to a faithfull and serious execution of such an action to prepare the mindes of their men with wordes of encouragement and to take away all scruple out of their conceites either of the vnlawfulnesse of the cause or disaduantage against the enemie for if at anie time that saying be true that oratio plus potest quam pecunia it is here more powerfull and of greater effect For a donatiue or liberanca can but procure a mercenarie indeuour euer yeelding to a better offer and doe oftentimes breede a suspicion of wrong euen amongst those that are willingly enriched with them and so maketh them flacke to discharge their seruice with loialtie yea oftentimes of friendes to become enemies But in as much as speech discloseth the secrets of the soule and discouereth the intent and drift of euerie action a few good wordes laying open the iniurie which is offered to innocencie how equity is controlled with wrong and iustice controlled by iniquitie for it is necessarie that a commander approue his cause and settle an opinion of right in the minde of his souldiers as it is easie to make that seeme probable which so many offer to defend with their bloud when indeed euerie man relieth vpon anothers knowledge and respecteth nothing lesse the right a few good words I say will so stirre vp their mindes in the feruentnes of the cause that euery man will take himselfe particularly ingaged in the action by the title of equity and the rather for that it iumpeth with the necessitie of their condition For men are willing to doe well when weldoing agreeth with that they would doe otherwise the Acte may formerly be effected but the mind neuer approueth it by assent And this maner of exhortation or speech of incouragement was neuer omitted by Caesar in any conflict mentioned in this historie but he still vsed it as a necessarie instrument to set vertue on foote and the only meanes to stirre vp alacrity Or if it happened that his men were at any time discouraged by disaster or crosse accident as they were at Gergobia and at the two ouerthrowes he had at Dirrachium he neuer would aduēture to giue battell vntill he had incouraged them againe and confirmed their mindes in valour and resolution But this age hath put on so scornfull a humor that it cannot heare a speech in this key sound it neuer so grauely without scoffing and derision and on the other side discontinuance of so necessarie a part hath bred at length such an inutilem pudorem in our chiefe commanders that they had rather loose the gaine of a great aduantage then buy it with wordes to be deliuered in publike THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN this Chapter we may further obserue the violence of the Roman pile which being a heauie deadly weapon could hardly be frustrated with any resistance and in that respect was very proper and effectual against a phalanx or any other thicke and close battell or wheresoeeuer els the stroke was certaine or could hardly deceiue the aime of the caster for in such incounters it so galled the enemy that they were neither able to keepe their order nor answere the assault with a resisting counterbuffe By which it appeareth that the only remedie against the pile was to make the rankes thin allowing to euery souldier a large podisme or place to stand in that so the stroke might of it selfe fall without hurt or by foresight be preuented as it shal plainly appeare by the sequell of this historie which I will not omit to note as the places shall offer themselues to the examination of this discourse But as touching the pile which is so often mentioned in the Roman historie Polybius describeth it in this manner A pile saith he is a casting weapon the staffe whereof is almost 3 cubites long and it hath palmarem diametrum a hand breadth in thicknesse The staues were armed with an head of yron equall in length to the staffe it selfe But in that sort that halfe the head was fastened vp to the middle of the staffe with plates of yron like the head of a Halbert and the other halfe stucke out at the ende of the staffe like a pike containing a fingers breadth in thicknes and so decreasing lesse and lesse vnto the point which was barbed This head was so slender toward the point that the waight of the staffe would bend it as it stucke as appeareth in this battell of the Heluetians This weapon was peculiar to the Romans and was called Pilum as Varro noteth of Pilum a Pestell quod Hostes feriret vt Pilum Lipsius finding that Palmarem diametrum was too great a thicknesse to be managed by any mans hand interpreteth it to be foure inches in circuit if the staffe were either round or square for they had of both sortes and so he maketh it very manageable but nothing answerable to the description giuen by Polybius either in forme or waight Patricius in his Paralleli maketh the staffe to haue palmarem diametrum in the butte end but the rest of the staffe he maketh to decrease taper wise vnto the head of yron where it hath the thicknesse of a mans finger and so it answereth both in forme and waight to a Pestell as may be seene by the figure and I take it to be the meaning of Polybius Patricius in that place setteth downe foure discommodities of the Pile First a furious and hoat spirited enemie will easily preuent the darting of the pile with a nimble and speedie close And so we read that in the battell which Caesar had with Ariouistus the Germans came so violently vpon them that the souldiers cast away their piles and betooke them to their swordes And likewise in that worthy battell betweene Cateline and Marcus Petreius they cast away their piles on either part The second discommoditie was that the piles being so heauie could not be cast any distance but were only seruiceable at hand Thirdly they could not be cast with any aime or as they say point blanke And lastly the souldiers were to take aduantage of ground backward when they threw them which might easily disorder their troups if they were not very wel experienced THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe last thing which I obserue in this speciality is that the legionarie souldiers had no other offensiue weapon but one pile or two at the most and their swordes By which it may be gathered that all their victories came by buckling at handy-blowes for they came alwaies so neare before they cast their pile that they left themselues no more time then might conueniently serue them to drawe their swordes neither would their armes of defence which was compleat besides a large target which they carried on their left arme suffer them to make any long pursuit or continued chase whensoeuer a light armed enemie did make any speedy retrait as will more plainly appeare by that which followeth CHAP. IX The Heluetians fainting in
