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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A56321	The declaration of John Pym Esquire upon the whole matter of the charge of high treason against Thomas Earle of Strafford, April 12, 1641 with An argument of law concerning the bill of attainder of high treason of the said Earle of Strafford, before a committee of both Houses of Parliament, in Westminster Hall by Mr. St. Iohn His Majesties solicitor Generall, on Thursday, April 29, 1641 / both published by order of the Commons House.	Pym, John, 1584-1643.; St. John, Oliver, 1598?-1673. Argument of law concerning the bill of attainder of high-treason of Thomas Earle of Strafford.	1641 (1641)	Wing P4262; ESTC R182279	46,678	116

and Prerogative many dangerous practises against the peace and safety of this Kingdome have been undertaken and promoted The increase of Popery and the favours and incouragement of Papists have been and still are a great grievance and danger to the Kingdome The Innovations in matters of Religion the usurpations of the Clergie the manifold burdens and taxations upon the people have been a great cause of our present distempers and disorders and yet those who have been chiefe Furtherers and Actors of such Mischiefes have had their Credit and Authority from this That they were forward to maintain this Power The E. of Strafford had the first rise of his greatnesse from this and in his Apologie and Defence as your Lordships have heard this hath had a maine part The Royall Power and Majesty of Kings is most glorious in the prosperity and happinesse of the people The perfection of all things consists in the end for which they were ordained God onely is his own end all other things have a further end beyond themselves in attaining whereof their own happinesse consists If the means and the end be set in opposition to one another it must needs cause an impotency and defect of both The eight Consideration is The vanity and absurdity of those excuses and justifications which he made for himself whereof divers particulars have been mentioned in the course of his Defence 1. That he is a Counsellor and might not be questioned for any thing which he advised according to his conscience The ground is true there is a liberty belongs to Counsellors and nothing corrupts Counsels more then fear He that will have the priviledge of a Counsellor must keep within the just bounds of a Counsellor those matters are the proper subjects of Counsell which in their times and occasions may be good or beneficiall to the King or Common-wealth But such Treasons as these the subversion of the Laws violation of Liberties they can never be good or justifiable by any circumstance or occasion and therefore his being a Counsellor makes his fault much more hainous as being committed against a greater Trust and in a way of much mischiefe and danger lest his Majesties conscience and judgement upon which the whole course and frame of his Government do much depend should be poysoned and infected with such wicked principles and designes And this he hath endeavoured to doe which by all Lawes and in all times hath in this Kingdome beene reckoned a Crime of an high Nature 2. He labours to interest your Lordships in his cause by alledging It may be dangerous to your selves and your Posterity who by your birth are fittest to be near his Majesty in places of Trust and Authority if you should be subject to be questioned for matters delivered in Counsell To this was answered that it was hoped their Lordships would rather labour to secure themselves and their posterity in the exercise of their vertues then of their vices that so they might together with their own honour and greatnesse preserve the honour and greatnesse both of the King and Kingdome 3. Another excuse was this that whatsoever he hath spoken was out of a good intention Sometimes good and evill truth and falshood lie so near together that they are hardly to be distinguished Matters hurtfull and dangerous may be accompanied with such circumstances as may make it appeare usefull and convenient and in all such cases good intentions will justifie evill Counsell But where the matters propounded are evill in their own nature such as the matters are wherewith the E. of Strafford is charged to break a publique faith to subvert Laws and Government they can never be justified by any intentions how specious or good soever they be pretended 4. He alledgeth it was a time of great necessity and danger when such counsels were necessary for preservation of the State Necessity hath been spoken of before as it relates to the Cause now it is considered as it relates to the Person if there were any necessity it was of his own making he by his evil counsell had brought the King into a necessity and by no Rules of Iustice can be allowed to gain this advantage by his own fault as to make that a ground of his justification which is a great part of his offence 5. He hath often insinuated this That it was for his Majesties service in maintenance of that Soveraign Power with which he is intrusted by God for the good of his people The Answer is this No doubt but that Soveraign Power wherewith his Majesty is intrusted for the publique good hath many glorious effects the better to inable him thereunto But without doubt this is none of them That by his own will he may lay any Taxe or Imposition upon his people without their consent in Parliament This hath now been five times adjudged by both Houses In