either part But for the Contract made by MAXIMILIAN with the Lady her selfe they were harder driuen hauing nothing to alledge but that it was done without the consent of her Soueraigne Lord King CHARLES whose Ward and Client shee was and Hee to her in place of a Father and therfore it was void and of no force for want of such Consent Which defect they sayd though it would not euacuate a Marriage after Cohabitation and Actuall Cosummation yet it was enough to make void a Contract For as for the pretended Consummation they made sport with it and said That it was an argument that MAXIMILIAN was a Widdower and a cold Wooer that could content himselfe to be a Bridgrome by Deputie and would not make a little Iourney to put all out of question So that the young Lady wrought vpon by these Reasons finely instilled by such as the French King who spared for no Rewards or Promises had made on his side and allured likewise by the present Glory and Greatnesse of King CHARLES being also a young King and a Batchelor and loth to make her Countrey the Seat of a long and miserable Warre secretly yeelded to accept of King CHARLES But during this secret Treatie with the Ladie the better to saue it from Blasts of Opposition and Interruption King CHARLES resorting to his wonted Arts and thinking to carry the Marriage as hee had carried the Warres by entertaining the King of England in vaine beliefe sent a solemne Ambassage by FRANCIS Lord of Luximburge CHARLES MARIGNIAN and ROBERT GAGVIEN Generall of the Order of the Bonnes Hommes of the Trinitie to treat a Peace and League with the King accoupling it with an Article in the nature of a Request that the French King might with the Kings good will according vnto his right of Seigniorie and Tutelage dispose of the Marriage of the young Duchesse of Britaine as hee should thinke good offering by a Iudiciall proceeding to make void the Marriage of MAXIMILIAN by Proxie Also all this while the better to amuse the world hee did continue in his Court and custodie the Daughter of MAXIMILIAN who formerly had beene sent vnto him to bee bred and educated in France not dismissing or renvoying her but contrariwise professing and giuing out strongly that hee meant to proceed with that Match And that for the Duchesse of Britaine hee desired onely to preserue his right of Seigniory and to giue her in Marriage to some such Allye as might depend vpon him When the three Commissioners came to the Court of England they deliuered their Ambassage vnto the King who remitted them to his Councell where some dayes after they had Audience and made their Proposition by the Prior of the Trinitie who though hee were third in place yet was held the best Speaker of them to this effect MY Lords the King our Master the greatest and mightiest King that raigned in France since CHARLES the Great whose Name he beareth hath neuerthelesse thought it no disparagement to his Greatnesse at this time to propound a Peace yea and to pray a Peace with the King of England For which purpose hee hath sent vs his Commissioners instructed and enabled with full and ample power to treat and conclude giuing vs further in charge to open in some other businesse the secrets of his owne intentions These be indeed the precious Loue-tokens betweene great Kings to communicate one with another the true state of their affaires and to passe by nice Points of Honour which ought not to giue Law vnto Affection This I doe assure your Lordships It is not possible for you to imagine the true and cordiall Loue that the King our Master beareth to your Soueraigne except you were neare him as we are He vseth his Name with so great respect he remembreth their first acquaintance at Paris with so great contentment nay hee neuer speakes of him but that presently he falls into discourse of the miseries of great Kings in that they cannot conuerse with their Equalls but with Seruants This affection to your Kings Person and Vertues GOD hath put into the Heart of our Master no doubt for the good of Christendome and for purposes yet vnknowne to vs all For other Root it cannot haue since it was the same to the Earle of Richmond that it is now to the King of England This is therefore the first motiue that makes our King to desire Peace and League with your Soueraigne Good affection and somewhat that hee findes in his owne Heart This affection is also armed with reason of Estate For our King doth in all candour and franknesse of dealing open himselfe vnto you that hauing an honourable yea and a holy Purpose to make a Voyage and Warre in remote Parts he considereth that it will be of no small effect in point of Reputation to his enterprise if it be knowne abroad that hee is in good peace with all his Neighbour Princes and specially with the King of England whom for good causes he esteemeth most But now my Lords giue me leaue to vse a few words to remoue all scruples and misse-vnderstandings betweene your Soueraigne and ours concerning some late Actions which if they be not cleared may perhaps hinder this Peace To the end that for matters past neither King may conceiue vnkindnesse of other nor think the other conceiueth vnkindnesse of him The late Actions are two That of Brittaine and that of Flanders In both which it is true that the Subiects swords of both Kings haue encountred and stricken and the wayes and Inclinations also of the two Kings in respect of their Confederates and Allies haue seuered For that of Brittaine The King your Soueraigne knoweth best what hath passed It was a Warre of necessitie on our Masters part And though the Motiues of it were sharp and piquant as could be yet did he make that Warre rather with an Oliue-branch then a Laurel-Branch in his Hand more desiring Peace then Victorie Besides from time to time he sent as it were Blank-papers to your King to write the conditions of Peace For though both his Honour and Safetie went vpon it yet he thought neither of them too precious to put into the King of Englands hands Neither doth your King on the other side make any vnfriendly interpretation of your Kings sending of succours to the Duke of Brittaine for the King knoweth well that many things must bee done of Kings for satisfaction of their People and it is not hard to discerne what is a Kings owne But this matter of Brittaine is now by the Act of GOD ended and passed and as the King hopeth like the way of a Ship in the Sea without leauing any impression in either of the Kings mindes as hee is sure for his part it hath not done in his For the Action of Flanders As the former of Brittaine was a Warre of necessitie so this was a Warre of Justice which with a good King is of equall necessitie with danger
of Honour in bearing the blessed person of a Pacificator Hee thought likewise to make vse of the Enuie that the French King met with by occasion of this Warre of Britaine in strengthening himselfe with new alliances as namely that of FERDINANDO of Spaine with whom he had euer a consent euen in nature and customes and likewise with MAXIMILIAN who was particularly interessed So that in substance hee promised himselfe Money Honour Friends and Peace in the end But those things were too fine to be fortunate and succeed in all parts for that great affaires are commonly too rough and stubborne to be wrought vpon by the finer edges or points of wit The King was likewise deceiued in his two main grounds For although he had reason to conceiue that the Councel of France wold be wary to put the King into a Warre against the Heire-apparant of France yet hee did not consider that CHARLES was not guided by any of the principall of the Bloud or Nobilitie but by meane Men who would make it their Master-peece of Credit and fauour to giue venturous Counsels which no great or wise Man durst or would And for MAXIMILIAN he was thought then a Greater-matter then he was his vnstable and necessitous Courses being not then knowne After Consultation with the Ambassadors who brought him no other newes then he expected before though he would not seeme to know it till then he presently summoned his Parliament and in open Parliament propounded the cause of Britaine to both Houses by his Chancellor MORTON Arch-Bishop of Canterburie who spake to this effect MY Lords and Masters The Kings Grace our Soueraigne Lord hath commanded me to declare vnto you the causes that haue moued him at this time to summon this his Parliament which I shall doe in few words crauing pardon of his Grace and you all if I performe it not as I would His Grace doth first of all let you know that he retaineth in thankefull memorie the loue and loyaltie shewed to him by you at your last Meeting in establishment of his royaltie freeing and discharging of his partakers and confiscation of his Traytors and Rebels more then which could not come from Subiects to their Soueraigne in one action This he taketh so well at your hands as he hath made it a Resolution to himselfe to communicate with so louing and well approued Subiects in all Affaires that are of publike nature at home or abroad Two therefore are the causes of your present assembling the one a forraigne Businesse the other matter of gouernment at home The French King as no doubt yee haue heard maketh at this present hot warre vpon the Duke of Britaine His Armie is now before Nantes and holdeth