He sent also Q. Titurius Sabinus with three legions vnto the Lexouij Curiosolitae Vnelli to disappoint any practise which rebellious mindes might intend And making D. Brutus chiefe Admirall of the nauie he gaue him in charge to make towardes Vannes with what speede he could and hee himselfe marched thitherward with the rest of the foote forces THE OBSERVATION IN the first booke I obserued the authoritie which the Roman leaders had to vndertake a warre without further acquainting the senat with the consequence thereof in this place let vs obserue the care and circumspection which the Generals had not to vndertake a troublesome and dangerous warre vpon a humor or any other slender motion but diligently waighing the circumstances thereof and measuring the perill and hazard of the warre with the good and consequence of the effect informed their iudgments of the importance of that action and so tried whether the benefit would answere their labour And thus we finde the reasons particularly deliuered that moued Caesar first to vndertake the Heluetian warre and then the causes which drew him on to the quarrell with Ariouistus then followeth the necessitie of that warre with the Belgae and nowe the motiues which induced him to this with the maritimate cities of Bretaine and so consequently of his passage into Germanie or what other enterprise he attempted which he laieth downe as the groundes and occasions of those warres and could not be auoided but with the losse and dishonour of the Roman Empire Further let vs obserue the meanes he vsed to preuent the inclination of the Galles and to keepe them in subiection and peaceable obedience by sending his men into diuers quarters of that continent and so setling the wauering disposition of the further skirtes with the waight of his Armie and the presence of his legionarie souldiers which he sent readie to stifle all motions of rebellion in the beginning that they might not breake out to the preiudice and diminution of the Roman Empire and the good successe of his proceedings besides the aduantage which he gained in the opinion of the enemie whom he so little feared concerning the vpshot of that quarrell that he had dispersed the greatest part of his Armie vpon other seruices the rest being sufficient to end that war CHAP. VI. The maner of their shipping and their sea-fight THE scite of almost all these cities was such that being built in pointes and promontories they could not at full sea which happened alwaies twise in 12 houres be approched by foot forces nor yet with shipping neither for againe in an ebbe the vessalles were laid on the ground and so left as a praie to the enemy And if the Romans went about to shut out the sea with mounts which they raised equal to the wals of the town and were at the point of entering taking it yet the townsmen hauing such store of shipping would easily conuey both themselues and their cariages into the next townes and there helpe themselues with the like aduantage of place And thus they deluded Caesar the greatest part of the sommer for the Roman fleete by reason of continuall windes and foule weather durst not aduenture to put out of the riuer Loier into so vast a sea wherein the hauens and roades were fewe and farre distant one from another and the tides great The shipping of the Galles was thus built and rigged the keele was somewhat flatter then the Roman shipping the better to beare the ebbes and shalowes of that coast the foredecke was altogether erect and perpendicular the poupe was made to beare the hugenesse of the billowes and the force of the tempest And in a word they were altogether built for strength for the ribbes and seates were made of beames of a foote square fastned with yron pins of an inch thicke in steed of cables they vsed chaines of yron and raw hides and skins for sailes either for want of linnen or ignorant of the vse thereof or because sailes of linnen would hardly serue to carrie ships of that burthen The meeting and conflict of the Roman nauie with this kinde of ships was such that they onely excelled them in celeritie and speedie nimblenes with force of oares but in all other thinges either concerning the nature of the place or the dangers of the foule weather were farre inferiour vnto them for the strength of them was such that they could neither hurt them with their beake-heads nor cast a weapon to anie purpose into them by reason of their altitude and high built bulkes And if anie gust chanced in the meane time to rise that forced them to commit themselues to the mercie of the weather their shipping would better beare the rage of the sea and with greater safetie shelter it selfe amongst flats and shallowes without feare of rockes or any such hazard of all which chances the Roman nauie stood continually in danger OBSERVATIONS ANd here let it not seeme impertinent to the argument which we handle considering the generall vse which we Insulairs haue of nauigation briefly to set downe the most eminent causes of the flowing and ebbing of the sea as farre forth as shall seeme necessarie to the knowledge of a souldier which albeit may fall short of the true reasons of this great secret yet for as much as they stand for true principles of regularitie and well approued rules in our Arte of nauigation let vs take them for no lesse then they effect and giue them that credit in our imagination which tract of time hath gained to those forged circles in the heauens that albeit their chiefest essence consisteth in conceit and supposal yet for as much as they serue to direct our knowledge to a certainty in that variety and seeming inconstancie of motion we esteeme of them as they effect and not as they are Considering then the globe of the world as it maketh a right spheare for in that position the Naturalistes chiefly vnderstand celestiall influence to haue operation in this liquid element of the water it is deuided by the Horizon and Meridian into foure quarters the first quarter is that betweene the east horizon and the noone meridian which they cal a flowing quarter the second from the noone meridian to the west horizon which they make an ebbing quarter the third from the west horizon to the midnight meridian which they likewise call a flowing quarter and againe from the midnight meridian to the east horizon the second ebbing quarter And so they make two flowing quarters and two ebbing quarters of the whole circuit of heauen The instruments of these sensible qualities and contrarie effects are the sunne and the moone as they are caried through these distinct partes of the heauen And although experience hath noted the moone to be of greatest power in warrie motions yet we may not omit to acknowledge the force which the sunne yeeldeth in this miracle of nature First therfore we are to vnderstand that when the
oppositions vntill it came to that height which true valour and vnexampled resolution affected And yet the height of this courage could not so alaie the heate of the Heluetians furie but it brake foorth into dangerous flames when they came to the place where their cariages were laide and cost much bloud and many mens liues before they quitted the place for they fought with that spirit and industry as though they meant to make triall whether their fortune would proue no better in the night then it had done in the daie The ouerthrow of the Tigurine Canton at the riuer Arar proceeded rather from want of good directions which is the lesse to be maruelled at considering they had no chiefe commander as we read of then from any defect of valour for the rules of militarie gouernment require especiall care in passing ouer a water for then especially an Armie is in greatest danger when it is disordered and diuided And therfore the Romans atchieued this victorie by the horrible vigilancie as Tully calleth it of their commander who alwaies watched oportunitates rei bene gerendae as necessarie and speedie meanes to ouercome in all his warres CHAP. XI Caesar after three daies respite followeth after the Heluetians he taketh them to mercie and sendeth them backe againe to the country CAESAR abode three daies in the place where the battell was fought as well to burie the dead as to refresh the wearied spirits of his ouerlaboured souldiers that their woundes might the better be cured and in the meane time he sent letters to the Lingones not to furnish the Heluetians either with corne or any other prouisions for if they did he would esteeme of them as of enemies and take them in the number of the vanquished Heluetians and at the three daies end he made after them with all his forces The Heluetians constrained through penurie and want of necessarie supplements sent embassadors to Caesar to intreat an acceptation of