it Proposes that so it may fix and determine the Mind of the Reader to the same Object without offering any thing to disengage him from it Again 't is pretended he has not Explain'd so cleverly as he might have done the Cause of the War he goes to Write Dionysius Halicarnassensis is of Opinion he has not given us the True one at least that he has mingled together with the True one which was the Lacedemonians Jealousy of the too great Power of the Athenians other Causes which are not True Undoubtedly he is somewhat Dark in that Place The occasion of that War is much finer Explain'd in the Life of Pericles in Plutarch where that Author makes it appear that is was Pericles who first Inspirited the Athenians by the frequent Embassies he advised them to Depute in order to perswade all Greece to enter into a Confederacy against the King of Persia which gave the Lacedemonians Reason to suspect them For thereby Athens gave it self a considerable Regard which it never had before and by that Distinction seem'd to take a kind of Preheminence above all other People That large Amplification upon the different Characters of the People of Greece in the Proem their several Expeditions which he drives up as high as the Trojan War the Luxury of the Athenians which he is too curious in Describing talking even of their Curling their Hair what he says of the Modesty and Frugality of the Spartans and what he addâ— concerning one Aminocles a Corinthian who first taught the Art of Building Ships and such other Loose and Unconnected Matters he Treats of as a Preface to his History are nothing to his Purpose in Dionysius Halicarnassensis's Opinion He thinks he might have let all that alone and have enter'd on his Subject without making so great a Ramble from his Design he concludes likewise that his History has for its Subject not only the War of Peloponnesus but all the Affairs of Greece for he brings in the Enterprizes of the Athenians in Chalcis the Breaking in of the Thracians into Macedonia in the Second Book the War of the Leontins and the Concerns of Sicily in the Third Book and thus he seeks out Matters that are Forreign because his own Subject is unable to furnish him with Variety enough out of its self which is the Reason there is so little Accord and Union in his Work There are two Wars one of Peloponnesus and the other of Syracuse without any Reference to or Connexion with one another That Celebrated Funeral-Oration in the Second Book which he makes Pericles to speak is neither Agreeable nor Proportion'd to the Occasions and Persons that it concerns and the Historian himself confesses that Affair had nothing memorable in it in Respect of that which he Describes in the Fourth Book under Demosthenes near Pylus where the Athenians were Routed both by Sea and Land and those who fell Signaliz'd themselves much more than in the former Defeat in which only a few of the Cavalry were slain and all the Circumstances of the former Battle have nothing comparable to the other which he slightly passes over unregarded But that the Historian might add greater Weight and Moment to his Discourse he puts it into the mouth of Pericles who indeed was alive at the first Expedition but was dead at the Second in which a little Fault may be found with the Sincerity of the Author so Celebrated elsewhere for his Integrity He is Upbraided too with his so long and frequent Harangues and for having so little Variety It is true the Number of them is great but since the Humour of Athens and Lacedemon was to have every thing done by Haranguing whilst the People were in Power he must unavoidably Harangue them since they would have it so After all the Historian knows how to abate that Heat of his Eloquence when he Divests himself of the Orator and puts on the Historian The Athenians dejected by their Losses and the wast the Plague had made in their Country having the first dispatch'd a famous Embassy to demand a Peace of the Lacedemonians Dionysius Halicarnassensis blames the Historian for passing so considerable a Point so superficially over and reprehends him for not so much as naming the Embassadors which seem'd very Material in that War through so considerable an Alteration in their Characters nor makeing mention of one Tittle of the Embassy He that at other times would diligently Court every Occasion to Introduce Towns and States Discoursing by so frequent Deputations It is certain he is guilty of a little Negligence in so notable an Opportunity where he might have made his Country speak so fine Things and have added more Renown to his History by the Talent he had of Haranguing so excellently well I Omit several other Places Dionysius Halicarnassensis dislikes in this Author because he runs into an Excess overstraining his Criticisms through a Spirit of Animosity against that Historian whose Reputation he endeavours to lessen that he may with more Ease set up Herodotus against him who was his Country-man wherein his Proceedure has a Tincture of Partiality not but that he had just Reason for it in many Particulars but he had not in all He is frequently too rigidly