men Trustees to the whole Kingdom and Neighbours to the Fact or Party or both To which also there must be a legal proof by lawful Witnesses or else the Charge will not suffice And in such Indictments from the Commons the Lords are the Tryers and the King may seem as the Iudg but in other Courts also the Judgment goeth of course upon the Verdict and must be entred per Curiam as adjudged by the Court although there be but one Judge or tho' his Mouth pronounce not the Sentence But we are not yet come to debate the King's Consent to the Lords Judgment an Indictment from the Commons It is also to me very considerable how the House of Commons could or ever did Indict I cannot deny them to have been a Court and a Court of Record although some have seemed to question it and their Records are not so ancient as some others But I have not fully understood how they ever did make or receive a Formal Legal Indictment when as they did not give a single Oath much less Empannel a Iury or Enquest Yet some there be that without a Writt or any written Commission did and might do this Virtute Officii But they be known chosen sworn Officers of the Kingdom for such Purposes as the Peeples Bayliffs Coroners Sheriffs Escheators and some Officers about the Forest who by the Common Law did Summon and Empannel Juries But so did not the House of Commons How then did they Indict Of all Crimes committed in the House they are and were so much the sole Iudges that they seldom use to complain much less to Indict any other And for any thing done abroad I hope they do not use to take Rumours and Reports though from their own Members to be sufficient for or equivalent to a legal Indictment on Oath Seeing their scarce is or can be any Case so notorious but it may be pleaded unto by somewhat of Law or Necessity And although I should yield the Commons to be the Masters of the Law in making it yet they pleased to allow others to be Iudges in their Laws And if they reassume this also yet it may be more easie to judge of some Law than of any Fact at least as it may be cloathed so as a curious search or Enquest may be requisite to lay it clear and naked Neither can I see how it may be necessary to proceed against any by force or illegal Process when it is easie as well as just to go rightly as to do right For who can imagine a Case so dark and intricate but it may be contrived so that particular men may be Accusers and others Witnesses with a clear and real distinction between Indictors Tryers and Iudges most of all in Cases notorious and evident For in such there may be less fear of the Iuries Verdict against Evidence or of the Iudges Sentence against the Verdict Or if this should happen in a Tryal is there not a most heavy doom appointed by Law for all Iurors that forswear themselves and goe against their Evidence Is there not a clear way of Relief by Writ of Attaint Is it not worse than Death to forfeit all Estate and be thrown into Prison while both Wife and Children must be turned out of Doors and All For his House must be pulled down his Ground be plowed up and his Trees rooted out with loss of Franchise and with a perpetual Brand of Villany This is the Common Law for a perjured Iuror and that also in Petty Cases how much more might it be just in Case of Life and Death And for Corrupt Iudges our Law is very severe altho' we have much lost the Custom of the Grand Eyres in this also King Alfred be long since dead who hanged 30 or 40 more unjust Judges than Cambyses flead And for that the Mirror may be a good Comment on some Passages in Alfred's Life by Asser And if it be true that Horn lived to the end of K. Edward it is much wonder that on such occasion he did not also mention some of those Judges by him so punished when there was scarce any left but good Iohn of Mettingham and Elias of Bechingham And of this the Dissertations of Fleta may be added to all before as that of Sir William Thorp and the Great Judg in the third Part of Institutes about corrupt Iudges and the Iudge's Oath It is very considerable how curious the Iews were in Creating or rather Ordaining of Judges For indeed the Phrase of Ordination seemed to be first raised from Them For which I have little to add to Mr. Selden on the Eutychian or Alexandrian Antiquities as old as St. Mark the Evangelist Nor can it be denied but the Jewish Judges and Magistrates had a very good Right and so used as we find in the Books of Moses and the Kings and Tirshatha's to Read and Expound the Law Moral as well as Iudicial Nay in this they seemed to have some advantage of the Priests or Levites that had work enough most times in that which was but Ceremonial This may Expound those Pieces of Scripture Old and New where we find some explaining Scripture being neither Priests nor of the Tribe of Levi. And the Iews Punishments of evil Judges are severe and most remarkable nay where all others were again restored to their Offices after Corporal Punishment their Lord Chief Iustice or President of their Sanhedrim or any Chief Iustice could never be restored again after such punishment no not to be as one of his inferour Colleagues So just he ought to be and circumspect by daily experience added to his own wisdom Our Laws are so just and so good in themselves that there could not be be so much cause of complaints in all our Gates for such were the Iews Courts of Iustice if our Judges were such as they should and might be And yet I cannot deny but that there be very great abuses among the Lawyers and Attorneys or Solicitors but if the Judges were as just and wise as they may be inferiour Officers would soon amend or comply for Love or Fear so much as would prevent Complaints and many of their Causes But it is the work of a God and not of a Man to reform abuses in all Courts of Justice Hercules did never cleanse so great so foul a Stable or a Stall yet in this also a wise and just Parliament will do much and will need none of my help or advice How tender all should Delegates be in making Delegates But in nothing should they be more tender or more circumspect then in this of making Judges For in these of all Delegates our law is most scrupulous Before the Statute of Merton those that held by suit Service were bound to appear in Person because the Suitors were Judges in causes not their own but by that Statute they had power given to make Attorneys but it was only ad Sectas faciendas to make or follow
