde or may be broken by Subjects towards their Princes and finally the difference between a good King and a Tyrant V. The Coronation of Princes and manner of their admitting to their authority the Other which they doe make in the same unto the Common-wealth for their good Government VI. What is due to onely Succession by birth and what interest or right an Heire apparent hath to the Crown before he is Crowned or admitted by the Common-wealth and how justly he may be put back if he have not the parts requisite VII How the next in succession by propinquity of blood have often times been put back by the Common-wealth and others further off admitted in their places even in those Kingdoms where succession prevaileth with many examples of the Kingdomes of Israel Spaine VIII Divers other examples out of the States of France and England for proofe that the next in blood are sometimes put back from succession and how God hath approved the same with good successe IX What are the principall points which a Common-wealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding their King wherein is handled largely also of the diversity of Religions and other such causes LONDON Printed by Robert Ibbitson dwelling in Smith field neere the Queens-head-Tavern MDCXLVIII The first Speech THe Examples of a mad or furious Heir apparent or of one that were by Education a Turke or Moor in Religion or by Nature deprived of his Wit or Senses do plainly prove that propinquity of Birth or Bloud alone without other circumstances is not sufficient to be preferred to a Crown for that no Reason or Law Religion or Wisedom in the World can admit such Persons to the Government of the Common-wealth by whom no good but destruction may be expected to the same seeing that Government was ordeined for the benefit of the Weal-publique and not otherwise And though some in these our Dayes have affirmed the contrary and published the same in writing for the defence flattery or advancement of the Prince they favour affirming that even a fool mad or furious man or otherwise so wicked as he would endeavour to destroy the Common-wealth were to be admitted to the Seat Royal without further consideration if he be next in Bloud yet this is manifestly agaist all reason and conscience and against the very first end and purpose of institution of Common-wealths and Magistrates Hereof it doth ensue that some other Conditions also must needs be requisite for coming to Government by Succession besides the onely propinquity or priority in Bloud and that the Conditions must be assigned and limited out by some higher Authority than is that of the Prince himselfe who is bound and limited thereby and yet it seemeth evident they are not prescribed by any Law of Nature or Divine for that then they should be both immutable and the selfe-same in all Countries as God and Nature are one and the same to all without change where notwithstanding we see that these Conditions and Circumstances of succeeding by Birth are divers or different in different Countries as also they are subject to changes according to the diversity of Kingdomes Realmes and People whereby we are forced to conclude that every particular Countrey and Common-wealth hath prescribed these Conditions to it selfe and hath Authority to do the same For better proof whereof it is first of all to be supposed that albeit sociability or inclination to live together in company Man with Man whereof ensueth both City and Common-wealth as Aristotle gathereth in his first Book of Politiques be of Nature and consequently also of God that is Authour of Nature though Government in like manner and jurisdiction of Magistrates which do follow necessarily upon this living together in company be also of Nature yet the particular Forme or manner of this or that Government in this or that Fashion as to have many Governours few or one and those either Kings Dukes Earles or the like or that they should have this or that Authority more or lesse for longer or shorter time or be taken by Succession or Election themselves and their Children or next in Bloud all these things I say are not by Law either Natural or Divine for then as hath been said they should be all one in all Countries and Nations seeing God and Nature is one to all but they are ordained by particular positive Lawes of every Countrey But now that sociability in Mankinde or inclination to live in company is by Nature and consequently ordained by God for the common benefit of all is an easie thing to prove seeing that all ground of Realmes and Common-wealths dependeth of this point as of their first Principle for that a Common-wealth is nothing else but the good Government of a Multitude gathered together to live in one and therefore all old Philosophers Law-makers and Wise men that have treated of Government or Common-wealths as Plat● in his ten most excellent Bookes which he wrote of this matter intituling them of the Common-wealth Plato de repub Cicero de repub Arist. Polit. And Marcus Cicero that famous Councellour in other six Books that he writ of the same matter under the same Title And Aristotle that perhaps excelleth them both in eight Bookes which is