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A26173 Jus Anglorum ab antiquo, or, A confutation of an impotent libel against the government by king, lords, and commons under pretence of answering Mr. Petyt, and the author of Jani Anglorum facies nova : with a speech, according to the answerer's principles, made for the Parliament at Oxford. Atwood, William, d. 1705?; Brady, Robert, 1627?-1700. Full and clear answer to a book.; Petyt, William, 1636-1707. Antient right of the Commons of England asserted.; Atwood, William, d. 1705? Jani Anglorum facies nova. 1681 (1681) Wing A4175; ESTC R9859 138,988 352

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If a man holding of the King in Capite by the Service of two Knights alien'd one or two Knights Fees with Licence without particular Exemption from the King's Duty in this Case the Burden went along with the Land but if he had according to Licence made sufficient Provision for the King's Service the rest he might have rais'd for his own use and though the Service continued to be reserved to the King yet the Alienee before the Statute of Quia emptores terrarum which was introductory of a new Law was Tenant to the immediate Feoff●r this Tenant had no Right to be at the King's Council of Tenants and yet was to answer Escuage and all manner of Charges as assest by the Tenants in Chief who were the only Council for the purposes of such Tenure Si quid novisti rectius istis Candidus imp●rti si non his utere mecum If our wise Author greater Truths have taught Shew me wherein or take what I have brought To go on with Great and General Councils 21 H. 3. we find at a Great Council Comites Barones Milites liberi homines Whereas 't is said on the other side that none under the Degree of Knights came At another Jani c. p. 244. Barones Proceres Magnates ac Nobiles Portuum Maris habitatores nec non Clerus Populus universus 'T is a ridiculous Answer to this that all these are put together only to make an Impression upon the Pope as if the Sense of the whole Nations Representative whatever it were were not as much to move a Foreign Prince as the whole Nations 45 Hen. 3. Three are chosen out of every County to represent the Body of the County An Agreement was made between King and People 48. H 3. Jan. c. p. 246. A Domino Rege Domino Ed. filio suo Prelatis Proceribus omnibus et communitate regni Angliae To all this p. 265. may be added that long before where the ingenuitas regni were consulted Here are Instances enough of greater Councils than such as King John's Charter settles as I have observed those there were made a Council only for the matters of their Feud they met ordinarily three times a Year and in that were ordinarily a Court of Justice and he betrays his Ignorance not to say more who affi●ms the contrary 'T is no Objection to this that sometimes we find Regnum Angliae at it for still 't was ad Curiam pro more Not that the Kingdom used to come of Course but then came to that Court which was ordinary or of Course That the Kings great Officers and Ministers of Justice were there I have always yielded and that 't was no Grievance to the Tenants to have Justice administred without them at other times and therefore it makes not against my Sense that these often sat without the Tenants Yet their sitting was not at stated times and therefore they were not Curia pro more Either way there was a great Council distinct from the less 1. As to the persons composing the one and the other The Great Council had the whole Nation of Propriet●rs or of Representatives of their Choice in the other at the most the King had only his Tenants in Chief and Officers and Ministers of Justice 2. As to the matters treated of the one treated of matters of extraordinary Justice the other but ordinary 3. For time the great Council was summon'd as often as the State of the Kingdom required it the other as a Court of Tenants and Officers had times ascertain'd not but that as occasion might offer it self they might be summon'd according to King John's Charter Nay may be after that they never met but upon Summons the lesser Court of Officers and Ministers of Justice met oftner than either but not of Course And thus have I answered his Arguments from King John's Charter by which he labours to prove That Tenants in Chief only composed the Great Council or were all the Nobility of England and have given a clear Account of that unintelligible piece as he is pleased to represent it leaving out what I offer'd upon the Question of the Bishops Voting in Capital Cases since he had no other way of answering it than by calling it impertinent Rhapsody Tho if 't is no better to be answer'd 't is not Rhapsody and fancyful Stuff and if the first ground from our Laws to dispute their Right mentions it in relation to the Curia Regis 't was not surely impertinent to consider their Right the Curia from whence 't was excluded being so directly to my purpose There are other things incidentally coming in which I divide not into Heads being they serve but to explain those which I have rais'd To which may be added That our Author by the Exercise of his Faculty of Story-telling and setting forth the Power of the great rebellious Barons Against Mr. Petyt p. 210. has given us to understand That the Commons were not first brought into the Great Councils in the 49 of Hen. 3. unless we believe that the great men would co●sent to ballance and weaken their own Power I may put the Question in his own words upon another Occasion Can it be reasonably imagined Against Mr. Petyt p. 234. 235. that they should give way to or establish such Laws as would undoe and destroy their own Settlement in Power Wherefore the Argument is strong that till then the Commons came in their own Person but that then the Great men having the Power in their hands clip'd their Wings But let us see his weighty Arguments against my sense of this Charter In Answer to my third Head he puts me off with the Fallibility of a Parlialiament but if moral Certainty without Infallibility will not satisfie him in matters of the greatest Concern we may know what he would be at But forsooth this was not a full Court of Tenants because as was usual only some few attested the Fact In Opposition to my Fifth p. 10. 11. he tells us that even voluntary Gifts to the Crown are called auxilia nay even such as were more than Advances upon Services But what proof is there that such were here meant when not only Services because of Tenure with the Advances upon them but what came from more than Tenants are called Auxilia too As general Objections against my Sense 1. If Tenants in Capite were a great Council of the Kingdom p. 12. for Aids and Escuage only which is hardly reconcileable to Sense Why so good Dr. May there not be a great Council especially a Common-Council to a particular Purpose Nay you your self confine it's Power to the raising of Taxes Why was the Cause of Summons to be declared Because of the occasion requiring greater or less Aid 2. Lastly If all Free-men or as our Author saith in other places all Proprietors were Members of the Great and General