Leges ignotas Judicare de eis quas Nesciebant How it was in Parliament while there were only Barons by Tenure would be more enquired But of later times Commons have adjudged Commons and have joyned with the Lords in adjudging Lords of which there are divers Cases cited in the Fourth Part of Institutes Cap. 1. pag. 23. It may be considered that many Kingdoms and Common-wealths that were not Kingdoms in all Ages did consist of Three Estates as of Three Principles in Nature or Bodies Natural which might occasion the Phrase of Tribe in many other besides the Romans who in Three Estates were not so Ancient as the Grecians or Aegyptians that I speak not of the Gauls Britans or the Eastern Nations And if any would observe it might be possible to find the Prophets hinting a Trinity in divers Kingdoms or Estates and that not only for moulding but for overthrowing them Besides the Three Captivities or Three overturnings of the Iewish State and the Three blows of the Goat on the Ram in Daniel as alluding to the Three great Battles which did break the Persian Empire And why may not the Sacred Trinity be shadowed out in Bodies Politick as well as in Natural And if so our Three Estates may be branched as our Writs into Original Iudicial and Executive as shadows of the Being Wisdom and Activity Divine If I may not grant yet I cannot deny Original Power to the Commons Iudicial to the Lords Executive to the King as the Spirit to the Body or if you will the Head or Fountain of Sense and Motion But he must see by two Eyes and hear by two Ears as I touched before yet his very pardoning although it be by Law much limited doth seem to speak his Power Executive And so his Writs do speak aright Because my Courts have so and so judged Therefore I do so and so command the Judgment shall be executed And if any will assert the Militia to this Power Executive I shall also grant it to the King So that it may be alwayes under the Power Original and Judicial This might belong to the Lords and that to the Commons And the plain truth is I do not find more Arguments to prove the Judicial Power to belong to the Lords than I do for rhe Legislative in the Commons And as it seemeth to be above so below also it may be much disputed That the Legislative Judicial and Executive power should be in distinct Subjects by the Law of Nature For if Law-makers be Judges of those that break their Laws they seem to Judge in their own Causes which our Law and Nature it self so much avoideth and abhorreth So it seemeth also to forbid both the Law-maker and Iudge to execute And by express Act of Parliament it is provided That Sheriffs be not Justices where they be Sheriffs But if Execution be alwayes consonant to Judgment and This to the Law there is still most sweet Harmony and as I may say a Sacred Unity in Trinity represented That the Commons should have most Right to the Power Original or Legislative in Nature I shall leave to be disputed by others I shall only touch some few Particulars which have made me sometimes to suspect that by our Laws and Model of this Kingdom it both was and should be so How the Roman Historian found the Judicial power given to the Lords by our Old Ancestors I did observe before he is as plain for the Legislative in the Commons Nay to the Lords themselves he saith in Judging was adjoyned a Committee of Commons both for Counsel and Authority Ex plebe Comites consilium simul Authoritas And again he sheweth how the Lords did sit in Council about the less Affairs but of greater all both Lords and Commons So also that those things which the Commons did determine Quorum Arbitrium penes Plebem apud Principes pertractentur they should be debated with the Lords for their Advice but not their Legislative Votes And the Mirror a good Comment on Tacitus in this sheweth how our Lords were raised out of the Commons and giveth them a power Judicial but where is their Ligislative Nay the Modus of Parliament will not only tell us that the Commons have better and stronger Votes than the Lords but that there may be a Parliament without the Lords as well as Prelates For there was a time in which there was neither Bishop nor Earl nec Baro so the Irish Modus and yet there were Parliaments without them but never without the Commons So that if the Commons be not summoned or for Cause Reasonable cannot or will not come for Specialties in which they blame the King Parliamentum tenebitur pro Nullo quamvis omnes Alii status plenarie ibidem interfuerint And the Kings Oath is to confirm the Just Laws which the Commons not the Lords but Commons shall Elect or Choose quas Vulgus Elegerit So in Latine and in French of Edw. 2. and Edw. 3. Les quiels la Communante aur ' eslu And in English of Hen. 8. and other Times which the Commons of the Realm shall choose And if we look into the Old Writs of Summons we shall find the Commons called ad consentiendum faciendum and the Old Writ addeth quod quilibet omnes de Comitatu facerent vel faceret Ii personaliter interessent As it is in the Modus of Parliament with sufficient intimation that without the Commons nothing could be done which the late Writs express thus Ita quod dicta Negotia Infecta non remaneant pro defectu potestatis c. But the Lords are called de quibusdam arduis tractaturi consilium Impensuri only as Counsellors not as Law-makers For the very same words are in the Writs for the Judges and others coming to Parliament although they do not Vote in making Laws This may also shew us how the Lords themselves did Elect the Knights of Shires and by Statute of Rich. 2. are to contribute to the charges of the County Knights who were to sit and Vote in Parliament as Law-makers for the whole County whereas the Lords were there but as Judges and the Kings Counsellors And is it probable they should retain to their own Persons that for which they delegated others who were there to do quod quilibet omnes facerent personaliter even all that all the Lords themselves should do as Freeholders not as Lords or the Kings Patentees who might so be his Councellors or Iudges rather than Law-makers this was more left it seems to the Commons who for this and other Reasons should not be Common Iudges as I think in private Causes or of private Persons but of Iudges or of such as the Mirror speaketh of whom elsewhere there was no Common Justice to be had But if the Lords had not a Legislative Right why did the Commons send up the Bills to them how came the Lords to joyn with the Commons in Passing of Acts
Parliamenti sedebunt nullus stabit sed quando loquitur ut omnes audiantur à Paribus And again Nullus solus potest nec debet recedere à Parliamento sine Licentia Regis omnium Parium Parliamenti hoc in pleno Parliamento Ità quod inde fiat mentio in Rotulis Parliamenti It may be possible That Bracton and Fleta with others may use the Phrase Pares in such a sence when they say That the King or his Commissioners should not judge and determine of Treason but Pares Which may be added to the 25 th of Edw. 3. reserving Treason to Parliament where of Old it seemeth only determinable so that The Mirror would not have it Endicted but by Accusation and in full Parliament as in King Edmund's Time c. Cap. 2. Sect. 11. and in Edw. the 3 d it was enacted That Offences of Peers and great Officers and those who sued against the Laws should be tryed in Parliament And although now the Phrase be given to all the Lords of Parliament yet it was most or only proper to the Earls whom by Law and custom the King styleth Consanguineos and he might style them his Peers or Companions as in Latine Comites So Bracton Comites dicuntur quasi Socii Regis qui habet Socium habet Magistrum and in another place A Societate Reges enim tales sibi Associant ad consulendum regendum Populum Dei and the like is in Fleta Comites à Comitiva dicuntur qui cum viderint Regem sine Freno Frenum sibi apponere tenentur c. which is also in Bracton The Mirror is yet clearer although the King had no Equals yet because himself or his Commissars might not be Judge it was provided by Law that he should have Companions to hear and determine all his Torts c Aux Parliaments and those Companions were called Countees Earls from the Latine Comites So also Sarisberiensis cited before in Hen. 2. Comites à Societatis participatione dici quisquis ignorat ignarus est literarum c. some will have them Comites Socii in Fisca because of old some Earls had a