rendrie who meeting him on the waie threwe themselues at his feete and with manie teares and supplications they craued such fauourable conditions of peace as might best comfort a distressed people and beseeme the glory of so famous a Conquest Caesar first sent them word to attend his cōming in the place where they were and at his comming he commanded them to deliuer vnto him a sufficient number of hostages and pledges 2. to giue vp all the Armes and weapons they had 3. and to deliuer vp the fugitiues that were fled vnto them in the time of the war Whiles these thinges were a doing part of the Heluetians to the number of 6000 stole out of the campe in the night and tooke their iourney towardes the Rhene and the Confines of the Germans which when Caesar vnderstood hee sent presently to those cities through whose territories the Heluetians had passed and commaunded them to bring them backe againe which being diligently performed he welcommed them with the entertainment of an enemy and put them all to the sword The rest he commanded to returne into their country from whence they came and because they had neither corne nor any other sustenance he caused the Allobroges to supply their necessities and willed the Heluetians to reedifie their townes and citties which they had before destroied and to inhabit in those friendly places which had giuen to their ancestors and themselues greater fortunes then could elsewhere be afforded them Wherein he was the more carefull least if their country lying waste the fertilitie of the soile might inuite the Germans from beyond the Rhene to tast the sweetnes which the Galles enioyed and so the prouince should be sure of an vnquiet neighbour In the campe of the Heluetians was found a register containing the particular summes of all that were in that iourney amounting to the number of 368000 whereof 92000 were fighting men they that returned and saw the fortune of both their states were 110000. And thus ended that warre THE OBSERVATION THe directions concerning their rendrie and returne were very sound and of good consequence For first in that he commanded them to attend his comming in the place where they were he tooke away al motions of new trouble which often remoues might haue caused by the oportunitie of some accident which might haue happened assuring himselfe that their abode in that place would increase their miseries and consequently ripen that desire of peace which they made shew of considering that the Lingones in whose territories they were durst not for feare of Caesars displeasure furnish thē with any necessaries in that extremity Touching the security which the Romans required of the loialty of such people as they conquered their manner was to take as hostages a sufficient number of the men children of the chiefest men of that nation whose liues depended vpon their parentes fidelitie and ended with the first suspicion of their rebellion which custome besides the present good promised the like or better security to the next age when as those children by conuersation and acquaintance should be so affected to the Roman Empire that returning to their owne country their actions might rather tend to the aduancement thereof then any way be preiudiciall to the same And least the loue of liberty and freedome should preuaile more with them then that affection which nature had inioyned them to beare to their children he did what he could to take away the meanes and instruments of their rebellion by causing them to deliuer vp such Armes and weapons as were there present and so to become sutable to that petition of peace which they had made The sum of all is this He corrected the insolencie of a furious people reduced them to a feeling of their owne madnes He kept thē from sacking the possessions of manie thousandes in the continent of Gallia and sent them backe againe to continue their name and nation in the place where they first inhabited which continueth vnto this day And thus we see that there is no humour so headstrong nor so backt with strength of circumstances but it may meete with a remedie to qualifie the insolencie thereof and make it subiect to correction and controlment CHAP. XII The states of Gallia congratulate Caesars victorie they call a councell and discouer their inward griefe concerning Ariouistus and his forces THE Heluetian warre being so happely ended the Princes and chiefe men of all the states of Gallia came to Caesar to congratulate the happinesse of his victorie and with all they besought him that with his good liking they might call a Generall councell wherein they had matters of great importance to be handled which they desired with a common consent to prefer to his consideration Which being granted and the day of meeting appointed they bound themselues by oath not to reueale the causes of their assembly but to such as they should make choice of to be their Oratours The councell being ended the same Princes
returned to Caesar and in lamentable manner cast themselues at his feete contending with as great earnestnesse that those things which they deliuered might not be reuealed as they did to haue their petition granted forasmuch as they saw that the discouerie of such declarations as they propounded would necessarily pull on most grieuous afflictions Diuitiacus the Heduan was made speaker for the rest and in effect deliuered these wordes That Gallia was vnhappely diuided into two factions the Hedui were the head of the one and the Auerni of the other These two states contending manie yeares for the principalitie the Auerni with the Sequani their Clients finding themselues the weaker partie hired the Germans to take their part who at the first sent them 15000 men to strengthen their faction but afterward tasting the sweetenesse and pleasure of the Galles the barbarous people so liked the country that now there were no lesse then one hundred and twentie thousand that were come out of Germanie and seated in their Territories With these the Hedui and their Clients had once or twise fought hoping by their prowesse both to chastice the malice of the Sequani and to cleare their country of a barbarous enemie but their labour effected nothing but their owne calamitie and the vtter ouerthrowe of their nobilitie and Senate for they were driuen to deliuer the chiefest of their citie as pledges to the Sequani and to binde themselues by oath neuer to seeke their release or freedome nor to implore the aide of the people of Rome but euer to remaine their perpetuall bondmen Only Diuitiacus amongst all the Hedui could neuer be brought to that thraldome but vsing that libertie which his resolution afforded him he went to Rome and boldly opened his distressed case vnto the Senate But in the ende the victorie became as grieuous to the Sequani as to the Hedui For Ariouistus king of the Germans was alreadie possest of the third part of their Territories and at that instant he commanded them to let go another third part for there were 24000 Germans come newely vnto him that were allotted to that inheritance If this violent course were not staied by the opposition of some greater motion the Galles would soone be driuen out of their country and beforced to imitate the Heluetians in seeking new habitations and seates of rest farre remote from the crueltie of the Germans Caesar might by his owne authoritie or by the presence of his Armie or by the renowne of his late victorie or by the name of the people of Rome keepe the Germans from transporting any more Colonies into Gallia THE OBSERVATION IN this relation there are diuers points worthily recommended to the discretion of such as are willing to be directed by other mens misaduentures As first into what extremities ambition doth