called his Politiques All these I say do make their entrance to treat of their Common-wealth affaires from this first Principle to wit That man by Nature is sociable and inclined to live in company whereof do proceed first all private Houses then Villages then Townes then Cities then Kingdomes and Common-wealths This ground and Principle then do they prove by divers evident reasons as first for that in all Nations never so wilde and barbarous we see by experience that by one way or other they endeavour to live together either in Cities Townes Villages Caves Woods Tents or other like manner according to the Custome of each countrey Pompon Mela. lib. 3. cap. 3 4. Tacit. lib. 8. which universal instinct could never be in all but by impression of Nature it selfe Secondly they prove the same by that the use of speech is

sense though he may be both good or bad and none hath been worse or more cruel many times than home-borne Princes but if it be meant as though any Prince had his particular Government or interest to succeed by institution of Nattre it is ridiculous for that Nature giveth it not as hath been declared but the particular constitution of every Common-wealth within it selfe The second Speech FIrst of all is to be considered that of all other Formes of Government the Monarchy of King in it selfe appeareth to be the most excellent and perfect and so do hold not onely Aristotle in his fore-named Bookes of Politiques and namely in his third with this onely condition that he governe by Lawes but Seneca also and Plutarch in his Morals and namely in that special Treatise wherein he discusseth An sens sit Respub tracta●●da whether an old man ought to take upon him the Government of a Common-wealth or no where he saith that Reg●um inter omnes respub consummatissima prima est a Kingdom is the most perfect Common-wealth among all other and the very first that is to say the most perfect for that it hath most commodities and least inconveniences in it selfe of any other Government and it is the first of all other for that all People commonly made their choise at the beginning of this kinde of Government so as of all other it is most ancient for so we reade that among the Syrians Medes and Persians their first Governours were Kings and when the children of Israel did aske a King at the hands of Samuel 1 Reg. 8. which was a thousand yeares before the coming of Christ they alledged for one reason that all Nations round about them had Kings for their Governours and at the very same time the chiefest Cities and Common wealths of Greece as the Lacedemonians Athenians Corinthians and others whereof divers afterwards took other Governments unto themselves for the abuses in kingly Government committed at that time were governed by Kings as at large proveth Dyanisius Halicarnasseus Coruelius Tacitus Cicero and others Dyonis Hal. l. 5. Cornel. Tac. l. 3. Cic. l. 1. Offic. The Romans also began with Kings as before I have noted and the reason of this is for that as our Christian Doctours doe gather especially Hierome and Chrisostome Hierom. l. 2. Epist 12. Chrisost hom 23. this kinde of Government resembleth most of all the Government of God that is but one it representeth the excellency of one sun that lightneth all the Planets of one soul in the body that governeth all the powers and members thereof and finally they shew it also to be most conforme unto Nature by example of the Bees which do choose unto themselves a King and do live under a Monarchy as the most excellentest of all other Governments to which purpose also I have heard alleadged sometimes by divers those words of Peter Subjecti estote omni humanae creaturae propter Deum sint Regi quasi precellenti sive ducibus ab co missis c. 1 Pet. 2. Be you subject to every humane creature for God's cause whether it be to a King as the most excellent or to Dukes sent by God for the punishment of evil men and praise of the good cut of which words some do note two points first that as on the one side the Apostle doth plainly teach that the Magistrates Authority is from God by his first institution in that he saith We must be subject to them for God's cause so on the other side he calleth it a humane creature or a thing created by man for that by man's free choice this particular Forme of Government as al other also is appointed in every Common-wealth and that by mans election and consent the same is laid upon some particular man or woman according to the Lawes of every Countrey all which maketh it rightly to be called both a humane creature and from God The second point which divers do note out of these words is that Peter calleth a King most excellent which though it may be understood in respect of the Dukes Authority whereof immediately there followeth mention yet may it seem also to be taken and verified of kingly Authority in respect of all other Governments seeing that at this time when the Apostle wrote this Epistle the chief Governour of the world was not called King but Emperour and therefore seeing in such a time Peter affirmeth the state of kingly Government to be most excellent it may seem he meant it absolutely signifying thereby that this is the