third part of profits accrewing by Pleas and Forfeitures in their Counties as the Laws of the Confessor and Mr. Selden in his Comes but he will also grant their name à Comitiva potestate rather than from such Communion of profits That the old Sheriffs also who were Vice-Comites did come to Parliament appeareth in the Ancient Writs and Histories and yet the Barons seem to be the Kingdoms Iudges and the present Earls may seem to sit in Parliament but onely as Barons who are now all Peers and Lords and Parliament But although the Lords were the great Iudges of the Kingdom and of all Members thereof yet it is well known that in full Parliament as old as Edw. 3. they did not only acknowledge but protest that they were not to Iudge the Commons in Cases of Treason and Felony being not their Peers How it was in Rich. the Second may be seen at large in the Rolls and Records now printed in Edward the Second the Commons proceeded by the Judgment of the Lords for which also the Fructus temporum cited before may be added to all in the Road. Appeals and Writs of Error were from the King to the Lords in Ecclesiasticals that touched the King they were to the Spiritual Prelates Abbots and Priors of the Upper House by Act of Parliament in 24 Hen. 8. till which it may be Temporal Lords had also Cognizance of such as well as Temporals And Writs of Error in the Parliament were Judged by the Lords for they came from the Kings Court his Bench or his Exchequer and if Errors had been in the Common Pleas or below it they should not be brought into Parliament but to the Kings-Bench and from the Kings-Bench as from the King not otherwise they came to the Lords and although there was a formal Petition for removing the Record from the King it was but of Course and the King could not deny it Which we found granted by all the old Lawyers and Historians as I shewed before and by the grand Master and Patron of Law King Edw. 1. in Britton because none may Judge in his own Cause Therefore in Causes where our self shall be Party we do consent que N. Court soit judg Sicome Counts Barons in Temps de Parliament In the Laws of Hen. 1. one of the Chapters beginneth thus Iudices sunt Barones Comitatus qui liberas in eis terras habent for in those times Barons were by Tenure only not by Patent that I know till Beauchamp of Holt in Rich. 2. nor by Writ that I can find till the Barons Wars but K. Johns Charter is to Summon Comites Barones Regni majores sigillatim per literas N. But all that hold in Capitae by general Summons forty days before the Parliament and that Negotium procedat ad diem assignatum secundum consilium eorum qui presentes fuerint quamvis non omnes submoniti venerint and the Summons of Delinquents or Suitors in Parliament was to appear and abide the Judgment of the Court not of the King but of his Court for the King is Father and not Judge of his People in his proper Person as was shewed before and all the Books agree that he must Commit his Jurisdiction unto Judges in the Courts of Justice and when he might assume great Offices into his own Hands by Parliament in Edw. the third all Judges were expresly excepted and the Judges Oaths and several Acts of Parliament require them to proceed according to the Law notwithstanding the Kings Command or Seal against it and the Register affordeth a Writ to Supersede or Revoke any such Seal from the King himself to any of the Judges And the Lord Chief Justices as the Lord Chancellor and Treasurer were Chosen by the Kingdom as we found before in the time of Hen. 3. how much more then should the Lords of Parliament be made by Parliament for else they be the Kings Commissioners So the Roman saith our German Fathers chose their Lords in Common Council to be Judges in iisdem Conciliis Eliguntur Principes qui Jura reddunt De Minoribus consultant Principes de Majoribus Omnes And Caesar also observeth that their Princes or Lords were their great Judges sed Principes Regionem atque Pagorum inter suos jus dicunt Controversiasque minuunt Yet Tacitus will also tell us that with those Princes they did joyn Commons Centeni ex Plebe Comites which were perhaps the Fathers of our County Hundreds And in K. Williams Edition of the Confessor's Laws when he inclined so much to them of Norwey Universi Compatriotae Regni qui Leges Edixerant came and besought him not to change their Old Laws and Customs of their Ancestors because they could not judge from Laws they understood not quia durum valde foret sibi suscipere
Lists which I would avoid as a Purgatory being otherwise I say not better imployed than in such unprofitable Wranglings I should believe it not very difficult much less impossible to maintain That both the Moulding and Manage the Make and the Use of the Kingdoms Militia was ever immediately subject to the Command of the Courts of Iustice especially the Parliaments which may in a large Sense of Law be called the Crown or King's Politick Capacity but never I think to the King's Person alone which in Law is still an Infant as the Mirrour expresly calls him though his common Capacity be ever of age Be the Person a Child an Infant Lunatick Incompos Mentis or a Woman which sure our Ancestors could not but deem a most unlikely Person for a wise and valiant General If I were compelled to argue this it should not be only from right Reason or the Law of Nature which yet to me seemeth much to encline this way The Feet are to bear and the Hands to help to hold to bind and rub the Head in any Distemper or Weakness but if I should hear of any Man born with his Heels in his Neck or his Hands tyed to his Head or immediately under his Chin I should think it a Monster And wherever both Hands and Feet are at their due Distance from the Head with divers Nerves and other Vessels Bones and other parts between them yet I never heard or knew that they did obey the Head till it did command itself and them also by Reason or till it also doth Obey not only its own Eyes and Ears but the Common Sense and Reason of the Soul I must confess I have heard that Ticho-Brah did sometimes imagine that he found Mars below or under the Sun But if it were really so it seems as great a Prodigy in Nature as the new Star and that of Mars rather than a new Star in Cassiopeia might presage those sad Commotions which have since followed in many Places of Europe while Mars hath been so much below or under the Sun For by Nature Mars was said and ever thought to be placed immediately under Iupiter the great Judg or Court of Iustice which should command the Sword And so it doth by Law For in England the Iudgments given in any Court of Record do so command the Militia for Execution for a Writ runs of Course which was made by Common Consent and cannot be denyed Release to all Actions will not hold against Execution except all Suits were also released But this is such a Suit as the Law calls a Demand which may not be denyed And for other Cases of Routs Riots unlawful Assemblies Invasions c. The Posse Comitatus and by Consequence the Posse Regni was Disposed and Commanded by known sworn Officers that acted Virtute Officii by the Law and Custom of the Kingdom For it may be known that the old Iustices or Conservators of the Peace were chosen by the Counties as appeareth by Writs yet to be read from the Rolls of Edward the First And now their Commission and their Power dependeth on Parliament Nor could the Chancery have given such a