Idol-temple I found the Priests of the said Idols there For alwaies at the Kalends they set open their Temples and the Priests adorne themselues and offer vp the peoples Oblations of Bread and Fruits First therefore I will describe vnto you those rites and ceremonies which are common vnto all their Idol-temples and then the superstitions of the foresaid Iugures which be as it were a sect distinguished from the rest They doe all of them worship towards the North clapping their hands together and prostrating themselues on their knees vpon the earth holding also their foreheads in their hands Whereupon the Nestorians of those parts will in no case ioyne their hands together in time of prayer but they pray displaying their hands before their breasts They extend their Temples in length East and West and vpon the North side they build a Chamber in manner of a Vestrie for them selues to goe forth into Or sometimes it is otherwise If it be a foure square Temple in the midst of the Temple towards the North side thereof they take in one Chamber in that place where the Quire should stand And within the said Chamber they place a Chest long and broade like vnto a Table and behind the said Chest towards the South stands their principall Idoll which I saw at Caracarum and it was as big as the Idoll of Saint Christopher Also a certaine Nestorian Priest which had beene in Catay said that in that Countrey there is an Idoll of so huge a bignesse that it may be seene two daies iourney before a man come at it And so they place other Idols round about the foresaid principall Idoll being all of them finely gilt ouer with pure gold and vpon the said Chest which is in manner of a Table they set Candles and Oblations The doores of their Temples are alwaies open towards the South contrary to the customes of the Saracens They haue also great Bels like vnto vs. And that is the cause as I thinke why the Christians of the East will in no case vse great Bells Notwithstanding they are common among the Russians and Graecians of Gasaria ALl their Priests had their heads and beards shauen quite ouer and they are clad in Saffron coloured garments and being once shauen they leade an vnmarried life from that time forward and they liue an hundred or two hundred of them together in one Cloister or Couent Vpon those daies when they enter into their Temples they place two long Formes therein and so sitting vpon the said Formes like Singing-men in a Quire namely the one halfe of them directly ouer against the other they haue certaine bookes in their hands which sometimes they lay downe by them vpon the Formes and their heads are bare so long as they remaine in the Temple And there they reade softly vnto themselues not vttering any voice at all Whereupon comming in amongst them at the time of their superstitious deuotions and finding them all sitting mute in manner aforesaid I attempted diuers waies to prouoke them vnto speech and yet could not by any meanes possible They haue with them also whithersoeuer they goe a certaine string with an hundred or two hundred Nut-shels thereupon much like to our bead-roll which wee carrie about with vs. And they doe alwaies vtter these words Ou mam Hactani God thou knowest as one of them expounded it vnto me And so often doe they expect a reward at Gods hands as they pronounce these words in remembrance of God Round about their Temple they doe alwaies make a faire Court like vnto a Church-yard which they enuiron with a good wall and vpon the South part thereof they build a great Portall wherein they sit and conferre together And vpon the top of the said Portall they pitch a long Pole right vp exalting it if they can aboue all the whole Towne besides And by the same Pole all men may know that there stands the Temple of their Idols These rites and ceremonies aforesaid be common vnto all Idolaters in those parts Going vpon a time towards the foresaid Idoll-temple I found certaine Priests sitting in the outward Portall And those which I saw seemed vnto mee by their shauen beards as if they had beene French men They wore certaine ornaments vpon their heads made of Paper The Priests of the foresaid Iugures doe vse such attire whithersoeuer they goe They are alwaies in their Saffron coloured Iackets which bee very straight being laced or buttened from the bosome right downe after the French fashion and they haue a Cloake vpon their left shoulder descending before and behind vnder their right arme like vnto a Deacon carrying the houssel-box in time of Lent Their letters or kind of writing the Tartars did receiue They begin to write at the top of their paper drawing their lines right downe and so they reade and multiply their lines from the left hand to the right They doe vse certaine papers and characters in their Magicall practices Whereupon their Temples are full of such short scrolls hanged round about them Also Mangu-Can hath sent letters vnto your Maiestie written in the language of the Moals or Tartars and in the foresaid hand or letter of the Iugures They burne their dead according to the ancient custome and lay vp the ashes in the top of a Pyramis Now after I had sate a while by the foresaid Priests and entred into their Temple and seene many of their Images both great and small I demanded of them what they beleeued concerning God And they answered Wee beleeue that theâ—e is onely one God And I demanded farther Whether doe you beleeue that he is a Spirit or some bodily substance They said Wee beleeue that hee is a Spirit Then said I Doe you beleeue that God euer tooke mans nature vpon him Then they answered No. And againe I said Sithence yee beleeue that hee is a Spirit to what end doe you make so many bodily Images to represent him Sithence also you beleeue not that hee was made man why doe you resemble him rather vnto the Image of a man then of any other creature Then they answered saying we frame not those Images whereby to represent God But when any rich man amongst vs or his sonne or his wife or any of his friends deceaseth he causeth the Image of the dead partie to be made and to be placed here and we in remembrance of him doe reuerence thereunto Then I replyed You doe these things onely for the friendship and flatterie of men No said they but for their memorie Then they demanded of mee as it were in scoffing wise Where is God To whom I answered Where is your soule they said In our bodies Then said I Is it not in euery part of your bodie ruling and guiding the whole bodie and yet notwithstanding is not seene or perceiued Euen so God is euery where and ruleth all things and yet is he inuisible being vnderstanding and wisedome it selfe Then being desirous to
so they continued driuing with the Ice South-east into the Sea by the space of fortie houres and then being the sixteenth day the Ice stood Whiles they droue with the Ice the dangers which they incurred were great for oftentimes when the Ice with force of wind and Sea did breake pieces of it were tossed and driuen one vpon another with great force terrible to behold and the same happened at sometimes so neere vnto the Lighters that they expected it would haue ouer-whelmed them to their vtter destruction but God who had preserued them from many perils before did also saue and deliuer them then Within three or foure dayes after the first standing of the Ice when it was firme and strong they tooke out all their goods being fortie and eight Bales or Packes of Raw Silke c. laid it on the Ice and couered the same with such prouisions as they had Then for want of victuals c. they agreed to leaue all the goods there vpon the Ice and to goe to the shoare and therevpon brake vp their Chests and Corobias wherewith and with such other things as they could get they made Sleds for euery of them to draw vpon the Ice whereon they layed their clothes to keepe them warme and such victuals as they had and such other things as they might conueniently carrie and so they departed from the said goods and Pauoses very early about one of the clocke in the morning and trauelling on the Ice directed their way North as neere as they could judge and the same day about two of the clocke in the after-noone they had sight of the Chetera Babbas foure Hillocks of Ilands so called vnto the same they directed themselues and there remayned that night The goods and Pauoses which they left on the Ice they judged to be from those Chetera Babbas about twentie Versts And the next morning departed thence East-wards and came to the Chetera Bougories or foure Ilands before spoken of before noone the distance betweene those places is about fifteene Versts where they remained all that night departing thence towards Astracan the next morning very early they lost their way through the perswasion of the Russes which were with them taking to much towards the left hand contrary to the opinion of Master Hudson whereby wandering vpon the Ice foure or fiue dayes not knowing whether they were entred into the Crimme Tartars Land or not at length it fortuned they met with a way that had beene trauelled which crost back-wards towards the Sea that way they tooke and following the same within two dayes trauell it brought them to a place called the Crasnoyare that is to say in the English Tongue Red Cliffe which diuers of the company knew There they remayned that night hauing nothing to eate but one Loafe of Bread which they happened to find with the two Russes that were left in the ship to keepe her all the Winter as is aforesaid whom they chanced to meet going towards Astracan about fiue miles before they came to the said Crasnoyare who certified them that the ship was cut in pieces with the Ice and that they had hard scaping with their liues In the morning they departed early from Grasnoyare towards the Ouchooge and about nine of the clocke before noone being within ten Versts of the Vchooge they met Amos Riall with the Carpenter which he found at Ouchooge and a Gunner newly come out of England and also sixtie fiue Horses with so many Cassacks to guide them and fiftie Gunners for guard which brought prouision of victuals c. and were sent by the Duke to fetch the goods to Astracan The meeting of that company was much joy vnto them The Factors sent backe with Amos Riall and the said company to fetch the goods Thomas Hudson the Master Tobias Paris his Mate and so they the said Factors and their company marched on to the Vchooge where they refreshed themselues that day and the night following And from thence proceeded on towards Astracan where they arriued the last day of Nouember These that went for the goods after their departure from the Factors trauelled the same day vntill they came within ten Versts of the Chetera Babbas where they rested that night The next morning by the breake of the day they departed thence and before noone were at the Chetera Babbas where they stayed all night but presently departed thence Thomas Hudson with the Carpenter and Gunner to seeeke where the goods lay who found the same and the next day they returned backe to their company at the Chetera Babbas and declared vnto them in what sort they had found the said goods The third day early in the morning they departed all from the foure Babbas towards the said goods and the same day did lade all the goods they could finde vpon the said sleds and withall conuenient speed returned backe towards Astracan And when they came to the Chetera Bougori where they rested the night in the morning very early before the breake of day they were assaulted by a great company of the Nagays Tartars Horse-men which came shouting and hallowing with a great noyse but our people were so inuironed with the sleds that they durst not enter vpon them but ranne by and shot their Arrowes amongst them and hurt but one man in the head who was a Russe and so departed presently Yet when it was day they shewed themselues a good distance off from our men being a very great troope of them but did not assault them any more The same day our men with those carriages departed from thence towards Astracan where they arriued in safetie the fourth of December about three of the clock in the after-noone where our people greatly rejoyced of their great good hap to haue escaped so many hard euents troubles and miseries as they did in that Voyage and had great cause therefore to prayse the Almightie who had so mercifully preserued and deliuered them They remayned the Winter at Astracan where they found great fauour and friendship of the Duke Captaine and other chiefe Officers of that place but that Winter there hapned no great matter worth the noting In the Spring of the yeere 1581. about the midst of March the Ice was broken vp and cleare gone before Astracan A Letter of Master HENRIE LANE to the worshipfull Master WILLIAM SANDERSON containing a briefe discourse of that which passed in the North-east discouerie for the space of three and thirtie yeeres MAster Sanderson as you lately requested me so haue I sought and though I cannot finde some things that heretofore I kept in writing and lent out to others yet perusing at London copies of mine old Letters to content one that meaneth to pleasure many I haue briefly and as truely as I may drawne out as followeth The rough hewing may bee planed at your leasure or as pleaseth him that shall take the paines First the honourable attempt