Censorious so that it is necessary sometimes to Correct Spleen at least not to be carried away with it without Examination These following are the other Faults the generality of the Learned find with Thucydides He leaves too much to his Readers Conjecture whether for want of Care to Explain himself clearly or whether through an earnestness to Express things nobly he does it in fewer Words by which he often falls into such Obscurities as the whole World can never reach his Meaning because his Sense is as it were choaked with the multitude and force of his Images which he crouds into his Expression But by that affected loftiness that everywhere abounds in him he without Scruple over-bears all the rules and decency of Construction which he seems very little to Regard provided he can express himself with more Grandeur 'T is also through the self-same Principle that the figures he makes use of are for the most part violent that the colours he Paints things in are too strong that his strokes are too deep that he has a theatrical air diffus'd through his Discourse by means of Expressions that sound tragically and of a Character not much different from that which Pindar took by his too closely following Eschylus that the Historians which preceeded him were more careful of Expressing things plainly that he is too Figurative in his Speech that he affects an uncouth ancient way in Words worn out of use or In-authentick that there is nothing of sweetness in his Expression that he can not Paint a thing with any softness that his Discourse is Disagreable that he was utterly unacquainted with those Graces and Charms his Predecessor Herodotus so well understood and that in fine by the natural Prosperity
such sort of Sallies but always with the greatest Prudence for as much as he knows how to make good use of them in the moving part of his Discourse wherein nothing succeeds better than that which is least contriv'd That too great Inclination of observing nicely whatever he found Monstrous in his way and attributing the Reasons of it to supernatural Causes as to the Anger of the Gods smells strongly of the Heathen somewhat too Superstitious St. Gregory the Great taxes him with this Fault in Causabon's Preface to Polybius being perswaded he only intermixt these prodigies in his History to authorize his Religion which I fancy was less in his Thoughts than the seeking Variety to enliven the dulness and melancholly of his Narrations That Rustical air Asinius Pollio finds fault with in this Author which has given occasion for the Niceties and different Opinions of the Criticks is in my Judgment only an ill Pronunciation that sounded a little Country-like and was Offensive to the Courtiers accustom'd to all the Delicacy of Augustus's Court at least it is the Sentiment of Quintilian who was too piercing a Wit himself and too near a Neighbour of those Times to be ignorant of the Mystery which he wholly imputes to the Pronunciation Others assure us he was not exact enough in furnishing himself with Instructions by diving to the bottome of his Subject that he only Wrote from the Memoirs of the Conquerors who had undoubtedly suppress'd what made for their Disadvantage and that he has not justly Distinguisht one from th' other They add that if Livy had been at the same Expence to Purchase the memorials of Carthage as Thucydides to obtain those of Lacedemon he had not expatiated so largely upon the Glory of the Roman People he would doubtless have found some particulars where to have done more Justice to Hannibal and his Republick than he did For opposing Rome and Carthage as two Cities Rivals in Glory it lay upon him to display the Grandeur Riches and Power of the Carthaginian Government and he had done more Honour to his Country by extolling the Merit of those who disputed with it the Empire of the World Some men blame him for taking the main Instructions of his first Decades from the ancient Origins of Rome which are full of Forgeries and scarce have any thing else but Fabulous Traditions since the use of Annals what but of a late Date in that Republick as Sigonius observes Moreover Mascardi in his Treatise on History lays much Negligence to the Charge of this Author for not having open'd the greatest Events in all their Circumstances especially such as were principally necessary to the understanding the Importance of Affairs which are found elsewhere as in Appian and other less exact Historians But let us see the Faults of Livy more in particular He is obscure in some places of his Beginnings as for Example in the line of Descent of the Kings of Alba which he has not unravell'd plain enough The Revelation of Romulus after his Death that Rome should become the Capitol City of the World and all the Particulars of that Apparition seen by Proculus and which he related to the People has something so Enthusiastick in it that one is amaz'd an Author of so solid a Character should suffer such a Story to pass without giving it a more plausible Turn yet he relies upon it and gives it not out for a Tale or a Fable The Adventure of Lucretia as wondrous as it is