Power had it not been so Established by Parliament which hath also strictly provided for their Legal Nomination and Election For which the Statutes of Richard the Second Henry the Fifth Henry the Sixth and before them all Edward the third thought it were not printed And it is very well known how by the Common-Law and Custom of the Kingdom all the Sheriffs do command the Posse Regni in their several Counties and that not onely Execution of Writs which may be thought to be Matters of Peace But the Lawyers know that Sheriff is Custos Legis and Reipublicae as well as of Peace of which he is the Principal Conservator in his Shire and County Nor may it be Presumption to say That all these Sheriffs also ought to be and so were chosen by the People as is sufficiently found in Hoveden and in the Laws of the Confessor And in full Parliament of Edward the first it was declared to be the Law and Custom of the Kingdom and therefore so setled in the Choice of the People There was in latter times some Alteration made in Choice of Sheriffs but it was by Parliament However we all know that Headboroughs Constables greater men than themselves know Coroners and divers others are yet still chosen in the Counties and do act by Custom and Common-Law And the Sheriff also however he be chosen yet he stands not by Commission nor ought to fall with Kings death But is a standing Officer by Common-Law Who may command all Lords Knights Gentlemen and others in his County by his Writ of Assistance Which issueth of course to every Sheriff I need not say how little the Kings Personal Command or Warrant can by Law interrupt or hinder the Process of Sheriffs Iustices Constables or others in their legal course for the Publick Peace Yea insomuch that if I should have beaten a Drum or raised Forces to rescue King Henry the Eighth from the Compter for abusing a Petty Watch in a Night-walk I might have been arraigned for it And so I might have been for refusing to fire the Beacons or to have raised the Counties if I had seen a Navie of French or Turks landing in King Iohn's time Although the King had come to me and bid me quiet because they were Friends or such as he invited in for the good of his Kingdom Which from his own Mouth or under his hand would have been no legal Supersedeas to a private man in case of such Danger much less to a Sheriff or other sworn Officer For in such cases of Apparent Danger any man that is next may esteem himself an Officer as in quenching great Fires or damming out the Sea And in such though the King himself should forbid me or get me indicted I may demur and put my self on the Judges of Law especially Parliament the most proper Judges in such Causes And to Lawyers I need not cite Records or Precedents Nor shall I need to adde That in case of Foreign Invasion or Intestine Motions and Breaches of Publick Peace the Common known Laws of the Land will warrant a Sheriff Officer or private man to go over a Pale an Hedge a Ditch or other Bound of a Shire or County In which our Ancestors were not so ceremonious or superstitious in case of hot Pursuit or the like Although they were punctual enough in keeping of Land-marks And in Peace in cases of real Actions and personal Trials They were very tender of those Marks in special that bounded out Shires or Counties The Original of Shires and Sheriffs is generally fixed upon King Alfred But the old Abbot of Crowland whence this arose seemeth to speak of new Names rather than Things for himself hath Provincias Comites Vice Domini though not Vice Comites of Ages before King Alfred And the Monk of
the Close is Acta haec confirmata apud Londonium Communi Concilio omnium Primatum meorum c. I should be unjust to our Laws if I should omit the Process and Plea of Morgan Hen against Howell Dha the good Prince of Wales Upon complaint they were both summoned by King Edgar Ad curiam suam and their Pleas were pacately heard In Pleno Concilio repertum est justo Iudicio curiae Regis quod Howell Dha nequiter egisset extra Morgan Hen filium sui Huwen depulsus est Howell Dha ab his duabus Terris the Lands then in question sine recuperatione Postea Rex Edgarus dedit concessit Hueno Morgan Hen illas duas Terras Istradum Euwias in Episcopatu Landas constituas sicuti suam Propriam Hereditatem illas easdem duas Terras sibi Heredibus suis Per chartam suam sine Calumpnia alicujus Terreni hominis confirmavit communi nostro assensu testimonio omnium Archiepiscoporum Episcop Abbatum Comitum Baronum totius Angliae Walliae factum est coram Rege Edgaro in pleno concilio c. This Record of King Edgar is in Codicae Landavensi fol. 103. I find it cited by the great Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman and it may be compared with the Monk of Malmsbury and Matthew of Westminster I must not relate the Visions or Predictions of the Fates of this Kingdom which Historians record about the Reign of King Edgar they are in print and may be read of all Besides the Prophecies of both the Merlins for the Scottish Merlin was fuller and plainer than the British in Vortigers time That I say nothing of Cadwalladers Vision or Alans Council which was long before the other Alane wrote on Merlin or of the famous Eagle of Shaftsbury that agreed with others in the Britains recovering their Kingdom again after their grand Visit at Rome whence they must bring Cadwalladers bones This leadeth me also to the Sybils Prophecy of three British Princes that should conquer Rome Brennus was one King Arthur some make the second Et quis fuit alter And of these Sybils or one of them sending a book to King Bladud so famous for the Bath and Greek-Schools or University at Stamford the Scotish Merlin seemeth to have written if among others I mistake not Baleus But of Edgar's Parliaments one was at Salisbury so we read in Chaucer or the old Fructus Temporum by Iulian Notary at St. Albans And of another of his Parliaments at Bath the Saxon Chronology at the year 973. His Laws are now printed and their Title is The Acts of King Edgar and his Parliament Mid his Witena Getheate gerred c. Here we find much considerable of Thanes which all will have to be Noble-men but it must be with them a Saxon word And Dhenian is to serve whence the Princes Motto Ic Dhaen For so it should rather be than in Dutch Ich Dien But why should Noble-men or those that were the freest have their name from serving Here they flie to Knights-service King-service or I know not what most proper as they say to free and Noble-men But from a Judge or Fleta we may be taught that the Saxon Dhaen or Thaen is a Servant but Thayn a Free-man And in this sence it seemeth to be used here As also in Denmark and Ireland Nor did the Britains differ much whose Haene or Hane is an Eldar although Hyne be sometimes used for a Servant And so the Irish Tane is Elder whence their Tanistry or Eldership the cause or sad occasion of such bloudshed These British Hanes the Saxons in compliance called Ealdermen St. Edward's Laws afford so much and it may be Thanes although with them they had the name of Greeues or Graves suiting well with Elders Hanes or Senators With which we may compare the Phrase of Seniores which we read so oft in Gildas Nennius Monmouth and others of the British and first Saxons times in Britain I should be tedious in but glancing over the Acts of Parliament in Edgar's time That of the Standard at Winchester is considerable and that of one