Language Holgoi that were had in as great estimation amongst them as be the Priests amongst Christians These did talke ordinarily with the Deuill and many times in publike and doe Deuillish Witch-crafts both in wordes and deedes into whom it is to bee beleeued that that the Deuill did enter for that straight-wayes they did answere vnto all things that were demanded of them although for the most part they would tell a Lye or else such words that might be giuen diuers interpretations of and of diuers vnderstandings They did also vse to cast Lots they were great Agorismers or obseruers of times in so much that if they beginne any Iourney and at the beginning they meete with a Cayman or Lizard or any other sauage Worme they know it to be a signe of euill fortune whereupon they would straight-wayes leaue off their Iourney although it did import them very much and returne vnto their Houses saying that the Heauen will not that they should goe forwarde on that Iourney but all these lyes and falsenesse haue beene taught them and they perswaded to by the Deuill are ouerthrowne and taken away by the Law of the Gospel as aforesaid and haue now amongst them many Monasteries full of Religious men of the Order of Saint Austine Saint Francis and of Iesuits According vnto the common opinion at this day there is conuerted and baptized more then foure hundred thousand soules which is a great number yet in respect of the quantitie that are not as yet conuerted there are but a few It is left vndone as aforesaid for want of Ministers for that although his Majestie doth ordinarily send thither without any respect of the great charge in doing the same yet by reason that there are so many Iland and euery day they doe discouer more and more and being so farre off they cannot come vnto them all as necessitie requireth Such as are baptized doe receiue the faith with great firmenesse and are good Christians and would be better if that they were holpen with good ensamples as those which haue beene there so long time are bound to doe that the lacke thereof doth cause some of the Inhabitants so much to abhorre them that they would not see them once painted vpon a wall For proofe whereof and for to mooue such as haue power and authoritie to put remedie in the same I will declare vnto you here a strange case the which royally did passe of a truth in one of these Ilands and is very well knowne amongst them that is there chanced to dye an Ilander a principall man amongst them a few dayes after that he was baptized beeing very contrite for his sinnes the which he had done against God before he was baptized and after hee dyed So after by the Diuine permission of God he appeared vnto many of that Iland whom hee did perswade forthwith to receiue the Baptisme with reasons of great efficacie and declared vnto them as one that had experienced the same the reward of that good deed which without all doubt should be giuen vnto them if they would receiue the same and liue after conformable and according vnto the Commandements of Christ for the which he told them and said that forth-with so soone as he was dead he was carried by the Angels into glory there whereas all things were of delight pleasure and content and did communicate onely in the sight of God and that there was none that entred therein neither could enter except he were baptized according vnto the preaching of the Spaniards of whom and of others that were like vnto them there was an infinite number Therefore if so be that they would goe and enjoy of those benefits and delights it is necessary that first they should be baptized and afterwards to obserue and keepe the Commandements that be preached vnto them by the Fathers that are amongst the Castillas and therewith he vanished away and they remayned treating amongst themselues concerning that which they had heard and was the occasion that some of them forth-with receiued the Baptisme and that others did delay it saying that because there were Spaniard Souldiers in glorie they would not goe thither because they would not be in their company All this hurt is done by one peruerse or impious man and with one euill ensample the which amongst many good as you haue in those parts but especiall amongst them in particular it ought to bee reprehended and punished seuerely with rigour These Ilands at the first discouery of them had the fame to be Mal Sauos or vnwholesome but since experience hath shewed and proued it to the contrary It is a Countrey maruellous fertill and yeeldeth very much Rice Wheate Goates Hennes Deere Buffes Kine and great store of Hogges whose flesh is so sauourie as the Mutton they haue in Spaine there be also many Cats that yeeld Ciuet great store of fruits which be very good and sauourie great abundance of Honey and Fish and all sold at so small a price that almost it is sold for nothing Also there is great store of Cinamom but no Oyle of Oliues but that which is carried thither out of the Nuoua Espania they haue much Oyle of Algongoli and of Flaxe-seed the which they doe spend ordinarily in that Countrey so that the Oyle of Oliues is not missed with them There is great store of Cloues Saffron Pepper Nutmegs and many other Drugges great store of Cotton and Silke of all colours the which is brought vnto them by Merchants of China euery yeare a great quantitie from whence commeth more then twentie ships laden with pieces of Silkes of all colours and with Earthen Vessell Powder Salt-peter Iron Steele and much Quick-siluer Brasse Copper Wheate Flowre Walnuts Bisket Dates Linnen Cloth Counting Chests very gallantly wrought Calls of Net-worke Buratos Espumillas Basons and Ewres made of Tinne Parchment Lace Silke Fringe and also of Gold the which is spunne and twisted after a fashion neuer seene in all Christendome and many other things of great curiositie and all this aforesaid is sold very good cheape Likewise such things as the Ilands doe yeeld are sold very good cheape for you shall haue foure Roues of Wine which commeth of the Palme-tree for foure Rials of Plate the which for lacke of that made of Grapes is very good twelue Haneges of Rice for eight Rials of Plate three Hens for one Riall a whole Hogge for eighteene Rials a whole Buffe for foure Rials a Deere for two Rials and yet it must bee both great and good foure Roues of Sugar for sixe Rials and the like §. II. First Plantation of the Philippinas by MICHAEL LOPEZ DE LEGASPI MIchael Lopez de Legaspe Generall of the Spanish Armada on Tuesday the one and twentieth of Nouember Anno Dom. 1565. set forth of the Hauen of Natiuitie in New Spaine and sayled betwixt the South and the West and after West-ward till he came in nine degrees in that height seeking the
carrie your selfe in the businesse for which you were so entertayned as God may be glorified our Countrey benefited your selfe credited and we in our desires satisfied And for your better instruction to proceed in this your Voyage we haue thought good to set downe our opinions what course wee thinke fit to be obserued in the same which is That forasmuch as by your owne report of the great store of Whales in those Seas wee are at an extraordinary charge this yeare of setting out a ship and men for that purpose which ship is called the Marie Margaret of London in burthen one hundred and fiftie tunnes or thereabout Our meaning is that you doe keepe company with the said ship and not to leaue her till God send you to the places where she may make her Voyage which by your report should be at a â—lace named by you the last yeare 1610. Whale Bay And God sending you to the said place we would haue you to stay there the killing of a Whale or two or three for your better experience hereafter to expedite that businesse if through extremitie of the Ice you should be put from your Discoueries And in the meane time while you are staying about killing of the Whale you may cause some of your people to bee searching the Coast with their Shallops for Whale finnes Morses teeth Ambergreese or any other commodities that may be found vpon that Coast. And hauing thus stayed a conuenient time with the said great ship for the purpose aboue specified wee would haue you then to proceed on your Discouerie for the satisfying of our expectations formerly mentioned which is to discouer further to the North Pole as farre as possibly you can and how the Land alreadie discouered doth trend and whether there be any inhabitants in the said Land and whether there be an open Sea to the Northward beyond the said land And in this your coasting the land we doubt not but you will endeauor with your Shallops to gather vp all the Whale finnes you can finde and to kill the Morses which you can come by on land and to reserue the teeth and blubber to the most aduantage that may bee the better to beare out the great charge which you know we are at in these Discoueries And to that end we haue laden in you eleuen Tunnes of emptie caske And hauing spent so much time in this your Discouerie and in gathering vp of such commodities as that Coast will affoord and as the season of the yeere will permit you then we would haue you returne for England and in your way homeward to touch at the place where you left the Mary Margaret to see if shee be not gone and finding her there and that the time of the yeere will permit wee would haue you melt your Blubber into Oile before your comming from thence to auoid the great trouble and inconuenience you know we fell into the last yeere 1610. by bringing the same hither in Blubber But if the said ship should chance to be full fished and so to be gone before your comming thither yet we would haue you stay there or at Cherie Iland some small time to melt your Blubber to which end we haue appointed Thomas Edge our seruant in that ship to leaue a Copper and such necessaries as shall serue your turne for the performing of that businesse behinde him and haue deliuered him likewise aduertisements at that place of their proceedings in the voyage and of their intent what course they purpose to take together with their opinions what course they would haue you take In these matters of Discoueries and vncertaine Voyages the varietie of occurrences and Sea dangers is such as we cannot directly prescribe a course certaine to be held yet we hold it fitting to set downe Our opinions of the needfull which are that at your first departure out of England you keepe counsell together and agree vpon your places of meetings if by tempast of weather you chance to bee separated still shaping your course directly for Chery Iland where we would haue you stay And if at your comming thither you finde the same cleere