the Case of the Loanes In condemning the Commission of Excise In the Resolution upon the Saving offered to be added to the Petition of Right In the sentence against Manwaring and now lately In condemning the Ship-money And if the Soveraigne Power of the King can produce no such effect as this the Allegation of it is an Aggravation and no Diminution of his offence because thereby he doth labour to interest the King against the just grievance and complaint of the People 6. This Counsell was propounded with divers limitations and Provisions for securing and repairing the liberty of the people This implies a contradiction to maintain an Arbitrary absolute Power and yet to restrain it with limitations and provisions for even those limitations and provisions will be subject to the same absolute Power and to be dispensed in such manner and at such time as it self shall determine let the grievances and oppressions be never so heavy the Subject is left without all remedy but at his Majesties own pleasure 7. He alledgeth they were but words and no effect followed This needs no answer but that the miserable distempers into which he hath brought all the three Kingdomes will be evidence sufficient that his wicked Counsels have had such mischievous effects within these two or three last years that many years peace will hardly repaire those losses and other great mischiefes which the Common-wealth hath sustained These excuses have been collected out of the severall parts of his Defence perchance some others are omitted which I doubt not have been answered by some of my Collegues and are of no importance either to perplex or to hinder your Lordships judgement touching the hainousnesse of this Crime The ninth Consideration is this That if this be Treason in the nature of it it doth exceed all other Treasons in this That in the Design and endeavour of the Author it was to be a constant and a permanent Treason other Treasons are transient as being confinde within those particular actions and proportions wherein they did consist and those being past the Treason ceaseth The Powder-Treason

pains for that which when he hath gotten is not his own Or who fight for that wherein he hath no other interest but such as is subject to the will of another The Ancient encouragement to men that were to defend their Countries was this That they were to hazard their Persons pro Aris Focis for their Religion and for their Houses But by this Arbitrary way which was practised in Ireland and counselled here no man had any certainty either of Religion or of his House or any thing else to be his own But besides this such Arbitrary courses have an ill operation upon the courage of a Nation by embasing the hearts of the people A servile condition doth for the most part beget in men a slavish temper and disposition Those that live so much under the Whip and the Pillory and such servile Engines as were frequently used by the E. of Strafford they may have the dregges of valour sullennesse stubbornnesse which may make them prone to Mutinies and discontents but those Noble and gallant affections which put men on brave Designes and Attempts for the preservation or inlargement of a Kingdome they are hardly capable of Shall it be Treason to embase the Kings Coyne though but a piece of twelve-pence or sixe-pence and must it not needs be the effect of a greater Treason to embase the spirits of his Subjects and to set a stamp and Character of servitude upon them whereby they shall be disabled to doe any thing for the service of the King or Common-wealth The fift Consideration is this That the exercise of this Arbitrary Government in times of sudden danger by the invasion of an enemy will disable his Majesty to preserve himselfe and his Subjects from that danger This is the onely pretence by which the E. of Strafford and such other mischievous Counsellors would induce his Majesty to make use of it and if it be unfit for such an occasion I know nothing that can be alledged in maintenance of it When warre threatens a Kingdome by the comming of a forrain Enemy it is no time then to discontent the people to make them weary of the present Government and more inclinable to a Change The supplies which are to come in this way will be unready uncertain there can be no assurance of them no dependence upon them either for time or proportion And if some money be gotten in such a way the Distractions Divisions Distempers which this course is apt to produce will be more prejudiciall to the publique safety then the supply can be advantagious to it and of this we have had sufficient experience the last Summer The sixt That this crime of subverting the Laws and introducing an Arbitrary and Tyrannicall Government is contrary to the Pact and Covenant betwixt the King and his people That which was spoken of before was the legall union of Allegeance and Protection this is a personall union by mutuall agreement and stipulation confirmed by oath on both sides The King and his people are obliged to one another in the nearest relations He is a Father and a childe is called in Law Pars Patris Hee is the Husband of the Common-wealth they have the same interests they are inseparable in their condition be it good or evill He is the Head they are the Body there is such an incorporation as cannot be dissolved without the destruction of both When Iustice Thorpe in Edw. the thirds time was by the Parliament condemned to death for Bribery the reason of that Judgement is given because he had broken the