Coyn through all the Kingdom The Mirrour is plain in making it an Act of Parliament in Saxon times That no King of this Realm should change his Money or embase or enhanse it or make other but of silver Sans l' assent de tout ses Counties Which the Translator is bold to turn Without the Assent of the Lords and all the Commons We may not omit the Act against unjust Judges or Complaints to the King except Justice could not be had at home For which also the Hundred-Courts were again confirmed and the Grand Folkmootes or Sheriffs Turnes established by Act of Parliament Of which and of their relation to Peace and War more in Edward's Laws which may afford a Comment for the Saxon Militia I need not speak of the Parliament at Calna it is famous enough where Considentibus totius Angliae Senatoribus the Roof fell down and hurt them most but St. Dunston Of which Wigornensis Iornalensis Malmsbury Matthew of Westminster and so many others may be cited King Ethelred's Laws have this Title in Lumbard Sapientum Concilium quod Ethelredus Rex promovendae pacis causa habuit Wodstoci Merciae quae legibus Anglorum gubernatur aefter Aengla-Lage Post Anglis Lagam as an old Author turneth it In those Acts we read of Ordale Sythan the Gemot waes aet Bromdune Post Bromdune Concilium It seems a Parliament And again Iussum ac scitum hoc nostrum si quis neglexerit aut profuâ quisque virili parte non obierit ex nostra omnium sententiâ Regi 100 Dependito By which it appeareth to be a Parliament and not the King only that made those Laws That which Sir Henry Spelman calleth Concilium AE 〈…〉 e Generale was clearly one of King Ethelred's Parliaments and the very Title is De Witena Geâ—ednessan and tha Geraednessa the Englaraed Witan gee 〈…〉 c. And divers Chapters begin Witena Geraednesse is enacted by Parliament And the old Latin Copy of this Parliament telleth us that in it were Vniversi Anglorum Optimates Ethelredi Regis Edicto convocato Plebis multitudine collectae Regis Edicto A Writ of Summons to all the Lords and for choice of the Commons a full and clear Parliament In this Parliament were divers Acts for the Militia both by Land and Sea as most Parliaments after King Edgar and among others for Castles Forts Cities Bridges and time of the Fleets setting out to Sea It is made Treason for any to destroy a Ship that was provided for the State-service Navem in Reipublicae expeditionem designatam as a learned man translateth the Saxon. And no Souldier must depart without leave on forfeit of all his Estate None may oppose the Laws but his Head or a grievous Mulct according to the Offences quality must recompence It was here also enacted That Efferatur
and nearer in infinitum yet they still shall be Asymptots and never meet for such attend Hyperbolies Which yet is more Demonstrable by Reason than is that of Mersennus or others by sense that Concave Glasses may be placed in such a continued proportion may I say of Reflection that by such it may be possible to fire a Ship or other matter combustible at a far greater distance than between Dover and Calice I say not as some have said in infinitum But in this and all the Mathematicks who can add to him that did contract and correct Longomont into a page Our Country-man he is but at too great a distance in Breda But I must not wander from K. Stephen His Repeal of Roman Laws is also in Sarisburiensis living in the time of K. Henry the 2d an Author of Credit and polite enough It is among his Court trifles Polteraticus or de nugis Curialium Nor is he content to meddle only with mean Courtiers but even of the highest he is plain enough And one of his Thesis is that by Reason and Scripture it is both Lawful and a glorious Act to kill a publick Tyrant But of his exceptions to the Oath of Fealty we must have more in its Time and Place That of K. Stephen is in his 8th Book and 22 chap. near enough to his discourse of Tyrany Where we have also an hint of him that brought those Laws into this Kingdom Theobald the Arch Bishop of Canterbury going to Rome for his Pall some say and for this the Monk of Malmesbury would be considered Who hath also Recorded K. Stephens Oath of which we must speak again I must not dispute whether those Italian Laws by him prohibited were the Civil or the Canon Laws which I rather believe Although I cannot deny but the Civil also did come in or intrude upon our English Laws Nor may I forget a passage of Parliament in that famous Appeal or charge of Treason in King Richard the Second's Time The Lawyers especially Civilians were consulted about the charge They conceived it not to be rightly moulded according to the forms of Law But the great Council resolved and declared that they would proceed by no other Law but the course and Custom of Parliament To which they added that England never was ought or should be Ruled or Governed by the Civil Law which yet is enough some think too much in causes Maritime and Ecclesiastick that I speak not of any other Courts Fortescue or rather the young Prince in him telleth us of some of our Kings that have attempted to bring in the Civil Laws and patrias Leges abolere but I cannot tell who those were no more than the Learned Commentator Except perhaps he may reach up to King Lucius who did desire the Roman Laws even for the State but can we say the Civil Laws were then Born or at least Christned enough for a Christian King But the reason why any King so much esteemed the Civil Law may be rightly guessed to be this grand maxim of Tyranny Quod principi placuit Legis habet vigorem A Sentence of the Civil Royal or Imperial Laws citeth indeed by Glanvil Bracton and others of our Lawyers who refuted rather than allowed it But in this who can add to Mr. Seldens late Dissertations on Fleta Wigornensis lived till K. Stephens time In him or his Continuer we find what Laws these were how or who did bring them hither For we are there told that Theobald with other Prelates had a Summons from the Pope to Rome and there were admitted to a Council such as many ages could not Parallel For thence he saith they brought those Canons or Decrees quae longe lateque per Angliam jam Conscriptae He lived not perhaps to know they were prohibited but he doth intimate enough in what a cold manner the Parliament did entertain the Legate sent from Rome He was a great Leveller it seemeth For he came to pull down and to destroy that so he might plant or build we read it in the Monks Who bring this Legate Coram Rege primoribus And again before the Commons also Episcopis Abbatibus innumera Cleri Populi multitudine Ere long we find K. Stephen at another Parliament ad Boum vadum Oxes foord or Oxford Where some Lords or Prelates are committed for suspicion of Treason And by some it is ascribed to the King alone But in the Monk of Malmesbury we may find it done upon complaint of Those he calleth potent Laicks and by Councel or perswasion of Magnates and Proceres Regni The thing doth speak it self For one of the Lords committed was the great Roger of Salisbury the grand Favorite of whom before His Charge was this in chief that without leave of King and Parliament he had built and fortified a Castle But in his own Devise this was the Castles name he did ensnare himself The Name and Fate hath since been found observed more than once and yet they write it was the fairest Castle in all Europe Matth. Paris followeth Huntingdon and Hoveden but in this they both