it straitly besieged being the principall Citie if not in Ceremonte and Preheminence yet in Strength and Wealth of that Duchie Yee may guesse at his Hopes by his attempting of the hardest part of the Warre first The cause of this Warre he knoweth best Hee alleageth the entertaining and succouring of the Duke of Orleance and some other French Lords whom the King taketh for his Enemies Others diuine of other Matters Both parts haue by their Ambassadours diuers times prayed the Kings Aids The French King Aides or Neutralitie the Britons Aides simply for so their case requireth The King as a Christian Prince and blessed Sonne of the Holy Church hath offered himselfe as a Mediator to treat a Peace betweene them The French King yeeldeth to treat but will not stay the prosecution of the Warre The Britons that desire Peace most hearken to it least not vpon confidence or stiffenesse but vpon distrust of true meaning seeing the Warre goes on So as the King after as much paines and care to effect a Peace as euer he tooke in any Businesse not being able to remoue the Prosecution on the one side nor the Distrust on the other caused by that Prosecution hath let fall the Treatie not repenting of it but desparing of it now as not likely to succeed Therefore by this Narratiue you now vnderstand the state of the Question whereupon the King prayeth your aduice which is no other but whether hee shall enter into an auxiliarie and defensiue Warre for the Britons against France 〈◊〉 the better to open your vnderstandings in this Affaire the King hath commanded mee to say somewhat to you from him of the Persons that doe interuene in this Businesse and somewhat of the Consequence thereof as it hath relation to this Kingdome and somewhat of the Example of it in generall making neuerthelesse no Conclusion or Judgement of any Point vntill his Grace hath receiued your faithfull and politique aduices First for the King our Soueraigne himselfe who is the principall Person you are to eye in this Businesse his Grace doth professe that he truly and constantly desireth to reigne in Peace But his Grace saith he will neither buy Peace with Dishonour nor take it vp at interest of Danger to ensue but shall thinke it a good Change if it please God to change the inward Troubles and Seditions wherewith he hath beene hitherto exercised into an honourable Forraigne Warre And for the other two Persons in this Action the French King and the Duke of Britaine his Grace doth declare vnto you that they be the Men vnto whom be is of all other Friends and Allies most bounden the one hauing held ouer him his hand of Protection from the Tyrant the Other hauing reacht forth vnto him his hand of helpe for the recouerie of his Kingdome So that his affection toward them in his naturall Person is vpon equall tearmes And whereas you may haue heard that his Grace was enforced to flie out of Britaine into France for doubts of being betrayed his Grace would not in any sort haue that reflect vpon the Duke of Britaine in defacement of his former benefits for that hee is throughly informed that it was but the practice of some corrupt Persons about him during the time of his sicknesse altogether without his consent or priuitie But howsoeuer these things doe interesse his Grace in his particular yet hee knoweth well that the higher Bond that tieth him to procure by all meanes the safetie and welfare of his louing Subiects doth dis-interesse him of these Obligations of Gratitude otherwise then thus that if his Grace be forced to make a Warre he doe it without passion or ambition For the consequence of this Action towards this Kingdome it is much as the French Kings intention is For if it be no more but to range his Subiects to reason who beare themselues stout vpon the strength of the Duke of Britaine it is nothing to vs. But if it be in the French Kings purpose or if it should not be in his purpose yet if it shall follow all one as if it were sought that the French King shall make a Prouince of Britaine and ioyne it to the Crowne of France then it is worthy the consideration how this may
although the French seemed to speake reason yet Arguments are euer with multitudes too weake for Suspitions Wherefore they did aduise the King roundly to embrace the Britons quarrell and to send them speedy aides and with much alacritie and forwardnesse granted to the King a great rate of Subsidie in contemplation of these aides But the King both to keepe a decencie towards the French King to whom he profest himselfe to be obliged and indeed desirous rather to shew Warre then to make it sent new solemne Ambassadors to intimate vnto him the Decree of his Estates and to iterate his motion that the French would desist from Hostilitie or if Warre must follow to desire him to take it in good part if at the motion of his people who were sensible of the cause of the Britons as their ancient Friends and Confederates hee did send them succours with protestation neuerthelesse that to saue all Treaties and Lawes of Friendship hee had limited his Force to proceed in aide of the Britons but in no wise to warre vpon the French otherwise then as they maintained the possession of Britaine But before this formall Ambassage arriued the Partie of the Duke had receiued a great blow and grew to manifest declination For neere the Towne of Saint Alban in Britaine a Battaile had beene giuen where the Britons were ouerthrowne and the Duke of Orleance and the Prince of Orange taken Prisoners there being slaine on the Britons part six thousand Men and amongst them the Lord WOODVILE and almost all his Souldiers valiantly fighting And of the French part one thousand two hundred with their Leader IAMES GALEOT a great Commander When the newes of this Battaile came ouer into England it was time for the King who now had no subrerfuge to continue further Treatie and saw before his Eyes that Britaine went so speedily for lost contrarie to his hopes knowing also that with his People and Forreiners both he sustained no small Enuie and disreputation for his former delayes to dispatch with all possible speed his succours into Britaine which hee did vnder the conduct of ROBERT Lord BROOKE to the number of eight thousand choise Men and well armed who hauing a faire wind in few houres landed in Britaine and ioyned themselues forthwith to those Briton-Forces that remained after the Defeat and marched straight on to find the Enemie and incamped fast by them The French wisely husbanding the possession of a Victorie and well acquainted with the courage of the English especially when they are fresh kept themselues within their Trenches being strongly lodged and resolued not to giue battaile But meane while to harrasse and wearie the English they did vpon all aduantages set vpon them with their Light-Horse wherein neuerthelesse they receiued commonly losse especially by meanes of the English-Archers But vpon these atchieuements FRANCIS Duke of Britaine deceased an accident that the King might easily haue foreseene and ought to haue reckoned vpon and prouided for but that the Point of Reputation when newes first came of the Battaile lost that somewhat must bee done did ouerbeare the Reason of Warre After the Dukes decease the principall persons of Britaine partly bought partly through faction put all things into confusion so as the English not finding Head or Bodie with whom to ioyne their Forces and being in iealousie of Friends as well as in danger of Enemies and the Winter begun returned home fiue moneths after their landing So the Battaile of Saint Alban the death of the Duke and the retire of the English succours were after some time the causes of the losse of that Duchie which action some accounted as a blemish of the Kings Iudgement but most but as the misfortune of his times But howsoeuer the temporarie Fruit of the Parliament in their aid and aduice giuen for Britaine tooke not nor prospered not yet the lasting Fruit of Parliament which is good and wholsome Lawes did prosper and doth yet continue to this day For according to the Lord Chancellours admonition there were that Parliament diuers excellent Lawes ordained concerning the Points which the King recommended First the authoritie of the Star-chamber which before subsisted by the ancient Common-Lawes of the Realme was confirmed in certaine Cases by Act of Parliament This Court is one of the sagest and noblest Institutions of this Kingdome For in the distribution of Courts of Ordinarie Iustice besides the High-Court of Parliament in which distribution the Kings-Bench holdeth the Pleas of the Crowne the Common-Place Pleas Ciuill the Exchequer Pleas concerning the Kings Reuenue and the Chancery the Pretorian power for mitigating the Rigour of Law in case of extremitie by the conscience of a good man there was neuerthelesse alwaies reserued a high and preheminent power to the Kings Counsell in Causes that might in example or consequence concerne the state of the Common-wealth which if they were Criminall the Counsell vsed to sit in the Chamber called the Star-Chamber if Ciuill in the White-Chamber or White-hall And as the Chancery had the Pretorian power for Equitie so the Star-chamber had the Censorian power for Offences vnder the degree of Capitall This Court of Star-chamber is compounded of good Elements for it