Kings Oath not that he had broken his own oath but that he had broken the Kings oath that solemne and great obligation which is the security of the whole Kingdome If for a Judge to take a small summe in a private cause was adjudged Capitall how much greater was this offence whereby the E. of Strafford hath broken the Kings Oath in the whole course of his Government in Ireland to the prejudice of so many of his Majesties Subjects in their Lives Liberties and Estates and to the danger of all the rest The Doctrine of the Papists Fides non est servanda cum Haereticis is an abominable Doctrine yet that other Tenet more peculiar to the Iesuites is more pernicious whereby Subjects are discharged from their Oath of Allegeance to their Prince whensoever the Pope pleaseth This may be added to make the third no lesse mischievous and destructive to humane society then either of the rest That the King is not bound by that Oath which he hath taken to observe the Laws of the Kingdome but may when he sees cause lay Taxes and burdens upon them without their consent contrary to the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdome This hath been preached and published by divers And this is that which hath been practised in Ireland by the E. of Strafford in his Government there and indeavoured to be brought into England by his Counsell here The seventh is this It is an offence that is contrary to the end of Government The end of Government was to prevent oppressions to limit and restrain the excessive power and violence of great men to open the passages of Iustice with indifferency towards all This Arbitrary power is apt to induce and incourage all kind of insolencies Another end of Government is to preserve men in their estates to secure them in their Lives and Liberties but if this Designe had taken effect and could have been setled in England as it was practised in Ireland no man would have had more certainty in his own then power would have allowed him But these two have been spoken of before there are two behind more important which have not yet been touched It is the end of Government that vertue should be cherisht vice supprest but where this Arbitrary and unlimited power is set up a way is open not onely for the security but for the advancement and incouragement of evill Such men as are aptest for the execution and maintenance of this Power are onely capable of preferment and others who will not be instruments of any unjust commands who make a conscience to doe nothing against the Laws of the Kingdome and Liberties of the Subject are not onely not passable for imployment but subject to much jealousie and danger It is the end of Government that all accidents and events all Counsels and Designes should be improved to the publique good But this Arbitrary Power is apt to dispose all to the maintenance of it self The wisdome of the Councell-Table the Authority of the Courts of Justice the industry of all the Officers of the Crown have been most carefully exercised in this the Learning of our Divines the Iurisdiction of our Bishops have been moulded and disposed to the same effect which though it were begun before the E. of Straffords Imployment yet it hath beene exceedingly furthered and advanced by him Under this colour and pretence of maintaining the Kings Power

Parliament are onely declarative of the Old Law not introductive of a new as the great Charter of our Liberties the Statute of the five and twentieth yeare of Edward the third of Treasons the Statute of the Prerogative and of late the petition of right If the Law were doubtfull in this Case they conceived the Parliament where the old may be altered and new Lawes made the fittest Iudge to cleare this doubt Secondly my Lords they proceeded this way to out those scruples and delaies which through disuse of proceedings of this nature might have risen in the manner and way of proceeding since the Statute of the first of Henery the fourth the seventeenth Chapter and more fully in the Roll number 144. The proceedings in Parliament have usually beene upon an Inditement first found though in Cases of Treason particularly mentioned in the Statute of the five and twentieth yeare of Edward the third which had not been done in this Case Doubts likewise might rise for Treasons not particularly mentioned in the Statute of 25. Edw. 3. whether the declaratory power of Parliament be taken away and if not taken away in what manner they were to be made and by whom They finde not any Attainders of Treason in Parliament for neare this 200 yeares but by this way of Bill And againe they knew that whatsoever could be done any other way it might be done by this Thirdly in respect of the proofes and depositions that have beene made against him for first although they knew not but that the whole Evidence which hath beene given at the Barre in every part of it is sufficiently comprehended within the Charge yet if therein they should be mistaken if it should prove otherwise use may justly be made of such Evidence in this way of Bill wherein so as Evidence be given in it 's no way requisite that there should have beene any Articles or Charge at all And so in the Case of double Testimony upon the Statute of the first of Edward the sixt whether one direct witnesse with others to Circumstances had been single or double testimony and although single Testimony might be sufficient to satisfie private Consciences yet how farre it would have beene satisfactory in a judiciall way where formes of Law