driue her thirstie fauourites by suppressing the better faculties of the soule setting such vnbrideled motions on foot as carrie men headlong into most desperate attempts for as it had deserued commendation in either faction so to haue carried their emulation that by their owne meanes and strength applied to the rule of good gouernment their authority might wholy haue swaied the inclinations of the weaker states so was it most odious in the Sequani to call in forraine forces to satisfie the appetite of their vntempered humor and in the ende were accordingly rewarded Secondly it appeareth how dangerous a thing it is to make a stranger a stickler in a quarrell which ciuill dissention hath broched when the partie that called him in shall not be as able to refuse his assistance vpon occasion as he was willing to entertaine it for aduantage Lastlie the often discontents of these states shew the force of a present euill which possesseth so vehemently the powers of the soule that any other calamity either already past or yet to come how great soeuer seemeth tollerable and easie in regard of that smart which the present griefe inflicteth So the Sequani chose rather to captiuate their libertie to the Barbarisme of a sauage nation then to indure the Hedui to take the hand of them and againe to make themselues vassals to the Romans rather then indure the vsurping cruelty of the Germans and finally as the sequell of the historie will discouer to hazard the losse of life and country then to suffer the taxes and impositions of the Romans So predominant is the present euill in mens affections and so it preuaileth at the seate of our iudgment CHAP. XIII The reasons that moued Caesar to vndertake this warre TO these petitions of the Galles Caesar made an answere comporting the mildnesse of his naturall disposition promising them his best furtherance in the cause and doubted not but that Ariouistus would be intreated in any reasonable matter and so he dismissed the assembly Amongst many inducements there were two of especiall importance which vrged him to vndertake this warre the first was the dishonour and blot of infamie wherewith the present age might haue noted the Roman Empire if vpon complaint and imploration of aide they should haue suffered a barbarous nation to haue held the Hedui in thraldome who in the maiesty of their Senate had oftentimes been called their brethren and kinsmen and graced with such titles of respect as by the tenure of loyalty and sincerity of affection might command greater dueties then these which were required The second reason was the feare he had least the Germans accustoming more and more to transport the superfluitie of their increasing families ouer the Rhene and to plant them in the fertile seates of the Galles the Roman Prouince might at length he indangered and Italie it selfe attempted And therefore it seemed best vnto him to send embassadours to Ariouistus to will him to thinke of some conuenient place of parley where they might meete to intreat of matters concerning the publike good THE OBSERVATION I Maie here take an occasion to speake somewhat concerning the authoritie of the Roman Generals which we see to be verie large considering that Caesar of himselfe without any further leaue of the Senate and people of Rome for what may be gathered by this historie did vndertake a warre of that consequence and put in ieopardie the Legions the Prouince or what other interest the Romans had in Gallia Wherein we are to vnderstand that when the state of Rome did allot the gouernment of any Prouince to a Proconsull they did likewise recommend vnto him the careful managing of such accidents as might any way concerne the good of that regiment For considering that such causes as may trouble a well ordered gouernment are as well external and forraine as internall and bred within the bounds of that Empire it had beene to small purpose to haue giuen him onely authoritie to maintaine a course of wholesome gouernment at home and no meanes to take awaie such oppositions which forraine accidentes might set vp against him And so we see that Caesar vndertooke
agreeable to nature first to defend that which was their owne before they attempted other mens possessions when peace was established in Italy then let warre be set on foot in Africke and first let them be without feare themselues before they went about to terrifie others for those forces afforded little hope of victorie in another kingdome that were not able to free their owne country from so dangerous an enemie Alcibiades ouerthrew the Athenian common weale with the like couusel and concerning Hannibal let them be sure of this that they should finde him a sorer enemy in his owne country then in an other kingdome Scipio on the other side caried on with the honour of so glorious an enterprise wanted neither reasons nor examples to impugne Fabius his authoritie for he shewed that Agathocles the Syracusian king being a long time afflicted with the Punicke warre auerted the Carthaginean from Cicily by transporting his forces into Africke but how powerfull it was to take awaie feare by retorting danger vpon the oppressor could there be a presenter example then Hanniball There was great difference in the nature of the action betweene the spoile and wast of a strangers country and to see their owne natiue country wasted with sword and destruction plus animi est inferenti periculum quam propulsanti for he that inuadeth an others kingdome easily discouereth both the aduantage which may be taken against the enemy and the strength whereupon he resteth And amongst the variable euents of warre many vnexpected occasions arise which present victory to him that is ready to take it and many strange chances so alter the course of thinges that no foresight can discerne what may happen With these and the like remonstrances this question of no lesse doubt then importance was handled by two famous and worthy Captaines whose mindes as it seemed were intangled with such particular affections for the present as might rather draw them to wrest reason to their owne humor then to determine in sincerity of iudgment vpon what specialities the truth was grounded in the contrariety of their positions But to leaue other commodities or disaduantages which are annexed vnto either part I will only set downe some reasons to proue how valour and courage may either grow or be abated by the accidents which rise in a warre of that nature And first this cannot be denied the testimonie of an vnfallible truth being grounded vpon the property of mans nature that as aduantage bringeth hope of victorie and hope conceiueth such spirites as vsually follow when the thing which is hoped for is effected and thereby the courage becommeth hardie and resolute in victorie so on the other side disaduantage and danger breede feare and feare so checketh valour and controlleth the spirits that vertue and honor giue place to distrust and yeelde vp their interest to such directors as can afford nothing but diffidencie irresolution Neither can it be denied but he that setteth vpon an enemie in a strange country and so preuenteth such attemptes as might be made vpon his owne territories hath that aduantage which giueth life vnto action and steeleth his enterprise with resolution for besides the commoditie of leauing when he list and proceeding as far foorth as he shall finde his meanes able to fortunate his attemptes hee knoweth that the strife and controuersie is not for his natiue country which he quietly enioyeth and is reserued at all times to entertaine him howsoeuer fortune shal fauour his dessignes but for a strangers kingdome which his ambition thirsteth after wherein for as much as the ritches and wealth of that