consisteth of foure kindes of Persons Councellors Peeres Prelates and Chief-Iudges It discerneth also principally of foure kinds of Causes Forces Frauds Crimes various of Stellionate and the Inchoations or middle acts towards Crimes Capitall or hainous not actually committed or perpetrated But that which was principally aimed at by this Act was Force and the two chiefe Supports of Force Combination of multitudes and Maintenance or Headship of great Persons From the generall peace of the Countrie the Kings care went on to the peace of the Kings House and the securitie of his great Officers and Counsellors But this Law was somwhat of a strange composition and temper That if any of the Kings seruants vnder the degree of a Lord doe conspire the death of any of the Kings Counsell or Lord of the Realme it is made Capitall This Law was thought to bee procured by the Lord Chancellor who being a sterne and haughtie man and finding he had some mortall Enemies in Court prouided for his owne safetie drowning the enuie of it in a generall Law by communicating the priuiledge with all other Councellors and Peeres and yet not daring to extend it further then to the Kings seruants in Check-rowle lest it should haue beene too harsh to the Gentlemen and other Commons of the Kingdome who might haue thought their ancient Libertie and the clemencie of the Lawes of England inuaded If the will in any case of Felonie should be made the deed And yet the reason which the Act yeeldeth that is to say That hee that conspireth the death of Councellors may be thought indirectly and by a meane to conspire the death of the King himselfe is indifferent to all Subiects as well as to Seruants in Court But it seemeth this sufficed to serue the Lord
of Estate for else hee should leaue to bee a King The Subiects of Burgundie are Subiects in Chiefe to the Crown of France and their Duke the Homager and Vassall of France They had wont to bee good Subiects howsoeuer MAXIMILIAN hath of late distempered them They fled to the King for Justice and deliuerance from oppression Justice hee could not denie Purchase hee did not seeke This was good for MAXIMILIAN if he could haue seene it in people mutined to arrect Fury and preuent Despaire My Lords it may bee this I haue said is needlesse saue that the King our Master is tender in any thing that may but glance vpon the friendship of England The amitie betweene the two Kings no doubt stands entire and inuiolate And that their Subiects swords haue clashed it is nothing vnto the publike Peace of the Crownes it being a thing very vsuall in auxiliarie Forces of the best and straitest Confederates to meet and draw bloud in the Field Nay many times there bee Aides of the same Nation on both sides and yet it is not for all that A Kingdome diuided in it selfe It resteth my Lords that Jimpart vnto you a matter that I know your Lordships all will much reioyce to heare as that which importeth the Christian Common-weale more then any Action that hath hapned of long time The King our Master hath a purpose and determination to make Warre vpon the kingdome of Naples being now in the possession of a Bastardslip of Arragon but appertaining vnto his Maiestie by cleare and vndoubted right which if hee should not by iust Armes seeke to recouer hee could neither acquite his Honour nor answer it to his People But his Noble and Christian thoughts rest not here For his Resolution and Hope is to make the Re-conquest of Naples but as a Bridge to transport his Forces into Grecia and not to spare Bloud or Treasure If it were to the impawning of his Crowne and dis-peopling of France till either hee hath ouerthrowne the Empire of the OTTOMANS or taken it in his way to Paradise The King knoweth well that this is a designe that could not arise in the minde of any King that did not stedfastly looke vp vnto GOD whose quarrell this is and from whom commeth both the Will and the Deed. But yet it is agreeable to the Person that hee beareth though vnworthy of the Thrice-Christian King and the eldest Sonne of the Church Whereunto he is also inuited by the Example in more ancient time of King HENRIE the Fourth of England the first Renowned King of the House of LANCASTER Ancestour though not Progenitour to your King who had a purpose towards the end of his time as you know better to make an Expedition into the Holy-Land and by the Example also present before his eyes of that Honourable and Religious Warre which the King of Spaine now maketh and hath almost brought to perfection for the recouerie of the Realme of Granada from the Moores And although this Enterprise may seeme vast and vnmeasured for the King to attempt that by his owne Forces wherein heretofore a Coniunction of most of the Christian Princes hath found worke enough yet his Maiestie wisely considereth that sometimes smaller Forces being vnited vnder one Command are more effectuall in Proofe though not so promising in Opinion and Fame then much greater Forces variously compounded by Associations and Leagues which commonly in a short time after their Beginnings turne to Dissociations Diuisions But my Lords that which is as a Voice from Heauen that called the King to this Enterprise is a Rent at this time in the House of the OTTOMANS I doe not say but there hath beene Brother against Brother in that House before but neuer any that had refuge to the Armes of the Christians as now hath GEMES Brother vnto BAIAZETH that reigneth the fore brauer Man of the two the other being betweene a Monke and a Philosoper and better read in the Alcoran and Auerroes then able to weild the Scepter of so warlike an Empire This therefore is the King our Masters memorable and heroicall Resolution for an Holy Warre And because he carrieth in this the Person of a Christian Souldiour as well as of a Great Temporall Monarch hee beginneth with Humilitie and is content for this cause to begge Peace at the hands of other Christian Kings There remaineth onely rather a Ciuill Request then any essentiall part of our Negotiation which the King maketh to the King your Soueraigne The King as the World knoweth is Lord in Chiefe of the Duchie of Britaine The Marriage of the Heire belongeth to him as Guardian This is a priuate Patrimoniall Right and no Businesse of Estate yet neuerthelesse to runne a faire course with your King whom he desires to make another Himselfe and to bee one and the same thing with him his Request is That with the Kings Fauour and Consent he may dispose of her Marriage as he thinketh good and make void the intruded and pretended Marriage of MAXIMILIAN according to Justice This my Lords is all that I haue to say desiring your pardon for my weakenesse in the deliuerie THus did the French Ambassadors with great shew of their Kings affection and many sugred words seeke to adulce all matters betweene the two Kings hauing two things for their ends The one to keepe the King quiet till the Marriage of Britaine was past and this was but a Summer fruit which they thought was almost ripe and would be soone gathered The other was more lasting and that was to put him into such a temper as he might be no disturbance or impediment to the voyage for Italie The Lords of the Councell were silent and said only That they knew the Ambassadors would looke for no answer till they had reported to the King And so they rose from Councell The King could not well tell what to thinke of the Marriage of Britaine He saw plainly the ambition of the French King was to impatronize himselfe of the Duchie but he wondred he would bring into his House a litigious Marriage especially considering who was his Successor But weighing one thing with another he gaue Britaine for lost but resolued to make his profit of this businesse of Britaine as a quarrell for Warre and that of Naples as a Wrench and meane for Peace being well aduertised how strongly the King was bent vpon that Action Hauing therefore conferred diuers times with his Councell and keeping himselfe somewhat close he gaue a direction to the Chancellor for a formall answer to the Ambassadors and that hee did in the presence of his Councell And after calling the Chancellor to him apart bade him speake in such language as was fit for a Treatie that was to end in a Breach and gaue him also a speciall Caueat that he should not vse any words to discourage the voyage of Italie Soone after the Ambassadors were sent for to the Councell and the Lord Chancellor spake to them