are more to be stood upon was not so cleare whereas in this way of Bill private satisfaction to each mans Conscience is sufficient although no Evidence had beene given in at all My Lords the proceeding by way of Bill it was not to decline your Lordships Iustice in the judiciall way In these Exegencies of the State and Kingdome it was to husband time by silencing those doubts they conceived it the speediest and the furest way My Lords These are in effect the things the Commons tooke into their Consideration in respect of the manner and way of proceeding against the Earle In the next place I am to declare unto your Lordships the things they tooke into their consideration in respect of the matter and merits of the Cause They are comprehended within these 6. heads 1. That there is a Treason within the Statute of 25. E. 3. by Levying of warre upon the matter of the fifteenth Article 2. If not by actuall Levying of warre yet by advising and declaring his intention of warre and that by Savils warrant and the advice of bringing over the Irish Army upon the matter in the 23. Article The intending of a Warre if not within the Clause of Levying Warre in the Statute of 25. E. 3. yet within the first Treason of compassing the death of the King 3. If neither of these two single Acts be within the Statute of 25. E. 3. yet upon putting all together which hath beene proved against him That ther 's a Treason within the first clause of compassing the death of the King Et si non prosunt singula juncta juvant 4. That he hath fessed and laid Souldiers upon the Subjects of Ireland against their will and at their Charge within the Irish Statute of the eighteenth yeare of Henry the sixt That both person and thing are within the Statute That the Statute remaines in force to this day That the Parliament here hath Cognizance of it And that even in the ordinary way of Judicature that if there be a Treason and a Traitor that the want of jurisdiction in the Judicall way may justly be supplied by Bill 5. That his endeavouring to subvert the fundamentall Lawes and Governement of the Realmes of England and Ireland and instead thereof to introduce a tyranicall Governement against Law is Treason by the Common Law That Treasons at the Common Law are not taken away by the Statutes of 25. E. 3. 1. H. 4. c. 10. 1● Mar. c. 1. nor any of them 6. That as this Case stands It 's just and necessary to resort to the Supreame power in Parliament in case all the rest should faile Of these six five of them are Treason within the Compasse of the Lawes already established Three within the Statute of 25 E. 3. One within the Irish Statute the other by the Common Law of England If but any one of these 6. Considerations hould The Commons conceive that upon the whole matter they had good cause to passe the Bill My Lords for the first of levying Warre 1. The Case I shall make bold to read the Case to your Lordships before I speake to it it s thus The Earle did by warrant under his hand and Seal give authority to Robert Savill a Serjeant at Arms and his Deputies to sesse such number of Souldiers horse and foote of the Army in Ireland together with an officer as the Serjeant should thinke fit upon his Majesties Subjects of Ireland against their will This warrant was granted by the Earle to the end to compell the Subjects of Ireland to submit to the unlawfull Summons and orders made by the Earle upon paper Petitions exhibited unto him in case of private Interest betweene party and party This warrant was executed by Savill and his Deputies by sessing of Souldiers both horse and foote upon diverse of the Subjects of Ireland against their will in warre-like manner and at divers times the Souldiers continued upon the parties upon whom they were sessed and wasted their goods untill such time as they had submitted themselves unto those Summons and orders My Lords This is a levying of warre within the statute of 25o. E. 3. The words of the Statute are If any man doe levy warre against our Lord the King in his Realm this is declared to be Treason I shall indeavour in this to make it appeare to your Lordships What shall be a levying of Warre in respect of the motive or cause of it What shall bee said a levying of warre in respect of the Action or thing done And in the third place I shall apply them to the present Case It will bee granted in this of levying of warre That forces may bee raised and likewise used in a

parts wheresoever in subjection to the Crowne of England The last thing I shall offer to your Lordships is the case of 19. El. in my Lord Dyer 306. and Judge Cromptons book of the jurisdiction of Courts fol. 23. The opinion of both these Books is That an Irish Peer is not triable here It 's true a Scotish or French Nobleman is triable here as a common person the Law takes no notice of their Nobility because those Countries are not governed by the Lawes of England but Ireland being governed by the same Laws the Peers there are triable according to the Law of England onely per pares By the same reason the Earle of Strafford not being a Peere of Ireland is not triable by the Peers of Ireland so that if hee bee not triable here hee is triable no where My Lords In case there be a Treason and a Traitor within the Statute and that he be not triable here for it in the ordinary way of judicature if that jurisdiction failes this by way of Bill doth not Attainders of Treason in Parliament are as legall as usuall by Act of Parliament as by Judgement I have now done with the Statutes