state are laide before them as the recompence of their labour besides the honour which is atchieued thereby euerie mans valour soareth at a high pitch and their courage is increased without any trouble or disturbance of the other faculties of the minde But when a Prince shall be assaulted in his owne kingdome and in the sight of his subiectes haue his land consumed with ruine and destruction the danger will so disturbe the powers of the soule that through the turbulent disorder of the weaker partes the better faculties will lose their prerogatiue of aduising how the enemy may be best resisted when as euery man shal apprehend the terrour of the danger and few or none conceiue the true meanes to auoide it And albeit the presence of such thinges as are dearest to his soule as the pietie and respect of aged parents the tender affection towards wife and children are sufficient to raise valour to the highest point of resolution yet the motiues are of such waight as will rather make them diffident of their owne worth as vnsufficient to maintaine so great a cause then hold them in that key which true honour affecteth for as much as the terrour and feare of so great a danger will present a greater measure of woes to their minde then the hope of victory can afforde them ioy Hence therefore groweth the difference betweene him that seeketh to maintaine that estate which he hath in possession by force of Armes and an other that seeketh to increase his meanes by valour For the former is presented with the danger of loosing all his estate which affrighteth and troubleth hauing no other reward propounded vnto him and the other looketh vpon the aduantage which he gaineth by ouercomming which much increaseth his valour without any losse or disaduantage if he chance to be put to the worst And therefore there is alwaies great ods betweene him that hath alreadie lost his goods and is by that meanes become desperate hauing nothing further to loose and another that yet keepeth his substāce but is in danger to loose it for feare will so dismay his mind that he will rather distrust his owne ability then entertaine a resolution of valour To proue this we neede not seeke other examples then those imperiall cities in whose cause this controuersie was first moued For when Hanniball was come into Italy and had defeated Sempronius the Consull at Trebeas the Romans were driuen into such an extasie of terrour that they beleeued verely that the enemie was then comming to assault the citie neither had they any hope or aid in themselues to keepe or defend the same On the other side Scipio was no sooner landed in Africke but there was such a tumult in Carthage as though the citie had been alreadie taken neither could the opinion of victory which Hanniball by a conquering Armie in Italy had confirmed for sixteene yeares together preuaile in the apprehension of so imminent a danger And then that which Fabius borowed of nature to teach the Romans that first men ought to defend their own before they seeke other mens possessions was carefully followed by the Carthaginians for with all speed they sent for Hanniball out of Italy to be their Champion against young Scipio If therfore other things be correspondent as there are many other particularities concerning the power and strength of either nation
knowledge of a Generall to enter into the consideration of this learning Wherein first I must laie for a maxime that which long experience hath made authenticall that the motions of the minde are either quicke or slow according as the complexion is tempered either with heat or cold for as the flegmaticall humor is of a moist cold and heauy nature begetting weake and grosse spirits and benumming the instruments with a liueles disability so is the motion of the internall faculties proceeding likewise after a slow maner according to the qualitie of the instruments whereby it moueth and therefore men of this watrish constitution are no way apt to receiue an impression nor to entertaine any sensible apprehension vnles it be beaten into them with often and strong repetitions and then also they proceede as slowlie in discoursing of the consequence and linger in the choise of their resolutions On the contrary part this flaua bilis being of a hote piercing nature and resembling the actiue vertue of the fire doth so purifie the instruments of sense and quicken the spirits with the viuacity of motion that they take the first impression as perfectly as if it had beene oftentimes presented vnto them with many strong circumstances And thence it happeneth that inasmuch as the Species is so readily receiued and possesseth the apprehending facultie with such facility of entrance that it moueth the other powers of the soule with as great efficacie at the first conception as if it had beene brought in with troupes of probabilities and strengthened with manifest arguments of vndoubted truth It followeth therefore by reason of the subtile and fit disposition of the instrumentes which proceedeth from heate the chiefest qualitie in choler that the obiect is at the first moment so strongly setteled in the first receiuing facultie that the other powers of the minde with as great speede manifest their offices concerning the apprehension and deliuer a sentence answerable to the strength of the first conception which maketh them so impatient of delaie and so sodainly to alter their former resolutions not suffering the discoursiue power to examine the substance thereof by conference of circumstances nor to giue iudgment according to the course of our intellectual court It behooueth therefore euery man in that vnsteady disposition especially in matter of moment to be suspicious of his owne credulity and not to giue place to resolution before his iudgement be informed by discourse of the strength or weakenes of the conceiued opinion But to leaue these speculatiue meditations to Philosophers of learned conceit for as much as the right vse of passions is either true wisdome or commeth neerest to the same I will onely touch in a worde what degree of choler best befitteth a soldier or howe it auaileth or disaduantageth in matter of warre And first it cannot bee denied that there is almost no passion that doth more eclips the light of reason or sooner corrupteth the sinceritie of a good iudgement then this of anger which we now speake of Neither is there any motion that more pleaseth it selfe in his owne actions or followeth them with greater heate in the execution And if the trueth chance to shewe it selfe and conuince a false pretended cause as the authour of that passion it oftentimes redoubleth the rage euen against truth and innocency Piso condemned a soldier for returning from forraging without his companion being persuaded that he had slaine him but at the instant of the execution the other that was missing returned and with great ioy of the whole army they were caried to the generall thinking to haue much gratified him with the manifestation of the truth but hee through shame and despight being yet in the torture of his wrath redoubled his anger and by a subtilty which his passion furnished him withall he made three culpable for that he found one innocent the first because the sentence of death was past against him and was not to bee recalled without the breach of law the second for that hee was the cause of the death of his companion and thirdly the executioner for not obeying his commandement Concerning matter of warre as it consisteth of differenced partes so hath choler diuers effectes In case of discourse and consultation when as the powers of the minde ought to bee cleere of all violent affections it greatly darkeneth the vnderstanding and troubleth the sincerity of a good iudgement