is not so admirably put together there is something wanting to its Probability a Man knows not upon what Grounds she Kills her self If she has suffer'd Violence why does she punish her self since she could not resist it Why would she not dye before she was Ravisht Is it modesty or vanity is it wisdom or despair is it love of vertue or glory that makes her Stab her self All things rightly consider'd one knows not what it is If she could not open her Eyes at the Horrour of her Condition her Vertue is either too nice or too self-interess'd in short that wants a little Neatness And St. Austin who examines that Action in all its Circumstances in the Nineteenth Chapter of his Book De Civitate Dei has much ado to discover what his Thoughts are of it Is not that Audaciousness of Clelia too a little Extravagant and considering the make of Tyber was it a thing Practicable could a Maid naturally Timorous ever think of attempting so dangerous a Passage in a River that had Brinks almost inaccessible For though Dionysius Halicarnassensis agrees with Livy in the Description of that Adventure Val. Maximus expounds it in a manner that looks much more probable 'T is pretended also that the Historian shews too much Partiality in the Ninth Book of the first Decade in the Comparison he makes of Alexander with the Romans in Point of Valour He seems to divest himself too much of the Character of an Historian in that place impertinently to play the Declamer giving the Preference to his Country-men before the Conqueror of Darius upon uncertain Conjectures and without examining the Matter any farther than by extravagant Suppositions and a List of Consuls which the Common-wealth of Rome had set up in Competition with him Tacitus Reproaches Livy with the same Fault in respect of Pompey for whom he was too Partial against Cesar which Augustus objected to him without taking it amiss On the contrary he commends him for that instead of flattering the Victorious Party in the Civil-War he could not prevail with himself to condemn those Worthy Gentlemen who were ingag'd on Pompey's side That Train of Affairs of Philip King of Macedon spun out to such a length in the Fortieth Book the Intrigues of his Family the Adventures of Theoxena a Princess of Thessaly and her Children the Cruelty of the King the Quarels of Demetrius and Perses his Two Sons and all that Retinue of Circumstances relating to that Monarch seems of an Extent disproportion'd to the principal Subject of the History which an exact Historian should always keep in view And that long Digression has methinks something Forreign in it to the business of the Roman Story for what is it to the purpose of the War the Romans wage with that Prince that we must necessarily know all those Particularities Was it not enough to have related those that concern'd the Controversy betwixt him and the Republick and the War the Romans made upon him Perses's Speech to his Father Philip to justify himself that long Exaggeration of his Brother Demetrius's Crimes together with his Answer is too Studied an Amplification and is a sort of Declamation that has a relish of the Desk or Bar in it One might to this add that the Historian suffers his Eyes to be dazled with that Triumphant and Victorious Air he gives the People whose History he writes towards the end of the Wars of Asia where he represents in two Arrogant and Lordly
Celebration of this Festival was heard that saying That at last there was a People in the World born for the safety of all others that cross'd Seas made Wars at its own Cost and Peril to revenge the Oppress'd to establish Laws causing them to be observ'd through the whole Earth and to maintain the publick Security The Historian afterward opens the mystery how Hannibal became suspected by his Country-men upon advice that he entertain'd a constant Correspondence with King Antiochus to oblige him to declare War against the Romans That was it which this Great Man Banisht out of his Country and as it were a Vagabond abroad voted in that Kings Councel that if he would make War as he should do with the Romans he must attack them in their own Territories and Fight them at Rome as he himself had done There is a greatness of Soul and a loftiness of Thought in what the Historian makes him speak and suting with the Character of Hannibal 't is in the Thirty-fourth Book There is something Rare and Uncommon in point of Adventure in the accidental meeting of this Commander and Scipio who was made Lievtenant to his Brother as it is related in the following Book Undoubtedly it creates a very agreeable surprize as it needs must to see two Great Generals who had disputed the Empire of the World at the head of two potent Armies meeting by chance at Ephesus and coldly giving their Opinion as two private Men in a Sedate and unpassionate Discourse of the preheminence of the Greatest Officers who have made the most noise in the World In fine Hannibal suspected by his Citizens and hated by all the World is constrain'd to fly to Ephesus his flight contains several Adventures which render that part of the History very Curious