of Ice and that there be Morses on shoare then wee would haue you to worke vpon them as time and opportunitie will permit alway hauing respect to your intended voyage And hauing dispatched your businesse in that place wee would haue you depart in company together for The Whale Bay as aforesaid and to follow our instructions formerly set downe to be done in that place And hauing performed what may be done in the parts beyond Cherie Island and so returning backe againe for England we hold it fit you make your Rendezvous againe at the said Cherie Iland and there to stay the one for the other and to be killing of the Beasts there till the last of August if neede bee And if it happen that one ship doe arriue there before the other and no Morses come on shoare then wee would haue them spend the time in searching for the Lead Orâ— or any other Minerall matter that may be like to be of worth vpon the said Land And thus hauing stayed at Cherie Iland till the last of August the one for the other and not meeting together the ship so staying hauing made her Voyage wee would haue her to returne directly for England and to leaue a Note in writing of the day of her departure This is our opinion Notwithstanding if vpon better grounds you shall among your selues finde a conuenienter course to be held for the good of the Voyage and the benefit of vs the Aduenturers wee leaue it to your selues to agree vpon as time and opportunitie shall serue And for the auoyding of an Obiection heretofore vsed That the want of sufficient victuals hath beene the cause of the ouerthrow of the Voyages by speedier returne home then otherwise they would wee haue thought fit to set downe the quantitie of victuals deliuered aboord your ship in this our Commission to the intent to cleere our selues and our Agent of that imputation and to lay the blame on your selues if by default the same be euill husbanded The particulars are these Beefe 22. c 3. quarters 18li. Bisquit 30. c Beere 14. Tunnes Fish 200. of Haberdin and halfe an hundred Lings Cheese 300. c weight Butter three Firkins Oyle three Gallons Pease ten Bushels Oate-meale fiue Bushels Candels sixe dosen Aquavitae thirtie Gallons Vinegar one rundlet of twentie Gallons This proportion of victuals will last you seuen or eight moneths with good husbandry together with the hâ—lpes of Fish Fowle and Beasts that are to be had in abundance vpon those Coasts So that we hope you shall haue no cause to the contrary but cheerfully to goe forward in your businesse whereby not onely the small Barke you goe in but the great Ship may come home fully laden with one commoditie or other which we doubt not but by your diligence and good
kinde and honourable Prestaue the Duke Vollagdemor with almost weeping on his part the Ambassador went from the Emperors sled to his coach set vpon a sled and wee â—lighted from the Emperors horses and betooke our selues to our easie and pleasant passage in 〈◊〉 such a passage as this part of the World would wonder at in which a man though hee goe a â—â—â—ckney pace may as easily reade as sleepe Thus accompanyed with Master Ioâ—â— Moricke Master William Russel sometimes Agent for the Dutch and many other Merchants we easily rode that night to Braâ—teshiâ— thirtie miles from the Mosco The next morrow taking leaue of them all we continued our iourney fiftie and sixtie versts a day easily Within few dayes after wee heard newes certainly of the Emperors sudden and vntimely death which considering neither the Prestaâ—e the Gouernour or Bishop had not or would not of ten dayes after take knowledge of we might in the meane time haue doubted of but that his Lordship had it from Master Iohn Mericke by Letter particularly His death was very sudden and as it was in it selfe very strange for within some two houres after dinner hauing as hee vsually had his Doctors with him who left him in their iudgements in health as the good meale he made could witnesse for hee dined well and fed plentifully though presently after as may be thought feeding ouer-much hee felt himselfe not onely heauie but also payned in his stomacke presently went into his chamber laid himselfe vpon his bed sent for his Doctors which alwayes speeded yet before they came hee was past being speechlesse and soone after dying Before his death as speedie as it was hee would bee shorne and new christned what the cause was otherwise then the griefe inward sorrow with diuers distractions about the warres and their bad successe fearing the worst on his part onely God knowes yet who so remembers Gods iudgements or Princes policies for Kingdomes with mans sinfulnesse and considereth the one with the other may bee satisfied if not contented For the Emperours person he was tall and well bodied teaching out of his authoritie obedience of an excellent presence black and thin haâ—red well faced round and close shaued strong limmed A Prince framed betweene Thought and Resolution as being euer in labour but neuer till death deliuered neuer acting though euer plotting but in his Closet or Councel Chamber One rather obeyed then loued being feared where hee was not serued doubtlesse vpholding a true Maiestie and gouernment in euery part but in his owne minde that it is a question whether he were more kinde to Strangers or seuere and iust to his Subiects or hatefull and terrible to his Enemies A father and a Prince whose wordes counsels obseruations policies resolutions and experiments were but the life of his deare Sonne neuer aduising entertayning no not praying without him In all Ambassies and Negotiations remembring his sonnes name with his owne louing him being louely for that himselfe would bee loued vnwilling to spare his presence desirous to haue him at all occasions before his eyes I shall not doe amisse to giue a taste of the fruit sprung from so stately a Tree Being by a learned and well trauailed Gentleman diuers times particularly aduised to let the Prince take some more then no recreation by which meanes he might aswell prolong his life as instruct his iudgement and delight his minde Oh would the Emperour answere one sonne is no sonne nay I am perswaded three sonnes to me is but halfe a sonne But had I sixe sonnes then I might safely say I had one how then should I part with that at any time I know not to bee mine for any time This may giue satisfaction to any vnderstanding both of his feares and ielousies his great loue and much care It was an vsuall speech with the Emperour vpon good reason to say hee was the Lord and father of his sonne yet withall That he was not onely his seruant but his very slaue Two policies of the said Emperour I shall willingly acquaint you with for diuers reasons One was when hee caused fire to bee kindled in foure parts of Moscoâ— whereat himselfe was noted to be very diligent with all his Nobles and Courtiers and after it was quenched he sent his bountie to them all that builded anew their houses and repaid all their losses And this was but to stop the rumour then so common of his strange gayning the Empire by which stratagem of his when his people were readie to mutinie they were created anew good Subiects yet did admire his not onely care but goodnesse towards them all A second was at that time the Land was visited with a mightie famine and as great a plague some foure yeeres since whereof a third of the whole Nation is rated to haue died and the murmuring multitude said the cause was their electing of a murderer to the Empire wherefore God did thus visit them Whereupon hee caused Galleries to bee builded round about the vtmost wall of the great Citie of Mosco and there appointed daily to bee giuen to the poore twentie thousand pounds sterling which was accordingly performed for one moneth whereupon the common peoples mouthes and bellies were well stopped Here wee lodged till the sixt of May being wearied with the inconstancie and ill-come newes of flying reports whereupon the time of the yeere requiring the Ambassador resolued to passe downe the Riuer to Colmogro as well that hee might the sooner haue newes from England as happily to bee out of feare of any disaster the rumours being innumerable and vncertaine After the suspicious death of the old Emperour Boris Pheodorowich c. by the appointment of the Prince then their expected Emperour and the Counsell Peter Basman that noble Sparke was speedily dispatched and sent as Generall vnto their ill succeeding warres as their last hope indeed hee prooued so in a contrarie sense and the onely refuge to the Commons whiâ—her being come hee with himselfe presented most of his command as many as freely would offer themselues Vnder which were all the English Scots French Dutch and Flemmings whatsoeuer and with him or rather before him as least suspected Ries Vasili Euanch Goleeche the other Generall a man of great birth and in the prioritie of place to bee receiued before Peter Basman All which the now well knowne newly opinionated Emperour very graciously receiued happily not without some ielousie of many particulars Demetrius now sent Messengers with Letters which entred the Suburbs where the Commons in infinite numbers brought them safe 〈◊〉 the spacious Plaine before the Castle gate within which as daily they did vse so now were all the Counsellors in consultation but happily not in a secret Counsaile also wherein was the Emperiall Court There these Boyerens made demand for many of the Counsellors especially for the Godonoues to come to heare their right King Dâ—metrius Euanowich speaking vnto them
anchors at the ground then were we forced to set sayle and stand forth this Sound wee called Wostenholme Sound it hath many Inlets or smaller Sounds in it and is a fit place fot the killing of Whales The fourth day at one a clocke in the morning the storme began againe at West and by South so vehement that it blew away our forecourse and being not able to beare any sayle wee lay a drift till about eight a clocke then it cleared vp a little and we saw our selues imbayed in a great Sound then we set sayle and stood ouer to the South-east side where in a little Coue or Bay we let fall an anchor which we lost with cable and all the winde blowing so extreamely from the tops of the hils that we could get no place to anchor in but were forced to stand to and fro in the Sound the bottome being all frozen ouer toward two a clocke it began to be lesse winde then we stood forth In this Sound we saw great numbers of Whales therefore we called it Whale Sound and doubtlesse if we had beene prouided for killing of them we might haue strooke very many It lyeth in the latitude of 77. degrees 30. minutes All the fift day it was very faire weather and wee kept along by the Land till eight a clock in the euening by which time we were come to a great banke of Ice it being backed with Land which we seeing determined to stand backe some eight leagues to an Iland we called Hackluits Ile it lyeth betweene two great Sounds the one Whale Sound and the other Sir Thomas Smiths Sound this last runneth to the North of seuenty eight degrees and is admirable in one respect because in it is the greatest variation of the Compasse of any part of the World known for by diuers good Obseruations I found it to be aboue fiue points or fifty six degrees varied to the Westward so that a North-east and by East is true North and so of the rest Also this Sound seemeth to bee good for the killing of Whales it being the greatest and largest in all this Bay The cause wherefore we minded to stand to this Iland was to see if we could find any finnes or such like on the shore and so indeed this night wee came to anchor but with such foule weather that our Boat could not land The next day wee were forced to set sayle the Sea was growne so high and the wind came more outward Two dayes wee spent and could get no good place to anchor in then on the eight day it cleered vp and wee seeing 〈◊〉 company of Ilands lye off from the shoare twelue or thirteene Leagues wee minded to goe to them to see