of 25. E. 3. and 18. H. 6. My Lord of Strafford hath offended against both the Kingdomes and is guilty of high Treason by the Lawes of both 5 My Lords In the fifth place I am come to the Treasons at the common Law The endevouring to subvert the fundamentall Lawes and government of the Kingdome and to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannicall government In this I shall not at all labour to prove that the endevouring by words counsels and actions to subvert the Lawes is treason at the common Law if there be any common Law treasons at all left nothing treason if this not to make a Kingdome no Kingdome take the politic and government away England's but a piece of earth wherein so many men have their commorancy abode without ranks or distinction of men without propertie in anything further then possession no Law to punish the murdering or robbing one another That of 33. H. 8. of introducing the Imperiall Law sticks not with your Lordships It was in case of an appeal to Rome these appeals in cases of marriages other causes counted Ecclesiasticall had been frequent had in most Kings reigns been tolerated some in times of Popery put a conscience upon them the Statutes had limited the penalty to a Premunire only Neither was that a totall subversion only an Appeale from the Ecclesiasticall Court here in a single cause to the Court at Rome and it treason or not that case proves not a treason may be punished as a felony a felony as a trespasse if his Majesty so please the greater includes the lesser In the case of Premunire in the Irish reports that which is there declared to be treason proceeded upon only as a Premunire The thing most considerable in this is whether the treasons at common Law be taken away by the Stat. of 25. E. 3. 1. H. 4. or 1. Q. M. or any of them My Lords To say they bee taken away by the Stat. of 25. E. 3. is to speak against both the direct words and scope of that Statute In it there 's this clause That because many other like cases of treason might fall out which are not there declared therefore it is enacted That if any such case come before the Judges they shall not proceed to judgement till the case bee declared in Parliament whether it ought to be adjudged treason or not These words and the whole scope of that Statute showes That it was not the meaning to take away any treasons that were so before but onely to regulate the jurisdiction and manner of tryall Those that were single certain Acts as Conspiring the Kings death Levying warre Counterfeiting the money or great Seal Killing a Judge these are left to the ordidinary Courts of Justice The others not depending upon single Acts but upon constructions and necessary inferences they thought it not fit to give the inferiour Courts so great a latitude here as too dangerous to the subject those they strained to the Parliament This Statute was the great security of the subject made with such wisdome as all the succeeding ages have approved it It hath often passed through the fornace but like gold hath lost little or nothing The Statute of 1. H. 4. cap. 10. is in these words Whereas in the Parliament held the 21. yeere of Richard the second divers paines of treasons were ordained insomuch that no man did know how to behave himselfe to doe say or speake It is accorded that in no time to come any treason be adjudged otherwise then it was ordained by the Statute of 25. E. 3. It hath bin said To what end is this Statute made if it takes not away the common Law treasons remaining after the Statute of 25. E. 3. There be two maine things which this Statute doth First it takes away for the future all the Treasons made by any Statute since 25. Ed. 3. to 1. Hen. 4. even to that time For in respect that by another Act in that Parliament the Statute of 21. E. 2. was repealed it will not bee denyed but that this Statute repeales more treasons then these of 21. E. 2. it repeals all Statute treasons but those in 25. E. 3. Secondly It not only takes away the Statute treasons but likewise the declared treasons in Parliament after 25. E. 3. as to the future After declaration in Parliament the inferiour Courts might judge these treasons for the declaration of a treason in Parliament after it was made was sent to the inferiour Courts that toties quoties the like case fell out they might proceed therein the subject for the future was secured against these so that this Statute was of great use By the very words of it it still referrs all treasons to the provision of 25. E. 3. it leaves that entire and upon his old bottome The Statute of 1. Q. M. cap. 1. saith That no offences made treason by any Act of Parliament shall thenceforth be taken or adjudged to bee treason but onely such as be declared and expressed to bee treason by the Statute of 25. E. 3. concerning treason or the declaration of treason and no others And further provides that no pains of death penaltie or forfeiture in any wise shall ensue for committing any treason other then such as be in the Statute of 25. E. 3. ordained and provided any Acts of Parliament or any declaration or matter to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding By the first part of this Statute onely offences made Treason by Act of Parliament are taken away the Common Law Treasons are no way touched The words and no others refer still to offences made treason by Act of Parliament they restraine not to the treasons onely particularly mentioned in the Statute of 25. E. 3. but leave that Statute entire as