talking Fellow and no lesse desirous to bee talked of The other was THOMAS FLAMMOCKE a Lawyer who by telling his neighbours commonly vpon any occasion that the Law was on their side had gotten great sway amongst them This Man talked learnedly and as if he could tell how to make a Rebellion and neuer breake the Peace Hee told the People that Subsidies were not to be granted nor leuied in this case that is for Warres of Scotland for that the Law had prouided another course by seruice of Escuage for those Iourneyes much lesse when all was quiet and Warre was made but a Pretence to poll and pill the People And therefore that it was good they should not stand now like Sheepe before the Shearers but put on Harnesse and take Weapons in their hands Yet to doe no creature hurt but goe and deliuer the King a Strong Petition for the laying downe of those grieuous Payments and for the punishment of those that had giuen him that Counsell to make others beware how they did the like in time to come And said for his part hee did not see how they could doe the duetie of true English-men and good Liege-men except they did deliuer the King from such wicked Ones that would destroy both Him and the Countrey Their ayme was at Arch-Bishop MORTON and Sir REGINOLD BRAY who were the Kings Skreens in this Enuy. After that these two FLAMMOCKE and the Blacke-smith had by ioynt and seuerall Pratings found tokens of consent in the Multitude they offered themselues to leade them vntill they should heare of better men to be their Leaders which they said would be ere long Telling them further that they would be but their seruants and first in euery danger but doubted not but to make both the West-end and the East-end of England to meete in so good a Quarrell and that all rightly vnderstood was but for the Kings seruice The People vpon these seditious Instigations did arme most of them with Bowes and Arrowes and Bills and such other Weapons of rude and Countrey People and forthwith vnder the Command of their Leaders which in such cases is euer at pleasure marched out of Corne-wall through Deuonshire vnto Taunton in Somersetshire without any slaughter violence or spoyle of the Countrey At Taunton they killed in furie an officious and eager Commissioner for the Subsidie whom they called The Prouost of Perin Thence they marched to Wells where the Lord AVDLEY with whom their Leaders had before some secret Intelligence a Noble-man of an ancient Family but vnquiet and popular and aspiring to Ruine came-in to them and was by them with great Gladnesse and cries of Ioy accepted as their Generall they beeing now proud that they were ledde by a Noble-man The Lord AVDLEY ledde them on from Wells to Salisbury and from Salisbury to Winchester Thence the foolish people who in effect led their Leaders had a minde to beeled into Kent fansying that the People there would ioyne with them contrary to all reason or iudgement considering the Kentish-men had shewed great Loyaltie and Affection to the King so lately before But the rude People had heard FDAMMOCKE say that Kent was neuer Conquered and that they were the freest People of England And vpon these vaine Noises they looked for great matters at their hands in a cause which they conceited to be for the libertie of the Subiect But when they were come into Kent the Countrey was so well settled both by the Kings late kind vsage towards them and by the credit and power of the Earle of Kent the Lord ABERGAVENNIE and the Lord COBHAM as neither Gentleman nor Yeoman came-in to their aide which did much dampe and dismay many of the simpler sort Insomuch as diuers of them did secretly flie from the Army and went home But the sturdier sort and those that were most engaged stood by it and rather waxed Proud than failed in Hopes and Courage For as it did somewhat appall them that the people came not in to them so it did no lesse encourage them that the Kings Forces had not set vpon them hauing marched from the West vnto the East of England Wherefore they kept on their way and encamped vpon Blacke-heath betweene Greenwich and Eltham threatning either to bid Battell to the King for now the Seas went higher than to MORTON and BRAIE or to take London within his view imagining with themselues there to finde no lesse Feare than Wealth But to returne to the King When first hee heard of this Commotion of the Cornish-men occasioned by the Subsidie he was much troubled therewith Not for it selfe but in regard of the Concurrence of other Dangers that did hang ouer him at that time For hee doubted lest a Warre from Scotland a Rebellion from Corne-wall and the Practices and Conspiracies of PERKIN and his Partakers would come vpon him at once Knowing well that it was a dangerous Triplicitie to a Monarchie to haue the Armes of a Forreiner the Discontents of Subiects and the Title of a Pretender to meete Neuerthelesse the Occasion tooke him in some part well prouided For as soone as the Parliament had broken vp the King had presently raysed a puissant Armie to Warre vpon Scotland And King IAMES of Scotland likewise on his part had made great Preparations eyther for defence or for new assayling of England But as for the Kings Forces they were not onely in preparation but in readinesse presently to set forth vuder the Conduct of DAWBENEY the Lord Chamberlaine But as soone as the King vnderstood of the Rebellion of Cornwall hee stayed those Forces retaining them for his owne seruice and safetie But therewithall hee dispatched the Earle of Surrey into the North for the defence and strength of those Parts in case the Scots should stirre But for the course hee held towards the Rebels it was vtterly differing from his former custome and practice which was euer full of forwardnesse and celeritie to make head against them or to set vpon them as soone as euer they were in Action This hee was wont to doe But now besides that hee was attempered by Yeares and lesse in loue with Dangers by the continued Fruition of a Crowne it was a time when the various appearance to his Thoughts of Perils of seuerall Natures and from diuers Parts did make him iudge it his best and surest way to keepe his Strength together in the Seate and Centre of his Kingdome According to the ancient Indian Embleme in such a swelling Season To hould the hand vpon the middle of the Bladder that no side might rise Besides there was no necessitie put vpon him to alter this Counsell For neither did the Rebels spoyle the Countrey in which case it had beene dishonour to abandon his People Neyther on the other side did their Forces gather or encrease which might hasten him to precipitate and assayle them before they grew too strong And lastly both Reason of Estate and Warre seemed to agree
and Daintiest Monuments of Europe both for the Chappell and for the Sepulchre So that hee dwelleth more richly Dead in the Monument of his Tombe than hee did Aliue in Richmond or any of his Palaces I could wish he did the like in this Monument of his Fame FINIS An Index Alphabeticall directing to the most obserueable passages in the foregoing Historie A AN Accident in it selfe triuiall great in effect pag. 189 Aduice desired from the Parliament 53. 57. 98 A Emulation of the English to the French with the reasons of it 61 Affabilitie of the King to the Citie of London 198 Affection of k. Henry to the king of Spaine 105 Affection of the king to his children 241 Aide desired by the Duke of Brittaine 53 Aide sent to Brittaine 62 Aiders of rebels punished 37 Almes deeds of the king 229 Ambassadors to the Pope 38 into Scotland 39 Ambassadours from the French King 41 Ambassadors in danger in France 49 Ambassadors into France 94 Ambition exorbitant in Sir William Stanley 135 Answer of the Archduke to the kings Ambassadors 129 Appeach of Sir William Stanley 132 Armes of king Henries still victorious 234 Arrows of the Cornishmen the length of them 171 Articles betweene the King and the Archduke 162 Arthur Prince married to the Ladie Katherine 203 Arthur Prince dyes at Ludlow 218 Aton Castle in Scotland taken by the Earle of Surrey 174 Attainted persons in Parliament excepted against 12 Attaindor and corruption of bloud reacheth not to the Crown 13. 24 Auarice of king Henry 236 Audley Generall of the Cornish rebels 165 B BAnishment of Flemings out of the kingdome 130 Battaile at Bosworth field 1 at Stokefield 35 at S. Albans in Brittain 62 Bannocks bourne in Scotland 70 at Blacke Heath 168 Behauiour of king Henry towards his children 205 Beneuolence to the king for his warres 100 Beneuolence who the first author ibid. Beneuolence abolished by Act of Parliament ibid. Beneuolence reuiued by Act of Parliament 100 A Beneuolence generall to the king 216 Birth of Hen. 8. 95 Bishops why imployed by the king 16 Bloud not vnreuenged 196. 213 Brittain Duchie distressed 62 Three causes of the losse of the Duchie of Brittaine 63 Brittaine vnited to France by marriage 95 Brackenbury refused to murder king Edw. 2. sonnes 123 Broughton Sir Thomas ioyned with the rebels 32 A Bull procured from the Pope by the king for what causes 39 Bulloigne besieged by king Henry 110 C CArdinall Morton dyeth 198 Capel Sir William fined 139. 229 Capp of maintenance from the Pope 178 Ceremony of Marriage new in these parts 80 Chauncery power and description of that Court. 64 Clifford Sir Robert flyes to Perkin 122 Reuolts to the king 125 Clergie priuiledges abridged 66 Christendome enlarged 106 Columbus Christopher Bartholomeus inuite the king to a discouery of the West Indies 189 Confiscation aymed a by the king 133 Conference betweene king Henry and the king of Castile by casualtie landing at Waymouth 223 Conquest the Title vnpleasing to the people declined by William the Conq. 5. and by the king 7 Conspirators for Perkin 121 Contraction of Prince Hen. and Lady Katherine 207 Conditionell speech doth not qualifie words of Treason 134 Commissioners into Ireland 138 Commissioners about trading 161 Coronation of king Henry 10 Coronation of the Queene 38 Counsell the benefite of good 40 Counsell of what sort the French king vsed 51 Counsell of meane men what and how different from that of Nobles ibidem Lord Cordes enuie to England 79 Cottagers but housed Beggars Counterfeits 74 Lambert proclaimed in Ireland 24 Crowned at Dublin 31 Taken in battell 35 Put into the Kings Kitchin 36 Made the Kings Fawlconer ibid. Duke of Yorke counterfeit See Perkin Wilford another counterfeit Earle of Warwick 194 Courage of the English when 62 Court what pleas belong to euerie Court 64 Court of Starre-chamber confirmed ibid. Creations 10 Crowne confirmed to king Henry by Parliament 11 Cursing of the kings enemies at Pauls Crosse a custome of those times 125. 