best kinde of Government among all others though to confesse the truth between the Title of King and Emperour there is little or no difference in substance but onely in name for that the Authority is equal every King is an Emperour in his own Kingdom And finally the excellency of this Government above all other is not onely proved by the perfection thereof in it selfe as for that it is most ancient simple and conforme unto Nature and most resembling the Government of God himselfe as hath been said but by the effects also and utility that it bringeth unto the Subjects with farre lesse inconveniences than any other Forme of Government whatsoever if we compare them together for in the Monarchy of one King there is more unity agreement and conformity and thereby also celerity commonly in dispatching of businesses and in defending the Common-wealth than where many Heads be lesse passions also in one man than in many as for example in Demecratia where the common people do bear the chief sway which is Bellua multorum capitum as Cicero wisely said that is a Beast of many heads Cicero l. 1. Offic. Democratis There is nothing but sedition trouble tumults outrages and injustices committed upon every little occasion especially where crafty and cunning men may be admitted to incense or asswage them with sugred words such as were the Oratours in Athens and other Cities of Greece that had this Government and the Tribunes of the People of Rome and other such popular and plausible men who could move the waves raise up the windes and inkindle the fire of the vulgar Peoples affections passions or furies at their pleasure by which we see that of all other Common wealths these of popular Government have soonest come to raine which might be shewed not onely by old examples of Greece Asia and Africa but also of many Cities of Italy as Florence Bolonia Siena Pisa Arezzo Spoleto Perugio Padua and others which upon the fall or diminution of the Roman Empire under which they were before took unto themselves popular Governments wherein they were so tossed with continual sedition mutinies and banding of Factions as they could never have end thereof untill after infinit murders massacres and inundation of bloud they came in the end to be under the Monarchy of some one Prince or other as at this day they remain so that of all other Governments this is the

worst The second Forme which is called Oligarchia or Aristocratia for that a few and those presumed to be the best are joyned together in Authority as it doth participate something of both the other Governments to wit of Monarchia and Democratia or rather tempereth them both so hath it both good and evil in it but yet inclineth more to the evil for the dis-union that commonly by man's infirmity and malice is among those Heads for which cause the States before named of Venice and Genua which were wont to have simply this Government of Aristocratia in that their Regiment was by certain chose Senatours were enforced in the end to chuse Dukes also as Heads of their Senates for avoiding of dissention and so they have at this day though their Authority be but small as hath been said We see also by the examples of Carthage and Rome where Government of Aristocratia took place that the division and factions among the Senatours of Carthage was the cause why aid and succour was not sent to Hannibal their Captain in Italy after his so great and important victory at Cannas which was the very cause of the saving of the Roman Empire and the losse of their own and also afterwards the emulations discord and dis union of the Roman Senatours among themselves in the affaires and contentions of Marius and Sylla and of Pompry and Caesar was the occasion of all their destruction and of their Common-wealth with them Tit. Liv. l. 30. Entrop l. 3. Oros l. 5. 6. Evident then it is that of all other Governments the Monarchy is the best and least subject to the inconveniences that other Governments have and if the Prince that governeth alone and hath supreme authority to himselfe as he resembleth God in this point of sole Government so could he resemble him also in wise discreet and just Government and in ruling without passion no doubt but that nothing more excellent in the World could be desired for the perfect felicity of his Subjects but for that a King or Prince is a man as others be and thereby not onely subject to errours in judgement but also to passionate affections in his will for this cause it was necessary that the Common-wealth as it gave him this great power over them so it should assigne him also the best helpes that might be for directing and rectifying both his will and judgement and make him therein as like in Government to God whom he representeth as man's frailty can reach unto For this consideration they assigned to him first of all the assistance and direction of Law whereby to governe which Law Aristotle saith Est meus quaelam nulle perturbata affectu Arist l. 3. Pol. c. ult It is a certain minde disquieted with no disordinate affection as mens mindes commonly be for that when a Law is made for the most part it is made upon due considlration and deliberation and without perturbation