come short of Malmsbury well acquainted with that famous Roger whose misgiving heart was like to have prevented what did follow in that Parliament But so we might have lost or mist that Act which here was made for the Militia setled clearly in the King and Parliament We find it also in the old Continuer of the Monk of Worcester Who living at that time doth tell us that in full Parliament habito postmodum Concilio coram primoribus Angliae statutum est it was Enacted for a Statute that All Burghs Castles Forts c. in quibus secularia solent exerceri negotia should submit to the King Parliament Regis Baronum suorum juri cedant And by vertue of this Act of Parliament was the Castle of the Devise presently demanded and at length yeilded while the great Prelates neck or his Sons who had been also Chancellor was in the Rope to have prevented his Quartain of which he died In the same Author we find much of an High Constable and several men with that Title One is Milo who did lead the King in Royal State cum honore Regiam ad Aulam ubi Cives fidelitatem Iuraverunt c. Ere long we find him charged with Treason so as is worth considering for the Militia and his Office conferred on Walter de Bello Campo Wigornensi Vice-comite But discontents that rose before did now increase And when the Oath of Fealty was pressed on some they refuse and say the King may take their words if he please But for a Bishoprick the Prelates perswaded a grave man to swallow the Oath and so he did on much reluctance Maurice was his Name Elected by the people a Clero Populo being then presented to the King by Bishops Attesting his deserts and due Election Another Bishoprick is conferred on Philip the Lord Chancellor but Consilio Baronum
by Commune assent in special of the Clergy And for this Walsinghams Neustria may be added to others in the Road and at his return he is again Crowned before the People as well as the Lords Consilio Procerum Yet Polydore with others is bold to charge his Reign with great exactions on the Clergy in special for his ransome but himself yeilded that the King did send the Bishop of Salisbury into England that by the consent of Parliament Regii Senatus Authoritate he might get his Ransome And himself yeilded that at his return there was a Parliament wherein the King thanked his People for their Faith to him and for that they had helped him in his Wars and Imprisonment And that Ejus Nutu Archiep. Cantuar. was conferred on the said Bishop of Durham and that the Chalices c. were again restored to the Churches and that the Laws with weights and measures were then also corrected or amended K. Iohn's Election must be discussed in another place Of his Military Aids Paris with Wendover is clear that they were granted in and by Parliament Convenerunt ad Colloquium apud Oxoniam Rex magnates Angliae ubi concessa sunt Regi Auxilia Militaria de quolibet scuto duae marcae dimidium Nor are the Records wholly lost of his Parliament summoned about a War with the French or rather defence against them and his Writs are known enough They speak consent of Parliament provisum est de communi assensu Archiep. Comitum Baronum omnium Fidelium nostrorum Angliae quod novem Milites per Angliam inveniant decimum bene parat ad defensionem Regni Besides the Rolls this is found in the 9th part of the great Reports and in divers others His Charter is now so well known in Print that I need not cite any clause thereof No not that so clear for the Militia Nullum scutagium vel Auxilium ponam in regno nostro nisi per commune Consilium Regni nostri Yet I may add that the Aides there excepted and called Reasonable being such by Common Law were afterwards assessed and ascertained by Parliament For which the first of Westminster may be compared with the 25 th of Ed. 3d. and in the 14 th of that King his Aides were remitted by Parliament because for his Wars he had taketh other Assistance than was due by Law which was much excused by himself and divers other Kings And for this I might cite the 48 th of H. 3d. the 25 th and 31 th of Edw. 1st the 10 11 12 and 13 of Edw. 2d the 19 th and 20 th Edw. 3 d. who did buy Souldiers rather than Press them as the Roman Historian of the declining times of that Empire Of the Barons Wars I must not speak a syllable they do deserve a discourse by themselves and it may be possible er'e long to see it Now I shall only observe that our great Charter was rather the Cause or occasion than the Effect of those Wars For had it been so kept as it was made the Crown might have rested in peace enough They which perswade others that this Charter was first created by King Henry and extorted from him only by a prevailing Sword seem not to consider so much as its Title as it now is printed where we find it granted in his 9 th year Although it was so ill performed that it needed confirmation afterwards Matth. Paris is very clear and plain in this that it was wholly the same or exactly agreeing with that of K. Iohn in nullo dissimilis Nay he speaketh of K. Iohns Charter quas sponte promisit Baronagio Angliae and again in K. H. 3 d. sponte liberaliter concessit And the Popes Letters tell us of K. Iohns Charter granted most freely Liberaliter ex mera spontanea Voluntate de Communi consensu Baronum suorum c. Besides the very words in one of those Charters spontanea voluntate nostra dedimus concessimus pro nobis Heredibus nostris Libertates has subscriptas Nor were these new priviledges then first Created by him But the old Rights of the People by long and ancient Custom as we may find at large also in Wendover with Matthew Paris where they are not only Antiquae Leges consuetudines Regni but we are also told they did present the great Charter of H. the first with his Laws and St. Edward's And to these the Barons sware as the King had also done before For so we read their Covenant was that if the King would break his Oath a juramento proprio resilire which they had some cause to believe or suspect propter suam duplicitatem yet they would keep theirs and would do their best to reduce him to keep his Virgil is also clear in this who telleth us K. Iohn's Troubles and proceedure from his not restoring K. Edw. Laws as he had promised And that the Barons urged him ut promissas tandem aliquando Lege daret and again they ask for their Antient Customes vetera instituta quibus olim Reges Pop. Angl bene rexissent and the close is quae ille prius recepisset se sanctissime observaturum And for Henry the Third the same Author affirmeth that instead of his granting ought that was new the People granted him that grand Prerogative of Wardships which that King accepted with many thanks adding also that the People did not intend it for his Successors But of this I may speak in another place I shall now only adde that if there be not yet enough said from all the Saxon Laws and Histories with the first Norman Confirmations and Explications to assert the Great Charter to be more Antient for its matter than K. Henry or K. Iohn I shall only desire those that are yet unsatisfied they would please to peruse the 2 d. part of the Great Institutes or at least so much of it as speaketh of H. 3 d. and Edw. 1st And it may be they will not wonder that at the Prelates motion that Bastards might inherit the Parliament at Merton cryed out so loud nolumus Lages Angliae mutate c. To which also besides the late Declarations of this Parliament and the Petition of Right may be added the Learned arguments of those Grave and Honourable Judges to whom we shall ever owe so much for standing up in an evil day for Truth and Common Justice in the Case of Ship-money Sir Richard Hatton Sir George Crook and Sir Iohn Denham with the truly Noble Oliver St. Iohn Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. Their Arguments are now in Print by publick Command Nor may I presume to add a word in that subject Nor shall I speak of the times following the great Charter which was confirmed more than thirty times in full Parliament with many special Provisions for the Militia It being most just and reasonable that what did so much concern all should be considered by all Quod omnes tangit