as being of a Man of so great Importance that every Step he makes is Considerable But the Adventure of Scipio accus'd before the People by Q. Petilius for having Converted part of the Spoils of King Antiochus to his own Coffer is more surprizing and remarkable thro' the giddiness of Fortune and the injustice of the Roman People and 't is represented by the Historian with all the dignity so strange an Adventure does require That Man of incomparable Vertue as well as Valour made his Appearance at the Day prefixt by his Accuser But instead of making his Defense to his Accusation presumptuous upon his own Innocence he spoke to the People assembled to Condemn him with a bold and undaunted Gallantry and the Voice of a Conqueror Such was the day wherein I took Carthage beat Hannibal and Vanquisht the Carthaginians let us go to the Capitol and thank the Gods The People surpriz'd at so magnanimous a Carriage left the Accuser and followed Scipio and that Day says the Historian was infinitely more Glorious to him and advanc'd his Honour higher in the Opinion of the People than that wherein he Triumphed over King Siphax and the Carthaginians Dissatisfy'd however with that Treatment which manifested so much Disesteem he Retreated to Linternum a Country-seat of his towards Capua where he dy'd sometime after in the Embraces of his Family as a private Person The Portraicture of Cato delineated in the Thirty-ninth Book on occasion of the Dignity of Censor which he Canvas'd with the Scipio's Valerius Flaccus Furius and other Persons of note in the Senate is a Master-piece 'T is pleasant to see how Resembling it all is upon the Notion a Man has of the Austerity of Vertue in that Great Man For that portraicture is so singular in all the features that compose it that whether it is like nothing or whether it resembles its original all is touch'd off with an admirable Air. That which the Historian brings him in speaking against the Luxury of Women in the Thirty-fourth Book to put in Execution the Oppian Law which regulated the Expense of Habits and retrench'd the Prodigality therein and against the Nocturnal Devotion describ'd in the Thirty-ninth Book wherewith they mixt all the Horror of the most dissolute Practices and abominable Debauchery in the World has much of the Spirit of a rigid Censour of Manners The Speeches he makes against the Disorders which the Wars of Asia had brought into Rome by infusing Effeminacy Licentiousness and a Prostitution of Youth which tended to its utter Ruine bear the Stamp of a sincere and Great Man who contributed with the Old Senators to the Preservation of that Wisdom Probity Hatred of Injustice love of Equity and horrour of Vice which prevail'd in the Senate at that time And all this has its Effect in the End of that Decade where the Historian presents us with the Spirit and Character of the Republick then subsisting The Death of Annibal who had retir'd to Prusias King of Bithynia after the Defeat of Antiochus having Poisoned himself to avoid falling into the Hands of Flaminius is very moving at the End of the Thirty-ninth Book One is concern'd to see so great a Man Die in such a manner and that Particular prepar'd so finely with such remarkable Events is of a singular Excellence But it must be acknowleg'd that nothing is more pompous or magnificent than the Entrance of the Forty-third Book where Livy sets forth the Generality of the People of Greece and Asia after the subduing Macedonia sending their Embassadours to Rome to implore the Protection of the Senate and to submit themselves to the Republick All that Part is describ'd in that Triumphant Character which usually accompanies the happy Conquerours The Historian himself there strikes on such a Key as lets us know he is Apprehensive of the good Fortune of his Country and the Merit of his Subject The Defeat of Perses in the Forty-fourth Book happening upon occasion of an Horse that escap'd the Hands of his Servants and was the Cause of the Battle which the Two Armies incamp'd upon the opposite Banks of a little River would willingly have avoided has something surprizing in it and indeed nothing is finer in an History than great Events caus'd by trifling Accidents as this which is very Remarkable upon the Wonder it raises The Oration the Embassadours of Rhodes make before the Senate in the Forty-fifth Book is fine lofty and eloquent nothing comes nearer the Discourses Thucydides attributes to the Deputies of States and Common-wealths in his History of the Peloponnesian War Nothing can be more fitly compar'd with him in that very Kind in which his Excellence lay nor is there any thing more like that manner of speaking he gives the Towns and States whose History he Writes Paulus Emilius's Voyage through Greece after he had Conquer'd it his Visiting the Provinces to observe what was Remarkable for Antiquity or for the Rarity and Excellence of the Work is handsomely Describ'd in the Forty-fifth Book Every Town has its peculiar Character its Order and Distinction and the Historian by giving us a fine Notion of the Country heightens the Victories and Advantages