shew their Indignation at their own and their Teachers Credulity 'T would be Vanity in me to run the Parallel between our Author 's Magisteria● Assertions and my Proofs but he glories much in taking all from the Fountain head of Original Records whilst I truly am thankful to those Friends that communicate to me Transcripts so faithful that even he himself cannot pick an Hole in any of them The Records of the Tower and of the Exchequer I gratefully acknowledg● to have been received from the beneficial Industry of my ever honoured Friend Mr. Petyt and the true Copies of Dooms-day Book are owing to the worthy Knight Sir John Trevor and to the learned Gentleman Mr. Paul Bowes of the Temple whose Father was Executor to the indefatigable Antìquary Sir Simon D'Ewes And surely no man need be ashamed of such Assistances Thus like the old Roman accus'd of ●nriching himself by ill means have I ●rought before my Judges the innocent In●truments of my small Improvements Is ●here Witchcraft in any of these A CONFUTATION OF AN IMPOTENT LIBEL Against the Government By King Lords and Commons Under Pretence of Answering Mr. Petyt and the Author of Jani Anglorum facies nova Ne Sutor ultra crepidam The INTRODVCTION 'T IS doubtless a brave thing to attempt heroick Mischief to insult over the Ruines of a well framed Government at least though but in Appearance to venture upon the Design of altering it with Jesuitical Boldness how much soever is wanting of their Subtilty Fame is as careful to preserve the Memory of him that burnt as of him or them that built Diana's Temple nor is Mr. Petyt more likely to live in the Records of future Ages for giving new Life and Lustre to so many of the past than our State-Physitian for poysoning those sacred Fountains with his Exotick Drugs 'T is not to be doubted but late Posterity will admire the excellent Composition of that Clyster whereby he would purge the Body Politick from the Chronical Disease of Liberty and oppressing Load of Property Since he has thought fit to Out-Law all the English and to give them Lupina Capita put them out of all Protection and Security he must not look for much Respect towards his voracious Cubs which like the Cadmean Crue were born fighting with one another they would like Phoraoh's lean Kine devour the Fat of the Land and must needs require a great deal of Nourishment since they have so long been floating in his watry Brain without any substantial Food Indeed he himself in great Measure played the Executioner upon his own Follies and condemned them for some time to the dark being as he says in his Letter to a noble Peer Doubtful whether they should be published as is usually done by unlawful Births he endeavoured to stifle them but finding it not improbable that they might with Justice be represented as dangerous and monstrous he has let them live to his Reproach CHAP. I. That he mistakes the Question and contradicts himself to the yielding the whole Cause nor is a greater Friend to Parliaments than to common Sense IF notwithstanding all this huffing Author's mighty Bustle I evince 1. That he mistakes the Question 2. That he contradicts himself and that sometimes to the yielding up his Cause What will the World say of his Knight Erranty in Antiquities and noble Design to rescue the Virgin Truth from the enchanted Castle of groundless and designing Interpretations P. 1. Against Mr. Petyt for himself to deflour her I must be excused if some of his Contradictions are suffered to fall in here since I can hardly represent any Notion of his without them but I will keep all out from hence which relate not to his Mistake of the Question SECT 1. THE Controversie between us is of Right whether or no the Commons such as now are represented by Knights Citizens and Burgesses had Right to come to Parliament any way before the 49. of H. 3. except in the fancy'd way of being represented by such as they never chose Tenants in Capite by Military Service Mr. Petyt in my Judgment proves that Citizens and Burgesses had Right to come by Representation and I that Proprietors of Land as such had a Right to come in Person before that The Fact is used by both of us as a means to prove the Right Acts of Parliament as now called and King's Charters as of old are also insisted upon and even the Records and Histories produced to vouch the Fact are for the most part yielded us so that the Question upon positive Laws and upon Testimony is either whether Right can arise out of any Fact or else it is matter of Right and Reason what Sense ought to be put on the Words of the Witnesses to the Fact or any of them as is made out by an ordinary Instance Suppose a Witness in a Cause swears to a matter of Fact and his Credit is not denyed but the Question is in what Sense we ought to take his Words here Reason must determine the Fact by considering the Coherence of his Discourse and the several Circumstances which explain it And this we are taught His Glos. by our doubtful Oracle or rather by Apollo himself when 't is told us that the meaning of fideles c. is to be known from the subject matter yet Against Jan. Angl. facies no●a p. 1. for all this forsooth The Controversie is of matter of Fact only Indeed an Act of Parliament is matter of Fact if 't is disputed whether 't was made or no but if we argue that such or such is the Intendment of it we shan't try this by a Jury or any Judge of Fact And the Right which arises from thence is from the Meaning and the Reason of the Statute as well as from the Fact that it was made It will be said Why do you stand upon Niceties His meaning is no more than that he yields the Right if you prove the Fact But how can that be when he denies a Right even to his Favourites the Tenants in Capite though he supposes that de facto they came all along Tho they came before the 49 of Hen. 3. Yet the House of Lords and the whole Great Council was before that but an House of Lords was a new Constitution in the 49th of H. 3. and had it's Origine from that King's Authority Against Mr. Petyt p. 228. 229. p. 110. then a new Government And after that though de facto Lords came as Lords yet ever since the 49. H. 3. it was not out of Right for 't was at the King's Pleasure and so 't was with contracted Bodies of Tenants in Capite who prescribed to a Right from before the 49 and if they came were Lords for you must know no Commons then were ever at the Council But the King and his Privy Council might give them a present Right if they pleased or with-hold from any the Writ