213 D DAm a towne in Flanders taken by a slight 103 Lord Dawbeny 170 Deuices at Prince Arthurs marriage 203 Deuice of the King to diuert enuie 111 Decay of trade doth punish merchants 161 Decay of people how it comes to passe 73 Declaration by Perkin to the Scottish King 148 Desires intemperate of Sir William Stanley 136 Dighton a murderer of K. Edw. 2. children 124 Dilemma a pleasant one of Bishop Morton 101 Diligence of the King to heap Treasures 211 Displacing of no Councellers nor Seruants in all K. Henries Reigne saue of one 242 Dissimulation of the French King 46. 48. 81 Dissimulation of k. Henrie in pretending warre 99 A Doubt long kept open and diuersly determined according to the diuersitie of the times 206 Dowry of L. Katherine how much 204 Dowrie of Lady Margaret into Scotland how much 208 Drapery maintained how 76 Dudley one of the kings horseleeches 209 Duke of Yorke counterfet See Perkin E EArle of Suffolke flyes into Flanders 212. Returnes 225 Earle of Northumberland slaine by the people in collecting the Subsidie somewhat harshly 68 Earle of Warwick executed 195 Earle of Warw. counterfeit 21. 194 Earle of Surrey enters Scotland 174 Edmund a third sonne borne to king Henry but died 191 Edward the fift murthered 149 Enuie towards the king vnquenchable the cause of it 196 Enuie of Lord Cordes to England 79 Enteruiew between the king Arch-Duke with the respectiue carriage of the Arch-Duke to the king 197 Enteruiew betweene the king and the king of Castile 223 Embleme 167 Empson one of the kings horseleeches 209 Errors of the French king in his businesse for the kingdome of Naples 143 Errors of king Henry occasioning his many troubles 264 Escuage seruice 164 Espials in the Rebels campe 33 Espousals of Iames king of Scotland and Lady Margaret 207 Exchanges vnlawfull prohibited 66 Exeter besieged by Perkin 181 The loyaltie of the Towne ibid The Towne rewarded with the kings owne sword 184 Execution of Humphrey Stafford 18 Iohna Chamber and his fellow rebels at Yorke 68 Sir Iames Tyrril murderer of king Edw. 2. sonnes 124 Of diuers others 131 Sir William Stanley 134 For Rebels 138 Perkins companie 141 Audley and Cornish Rebels 171 Another counterfeit Earle of Warw. 194 Perkin Warbeck ibid The Mayor of Corke and his son 195 Earle of Warwick 195 F FAme ill affected 172 Fame entertained by diuers the reasons of it 121 Fame neglected by Empson Dudley 209 Feare not safe to the king 137 Fines 72 Without Fines Statute to sell land 101 Flammock a Lawyer a rebell 164 Flemmings banished 130 Flight of king Henry out of Brittaine into France wherefore 55 Forfeitures and confiscations furnish the kings wants 14. 27 Forfeitures aimed at 75. 133 Forfeitures vpon penall lawes taken by the king which was the blot of his times 139 Fortune various 26. 36 Forwardnesse inconsiderate 170 Foxe made priuie Counsellor 16 Made L. Keeper of the priuie Seal
perfidious man vpon the Earth and that he had made a marriage compounded between an Aduoutry and a Rape which was done he said by the iust iudgement of God to the end that the Nullitie thereof being so appparant to all the World the Race of so vnworthy a person might not reigne in France And forthwith he sent Ambassadors as well to the King of England as to the King of Spaine to incite them to Warre and to treat a League offensiue against France promising to concurre with great Forces of his owne Hereupon the King of England going neuerthelesse his owne way called a Parliament it being the seuenth yeere of his Reigne and the first day of opening thereof sitting vnder his Cloth of Estate spake himselfe vnto his Lords and Commons in this manner MY Lords and you the Commons When I purposed to make a Warre in Britaine by my Lieutenant I made declaration thereof to you by my Chancellor But now that I meane to make a Warre vpon France in Person I will declare it to you my Selfe That Warre was to desend another mans Right but this is to recouer our owne And that ended by Accident but we hope this shall end in Victory The French King troubles the Christian World That which he hath is not his owne and yet he seeketh more He hath inuested himselfe of Britaine Hee maintaineth the Rebels in Flanders and he threatneth Italy For Our Selues he hath proceeded from Dissimulation to Neglect and from Neglect to Contumely He hath assayled our Confederates He denieth our Tribute In a word he seekes Warre So did not his Father but sought Peace at Our Hands and so perhaps will hee when good Counsell or Time shall make him see as much as his Father did Meane while let Us make his Ambition our Aduantage and let vs not stand vpon a few Crownes of Tribute or Acknowledgement but by the fauour of Almighty GOD try Our Right for the Crowne of France it selfe remembring that there hath beene A French King Prisoner in England and a King of England Crowned in France Our Confederates are not diminished Burgundie is in a mightier Hand then euer and neuer more prouoked Britaine cannot helpe vs but it may hurt them New Acquests are more Burthen then Strength The Male-contents of his owne Kingdome haue not beene Base Popular nor Titularie Impostors but of an higher Nature The King of Spaine doubt yee not will ioyne with vs not knowing where the French Kings Ambition will stay Our Holy Father the Pope likes no Tramontanes in Italie But howsoeuer it bee this Matter of Confederates is rather to bee thought on then reckoned on For GOD forbid but England should bee able to get Reason of France without a Second At the Battailes of Cressy Poictiers Agent-Court wee were of our selues France hath much people and few Souldiours They haue no stable Bands of Foot Some good Horse they haue but those are Forces which are least fit for a Defensiue Warre where the Actions are in the Assailants choice It was our Discords onely that lost France and by the Power of GOD it is the good Peace which wee now enioy that will recouer it GOD hath hitherto blessed my Sword I haue in this time that I haue Reigned weeded out my bad Subiects and tryed my good My People and I know one another which breeds Confidence And if there should bee any bad Bloud left in the Kingdome an Honourable Forrain Warre will vent it or purifie it In this great Businesse let me haue your Aduice and Aid If any of you were to make his Sonne Knight you might haue aid of your Tenants by Law This concernes the Knighthood and Spurres of the Kingdome whereof I am Father and bound not only to seeke to maintaine it but to aduance it But for Matter of Treasure let it not be taken from the Poorest Sort but from those to whom the Benefit of the Warre may redound France is no Wildernesse and I that professe Good Husbandrie hope to make the Warre after the Beginnings to pay it selfe Goe together in GODS Name and loose no time for I haue called this Parliament wholly for this Cause THus spake the King But for all this though hee shewed great forwardnesse for a Warre not onely to his Parliament and Court but to his Priuie-Councell likewise except the two Bishops and a few more yet neuerthelesse in his secret intentions hee had no purpose to goe through with any Warre vpon France But the truth was that hee did but traffique with that Warre to make his Returne in money Hee knew well that France was now entire and at vnitie with it selfe and neuer so mightie many yeares before Hee saw by the taste that he had of his Forces sent into Britaine that the French knew well enough how to make warre with the English by not putting things to the hazard of a Battaile but wearing them by long Sieges of Townes and strong fortified Encampings IAMES the Third of Scotland his true friend and Confederate gone and IAMES the Fourth that had succeeded wholly at the deuotion of France and ill affected towards him As for the Coniunctions of FERDINANDO of Spaine and MAXIMILIAN hee could make no foundation vpon them For the One had Power and not Will and the Other hath Will and not Power Besides that FERDINANDO had but newly taken breath from the Warre with the Moores and merchanded at this time with France for the restoring of the Counties of Russignon and Perpignian oppignorated to the French Neither was hee out of feare of the Discontents and ill bloud within the Realme which hauing vsed alwaies to represse and appease in person hee was loth they should find him at a distance beyond Sea and engaged in warre Finding therfore the Inconueniences and Difficulties in the prosecution of a Warre hee cast with himselfe how to compasse two things The one how by the declaration and inchoation of a warre to make his Profit The other how to come off from the warre with sauing of his Honour For Profit it was to bee made two wayes vpon his Subiects for the Warre and vpon his Enemies for the Peace like a good Merchant that maketh his gaine both vpon the Commodities Exported and Imported backe againe For the point of Honour wherein hee might suffer for giuing ouer the Warre hee considered well that as hee could not trust vpon the aides of FERDINANDO and MAXIMILIAN for supports of Warre so the impuissance of the one and the double proceeding of the other lay faire for him for occasions to accept of Peace These things hee did wisely fore-see and did as artificially conduct wherby all things fell into his lappe as hee desired For as for the Parliament it presently tooke fire being affectionate of old the Warre of France and desirous afresh to repaire the dishonour they thought the King sustained by the losse of Britaine Therfore they aduised the King with great alacritie to vndertake the Warre of