of evil affections as anger envy hatred rashnesse or the like passions and it is referred to some good end and commodity of the Common-wealth which Law being once made remaineth so still without alteration or partial affection being indifferent to all and partial to none but telleth one tale to every man and in this it resembleth the perfection as it were of God himselfe for the which cause the said Philosopher in the same place addeth a notable wise saying to wit That he which joyneth a Law to governe with the Prince joyneth God to the Prince but be that joyneth to the Prince his affection to governe joyneth a beast Ar. l. 3. Pol. c. 12. For that mens affections and concupiscences are common also to Beasts so that a Prince ruling by Law is more than a man or a man deified and a Prince ruling by affections is lesse than a man or a man brutified In another place also the same Philosopher saith that a Prince that leaveth Law and ruleth himselfe and others by his own appetite and affections Of all creatures is the worst and of all beasts is the most furious and dangerous Arist l. 1. Pol. c. 2. For that nothing is so outragious as injustice armed and no armour is so strong as wit and authority whereof the first he hath in that he is a man and the other in that he is a Prince For this cause then all Common-wealths have prescribed Lawes unto their Princes to govern thereby as by a most excellent certain and immutable rule to which sense Cicero said Leges sunt inventae ut omnibus semper una eadem voce loquerentur Lawes were invented to the end they should speak in one and the selfe same sense to all men Cic. l. 2. Offic. For which very reason in like manner these Lawes have been called by Philosophers a rule or square inflexible and by Aristotle in particular a minde without passion as hath been said but the Prophet David who was also a Prince and King seemeth to call it by the name of Discipline for that as Discipline doth keep all the parts of a man or of a particular house in order so Law well ministred keepeth all the parts of a Common-wealth in good order and to shew how securely God exacteth this at all Princes hands he saith these words And now learn ye Kings and be instructed ye that judge the World serve God in fear and rejoyce in him with trembling imbrace ye discipline least he enter into wrath and so ye perish from the way of righteousnesse Psal 2. Which words being uttered by a Prophet and King do contain divers points of much consideration for this purpose as first that Kings and Princes are bound to learne Law and Discipline and secondly to observe the same with great humility and fear of Gods wrath and thirdly that if they do not they shall perish from the way of righteousnesse as though the greatest plague of all to a Prince were to lose the way of righteousnesse law and reason in his Government and to give himselfe over to passion and his own will whereby they are sure to come to shipwracke and thus much of the first helpe The second helpe that Common-wealths have given to their Kings and Princes especially in later Ages hath been certain Councels and Councelours with whom to consult in matters of most importance as we see the Parliaments in England and France the Courts in Spain and Diets in Germany without which no matter of great moment can be concluded and besides this commonly every King hath his Privy Councel whom he is bound to hear and this was done to temper somewhat the absolute forme of a Monarchy whose danger is by reason of his sole Authority to fall into tyranny as Aristotle wisely noteth in his fourth Book of Politiques shewing the inconvenience or dangers of this Government which is the cause that we have few or no simple Monarchies now in the World especially among Christians but all are mixt lightly with divers points

had some hope to have her sonne Reigne after David upon a certaine promise that David in his youth had made unto her thereof as also she had in the speciall favour and friendship which Nathan the Prophet and Sadock the Priest who could do much with the ould King David did beare unto her sonne Solomon aboue all the rest of his Bretheren Hereupon I say these two that is to say Queene Bersabee and Nathan the Prophet comming together to the old man as he lay one his bed and putting him in mind of his promise and oath made to Bersabee for the preferment of her Son and shewing besides how that Adonias without his order and consent had gathered an Assembly to make himselfe King even that very day which did put the old King in very great feare and anger and further also telling him which pleased him wel quod oculi totius Israel in eum ●espicerent ut indicaret eis quis sederet in solio suo post ipsum 3. Reg. 1. that is that the eyes of all Israel were upon him to see whom he would commend unto them to sit in his seat after him which was as much to say as that the whole common-wealth referred it to his choise which of his Sonnes should reigne after him Vpon these reasons and perswasions I say the good ould King was content that they should take Solomon out of hand and put him upon the Kings owne mule and carry him about the streets of Ierusalem accompanied