if there we could Anchor When wee were something neere the winde tooke vs short and being loth to spend more time we tooke opportunitie of the wind â—nd left the searching of these Ilands which wee called Careyes Ilands all which Sounds and Ilands the Map doth truly describe So we stood to the Westward in an open Sea with a stiffe gale of wind all the next day and till the tenth day at one or two a clocke in the morning at which time it fell calme and very foggie and wee neere the Land in the entrance of a faire Sound which wee called Alderman Iones Sound This afternoone being faire and cleere we sent our Boat to the shoare the ship being vnder sayle and assoone as they were on shoare the wind began to blow then they returned againe declaring that they saw many Sea Morses by the shoare among the Ice and as farre as they were they saw no signe of people nor any good place to anchor in along the shoare Then hauing an easie gale of wind at East North-east we ranne along by the shoare which now trendeth much South and beginneth to shew like a Bay On the twelfth day we were open of another great Sound lying in the Latitude of 74. degrees 20. minutes and we called it Sir Iames Lankasters Sound here our hope of passage began to be lesse euery day then other for from this Sound to the Southward wee had a ledge of Ice betweene the shoare and vs but cleare to the Sea ward we kept close by this ledge of Ice till the foureteenth day in the afternoone by which time wee were in the latitude of 71. degrees 16. minutes and plainely perceiued the Land to the Southward of 70. degrees 30. minutes then wee hauing so much Ice round about vs were forced to stand more Eastward supposing to haue beene soone cleare and to haue kept on the off side of the Ice vntill we had come into 70. degrees then to haue stood in againe But this proued quite contrary to our expectation for wee were forced to runne aboue threescore leagues through very much Ice and many times so fast that wee could goe no wayes although we kept our course due East and when wee had gotten into the open Sea wee kept so neere the Ice that many times we had much adoe to get cleare yet could not come neere the Land till we came about 68. degrees where indeede we saw the shoare but could not come to it by eight or nine leagues for the great abundance of Ice This was on the foure and twentieth day of Iuly then spent we three dayes more to see if conueniently wee could come to anchor to make triall of the tides but the Ice led vs into the latitude of 65. degrees 40. minutes Then wee left off seeking to the West shoare because wee were in the indraft of Cumberlands Iles and should know no certaintie and hope of passage could be none Now seeing that we had made an end of our discouery and the yeare being too farre spent to goe for the bottome of the Bay to search for drest Finnes therefore wee determined to goe for the Coast of Groineland to see if we could get some refreshing for our men Master Hubert and two more hauing kept their Cabins aboue eight dayes besides our Cooke Richard Waynam which died the day before being the twenty six of Iuly and diuers more of our company so weake that they could doe but little labour So the winde fauouring vs we came to anchor in the latitude of 65. degrees 45. minutes at six a clocke in the euening the eight and twentieth day in a place called Caukin Sound The next day going on shoare on a little Iland we found great abundance of the herbe called Scuruie Grasse which we boyled in Beere and so dranke thereof vsing it also in Sallets with Sorrell and Orpen which here groweth in abundance by meanes hereof and the blessing of God all our men within eight or nine dayes space were in perfect health and so continued till our arriuall in England Wee rode in this place three dayes before any of the people came to vs then on the first of August six of the Inhabitants in
with heauie burthens that shewing their courage therein they might more easily be admitted into the company of Souldiers By this meanes it happened that many went laden to the Armie and returned Captaines with markes of honour Some of them were so desirous to be noted as they were either taken or slaine and they held it lesse honourable to remaine a prisoner And therefore they sought rather to be cut in peeces then to fall captiues into their enemies hands See how Noblemens children that were inclined to the warres were imployed The others that had their inclination to matters of the Temple and to speake after our manner to be Ecclesiasticall men hauing attained to sufficient yeares they were drawne out of the colledge and placed in the Temple in the lodging appointed for religious men and then they gaue them the order of Ecclesiasticall men There had they Prelates and Masters to teach them that which concerned their profession where they should remaine being destined thereunto These Mexicans tooke great care to bring vp their children if at this day they would follow this order in building of houses colledges for the instruction of youth without doubt Christianitie should flourish much amongst the Indians Some godly persons haue begunne and the King with his Counsell haue fauoured it but for that it is a matter of no profit they aduance little and proceede coldly We haue not discouered any Nation at the Indians that liue in comminalties which haue not their recreations in plaies dances and exercises of pleasure At Peru I haue seene plaies in manner of combats where the men of both sides were sometimes so chafed that often their Paella which was the name of this exercise fell out dangerous I haue also seene diuers sorts of dances wherein they did counterfait and represent certaine trades and offices as shepheards labourers fishers and hunters and commonly they made all those dances with a very graue sound and pale there were other dances and maskes which they called Guacones whose actions were pure representations of the deuill There were also men that dance on the shoulders one of another as they doe in Portugall the which they call Paellas The greatest pars of these dances were superstitions and kindes of Idolatries for that they honoured their Idols and Guacas in that manner For this reason the Prelates haue laboured to take from them these dances all they could but yet they suffer them for that part of them are but sports of recreation for alwayes they dance after their manner In these dances they vse sundry sorts of instruments whereof some are like Flutes or little Canons others like Drums and others like Cornets but commonly they sing all with the voyce and first one or two sing the song then all the rest answer them Some of these songs were very wittily composed containing Histories and others were full of superstitions and some were meere follies Our men that haue conuersed among them haue laboured to reduce matters of our holy faith to their tunes the which hath profited well for that they employ whole dayes to rehearse and sing them for the great pleasure and content they take in their tunes They haue likewise put our compositions of Musicke into their Language as Octaues Songs and Rondels the which they haue very aptly turned and in truth it is a goodly and very necessary meanes to instruct the people In Peru they commonly call Dances Tagui in other Prouinces Areittos and in Mexico Mittottes There hath not beene in any other place any such curiositie of Playes and Dances as in New Spaine where at this day we see Indians so excellent Dancers as it is admirable Some dance vpon a Cord some vpon a long and streight stake in a thousand sundry sorts others with the soles of their feet and their hammes do handle cast vp and receiue againe a very heauy blocke which seemes incredible but in seeing it They doe make many other shewes of their great agilitie in leaping vaulting and tumbling sometimes bearing a great and heauy burthen sometimes enduring blowes able to breake a barre of Iron But the most vsuall exercise of recreation among the Mexicans is the solemne Mittotte and that is a kind of dance they held so braue and so honourable that the King himselfe danced but not ordinarily as the King Don Pedro of Arragon with the Barber of Valencia This Dance or Mittotte was commonly made in the Courts of the Temple and in those of the Kings houses which were more spacious They did place in the midst of the Court two Instruments one like to a Drumme and the other like a Barrell made of one piece and hollow within which they set vpon the forme of a man a beast or vpon a Pillar These two Instruments were so well accorded together that they made a good harmony and with these Instruments they made many kinds of Ayres and Songs They did all sing and dance to the sound and measure of these Instruments with so goodly an order and accord both of their feet and voyces as it was a pleasant thing to behold In these Dances they made two Circles or Wheeles the one was in the middest neere to the Instruments wherein the Ancients and Noblemen did sing and dance with a soft and slow motion and the other was of the rest of the people round about them but a good distance from the first wherein they danced two and two more lightly making diuers kinds of paces with certayne leaps to the measure All which together made a very great Circle They attyred themselues for these Dances with their most precious apparell and Iewels euery one according to his abilitie holding it for a very honourable thing for this cause they learned these Dances from their infancie And although the greatest part of them were done in honour of their Idols yet was it not so instituted as hath beene said hut only as a recreation and pastime for the people Therefore it is not conuenient to take them quite from the Indians but they must take good heed they mingle not their superstitions amongst them I haue seene this Mittotte in the Court of the Church of Topetzotlan a Village seuen leagues from Mexico and in my opinion it was a good thing to busie the Indians vpon Festiuall dayes seeing they haue need of some recreation and because it is publike and without the preiudice of any other there is lesse inconuenience then in others which may be done priuately by themselues if they tooke away these To the Reader REader I here present vnto thee the choisest of my Iewels My trauelling fancis hath inuited many Readers to many my labours in strange births already Qâ—ae regio in terris nostri non plena laboris Iaponian and China rarities so remote from our world are neere to our worke and their characters communicated here to the Reader not their arts alone Thou hast here also Indostan Arabike Persian