as Caesar noted in his speech to the senate concerning Cateline and therefore a commander must by al meanes indeuor to auoid euen the least motions of so hurtfull a passion and season his affections with that grauity and constancy of spirit that no turbulent disposition may either hinder his vnderstanding or with-hold his will from following that course which reason appointeth as the best means to a fortunate successe alwaies remembring that al his actions are presented vpon a stage and passe the censure of many curious beholders which applaud graue and patient motions as the greatest proofe of true wisdom and disallow of passionate and headstrong affection as derogating from the sincere cariage of an action how iust soeuer otherwise it seemeth Concerning execution and furie of battaile I take anger to be a necessarie instrument to set valour on foote and to ouerwage the difficulties of terrour with a furious resolution for considering that the noblest actions of the minde stande in neede of the impulsions of passions I take anger to bee the fittest meanes to aduance the valiant carriage of a battaile for as feare is trecherous and vnsafe so anger is confident and of an vnquenchable heate and therefore a Commaunder ought by all meanes to suggest matter of anger against an enemie that his men may behold them with a wrathfull regard and thirst after the daie of battell to satisfie their furie with the bloud of their aduersaries If any vrge that it hath beene heretofore obserued of the Galles that in the beginning of a battel they were more then men and in the latter end they were lesse then women and therfore a cholerick disposition is not so fit for seruice as we seem to make it I answere that there is a difference between a disposition to choler such as was obserued in the Galles and the passion of anger wel kindled in the minde for the first is subiect to alteration and contrarietie of actions but the other is furious inuincible neuer satisfied but with reuenge And so that of Aristotle is proued true that anger serueth oftentimes as a weapon to vertue whereunto some answere very pleasantly saying it is a weapon of a strange nature for wee doe manage other weapons and this doeth manage vs our hande guideth not it but it guideth our hande it possesseth vs and not wee it as it happened in the raigne of Tyberius amongst the mutinous legions at Vetera and therefore a Commaunder ought to take greate heede whome he maketh the obiect of that anger which kindleth in
it may easily bee seduced either by feare or vaine imagination diffident conceptions or ouer easie credulitie with manie other such disturbing powers from that waie which a good discretion and an vnderstanding free from passion would haue taken First therefore I holde it necessarie to haue the consistorie of our iudgment well settled with a firme resolution and with the presence of the minde before wee enter into deliberation of such thinges as are made happie vnto vs by good direction And then this amongst other circumstances will giue some helpe to a good conclusion when we consider how improbable it is that an enemie whose chiefest care is to weaken his aduersarie and bring him to ruine should aduise him of anie thing that maie concerne his good vnlesse the profite which he himselfe shall thereby gather doe farre exceede that which the contrarie part may expect I grant that in ciuill warres where there are many friendes on either partie and haue the aduerse cause as deere vnto them as their owne there are oftentimes many aduertisements giuen which proceede from a true and sincere affection and maie aduantage the partie whom it concerneth as well in preuenting any danger as in the furtherance of their cause and therefore are not altogether to be neglected but to be waied by circumstances and accordingly to be respected whereof wee haue manie pregnant examples in the ciuill warres of France and particularly in Monsieur La Nou his discourses But where there are two Armies different in nation language and humor contending for that which peculiarly belongeth vnto one of them where care to keepe that which is dearest vnto them possesseth the one and hope of gaine stirreth vp the other there is commonlie such an vniuersall hatred betweene them that they are to looke for small aduantage by aduertisements from the enemie which if the Romans had well considered this subtile Gall had not dispossest them of their strength nor brought them to ruine CHAP. X. The Romans call a councell vpon this aduertisement and resolue to depart and ioyne themselues to some other of the legions THE Romans being troubled at the sodainnesse of the matter albeit those thinges were spoken by an enemie yet they thought them no way to be neglected but especially it moued them for that it was incredible that the Eburones beeing base and of no reputation durst of themselues make war against the people of Rome and therefore they propounded the matter in a councell wherein there grew a great controuersie among them L. Arunculeius and most of the Tribunes and Centurions of the first orders thought it not good to conclude of any thing rashlie nor to depart out of their wintering campes without expresse commandment from Caesar forasmuch as they were able to resist neuer so great a power yea euen of their Germans hauing the garizons wel fortified an argument whereof was that they had valiantly withstood the first assault of the enemy and giuen them many wounds Neither wanted they anie victuals and before that prouision which they had was spent there would come succor frō other garizons and from Caesar And to conclude what was more dishonorable or sauored of greater inconstancy then to consult of their waightiest affaires by the aduertisement of an enemy Titurius vrged vehementlie to the contrarie that it then would be too late for them to seeke a remedie when a greater power of the enemy accompanied with the Germans were assembled against them or when anie blow were giuen to anie of the next wintering campes hee tooke Caesar to be gone into Italie for otherwise the Eburones would not haue come so proudly to the camp Let them not respect the authour but the thing it selfe the Rhene was not far off and hee knewe well that the ouerthrow of Ariouistus and their former victories were greeuous to the Germans The Galles were vexed with the contumelies they had receiued being brought in subiection to the Romaine Empire and hauing lost their former reputation in deedes of armes And to conclude who would imagine that Ambiorix should enterprise such a matter without any ground or certaintie thereof but howsoeuer thinges stoode his counsell was sure and could bring no harme for if there were no worse thing intended they should but goe safelie to the next garizons or otherwise if the Galles conspired with the Germans their onelie safetie consisted in celeritie As for the counsell of Cotta and such as were of the contrarie opinion what expectation could be had thereof wherein if there were not present danger yet assuredly famine was to be feared by long siege The disputation being thus continued on either part and Cotta with the Centurions of the first orders earnestly repugning it doe as please you since you will needes haue it so saith Sabinus and that he spake with a loud voice that a great part of the soldiours might well heare him For I am not he that most feareth death among you let these be wise and if any mischance happen vnto them they shall aske account thereof at thy hands inasmuch as if thou wouldest let them they might ioine themselues within 2. daies to the next garizons with them sustaine what chance soeuer their common destinie should allot them and not perish with famine and sword like a people