with his guard and court and crying with sound of Trumpets Vivat Rex Salomon 3. Reg 1. and that Sadock the Priest should anoint him and after that he should be brought back and placed in the royall Throne in the palace and so indeed he was at what time King David himselfe being not able through impotencie to rise out of his bed did him honour and reverence from the place where he lay for so saith the Scriptures Adoravit Rex in lectulo suo king David adored his Sonne Salomon thus Crowned even from his bed all which no doubt though it may seeme to have been wrought by humane meanes and policy yet must we confesse that it was principally by the speciall instinct of God himselfe as by the sequell and succes we see so that hereby also we are taught that these and like determinations of the people Majestrates and common wealths about admitting or refusing of Princes to Reigne or not to Reigne ever them when their designements are to good ands and for just respects and causes are allowed also by God and oftentimes are his owne speciall drifts and dispositions though they seeme to come from man Whereof no one thing can give a more evident proofe then that which ensued afterward to Prince Roboam the Lawfull Sonne and heire of this King Salamon who after his Fathers death comming to Sichem where all the People of Israel were gathered together for his Coronation and Admission according to his right by succession 3. Reg. 12. For untill that time we see he was not accounted true King though his Father was dead and this is to be noted the people began to purpose unto him certain conditions for taking away of some hard and heavy impositions laid upon them by Salomon his Father an evident president of the oath and conditions that Princes do swear unto in these dayes at their Coronation whereunto when Roboam refused to yeald ten Tribes of the twelve refused to admit him for their King 3. Reg 11. but chose rather one Ieroboam Robohams servant that was a meere stranger and but of poore parentage and made him there lawfull King and God allowed thereof as the Scripture in expresse words doth testifie and when Roboam that tooke himselfe to be openly Injured heereby would by armes have pursued his Title and had gathered together an Army of a hundred and foure-score thousand chosen souldiers as the scripture sayth 5 Rig. 12. and 21. to punish these rebells as he calle them and to reduce these 10. tribes to their due obedience of their naturall Prince God appeared unto one Semejah a holy man and bad him goe to the camp of Roboam and tell them plainly that he would not have them to fight against their Brethren that had chosen another King but that every man should goe home to his house and live quietly vnder the King which each party had and so they did and this was the end of that tumult which God for the sins of Salomon had permitted and allowed of And thus much by the way I thought good to touch on t of holy Scripture concerning the Iewish Common-Wealth even at the begining for that it may give light to all the rest which after I am to treate of for if God permitted and allowed this in his own Common wealth that was to he the example and patern of all others that should ensue no doubt but that he approveth also the same in other Realms when just occasions are offered either for his service the good of the people and Realm or else for punishment of the sinnes and wickednesse of some Princes that the ordinary line of succession be altered Now then to passe on further and to begin with the Kingdoms of Spayne supposing ever this ground of Gods Ordinance first I say that Spayne hath had 3. or 4. races or discents of Kings as France also and England have had and the first race was from the Gothe● which began their raigne in Spayne after the expulsion of the Romans about the year of Christ 416. Ambros Moral lib. 11. c. 12 to whom the Spaniard referreth all his old Nobility as the Frenchman doth to the German Franckes and the English to the Saxons which entred France and England in the very same age that the other did Spayne and the race of Gothish Kings indured by the space of 300. yeares untill Spayne was lost unto the Moores The second race is from Don Pelayo that was chosen first King of Asturias and of the Mountain Countrey of Spayne after the distruction thereof by the Moores about the year of Christ 717. Ambros Moral lib. 13. c. 2. which race continued and increased and added ●●●gdom unto Kingdom for the space of other 300 years until the year of Christ 1034. Moral lib. 13 c. 42 43 44. when Don Sancho Mayor King of Navarra got unto his power the Earldom also of Aragon and Castiliae and made them Kingdoms and divided them among his Children and to his second sonne named Don Fernando surnamed afterward the great he gave not only the said Earldom of Castilia with title of Kingdom but by marriage also of the sister of Don Dermudo King of Leon and Aust●rias he joyned all those Kingdoms together that day forward the 3 race of the Kings of Navair to reign in Castel and so indured for 500 years until the year of Christ 1540. when the house of Austira entred to reign there by mariage of the daughter heire Don Ferdinando