Aduertisement touching MAXIMILIAN'S pouertie and disabilitie By this time was drawne together a great and puissant Armie into the Citie of London In which were THOMAS Marquesse Dorset THOMAS Earle of Arundell THOMAS Earle of Derby GEORGE Earle of Shrewsbury EDMOND Earle of Suffolke EDWARD Earle of Deuonshire GEORGE Earle of Kent the Earle of Essex THOMAS Earle of Ormond with a great number of Barons Knights and Principall Gentlemen and amongst them RICHARD THOMAS much noted for the braue Troupes that hee brought out of Wales The Armie rising in the whole to the number of fiue and twenty thousand Foot and sixteene hundred Horse Ouer which the King constant in his accustomed trust and imployment made IASPER Duke of Bedford and IOHN Earle of Oxford Generals vnder his owne Person The ninth of September in the eighth yeere of his Reigne he departed from Greenwich towards the Sea all men wondring that hee tooke that Season beeing so neare winter to begin the Warre and some thereupon gathering it was a Signe that the Warre would not beelong Neuerthelesse the King gaue out the contrarie thus That he intending not to make a Summer businesse of it but a resolute Warre without terme prefixed vntill bee recouered France it skilled not much when bee began it especially hauing Calice at his backe where he might winter if the reason of the Warre so required The sixt of October hee imbarqued at Sandwich and the same day tooke land at Calice which was the Rendezvous where all his Forces were assigned to meet But in this his Iourney towards the Sea side wherein for the cause that we shall now speake of he houered so much the longer hee had receiued Letters from the Lord CORDES who the hotter he was against the English in time of Warre had the more credit in a Negociation of Peace and besides was held a man open and of good faith In which Letters there was made an Ouerture of Peace from the French King with such Conditions as were somewhat to the Kings Taste but this was carried at the first with wonderfull secrecie The King was no sooner come to Calice but the calme windes of Peace began to blow For first the English Ambassadors returned out of Flanders from MAXIMILIAN and certified the King that he was not to hope for any aide from MAXIMILIAN for that he was altogether improuided His will was good but he lacked mony And this was made knowne and spread through the Army And although the English were therewithall nothing dismaied and that it bee the manner of Souldiers vpon bad newes to speake the more brauely yet neuerthelesse it was a kind of Preparatiue to a Peace Instantly in the neck of this as the King had laid it came newes that FERDINANDO and ISABELLA Kings of Spaine had concluded a Peace with King CHARLES and that CHARLES had restored vnto them the Counties of Russignon and Perpignian which formerly were Morgaged by IOHN King of Arragon FERDINANDOES Father vnto France for three hundred thousand Crownes which debt was also vpon this Peace by CHARLES clearely released This came also handsomely to put on the Peace both because so potent a Confederate was fallen off and because it was a faire example of a Peace bought so as the King should not bee the sole Merchant in this Peace Vpon these Aires of Peace the King was content that the Bishop of Excester and the Lord DAVBIGNEY Gouernour of Calice should giue a meeting vnto the Lord CORDES for the Treatie of a Peace But himselfe neuerthelesse and his Armie the fifteenth of October remooued from Calice and in foure dayes march sate him downe before Bulloigne During this Siege of Bulloigne which continued neare a Moneth there passed no memorable Action noâ— Accident of Warre onely Sir IOHN SAVAGE a valiant Captaine was slaine riding about the Walls of the Towne to take a View The Towne was both well fortified and well manned yet it was distressed and ready for an Assault Which if it had beene giuen as was thought would haue cost much Bloud but yet the Towne would haue beene carried in the end Meane while a Peace was concluded by the Commissioners to continue for both the Kings Liues Where there was no Article of importance being in effect rather a Bargaine than a Treatie For all things remayned as they were saue that there should bee payed to the King seuen hundred fortie fiue thousand Duckats in present for his Charges in that Iourney and fiue and twentie thousand Crownes yearely for his Charges sustained in the Aides of the Britons For wich Annuall though he had MAXIMILIAN bound before for those Charges yet hee counted the alteration of the Hand as much as the principall Debt And besides it was left somewhat indefinitely when it should determine or expire which made the English esteeme it as a Tribute carried vnder faire Tearmes And the truth is it was paid both to the King and to his Sonne King HENRY the Eight longer than it could continue vpon any computation of Charges There were also assigned by the French King vnto al the King 's principal Counsellors great Pensions besides rich Gifts for the present Which whether the King did permit to saue his owne Purse from Rewards or to communicate the Enuie of a Businesse that was displeasing to his People was diuersly interpreted For certainly the King had no great fancie to owne this Peace And therefore a little before it was concluded he had vnder-hand procured some of his best Captaines and Men of Warre to aduise him to a Peace vnder their Hands in an earnest manner in the Nature of a Supplication But the truth is this Peace was welcome to both Kings To CHARLES for that it assured vnto him the possession of Britaine and freed the enterprise of Naples To HENRY for that it filled his Coffers and that hee foresaw at that time a storme of inward troubles comming vpon him which presently after brake forth But it gaue no lesse discontent to the Nobilitie and principall persons of the Armie who had many of them sold or engaged their estates vpon the hopes of the Warre They stucke not to say That the King cared not to plume his Nobilitie and People to feather himselfe And some made themselues merrie with that the King had said in Parliament That after the Warre was once begun he doubted not but to make it pay it selfe saying hee had kept promise Hauing risen from Bulloigne hee went to Calice where hee stayed some time From whence also hee wrote Letters which was a Courtesie that hee sometimes vsed to the Maior of London and Aldermen his brethren halfe bragging what great summes hee had obtayned for the Peace knowing well that full Cofers of the King is euer good Newes to London And better Newes it would haue beene if their Beneuolence had beene but a Loane And vpon the seuenteenth of December following hee returned to Westminster where he kept his Christmasse Soone after the Kings returne he sent
and deepe fore-sight For it did the better take away occasion for the people to busie themselues to prie into the Kings Title for that howsoeuer it fell their safety was alreadie prouided for Besides it could not but greatly draw vnto him the loue and hearts of the people because hee seemed more carefull for them than for himselfe But yet neuerthelesse it did take off from his Partie that great Tie and Spurre of necessity to fight and goe Victors out of the fielde considering their liues and fortunes were put in safety and protected whether they stood to it or ranne away But the force and obligation of this Law was in it selfe Illusorie as to the latter part of it by a precedent Act of Parliament to binde or frustrate a future For a supreme and absolute Power cannot conclude it selfe neither can that which is in nature reuocable bee made fixed no more than if a man should appoint or declare by his Will that if hee made any Latter will it should bee voyde And for the Case of the Act of Parliament there is a notable President of it in King HENRIE the Eight's time Who doubting hee might dye in the minoritie of his Sonne procured an Act to passe That no Statute made during the minoritie of the King should binde him or his Successours except it were confirmed by the King vnder his great Seale at his full age But the first Act that passed in King EDWARD the Sixth his time was an Act of Repeale of that former Act at which time neuerthelesse the King was Minor But things that doe not binde may satisfie for the time There was also made a shoaring or vnderpropping Act for the Beneuolence to make the summes which any person had agreed to pay and neuerthelesse were not brought in to bee leuiable by course of Law Which Act did not only bring