it and aske of God that he do that for you which is contained in this written Prayer because with his owne mouth he taught it his friends and I hope he will saue you I could not doe any thing else because it was very dangerous to speake the words of doctrine by such an Interpreter nay almost impossible because he was ignorant AFter this wee entred into that plaine where the Court of Ken-Cham was which was wont to be the Countrey of the Naymans who were the peculiar Subiects of Presbyter Iohn but at that time I saw not that Court but in my returne Yet heere I declare vnto you what befell his Ancestry his Soone and Wiues Ken-Cham being dead Baatu desired that Mangu should be Chan. But I could vnderstand in certaintie of the death of Ken. Frier Andrew said that he dyed by a certaine medicine giuen him and it was suspected that Baatu caused it to be made Yet I heard otherwise for he summoned Baatu to come and doe him homage And Baatu tooke his iourney speedily with great preparation but he and his Seruants were much afraid and sent one of his Brothers before called Stichin who when he came to Ken and should waite vpon his Cup contention arising betweene them they slue one another The Widow of Stichin kept vs a whole day to goe into her house and blesse her that is pray for her Therefore Ken being dead Mangu was chosen by the consent of Baatu And was then chosen when Frier Andrew was there Ken had a certaine Brother called Siremon who by the counsell of Kens Wife and her Vassals went with great preparation towards Mangu as if he meant to doe him homage and yet in truth he purposed to kill him and destroy his whole Court. And when he was neere Mangu within one or two daies iourney one of his Wagons remained broken in the way While the Wagoner laboured to mend it in the meane space came one of the Seruants of Mangu who helped him he was so inquisitiue of their iourney that the Wagoner reuealed vnto him what Siremon purposed to doe Then turning out of the way as if hee little regarding it went vnto the herd of Horses and tooke the best Horse hee could choose and posting night and day came speedily to the Court of Mangu reporting vnto him what he had heard Then Mangu quickly assembling all his subiects caused foure rings of Armed men to compasse his Court that none might goe in or out the rest he sent against Siremon who tooke him not suspecting his purpose had beene discouered and brought him to the Court with all his followers Who when Mangu lay the matter to his charge strait-way confessed it Then he and his eldest Sonne Ken Chan were slaine and three hundred of the Nobilitie of the Tartars with them The Noble Women also were sent for who were all beaten with burning fire-brands to make them confesse and hauing confessed were put to death His youngest sonne Ken who could not be capable or guiltie of the conspiracy was left aliue And his Fathers Palace was left vnto him with all belonging vnto it as well Men as Chattels and we passed by it in our returne Nor durst my Guides turne in vnto it neither going nor comming For the Lady of the Nations sate there in heauinesse and there was none to comfort her THen went wee vp againe into the high Countries going alwaies towards the North. At length on Saint Stephens day we entred into a great Plaine like the Sea where there was not so much as a Mole-hill And the next day on the feast of S. Iohn the Euangelist we came vnto the Palace of that great Lord. But when we were neere it within fiue daies iourney our Host where we lay would haue directed vs a way farre about so that wee should yet trauaile more then fifteene daies And this was the reason as I vnderstood that wee might goe by Onam Kerule their proper Countrey where the Court of Chingis-Chan is Others said that he did it for this purpose that he might make the way longer and might shew his power the more For so they are wont to deale with men comming from Countries not subiect to them And our Guide obtained with great difficultie that we might go the right way For they held vs vpon this from the morning till three of the clocke In that way also the Secretarie whom we expected at Cailac told me that it was contained in the Letters which Baatu sent to Mangu-Chan that wee required an Army and ayde of Sartach against the Saracens Then I began to wonder much and to be greatly troubled for I knew the Tenor of the Letters and that no mention therof was made therein saue that yee aduised him to be a friend to all Christians and should exalt the Crosse and be an enemy to all the enemies of the Crosse and because also the Interpreters were Armenians of the greater Armenia who greatly hated the Saracens lest perhaps they had interpreted any thing in euill part to make the Saracens more odious and hatefull at their pleasure I therefore held my peace not speaking a word with them or against them for I feared to gainsay the words of Baatu least I should incurre some false accusation without reasonable cause We came therefore the foresaid day vnto the said Court. Our Guide had a great house appointed him and we three a little Cottage wherein wee could scarse lay our stuffe make our beds and haue a little fire Many came to visit our Guide and brought him drinke made of Rice in long strait mouthed bottles in the which I could discerne no difference from the best Antissiodorensian Wine saue that it had not the sent of Wine We were called and straightly examined vpon what businesse we came I answered that we heard of Sartach that he was a Christian we came therefore vnto him the French King sent him a Packet by vs he sent vs to Baatu his Father his Father hath sent vs hither hee should haue written the cause wherevpon they demanded whether we would make peace with them I answered he hath sent Letters vnto Sarâ—ach as a Christian and if he had knowne he were not a Christian hee would neuer haue sent him Letters to treate of peace I say he hath done you no wrong if he had done any why should you warre vpon him or his people he willingly as a iust man would reforme himselfe and desire peace If yee without cause will make warre with him or his Nation we hope that God who is iust will helpe them And they wondred alwayes repeating why came yee seeing yee came not to make peace For they are now so puffed vp with pride that they thinke the whole World should desire to make peace with them And truly if I might bee suffered I would preach Warre against them to the vttermost of my power throughout the whole World But I would
not plainly deliuer the cause of my comming lest I should speake any thing against that which Baatu commanded I told them therefore the whole cause of my comming thither was because he sent me The day following we were brought vnto the Court and I thought I could goe bare-foot as I did in our Countrey whereupon I layd aside my shooes But such as come to the Court alight farre from the house where the Great Chan is as it were a Bow-shot off where the Horses abide and a Boy to keepe them Whereupon when wee alighted there and our Guide went with vs to the house of the Great Chan a Hungarian Boy was present there who knew vs to wit our Order And when the men came about vs and beheld vs as Monsters especially because we were bare-footed and demanded whether we did not lacke our feet because they supposed we should strait-way haue lost them that Hungarian told them the reason shewing them the condition of our Order Then the chiefe Secretary who was a Nestorian and a Christian by whose counsell and aduice almost all is done came vnto vs to see vs and looked earnestly vpon vs and called the Hungarian vnto him of whom he demanded many Questions Then we were willed to returne vnto our Lodging ANd when we returned at the end of the Court towards the East farre from the Court as much as a Crosse-bow could shoot at twice I saw a house vpon the which there was a little Crosse then I reioyced much supposing there was some Christianitie there I went in boldly and found an Altar very well furnished for there in a Golden cloth were the Images of Christ and the blessed Virgin and Saint Iohn Baptist and two Angels the lineaments of their bodies and garments distinguished with Pearle and a great siluer Crosse hauing precious stones in the corners and the middle thereof and many other Embroyderings and a Candle burning with Oyle before the Altar hauing eight Lights And there sate an Armenian Monke some-what blacke and leane clad with a rough hairen Coate to the middle legge hauing vpon it a blacke Cloke of bristles furred with spotted Skinnes girt with Iron vnder his haire-cloth Presently after wee entred in before we saluted the Monke falling flat vpon the ground we sang Aue Regina Coelorum c. and he rising prayed with vs. Then saluting him we sate by him hauing a little fire before him in a Pan. Therefore we told him the cause of our comming And he began to comfort vs much saying that we should boldly speake because we were the Messengers of God who is greater then all men Afterwards he told vs of his comming saying he came thither a moneth before vs and that he was a Heremite of the Territorie of Hierusalem and that the Lord appeared to him three times commanding him to goe to the Prince of the Tartars And when he deferred to goe the third time God threatned him and ouerthrew him vpon the ground saying he should dye vnlesse he went and that he told Mangu Chan that if he would become a Christian the whole World should be obedient vnto him and the French and the Great Pope should obay him and he aduised me to say the like vnto him Then I answered brother I will willingly perswade him to become a Christian For I came for this purpose to preach thus vnto all I will promise him also that the French and the Pope will much reioyce thereat and account him for a brother and a friend but I will neuer promise that they shall become his Seruants and pay him Tribute as these other Nations because in so doing I should speake against my conscience then he held his peace We went therefore together to our Lodging which I found a cold Harbour and we had eaten nothing that day so we boyled a little flesh and Millet in the broth of flesh to sup Our Guide and his companions were drunken at the Court and little care was had of vs. At that time the Messengers of Vastace were there hard by vs which wee knew not And the men of the Court made vs rise in great haste at the dawning of the day And I went bare-foot with them a little way vnto the house of the said Messengers And they demanded of them whether they knew vs. Then that Grecian Souldier calling our Order and my companion to remembrance because he had seene him in the Court of Vastace with Frier Thomas our Minister and all his fellowes gaue great testimony of vs. Then they demanded whether wee had peace or war with Vastace we haue said I nor war nor peace And they demanded how that might be Because said I their Countries are far remoued one from the otherâ— and meddle not together Then the Messenger of Vastace said wee had peace giuing mee a caueat so I held my tongue That morning my toes ends were frozen so that I could no longer goe bare-foot for in those Countreyes the cold is extreame sharpe and from the time when it beginneth to freeze it neuer ceaseth vntill May nay in the moneth of May it freezed euery morning but in the day time it thawed through the heate of the Sunne but in the Winter it neuer thawes but the Ice continues with euery winde And if there were any winde there in the Winter as it is with vs nothing could liue there but it is alwaies milde weather vntill Aprill and then the winds arise and at that time when wee were there about Easter the cold arising with the winde killed infinite creatures In the Winter little snow fell there but about Easter which was in the latter end of Aprill there fell so great a snow that all the streets of Caracarum were full that they were fayne to carrie it out with their Carts Then they first brought vs from the Court Ramskin Coats and Breeches of the same and Shooes which my Companion and Interpreter receiued But I thought I had no need of them because I supposed my Pelt-garment which I brought from Baatu was sufficient for me Then the fift of Ianuarie we were brought vnto the Court and there came Nestorian Priests vnto me I not knowing they were Christians demanding which way we worshipped I said vnto the East And this they demanded because wee had shauen our beards by the aduice of our Guide that wee might appeare before Chan according to the fashion of our Countrey whereupon they thought wee had beene Tuinians to wit Idolaters They made vs also expound out of the Bible Then they demanded what reuerence wee would doe to Chan whether after our owne fashion or theirs To whom I made answere Wee are Priests giuen to the seruice of God Noblemen in our Countrey will not suffer Priests to bow their knees before them for the honour of God neuerthelesse wee will humble our selues to all men for the Lords sake Wee came from a farre Countrey If yee please wee