cast off and abandoned from their fellowes After these wordes they began to rise out of the councell but holde was laide vpon them both entreatie was made that they would not obstinatelie bring all vnto a desperate hazard the matter was all one whether they went or staied so that they all agreed vpon one thing wheras in disagreeing there was no likelihood of well doing the disputation was prolonged vntill midnight at length Cotta yeelded and the sentence of Sabinus tooke place And thereupon it was proclaimed that they should set forth by the breake of day the rest of the night was spent in watching euery soldior sought out vvhat he had to carry with him and what he should be constrained to leaue behind him of such necessaries as he had prepared for winter all things were disposed in such sort to make the soldiours beleeue that they could not stay without danger OBSERVATIONS BY the resolution in this disputation it appeareth how little a graue and wise deliberation auaileth when it is impugned with the violence of passion according to the truth of my former obseruation for the matter was well reasoned by Cotta and his positions were grounded vpon thinges certaine and well knowne to the whole councell and yet the feare of Sabinus was such that it caried the conclusion by such supposed assertions as the qualitie of his passion had ratified for true principles being grounded altogether vpon that which the enemy had suggested and not vpon any certaine knowledge of the truth neither is it often seene when a Councell disputeth vpon matters of such consequence that their deliberations are altogether cleere from such troublesome motions but that it will
to make warre vpon them why should they be affraid of him or why should they despaire either of their owne prowesse or of Caesars circumspectnesse For if it came to that point the enemie that they were to incounter had beene tried what he could doe twise before First in their fathers daies when the Cimbri and the Teutoni were vanquished by Marius and now of late againe in Italie at the insurrection of the bondmen who were not a little furthered through the practise discipline which they receiued of the Romans whereby it might be discerned how good a thing it is to be constant and resolute in as much as whom for a time they feared without cause being naked and vnarmed the same men afterwardes although well armed and Conquerors withall they nobly ouercame And to be short these were no other Germans then those whom the Heluetians had vanquished in diuers conflicts not onely in their owne country where the Heluetians dwelt themselues but also euen at home at their owne dores and yet the same Heluetians were not able to make their partie good against our Armies Concerning the Galles they were ouercome more by cunning pollicie then by force which although it tooke place against sauage and vnskilfull people yet was not Ariouistus so simple as to thinke that he could ensnare our Armies with the like subtilties As for those that fained the cause of their feare to be the difficultie of prouision of corne and the dangerousnesse of the way they tooke more vpon them then became their place in presuming to teach their Generall what he had to doe as if he had not knowne what pertained to his duty The Sequani and Lingones had vndertooke that charge and what the waies were should shortly be seene Whereas it was reported that the souldiers would not obey his mandates nor aduance their standarts he little esteemed it for he was well assured that if an Armie refused to be obedient to their Generall it was either because he was thought vnfortunate in his enterprises or els for that hee was notoriously conuicted of Auarice but the whole course of his life should witnesse his innocencie and the ouerthrow of the Heluetians his happines And therefore that which he was minded to haue put off for a longer time he would now put in execution out of hand for the night following at the fourth watch he would dislodge from thence that without further delay he might vnderstand whether shame and respect of dutie would preuaile more with them then feare and cowardice And though he wist that no man els would follow him yet notwithstanding he would go with the tenth legion alone of which he doubted nothing and would accept it as the chiefe band and guard of his person Vpon the making of his speech the mindes of all men were wonderfully changed for it bred in euery one a great alacritie and desire to fight neither did the tenth legion forget to giue him thankes by their Tribunes for the good opinion he had of them assuring him of their readinesse to set forward to the warre THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the speech it selfe are presented many specialities both concerning their discipline and militarie instructions which deserue examination amongst which I note first the extraordinarie number admitted to the Councell Omnium ordinum ad id concilium adhibitis Centurionibus Whereas there were vsually no more admitted to their councell of warre but the Legates Questor Tribunes and the Centurions of the first orders which I vnderstand to be the first Hastate the first Princeps and the first Pilum of euery legion And this is manifestly proued out of the fift Commentarie where Cicero was besieged by Ambiorix in which amongst other there were two valiant Centurions Pulfio and Varenus betweene whom there was euerie yeare great emulation for place of preferment iam primis ordinibus appropinquabant saith Caesar that is they had passed by degrees through the lower orders of the legion and were very neare the dignitie of the first cohort wherein as in all the rest there were 3 maniples and in euerie maniple two orders THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe first motiue which he vseth to recall their exiled iudgment discouered their breach of discipline for contrarie to the course of militarie gouernment they had presumed not only to make inquirie but to giue out whither and vpon what seruice they were caried which in the rigour of campe pollicie could not passe without due punishment for what can more contradict the fortunate successe of an expedition then to suffer to be measured with the vulgar conceit or waied in the ballance of such false iudgmentes especially when those weake Censors are to be Actors and executioners of the dessigne for then euerie man will sute the nature of the action according to his own humor although his humor be led with blindnesse and haue no other direction then an vncertaine apprehension of profit or disaduantage And in this case there cannot be a better president then nature hath prescribed for as natural Agents whilest they concurre to produce a worke of absolute perfection neither know what they doe nor can discerne the thinges they looke vpon but yeeld themselues to be guided by a moderator of infinite knowledge so ought a multitude to submit their abilitie to the direction of some wise and prudent captaine that beholdeth the action in true honour and balanceth the losse of many particulars with the health and safetie of the publike good For if euery man should prescribe who should obay Tam nescire quaedam milites quam scire oportet saith Otho in Tacitus vpon the like disorder and againe parendo potius quam imperia ducum sciscitando res militares continentur which proueth that the greatest vertue which is required in a souldier is obedience as a thing wherein the force of all discipline consisteth THE THIRD OBSERVATION IN the reason which he vseth to proue their disparitie of valour in regard of the Romans being superiour to the Heluetians that had oftentimes ouerthrowen the Germans he strengtheneth the argument with the aduantage of the place and saith that the Heluetians had put them to the worst not onely where the Heluetians dwelt themselues but euen in their owne country and at home at their owne dores as though an enemie were charged with greater furie in the presence of a mans own country and dearest friendes then in a strange and vnknowne land This question was handled in the Roman Senate by Fabius Maximus and Scipio surnamed Africanus when they sate in counsell how to ridde their country of that subtile Carthaginian that for sixteene yeares space had fretted like a canker the beautie of Italie wasted the land and brought it to desolation sacked their confederates or alienated them from their duety ouerthrowen their Armies slaine their Consuls and threatned their imperiall cittie with ruine and destruction Fabius vpon the motion to make warre in Africke thought it