in the Areres but did indeed countenance the whole businesse and was pretended to bee made at the desire of those that had beene forward to pay This Parliament also was made that good Law which gaue the Attaint vpon a false Uerdict betweene Partie and Partie which before was a kinde of Euangile irremediable It extends not to causes Capitall as well because they are for the most part at the Kings Suite as because in them if they bee followed in Course of Indictment there passeth a double Iurie the Indictors and the Triers and so not Twelue Men but Foure and twentie But it seemeth that was not the onely reason for this reason holdeth not in the Appeale But the great reason was lest it should tend to the discouragement of Iurors in Cases of Life and Death if they should bee subiect to Suite and Penaltie where the fauour of Life maketh against them It extendeth not also to any Suite where the Demand is vnder the value of fortie pounds for that in such Cases of pettie value it would not quite the Charge to goe about againe There was another Law made against a branch of Ingratitude in Women who hauing beene aduanced by their Husbands or their Husbands Ancestors should alien and thereby seeke to defeate the Heires or those in Remainder of the Lands whereunto they had bin so aduanced The remedie was by giuing power to the next to enter for a forfeiture There was also enacted that Charitable Law for the admission of poore Suiters In Forma Pauperis without Fee to Counsellor Atturney or Clerke whereby poore men became rather able to vexe than vnable to sue There were diuers other good Lawes made that Parliament as we said before but we still obserue our manner in selecting out those that are not of a Vulgar nature The King this while though hee sate in Parliament as in full Peace and seemed to account of the designes of PERKIN who was now returned into Flanders but as a May game yet hauing the composition of a wise King Stout without and apprehensiue within had giuen order for the watching of Beacons vpon the Coasts and erecting more where they stood too thin and had a carefull eye where this wandering Cloude would breake But PERKIN aduised to keepe his fire which hitherto burned as it were vpon greene Wood aliue with continuall blowing Sailed againe into Ireland whence he had formerly departed rather vpon the hopes of France than vpon any vnreadinesse or discouragement hee found in that People But in the space of time betweene the Kings Diligence and POYNINGS Commission had so settled things there as there was nothing left for PERKIN but the blustring affection of wilde and naked people Wherefore hee was aduised by his Councell to seeke aide of the King of Scotland a Prince yong and valourous and in good termes with his Nobles and People and ill affected to King HENRY At this time also both MAXIMILIAN and CHARLES of France began to beare no good will to the King The one beeing displeased with the Kings Prohibition of Commerce with Flanders The Other holding the King for suspect in regard of his late entrie into league with the Italians Wherefore besides the open Aides of the Duchesse of Burgundy which did with Sayles and Oares put on and aduance PERKINS designes there wanted not some secret Tides from MAXIMILIAN and CHARLES which did further his fortunes In so much as they both by their secret Letters and Messages recommended him to the King of Scotland PERKIN therefore comming into Scotland vpon those hopes with a well appointed company was by the King of Scots beeing formerly well prepared honourably welcommed and soone after his arriuall admitted to his Presence in a solemne manner For the King receiued him in State in his Chamber of Presence accompanied with diuers of his Nobles And PERKIN well attended as well with those that the King had sent before him as with his owne Traine entered the roome where the King was and comming neare to the King and bowing a little to embrace him hee retired some paces backe and with a loud voyce that all that were present might heare him made his Declaration in this manner HIgh and Mighty King your Grace and these your Nobles here present may be pleased benignely to bow your Eares to heare the Tragedie of a young Man that by Right ought to hold in his hand the Ball of a Kingdome but by Fortune is made Himselfe a Ball tossed from Miserie to Miserie and from Place to Place You see here before you the Spectacle of a PLANTAGENET who hath beene carried from the Nurserie to the Sanctuarie from the Sanctuarie to the direfull Prison from the Prison to the Hand of the cruell Tormentor and from that Hand to the wide Wildernesse as I may truely call it for so the World hath beene to mee So that hee that is borne to a great Kingdome hath not Ground to set his foote vpon more than this where hee now standeth by your Princely Fauour EDWARD the Fourth late King of England as your Grace cannot but haue heard left
Father-in-law who in respect of their iealous hatred against the French King did alwayes aduise the Arch-Duke to anchor himselfe vpon the Amitie of King HENRY of England was glad vpon this occasion to put in vre and practice their precepts calling the King Patron and Father and Protector These very words the King repeates when he certified of the louing behauiour of the Arch-Duke to the Citie and what else hee could deuise to expresse his loue and obseruance to the King There came also to the King the Gouernour of Picardie and the Bailiffe of Amiens sent from Lewis the French King to doe him honour and to giue him knowledge of his victorie and winning of the Duchie of Millan It seemeth the king was well pleased with the honours hee receiued from those parts while hee was at Calice For hee did himselfe certifie all the Newes and Occurrents of them in euerie particular from Calice to the Maior and Aldermen of London which no doubt made no small talke in the Citie For the King though hee could not entertaine the good will of the Citizens as EDVVARD the fourth did yet by affabilitie and other Princely Graces did euer make very much of them and apply himselfe to them This yeare also did IOHN MORTON Arch-Bishop of Canterburie Chancellor of England and Cardinall He was a Wise man and an Eloquent but in his nature harsh and haughtie much accepted by the King but enuied by the Nobilitie and hated of the People Neither was his name left out of PERKINS Proclamation for any good will but they would not bring him in amongst the Kings Casting-Counters because hee had the Image and Superscription vpon him of the Pope in his Honour of Cardinall Hee wanne the King with Secrecie and Diligence but chiefly because hee was his olde Seruant in his lesse Fortunes And also for that in his affections hee was not without an inueterate malice against the House of YORKE vnder whom hee had beene in trouble He was willing also to take Enuie from the King more than the King was willing to put vpon him For the King cared not for Subterfuges but would stand Enuy and appeare in any thing that was to his mind which made Enuie still grow vpon him more vniuersall but lesse daring But in the matter of Exactions time did after shew that the Bishop in feeding the Kings humour did rather temper it He had beene by RICHARD the third committed as in Custody to the Duke of Buckingham whom hee did secretly incite to reuolt from King RICHARD But after the Duke was engaged and thought the Bishop should haue beene his chiefe Pilot in the Tempest the Bishop was gotten into the Cocke-boat and fled ouer beyond Seas But whatsoeuer else was in the Man hee deserueth a most happie Memorie in that hee was the principall Meane of ioyning the two Roses Hee died of great yeares but of strong health and Powers The next yeare which was the Sixteenth yeare of the King and the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred was the yeare of Iubile at Rome But Pope ALEXANDER to saue the Hazzard and Charges of mens Iourneys to Rome thought good to make ouer those Graces by Exchange to such as would pay a conuenient Rate seeing they could not come to fetch them For which purpose was sent into England IASPER PONS a Spaniard the Popes Commissioner better chosen than were the Commissioners of Pope LEO afterwards imployed for Germanie for hee carried the Businesse with great wisedome and semblance of Holinesse In so much as hee leuied great summes of Money within this Land to the Popes vse with little or no Scandall It was thought the King shared in the Money But it appeareth by a Letter which Cardinall ADRIAN the Kings Pensioner wrote to the King from Rome some few yeares after that this was not so For this Cardinall beeing to perswade Pope IVLIVS on the Kings behalfe to expedite the Bull of Dispensation for the Marriage betweene Prince HENRIE and the Ladie KATHERINE finding the Pope difficile in granting thereof doth vse it as a principall Argument concerning the Kings merit towards that Sea that hee had touched none of those Deniers which had beene leuied by PONS in England But that it might the better appeare for the satisfaction of the Common people that this was Consecrate Money the same Nuntio brought vnto the King a Briefe from the Pope wherein the King was exhorted and summoned to come in Person against the Turke For that the Pope out of the care of an Uniuersall Father