desired him to thinke of deliuering the Holy Land out of the hands of the Pagans wherein he promised all his best endeauour and wished the King to send messengers to the Pope and to other Princes of Christendome for their assistance So Abaga hauing ordered the affaires of Turkie returned to the Kingdome of Corazen where hee had left his familie Bendecar the Soldan of Egypt after he had receiued such damage by the Tartars was poisoned died in Damascus whereof the Christians of those parts were very glad And the Saracens very sorrowfull for they had not his like after as they themselues commonly reported For his sonne called Melechahic succeeded him who was soone driuen out of his Dominion by one called Elsi who violently vsurping made himselfe Soldan 36. The time appointed being come when Abaga was to begin his warre against the Soldan of Egypt hee appointed his brother Mangodanior to goe to the Kingdome of Syria with thirtie thousand men being Tartars and couragiously to ouercome the Soldan if he came in battell against him or otherwise to take in the Castles and Holds of the Countrey and deliuer them to the Christians if the Soldan should shun the fight When Mangodanior with his Armie setting forward was come neere the Confines of Armenia hee sent for the King of Armenia who came presently vnto him with a goodly companie of Horse so that they entred the Kingdome of Syria and went spoyling and forraging till they came to the Citie Aman now called Camella which is seated in the midst of Syria Before this Citie lieth a faire great Playne where the Soldan of Egypt had assembled his Power intending to fight with the Tartarians And there the Saracen on the one side with the Christians and Tartars on the other side fought a great battell The King of Armenia with the Christians ruled and commanded the right wing of the Armie which inuaded the Soldans left wing manfully and put them to flight and pursued them three dayes iourney euen to the Citie Aman. Another part of the Soldans Armie was also routed by Amalech a Tartarian Captaine who pursued them also three dayes iourney to a Citie called Turara When they thought the Soldans Power vtterly ouerthrowne Mangodanior who neuer had seene the conflicts of warre before being afraid without any reasonable cause of certaine Saracens called Beduini withdrew himselfe out of the field hauing the better forsaking the King of Armenia and his Captaine which had preuayled against his enemies When the Soldan which thought he had lost all saw the field cleere and all abandoned he got vpon a little hill with foure armed men and stood there The King of Armenia returning from the pursuit and missing Mangodanior in the field was much astonied and imagining which way hee should be gone followed after him But Amalech returning from the enemies whom he had pursued abode two dayes expecting his Lord supposing that he had followed after him as he ought for the further subduing of his enemies and the Countrey which they had ouercome till at last hauing heard of his retrait leauing his victorie hee made speed after him whom hee found on the banke of the Riuer Euphrates staying for him And then the Tartars returned to their owne Prouince But the King of Armenia sustained much losse and hard aduenture in his returne for the Horses of the Christians of the Kingdome of Armenia were so wearied and spent with the length of the way and want of Fodder that they were not able to trauell so that the Christians going scatteringly by vnvsuall wayes were often found out and slayne without mercy by the Saracens inhabiting those parts Insomuch that the greatest part of the Armie was lost and in a manner all the Nobility And this misaduenture of Mangodanior happened in the yeere of our Lord 1282. When Abaga vnderstood the successe hereof he assembled all his people and when hee was readie to set forward with all his power against the Saracens a certaine Saracen the sonne of the Deuill came to the Kingdome of Persia and preuayled by giuing great gifts to sâ—me that serued neere about Abaga in such sort that both he and his brother Mangodanior were poysoned both in one day and died both within eight dayes after The trueth whereof was afterwards disclosed by the mischieuous Malefactors themselues And so died Abaga Can in the yeere of our Lord 1282. 37. After the death of Abaga Can the Tartars assembled themselues and ordayned ouer them a brother of his called Tangodor who had ouergone the rest of his brethren In his youth he had receiued the Sacrament of Baptisme and was baptised by the name of Nicholas But being come to riper yeeres and keeping companie with Saracens whom hee loued hee became a wicked Saracen and renouncing Christian Religion would be called Mahomet Can and laboured by all meanes to turne all the Tartarians to that irreligious Sect of Mahomet the sonne of Iniquitie in such sort that those that hee could not compell by violence hee aâ—lured by preferments and rewards insomuch that in his time many of the Tartarians became professed Saracens as at this day appeareth This Child of perdition commanded the Churches of the Christians to be destroyed and forbade them to vse any of their religious Rites or Ceremonies Hee caused the doctrine of Mahomet to bee publikely preached the Christians to bee banished and their Churches in the Citie of Tauris vtterly to bee destroyed Hee sent Messengers also to the Soldan of Egypt and concluded a Peace and a League with him promising that all the Christians within his Dominion should become Saracens or else lose their heads which gaue the Saracens cause of much reioycing and made the Christians very sad Hee sent moreouer to the King of Armenia in Georgia and to the other Christian Princes of those parts to come vnto him without delay But they resolued rather to die in battell then to obey his commandement for other remedie they could finde none And the Christians being now in such anguish and bitternesse of heart that they rather desired to die then to liue euen God which neuer refuseth them that put their trust in him sent consolation to them all For a Brother of this Mahomet with a Nephew of his also called Argon opposing themselues and rebelling against him for his euill deeds did signifie to Cobila Can the great Emperour of the Tartarians how he had forsaken the steps of his Ancestors and was become a wicked Saracen labouring with all his might to bring the rest of Tartars to be Saracens also Which when Cobila Can vnderstood he was much displeased thereat insomuch that he sent and required Mahomet to reforme his euill wayes for otherwise he would proceed against him Which message replenished him with wrath and indignation insomuch that he being perswaded there was none that durst gainsay his proceedings but his Brother and his Nephew
chiefe Leaders not for crueltie but for necessitie knowing very well that the meanes to cut off the Foot of ciuill warres is to punish the Heads of the same for they be Hydras which grow vp too fast §. II. Cataio Cambalu TAMERLANS expedition into China entring the Wall conquering the King and disposing of the Countrey and returne to Cataio AFter this the Armie marched into the Kingdome of Cataio a Countrey rich in grasse and in all kinds of pastures abounding with great quantitie of Beasts and People which knew not what warre meant The Prince gaue commandement that these people should not be accounted as Enemies but his good Subjects that hee would vse all the Cities well as Cangi Sochgi Gonzae Tagni Togara Congu which had reuolted and were come to sue for pardon at his hands in humbling themselues before him the which he granted vnto them enjoyning them onely to prouide sufficient victuals for his Armie which was of no small importance for the appeasing of others who had put all their hope in extremitie which is in losing their owne liues to make others doe the like and especially the Inhabitants of Cambalu had taken this resolution but being informed of the Emperours clemency changed their opinions In the meane while our Armie daily approched and at such time as we came neerest the more did the feare of all the Citie increase insomuch as the Prince was aduertised daily from those which fauoured his side of all things within the Citie and he was assured that euery one determined to obey the Conqueror and to doe whatsoeuer he commanded The which being knowne vnto the Prince he left all his Armie at Gonsa and himselfe went directly vnto the Citie of Cambalu where all things were made quiet by the meanes of thirtie thousand Souldiers being the ordinarie Garrison whom hee caused to enter thereinto before him and two houres after entred into the same himselfe being receiued with great magnificence not yeelding as yet to pronounce the word of pardon referring all vnto the Emperour and to the ordinarie course of Iustice. He stayed for the returne of one of his Fauourites whom he had sent vnto the Emperour to carry him newes of the victorie and of the death of Calix and that the chiefe of this Faction remayned prisoners with him also to know what Iustice the Emperour would appoint to bee inflicted on those Citizens which were the first beginners of the reuolt of this Citie for the Prince being desirous to be esteemed mercifull and to win loue within this great Citie would not execute justice of himselfe nor in his owne name but by the Emperour his Vncle whom hee did gratifie herein leauing the authoritie wholly vnto himselfe and by this meanes hee was not esteemed cruell Thus the Prince after hee had remayned here eight dayes departed He was not many dayes iourney from the Citie before he receiued tydings how the great Cham his Vncle willed that justice should bee executed on them which were the first Moouers of this reuolt the which was executed accordingly in the name of the Emperour and by his speciall ministers in such sort that as the people accused the crueltie of the Emperour they commended the mercy of Tamerlan Thus was this warre brought vnto an end to the great honour and reputation of Tamerlan As soone as our Prince was returned vnto his Army where hee found Odmar who there attended his comming hee was receiued of his Souldiers and with a loud voyce called by all his Captaines and Souldiers Most great Emperour and most victorious as they are accustomed to doe amongst the Tartarians The Prince after he had long discoursed with his Captaines both of the beautie and greatnesse of the Citie of Cambalu hee arriued at his Tent where after hee had declared vnto Odmar in what sort all things had passed at Cambalu he asked his aduice whether hee should goe and visit the Emperour his Vncle. Odmar well perceiued that the Prince desired it and called vnto his remembrance the honour which hee had receiued when hee was at Quinzai and that hee would haue beene very willing to spend the Winter with the Empresse staying for the Spring for to returne vnto the enterprise of China with a long speech disswaded him The Emperour answered him that he had euer knowne his fidelitie and loue and that the cause of his sadnesse was for that hee did not find in himselfe abilitie to recompence the same and that when he thought to giue himselfe some ease then was the time hee must in stead of the delicacies and pleasures of Quinzay make the Desarts of Cipribit the resting place from the trauailes of his new victorie that it was ended and his purposes determined I haue also heard the Prince say that Odmar did not speake vnto him like an earthly but diuine man and that he verily beleeued that God by his meanes did call him back from some misse-hap which would haue light vpon him to make his glorie increase the more Now the rumour was alreadie spread ouer all that the Princes determination was to goe and visit the Emperour his Vncle the which tickled euery man with desire to returne into his Countrey hoping to inioy the sweetnesse of his natiue soyle When as commandement was giuen for a generall reuiew of the whole Armie where the Emperour spake vnto his Souldiers in this manner Wee haue begunne my faithfull Souldiers an enterprise to goe and assault the King of China who hath of late repulsed euen beyond the Mountaynes the Tartarian name but wee were hindered to our great griefe by the foolish rashnesse of Calix and were driuen to turne the bridle for to punish him wherein you haue all assisted mee It grieueth mee that I cannot as well bragge of the fresh spoyles of a stranger as I may vaunt by the meanes of your weapons of those our vnfaithfull Citizens and in times past with your owne selues making tryall of my first Armes against the boldnesse of the fierce Moscouite although for this last ciuill victorie I am further indebted vnto you for your greater endeuour and the hazarding of your persons being much greater so were they our owne people who would not acknowledge vs whereof I cannot speake without shedding of teares desiring rather to burie such a victorie what glorie and honour soeuer wee haue gotten thereby Neither doe I recount these things vnto you but for to manifest that I forget not your faithfulnesse and the great trauaile you haue endured with mee Wee must not therefore bee wearie but must turne our weapons against those which thinke that wee are greatly troubled whereas wee are victorious Wee haue left our Companions who haue temporized to heare the euent and successe of our affaires all our munitions bee there wee must in that place my Souldiers and friendly Followers passe ouer the rest of Winter our Companions looke for vs. The Enemie is secure and looketh not for vs at this