wasting rather then by thrift and sauing frugalitie and so the common-wealth is weakned by the il husbanding of that great portion of vittaile which is allowed for so great a multitude And if they should haue such varietie of viands in an Armie as they haue when they are in seuerall families it were vnpossible it should continue any time together And therefore the Romans notwithstanding the exactnesse of their discipline could affoord their armies no other prouision but corne and larde as well in regard of the commoditie which that kinde of diet affoorded them in the course of their warres as also for the good of that countrey wherein they were resident And if it so fell out that the extremitie of the season or any other cause had brought a dearth into the lande there was no readier waie to helpe that inconuenience then by dispersing their Armies into diuers quarters which Caesar disposed with that care that they might be as neere together as they could THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the choice of their souldiers and their maner of inrolement I had rather referre the reader to Polybius then enter into the particular discourse of that action which was carried with such grauitie and religious ceremonies as might best serue to possesse their mindes of the waight and consequence of that businesse but for as much as the largenesse of their Empire and the necessitie of their occasions would not admit that the enrolment should still be made at Rome amongst the citizens as it appeareth by this legion which was inrolled beyond the riuer Po it consequently followeth that such Ceremonies which were annexed to the place were altogether omitted and therefore I cannot speake of that which the olde Romans did in that part of their discipline as a thing continued vnto Caesars time But he that desireth to see the maner of their choise with such complements as might adde both a reuerent respect and a Maiestie to the worke let him reade Polybius of that argument CHAP. IX Ambiorix attempteth to surprise the campe of Sabinus and Cotta and failing practiseth to take them by guile FIFTEENE daies after the legions were settled in their wintering campes there began a sudden tumult and rebellion by the meanes of Ambiorix and Catiunculus who hauing receiued Sabinus Cotta into their confines and brought them in corne to the place where they laie at the inducement of Induciomarus of Triers they stirred vp their people to rebellion and suddenly surprising those that were gone abroad to get wood came with a great power to assault the campe But when our men had tooke Armes and were got vppe vpon the rampier and had ouermatched them in a skirmish of horse which made a sallie out of the campe vpon the Galles Ambiorix despairing of good successe withdrew his men from the assault and then after their manner they cried vnto vs that some of our companie should come and speake with them for they had somewhat to discouer touching the publike state whereby they hoped all controuersies might be ended Whereupon Caius Carpineius a Roman horseman and one of Titurius his familiar friendes and one Iunius a Spaniard who diuers times before had beene sent by Caesar to Ambiorix were sent out to treat with them Ambiorix first acknowledged himselfe much indebted to Caesar for manie curtesies in that by his meanes hee was freed from a pension which hee paied to the Aduatici and for that both his own sonne and his brothers sonne whom the Aduatici had held in prison vnder the name of hostages were by Caesar released and sent home againe And touching the assault of the campe hee had done nothing of himselfe but by the impulsion of the state among whom such was his condition that the people had as great authoritie ouer him as he himselfe had in regard of the people who were likewise inforced to this warre because they could not withstand the sudden insurrection of the Galles whereof his small meanes might be a sufficient argument For his experience was not so little to thinke himselfe able with so small a power to ouerthrow the people of Rome but it was a generall appointment throughout all Gallia vpon this daie to assault all Caesars garrizons to the end that one legion might not giue reliefe vnto another Galles could not easily denie the request of Galles especially when it concerned their publike libertie Nowe hauing satisfied that duetie which he owed to his countrey hee had respect to Caesar and his benefites in regard whereof he admonished them and praied Titurius for the hospitalitie that had beene betweene them that he would looke to the safetie of himselfe and his souldiers There were a great number of Germaines that had alreadie passed the Rhene and would be here within two daies and therefore let them aduise themselues whether they thought it good before the next borderers perceiued it to depart with their soldiers out of their wintering places either to Cicero or Labienus of whō the one was not past fiftie mile off and the other a little further for his owne part he promised them this much and confirmed it by oath that they should haue safe passage through his territories for so he should both doe a pleasure to his countrey in disburdening it of garrizons and shew himselfe thankefull to Caesar for his benefits This speech being ended Ambiorix departed and Carpineius and Iunius made report thereof to the Legates OBSERVATIONS LEander his counsell to vse the foxes skin where the lyons faileth doth shew that the discourse of our reason is sooner corrupted with errour then the powers of our bodie are ouercome with force For oftentimes the minde is so disquieted with the extremitie of perturbation that neither the apprehension can take sound instructions nor the iudgment determine of that which is most for our good but according as any passion shall happen to raigne in our disposition so are we caried headlong to the ruine of our fortune without sense of errour or mistrust of welsucceeding where as the bodie continueth firme in his owne strength and is subiect onelie to a greater waight of power by which it maie bee subdued and ouerthrowen It behooueth vs therefore to take good heed that our surest holde bee not vnfastened by the subtiltie of the foxe when it hath continued firme against the force of the Lyon and that the trecherie of the spirit doe not disaduantage those meanes which either our owne power or oportunitie hath gained in our actions Wherein a commander cannot haue a better rule for his direction then to beware that violence of passion doe not hinder the course of sound deliberation and withall to bee iealous of whatsoeuer an enemie shall either by speech or action seeme to thrust vpon him how colourable soeuer the reasons maie be which are alleadged to induce him thereunto For first if the minde be not confirmed by the vertue of her better faculties to resist the motion of fruitlesse apprehensions