see and proceed in a judicial way Nor would he condemn or execute before he had not onely cleared his justice in himself or to his Angels but also to Abraham Lot and other Lookers on that he still might be justified both when he judgeth and is judged For he still did and will put his Actions on Man's Judgment This Process also towards Sodom is by many of our old Lawyers brought for the Pattern of our Laws in that especially that none may be condemned without a Legal Hearing And in this and divers other things do Bracton and Fleta borrow much from the Laws of Henry the First And be the Matter of Fact never so notorious yet may there be some Plea that no man can foresee or ought to forejudge before he heareth for all men may plead necessity or force upon themselves as well as Right and Law for any thing they do amiss And for this and other Reasons the Law doth suppose all men to be just or excusable till they be Legally heard and adjudged This Difference there is between the Judges and the Law-makers For these they say do suppose all men to be evil but the Judges should suppose all men to be good till they be proved to be evil The Charge and Accusation by the Law of Nature ought to be clear distinct and particular with time and place or other Circumstances else the Party accused cannot discharge himself Universalia non premunt omnino vel opprimunt Generals do not press at all or else they are apt to oppress The Witness and the Evidence must also be so clear that these must condemn rather than the Judge who sitteth as Counsel for the Party accused that so he be not oppressed by or against Law And besides the Judges in most Cases and in those also of Life in Scotland there is Counsel allowed by Law which may and ought to be heard in Particulars of Law or whatever may be justly disputable as Treason is by Statute So that of all Crimes by express Acts of Parliament it ought to have no Tryal but clear and plain according to the course and custom of the Common Law In such Cases therefore should the Iudges both in Law and Conscience sit and be instead of Counsel to the Party This they owe to every Subject though they had a special Obligation to the King Who to his own Rights and therefore to his Wrongs was an Infant in Law and so expresly declared in the Old Mirror besides other Books His Politick Capacity never but his Person ever in Nonage or supposed so in Law for it may be a Child or a Woman not able to know the Laws and therefore always had by Law a Legal Mouth assigned in Counsel of Law And so might any man else of old it seems for matter of Demurrers before Judgment or for framing of Legal Appeal by Writ of Error or some other way from any Judgment whatsoever It is also the Law of this Kingdom and of Nature that though there be no Councel assigned yet may any in a good manner move the Court to keep the Party from Injustice or the Court from Error as Stanford and the 3d. part of Institutes Cap. 2.63 and 101. And in such Cases it may be excused and not censured for rash zeal if some do or shall appear where or when it may be thought they be not called Neither can the whole Parliament of England I suppose make any Court to condemn without lawful Accusers or lawful Witnesses which by express Acts of Parliament is most especially provided in Case of Treason in King Edward the Sixth and Queen Maries Reign and Tryal of Treason was most expresly tyed to the course and custom of the Common Law Nay in full Parliament of Hen. the VIII it was declared that Attaint of Treason in or by Parliament was of no more force or strength than it was or ought to be by the Common Law or this as good and strong as that by Parliament Nor can the whole Parliament I think by the Law of Nature and right Reason make any Children Ideots or all others whatsoever to be so much as Accusers or Witnesses that I say not Indictors Tryers or Judges By express Acts of Parliament in Philip and Mary Edw. VI. Hen. VIII Hen. IV. Hen. I. for to him doth the Mirror and his Laws lead us as to a clear Crystal Fountain of our Law Process none should suffer for Treason or other Crime but by lawful Accusers lawful Witnesses before those that by Law might receive Indictments which with all Enquest are to be made by honest lawful able men Neighbours to the Fact And the Law of Nature with the Law of the Kingdom giveth any man leave to except against some for Accusers others for Witnesses and many for Tryers It being the known Law of the Land that one may challenge the Array either the principal Pannel or the Tales as well as the Polls and that the lowest Subject must be admitted if he require it to a perremtory challenge of divers it is now in most Capitals limited to 20. but in Treason it is as at Common Law it was to 3 Juries or 35 which may be challenged without any particular reason And the Law of Nature also seemeth to hear all Reasons and just exceptions against any whatsoever Nor shall I need to shew how sutable our Law is to the Law of Nature in providing that no Infant Ideot Alien Abjured Perjured or Attaint Outlaw'd or in Premunire be of any Enquest or Iury especially in Case of Life and Death And for Tryers besides all other exceptions This was thought enough that any of them had been Indictors which maketh Fortescu so much to Glory in our Law that putteth no man to Death but by the Oath of four and twenty men I should mispend my time to shew it to be the great Law of the Kingdom as well as of Nature that none may be Iudg and Parties in their own Cause which may ere-long be found perhaps to be the reason of the Three Estates and very much of our Common Law which is punctual in nothing more than in providing for a clear distinction of Accusers Witnesses Endictors Tryers and Iudges especially in Cases of Treason which upon divers motions of the Commons in Parliament have been so often Enacted and declared to be onely Tryable by the course and custom of the Common Law and no otherwise Nay in Parliament it self and Parliament Men there was and for ought I find always the like course observed For in Case of a Peer the Custom of the Kingdom is to proceed by a special Commission to one as Lord Steward and 12 others at least for a Iury of Tryors besides Accusers and Witnesses and a formal Indictment And all from Record to Record or all this is Illegal if it be onely by the House of Peers If Charge come from the House of Commons they are as Indictors being more than twelve sworn