weare cut Hose and Caps and blunt Swords and a Portugall that was carryed captiue the Land inward told me that he heard the Chinas say that they called these Alimenes §. II. Cantan described the publike and priuate buildings and Gouernment The shipping and Husbandry of China their contempt of the idle and prouision for impotent poore BEing to intreate of the Citie of Cantan I giue first a warning to the Readers that among many Noble Cities Cantan is one lesse Noble then many of China and farre inferiour in building then many other although it be more populous then many this is said by all them that saw it and trauelled within the Land where they saw many other This aduice presupposed it is to be noted that Cantan in his compasse is of very strong Wals very well made and of a good height and to the sight they seeme almost new beeing eighteene hundred yeares since they were made as the Chinas did affirme they are very cleane without any cleft hole or rift or any thing threatning ruine They are of free stone about a mans height and from thence vpward of brickes made of a clay like vnto that of the Porcelane Dishes whence it causeth them to bee so strong that I building a Chappell in Malaca one of these which was brought from China could scarsly bee broken with a good Pick-axe Iointly with this there is in this Citie and in all the rest an Officer of the King which onely hath care to ouer-see the Wals for the which he hath a good stipend And euery yeare when the Gouernour of the Borders commeth to visit the Prouince hee doth visit this as well as the other Officers to know if he doth well his Office and finding him in any fault or negligence hee is put from his Office and punished And if he standeth in need of any expence for the mending of the Walls the Ouer-seer of the Rents is bound to giue him that which is necessarie vnder paine that if the mending remayneth vndone he shall bee well punished For this cause the Wals of all the Cities are continually kept sound and in good reparation These Walles are within the Citie little more then the walke of the same Citie in their height which is the cause of beeing much more cooler The Wals haue in compasse 12350. paces and it hath eighty three Bulwarks This Citie and so all the rest hath on the one side the Riuer along the which as well this as the rest are built almost in a Valley and on the other side they haue a Ditch full of water of a good breadth betweene the which and the wall remayneth a good distance where there may runne together a good troupe of people and the Earth that was taken out of the Ditch was cast betweene it and the wall whereby the foot of the wall remayneth a great deale higher then the other ground Besides the ditch notwithstanding this wall hath a great blemish for it hath on the contrarie side to the Riuer without the wals and the ditch a little Hillocke that discouereth all the Citie within the wals This wall hath seuen gates the entries of the which are sumptuous and high strong and well made with Pinacles aboue not square but made like steps The other places of the wals haue no Pinacles the wall at the entring of the gates is twelue paces thicke the gates are all ouer plated with Iron and all of them haue their draw-bridges very strong which are alwayes vp and are neuer let downe but are ready against they be needfull all the gates at the entrings haue Courts and the Courts that are toward the side of the Suburbs which lyeth along the Riuer haue euery one three gates one in the front and two on the sides which remayne for the seruice of streets that lye along the wall the wals of the Courts are almost of the height of them within the gate which is in the front in the Court is like vnto that of the wals within it hath also a draw-bridge the gates which are in the side of the Courts are small The Courts that are on the other-side of the field where no Suburbe is haue no more but one gate and this not right against that of the wals but stand on the one side the streets of the Citie are all drawne by a Line very straight without any manner of making a nooke or winding all the crosse wayes are as straight as the streets in sort that there is neyther street nor trauerse that maketh any turning All the streets and trauerses are very well paued the pauements going along the Houses and lower in the middest for the course of water the principall streets haue triumphant Arches which doe crosse them high and very well made which make the streets very beautifull and enoble the Citie the principall streets haue along the Houses close Portals in the which and vnder the Arches many things are sold. The Houses of them which rule the Countrey are at the entrings very sumptuous with high Portals great and well wrought of Masons worke they haue in the fore-front very great gates like the gates of a Citie with two Giants painted with Clubs in their hands I saw foure in one Pagode which is a Temple of Idols drawne naturally from some which they say the King hath to keepe his weakest passages from Tartaria They are of great members of about twelue or thirteene spans high On the street side it hath right against the principall Porch a receite not very great It hath built along the street a good wall of a good height right against the gate that when the gate is open they that are within may not be gazed on by them that goe by the street this gate serueth not neither is it opened but for dispatching of matters of Iustice and the principall of the House goe in and out at them and others that are as honourable or more then they at the one side of this principall gate is another very great gate but not so big as the principall which is for the seruice of the House and of the Prisoners when the principall gate is shut and when this principall gate is shut they set a glued Paper crosse ouer both the leaues on which is written the name or firme of the principall of the House and for to open it againe an Officer of the House bringeth the same firme or marke on a playstered board to the Porter that hee may open it without the which token hee may not open it vnder a great punishment Entring by this gate there is a great Court and almost square which is almost a Horse-race and it hath a Gallery little lesse then the length of the gate which leadeth straight from the gate to a very great Table that stands at the end of the Court the which is all paued with square stones with leanings as high as a
Kings of Malaca he perswaded them in the end because hee promised to vse them better then the rest and therewith he prouoked them And finding among the cloathes that hee tooke a Gowne and a Cap and asking of one of those Chinaes that were taken with the Portugals what habit that was they put in his head that it was the habit of the Kings of Malaca wherefore he commanded presently to make three Gownes by that patterne and three Caps and so he apparelled them all foure in one sort to make his fayning true and his victory more glorious To this was joyned the couetousnesse of the Luthissi to see if hee could detayne the many goods that hee had taken in ships And to doe this more safely not to be taken in a lye he did great executions vpon the Chinaes which he tooke with the Portugals and killing some of them determined to kill the rest These things comming to the eares of the Aitao which was his superior he disliked greatly that which hee had done and sent to him presently that hee should kill no more of those which remayned but that he should come to him presently bringing with him all the prize as well of the men that were yet aliue as of the goods The Luthissi ordering his Iourney for to goe to the Aitao as he was commanded he commanded foure Chaires to be giuen to them to whom hee had giuen title of Kings to be carried in them with more honour And the other Portugals were carried in Coopes with their heads out fast by the neckes betweene the boards that they could not pull them in but hauing some wounds in their heads they went bare headed to the Sunne and to the Dew and were carried on mens shoulders The Luthissi went with this Prize through the Countrey with great Majestie he carried before him foure Banners displayed on the which were written the names of the foure Kings of Malaca And when he entred into the Townes he entred with great noyse and Majestie with sound of Trumpets and with Cryers which went crying the great victorie the Luthisi naming him had gotten of the foure great Kings of Malaca And all the great men of the Townes went to receiue him with great Feasts and Honours all the Townes running to see the new Victorie When the Luthisi came with all his pompe and glory where the Aitao was after the giuing him particular account of all things passed and of his victory he manifested to him his pretence and agreed with him to diuide the goods betweene them both and that he should continue the fayning of the Kings of Malaca that both might receiue of the King Honours and Rewards This being set downe they both agreed that to keepe this in secret the Luthisi should go forward in that which he had begun to wit he should slay all 〈◊〉 Chinas that came there captiue And presently they commanded presently to put it in effect and so they slue ninetie and odde Chinas among whom were some young youths slaine They left notwithstanding three or foure youthes and one man that by them bringing them to their owne hand they might certifie the King all that they would that was to make of the Portugals Theeues and conceale the goods which they tooke certifying also by these that those foure were Kings of Malaca And the Portugals not hauing the Language of the Countrey neither had any person to intreate for or fauour them would perish and they being mightie would make their owne Tale good following the end by them intended And for this cause they slue not the Portugals but left them aliue for the greater triumph of the victorie These Lothias could not doe this so secretly but many of those which they slue had kindred in the Countrey which did grieue at the death of theirs Whereby as well by these as by some Louthias that were zealous of Iustice and would not giue consent in so great euils and fraudulent dealings this matter came to the Kings eares and hee was informed how the Portugals were Merchants which came to traffique with their Merchandize to China and they were no theeues and how they had falsly giuen the Title of Kings to foure of them to the end the King should shew great fauours and doe them great honours and how they had vsurped great store of goods and that for to conceale these euils they killed men and children without fault As soone as the King was informed of all aboue said hee