seeing almost vnder his eyes the Successes and Progresses of that great Enemie of the Faith had had in the Conclane and with the Assistance of the Ambassadours of forraine Princes diuers Consultations about an Holy Warre and a Generall Expedition of Christian Princes against the Turke Wherein it was agreed and thought fit that the Hungarians Polonians and â—â—â—â—nians should make a Warre vpon Thracid The French and Spaniards vpon Grecia and that the Pope willing to sacrifice himselfe in so good a Cause in Person and in Companie of the King of England the Venetians and such other States as were great in maritime Power would saile with a puissant Nauie through the Mediterrane vnto Constantinople And that to this end his Holinesse had sent Nuncio's to all Christian Princes Aswell for a Cessation of all Quarrels and Differences amongst themselues as for speedie Preparations and Contributions of Forces and Treasure for this Sacred Enterprize To this the King who vnderstood well the Court of Rome made an Answer rather Solemne than Serious Signifying THat no Prince on Earth should bee more forward and obedient both by his Person and by all his possible Forces and Fortunes to enter into this sacred VVarre than himselfe But that the distance of Place was such as no Forces that hee should raise for the Seas could be leuied or prepared but with double the charge and double the time at the least that they might be from the other Princes that had their Territories nearer adioyning Besides that neither the manner of his Ships hauing no Gallies nor the Experience of his Pilots and Mariners could bee so apt for those Seas as theirs And therefore that his Holinesse might doe well to mooue one of those other Kings who lay fitter for the purpose to accompany him by Sea Whereby both all things would be sooner put in readinesse and with lesse Charge and the Emulation and Diuision of Command which might growe betweene those Kings of France and Spaine if they should both ioyne in the VVarre by Land vpon Grecia might bee wisely auoyded And that for his part hee would not bee wanting in Aydes and Contribution Yet notwithstanding if both these Kings should refuse rather than his Holinesse should goe alone hee would waite vpon him as soone as hee could bee readie Alwaies prouided that hee might first see all Differences of the Christian Princes amongst themselues fully laide downe and appeased as
Inconstancie or Inequalitie but either to some Reason which we do not now know or to a Principle hee had set vnto himselfe That hee would varie and try both wayes in turne But the lesse Bloud hee drew the more hee tooke of Treasure And as some construed it hee was the more sparing in the One that hee might bee the more pressing in the Other for both would haue beene intollerable Of Nature assuredly hee coueted to accumulate Treasure and was a little Poore in admiring Riches The People into whom there is infused for the preseruation of Monarchies a naturall Desire to discharge their Princes though it bee with the vniust charge of their Councellours and Ministers did impute this vnto Cardinall MORTON and Sir REGINOLD BRAY. Who as it after appeared as Councellours of ancient Authoritie with him did so second his Humours as neuerthelesse they did temper them Whereas EMPSON and DVDLEY that followed beeing Persons that had no Reputation with him otherwise than by the seruile following of his Bent did not giue way onely as the first did but shape him way to those Extreamities for which himselfe was touched with remorse at his Death and which his Successour renounced and sought to purge This Excesse of his had at that time many Glosses and Interpretations Some thought the continuall Rebellions wherewith hee had beene vexed had made him grow to hate his People Some thought it was done to pull downe their Stomackes and to keep them low Some for that hee would leaue his Sonne a Golden fleece Some suspected he had some high Designe vpon Forraine parts But those perhaps shall come nearest the truth that fetch not their reasons so far off but rather impute it to Nature Age Peace and a Minde fixed vpon no other Ambition or Pursuit Whereunto I should adde that hauing euery day Occasion to take notice of the Necessities and Shifts for Money of other great Princes abroad it did the better by Comparison set of to him the Felicitie of full Cofers As to his expending of Treasure he neuer spared Charge which his Affaires required and in his Buildings was Magnificent but his Rewards were very limitted So that his Liberalitie was rather vpon his owne State and Memorie than vpon the Deserts of others Hee was of an High Minde and loued his owne Will and his owne VVay as One that reuered himselfe and would Reigne indeed Had hee beene a Priuate-man hee would haue beene termed Proud But in a wise Prince it was but keeping of Distance which indeede hee did towards all not admitting any neare or full Approach neither to his Power or to his Secrets For hee was gouerned by none His Queene notwithstanding shee had presented him with diuers Children and with a Crowne also though hee would not acknowledge it could doe nothing with him His Mother hee reuerenced much heard little For any Person agreeable to him for Societie such as was HASTINGS to King EDWARD the Fourth or CHARLES BRANDON after to King HENRY the Eight hee had none Except wee should account for such Persons FOXE and BRAY and EMPSON because they were so much with him But it was but as the Instrument is much with the VVorke-man Hee had nothing in him of Vaine-glorie but yet kept State and Maiestie to the height Being sensible That Maiestie maketh the People how but Vaine-glorie boweth to them To his Confederates abroade he was Constant and Iust but not Open. But rather such was his Inquirie and such his Closenesse as they stood in the Light towards him and hee stood in the Darke to them Yet vvithout Strangenesse but with a semblance of mutuall Communication of Affaires As for little Enuies or Emulations vpon Forraine Princes which are frequent with many Kings hee had neuer any but went substantially to his owne Businesse Certaine it is that though his Reputation was great at home yet it was greater abroad For Forrainers that could not see the Passages of Affaires but made their Iudgements vpon the Issues of them noted that hee was euer in Strife and euer a Loft It grew also from the Aires which the Princes and States abroad receiued from their Ambassadours and Agents here which were attending the Court in great number Whom hee did not onely content with Courtesie Reward and Priuatenesse but vpon such Conferences as passed with them put them in Admiration to finde his Vniuersall Insight into the Affaires of the World Which though hee did sucke chiefely from themselues yet that which hee had gathered from them all seemed Admirable to euery one So that they did write euer to their Superiours in high tearmes concerning his Wisedome and Art of Rule Nay when they were returned they did commonly maintaine Intelligence with him Such a Dexteritie hee had to impropriate to himselfe all Forraine Instruments Hee was carefull and liberall to obtaine good Intelligence from all parts abroad Wherein hee did not onely vse his Interest in the Leigers here and his Pensioners which hee had both in the Court of Rome and other the Courts of Christendome but the Industrie and Vigilancie of his owne Ambassadours in Forraine parts For which purpose his Instructions were euer Extroame Curious and Articulate and in them more Articles touching Inquisition than touching Negotiation Requiring likewise from his Ambassadours an Answer in particular distinct Articles respectiuely to his Questions As for his secret Spialls which hee did imploy both at home and abroade by them to discouer what Practices and Conspiracies were against him surely his Case required it He had such Moles perpetually working and casting to vndermine him Neither can it bee reprehended For if Spialls bee lawfull against lawfull Enemies much more against Conspirators and Traitors But indeede to giue them Credence by Othes or Curses that cannot bee well maintayned For those are too holy Vestments for a Disguise Yet surely there was this further Good in his employing of these Flies and Familiars That as the vse of them was cause that many Conspiracies were reuealed so the Fame and Suspition of them kept no doubt many Conspiracies from being attempted Towards his Queene hee was nothing Vxorious nor scarce Indulgent but Companiable and Respectiue and without Iealousie Towards his Children bee was full of Paternall Affection Carefull of their Education aspiring to their High Aduancement regular to see that they should not want of any due Honour and Respect but not greatly willing to cast anie Popular Lustre vpon them To his Councell hee did referre much and sate oft in Person knowing it to bee the Way to assist his Power and informe his Iudgement In which respect also hee vvas fairely patient of Libertie both of Aduise and of Vote till himselfe were declared Hee kept a strait hand on his Nobilitie and chose rather to aduance Clergie-men and Lawyers which were more Obsequious to him but had lesse Interest in the People which made for his Absolutenesse but not for his Safetie In so much as I am perswaded it was one of