in Parliament Which was the Receiving of Petitions As the Rolls of most times witness It being the old Mode and others accounted it somewhat against Reason that Petitions should be taken and brought into the House by those that were to debate and determine them and so might at pleasure keep them Out or too hastily might press them in Whereas they were to be filled up in course and so to be debated as they were received which was therefore entrusted to the care of known and sworn Officers of the Kingdom Although of late their work in Parliament be so strangely degenerate from that it was of old when also beside Receivers there were some appointed for Tryers of Petitions who as it seemeth were to enquire of matter of Fact expressed in the Petition that it might be cleared and rightly stated before it came to be debated in full Parliament I do not deny but these Triers of Petitions were most frequently some of the Bishops and other Barons But by this I am not convinced that the Lords had by Right and Legislative Power or were the sole Determinors of all Petitions as some would infer or that they were the sole Judges except also the Petty Jury that are Tryers of Fact shall be esteemed the sole Judges of Matters of Law And yet I shall not deny but Petitions concerning abuses or errors in Judicature were often deermined by the Lords as the great Judges but of error in the King's Bench as Judges above the King as was shewed before or from the Exchequer In Queen Ellzabeths Time for the seldom meeting or great Affairs of Parliament the Writs of Error from the King's Bench were by special Act of Parliament to be brought before the Judges of the Common Pleas and Barons of the Exchequer and by them to be determined But with these express Limitations as the Law shall require other than for Errors to be assigned or found for or concerning the Iurisdiction of the said Court of Kings Bench or for want of form in any Writ Process Verdict c. and that after all the Records and all concerning them be remanded to the King's Bench as well for execution as otherwise as shall appertain and with this express Proviso That any Party agrieved by such Iudgment in the Exchequer shall and may sue in Parliament for a further and due Examination By which I do not see such Parties agreed were absolutely tied to Petition the Lords onely although it were onely in a Case judicial Yet I deny not but in Edward the 3d. there was a Committee made of a Bishop two Earls and two Barons to hear and determine all Petitions complaining of Delays or Grievances in Courts of Justice But with great Limitations so that they must send for the Records and Judges which were to to be present and be heard and then by good advice of the Chancellor Treasurer Judges and other of the Council to make an Accord yet so that all be remanded to the Judges before whom the Cause did first depend who were then to proceed to Judgment according to the Accord of the said Committee And in Case it seemed to them to be such as might not well be determined but in full Parliament that then the said Records or Tenors should be brought by the said Commitee to the next Parliament it being the Common Law of the Kingdom and so expressed in all the old Books that all new unwonted difficult matters of consequence should still be brought and submitted to the Judgment of full Parliament so that all our Iudges did and ought to respit such Causes till the next Parliament of which there be almost innumerable Precedents in all the Rolls Nay in Richard the 2d there was a Committee of Lords and Commons appointed to hear and determine all Petitions present in that Parliament But afterwards it was adjudged and declared That such a Commission ought not to be given committing or betraying the High Power of Parliament into a few private hands as we may learn out of Henry the 4th beside other times Yet the Modi of Parliament admit that some extraordinary Cases where the Estates could not agree or the greater part of the Knights Proctors Citizens c. There by consent of the whole Parliament the Matter might be compromised to 25. chosen out of all Degrees and to fewer till at length it might come to 3. who might determine the Case except that being written it were corrected by Assent of Parliament and not otherwise And this seemeth to be the Law of Nature and right Reason That Delegates should not delegate others which was one reason why the Commons never made Pracies as the Lords did Nor might any Committee so determine but there might be Appeal from it to the Parliament Nor doth the Parliament it Self conclude so but that there may be Appeal from its self to its self even to its Iustice if it erre or at least to its mercy by some motion or Petition In one Parliament of Richard the 2d it was Enacted that no man condemned by Parliament should move for Pardon but another Parliament 10 years after did annul this Branch as unjust unreasonable and against the Law and Custom of Parliament For from this which is the highest here there still lieth Appeal from its Self to its Self For which also by the Laws and Customs of the Kingdom there were to be frequent Parliaments that so the errors or omissions of one being still human and therefore errable might be corrected and amended in another By express Statutes of Edw. the 3d. we are to have Parliaments once every year and oftner if need be They were of Old three or four times a year as may be found in all the Old Historians speaking of the great Feats in the Militia in King Alfred's Time they were to be twice a year and that at London as the Mirror affirmeth which we compared with the Laws of the Confessor And I speak also of King Edgars and Canutes Laws for the Celeberrimus Conventus ex qualibet Satrapta which the Great Iudg applieth to the Parliament Eternity it self would be a Burthen unto him that is not pleased with his Being so would Omnipotence to him that is unhappy in his acting It was therefore goodness in God to limit man as well in Doing as in Being It was also the Wisdom of our Ancestors to bound and limit out the Being Acting and continuing not onely of other Judges but also of Parliaments Yet the Old Modi of Parliament agree in this That a Parliament should not be Dissolved till all Petitions were discussed and answered and that after all there should be Proclamation made in some open place whether any had a Petition or just Address to the Parliament and if none replied then it was to be Dissolved I need not shew the Care of our Ancestors or former Parliaments for most strict observation of their own good Orders and Customs of Parliament which are such so just and reasonable that they well deserve a peculiar Discourse by themselves and suppose it not impossible to clear them more by the practice and consent of most Ages in this Kingdom which might also be useful for the Times to come And although it might be possible to find some of their old custome fit to be changed yet my hope is they will retain and observe such Rules of right Reason good Orders and Customs as may still make this an Happy Nation and that they will be mindful of their great Trust for which they are accountable And however it may be in this World yet they also must be judged at his coming who shall bring every Work into Iudgment with every secret Thing whether it be good or whether it be evil And I am not ashamed both to long and pray for his coming who is King of Kings and Lord of Lords The Prince of Salem that is Peace as well as King of Righteousness Melchizedek the Lamb upon the white Thone All the Creation groaneth and the Spirit and the Bride saith come Lord Iesus come quickly FINIS