dispatched present from the Court a Quinchay of whom we spake before that is to say plate of Gold And with him he sent other two men of great authoritie also of the which the one had beene Panchasi the other Anchasi these two as Inquisitors and Examiners of this matter Commanding and commending to the Chaen which that yeare went to visit the Prouince of Fuquen and to the Panchasi and Anchasi of the same Prouince their ayde and assistance to the Quinchay and the two Inquisitors in all things necessary for them in these businesses The two that came with the Quinchay as Inquisitors went presently to certayne great Houses which had in the middest a great Court and on the one side of the Court were certayne great and faire Lodgings and on the other side others in the same sort Each of the Inquisitors entred in one of these Houses aforesaid The Prisoners were presently brought and were presented to the one of them who for courtesie remitted them to the other that he should examine them first with many words of courtesie The other sent them againe with great thankfulnesse So they were sundry times carried from one to another each of them willing to giue the hand to the other of beginning first till that one of them yeelded and began And as the matter was of great import and much commended to them all that the guiltie and the accusers did speake these Officers did write with their owne hands The Portugals had for a great Enemy a China man and Pilot of one of the shippes that were taken and a China youth which was a Christian which from a childe was brought vp among the Portugals for they were both made of the part of the contrarie Louthias mooued by gifts and promises the Louthias being alreadie deposed of their Offices and held for guiltie for the which they were accused before the King But though they were thus handled they were so mightie and so fauoured that they could take from the Portugals a China youth that serued them for an Interpreter which vpon their Petition was againe deliuered them They examined them in this order the accused were first brought and examined by one of these Officers and they carried them to the other to bee examined againe And while the other was re-examining the accused the accusers were brought to him that examined first And as well the accused as the Accusers were all examined by both the Officers
affaires whereby I know already that they are Merchants and not theeues as they had written to me they were And I doe not blame Merchants to helpe Merchants but I put great fault in my Louthias of Chincheo because that when any ship came to my Ports they should haue knowne if they were Merchants and if they would pay their duties and if they would pay them to write presently vnto mee If they had done so so much euill had not beene done Or when they were taken if they had let mee know it I had commanded to set them at libertie And although it bee a custome in my Ports the ships that come vnto them to be measured by cubits for to pay their duties these being very farre off it was not necessarie but to let them doe their businesses and goe for their Countries Besides this my Pontoos which knew these men to be Merchants did not tell it mee but concealed it from mee whereby they were the cause of many people being taken and slaine And those that remayned aliue as they could not speake did looke toward Heauen and demanded from their hearts iustice of Heauen they know no other God supreme out the Heauen Besides these things I know that the Aitao and the Luthissi did so much euill for couetousnesse of the many goods which they tooke from the Portugals hauing no regard whether those which they tooke and tooke the goods from were good or euill men Likewise the Louthias along the Sea coast knew these men to be Merchants and certified mee not And all of them as disloyall were the cause of so much euill I knew more by my Quinchey that the Aitao and the Luthissi had Letters by the which they knew that the Portugals were no theeues but Merchants and knowing this they were not contented with the taking of them but they wrote many lyes vnto mee and were not contented with killing of the men but killed children also cutting off the feet of some of others the hands and at last the heads of them all writing vnto mee they had taken and slayne Kings of Mallaca Which case I beleeuing to be true grieue in my heart And because hitherto so many cruelties haue beene vsed without my commandement from hence forward I command they be not done Besides this the Portugals resisted my Armie being better to haue let themselues beene taken then to kill my people Moreouer it is long since they came to the coast of our Dominion about their affaires in manner of theeues and not as Merchants wherefore if they had beene naturall as they are strangers they had incurred paine of death losse of goods wherfore they are not without fault The Tutan by whose commandement those men were slaâ—ne said that by this deed I should make him greater and the people that he commanded to be slayne after they had no heads their hearts that is their soules and their bloud required iustice of Heauen I seeing so great euils to be done my eyes could not indure the sight of the Papers without teares and great griefe of my heart I know not my Louthias seeing they tooke this people wherefore they let it not goe that I might not come to know so many cruelties and so great Wherefore seeing all these things I doe create Senfuu chiefe Louthia because hee did his dutie in his charge and told mee trueth I create also chiefe Louthia Quinchio because hee wrote the trueth to mee of the Pontoos which went to doe their merchandise in secret with the Portugals to the Sea Those which are euill I will make them baser then they which sowe Rice Likewise because Pachou did trafficke with the Portugals and for bribes did permit the Merchants of the Countrey to trafficke with the Portugals and yet doing these things wrote vnto mee that the Portugals were theeues and that they came to my Dominions onely to steale And the same hee said also to my Louthias which presently answered that he lyed for they knew already the contrarie And therefore such a one and such a one he nameth ten Louthias It is nothing that all you be banished to red Caps to the which I condemne you but you deserue to be made baser as I doe make you Chaen for taking these men thou sayedst thou shouldest be greater and being in the doing of so much euill thou sayedst thou didst not feare mee such a one and such a one he nameth nine for the taking of these men yee say I would make you great and without any feare of mee yee all lyed such a one and such a one he nameth many I know also yee tooke bribes But because you did so I make you base he depriueth them of the dignitie of Lothias Such a one and such a one he nameth many If the Aitao and the Luthissi would kill so many people wherefore did you suffer it But seeing that in consenting you were accessarie with them in their death all are in the same fault Chifuu and Chanchifuu were also agreeing to the will of the Aitao and the Luthissi and were with them in the slaughter as well those that were as those that were not in fault Wherefore I condemne you all to red Caps Lupuu let him haue a good heart because the Tutan being willing to kill this people he said that he should let mee first know it To him I will doe no harme but good as he deserueth and I command that he remayne Louthia Sanchi I make my Anchassi of the Citie of Cansi The Antexio I command to be deposed of his honour Assaon seeing hee can speake with the Portugals let him haue honour and ordinarie and he shall be carried to Chaquean where hee was borne This is the youth with whom the Portugals did defend themselues seruing them for Interpreter they gaue him title of Louthia and mayntenance Chinque Head of the Merchants that went to the Sea to trafficke with the Portugals and deceiued them bringing great store of goods a land it shall be demanded of him and set in good safeguard for the mayntenance and expences of the Portugals and I condemne him and his foure Companions to red Caps and they shall bee banished whither my Louthias shall thinke good To the rest guilty and imprisoned for this matter I command my Louthias to giue to euery one the punishment he deserueth I command the Chaen to bring me hither the Tutan that his faults being perused by the great men of my Court I may command to doe iustice on him as I shall thinke good This Tutan was also a consenter in the wickednesse of the Aitao and the Luthissi for the Luthissi and the Aitao made him partaker and gaue him part of the booties which they tooke from the Portugals that as the head he should hold for good that which they did for in truth they durst not haue done that which they did if he had not giuen consent and agreed with their
not one of these hath as long as hee liueth any charge or gouernment at all They giue themselues to eating and drinking and bee for the most part burley men of bodie insomuch that espying any one of them whom wee had not seene before wee might know him to bee the Kings Cousin They bee neuerthelesse very pleasant courteous and fayre conditioned neither did wee finde all the time we were in that Citie so much honour and good entertainment any where as at their hands They bid vs to their houses to eate and drinke and when they found vs not or wee were not willing to goe with them they bid our seruants and slaues causing them to sit downe with the first Notwithstanding the good lodging these Gentlemen haue so commodious that they want nothing yet are they in this bondage that during life they neuer goe abroad The cause as I did vnderstand wherefore the King so vseth his Cousins is that none of them at any time may rebell against him and thus bee shutteth them vp in three or foure other Cities Most of them can play on the Lute and to make that kinde of pastime peculiar vnto them onely all other in the Cities where they doe liue bee forbidden that Instrument the Curtizans and blinde folke onely excepted who bee Musicians and can play This King furthermore for the greater securitie of his Realme and the auoyding of tumults letteth not one in all his Countrey to bee called Lord except hee be of his bloud Many great Estates and Gouernours there be that during their office are lodged Lord-like and doe beare the port of mightie Princes but they bee so many times displaced and other placed anew that they haue not the while to become corrupt True it is that during their Office they be well prouided for as afterward also lodged at the Kings charges and in pension as long as they liue payed them monethly in the Cities where they dwell by certaine officers appointed for that purpose The King then is a Lord onely not one besides him as you haue seene except it bee such as be of his bloud A Nephew likewise of the King the Kings Sisters sonne lyeth continually within the walls of the Citie in a strong Palace built Castle-wise euen as his others Cousins doe remayning alwayes within doores serued by Eunuches neuer dealing with any matters Their festiuall dayes new Moones and full Moones the Magistrates make great banquets and so doe such as bee of the Kings bloud The King his Nephew hath name Vanfuli his Palace is walled about the wall is not high but foure square and in circuit nothing inferiour to the walls of Goa the out-side is painted red in euery square a Gate and ouer each gate a Tower made of timber excellently well wrought before the principall Gate of the foure that openeth into the high-street no Loutea bee he neuer so great may passe on horsebacke or carried in his seate Amidst this quadrangle standeth the Palace where that Gentleman lyeth doubtlesse worth the sight although wee came not in to see it By report the roofes of the towers and house are glased greene the greater part of the Quadrangle set with sauage Trees as Oakes Chesnuts Cypresse Pine-apples Cedars and other such like that wee doe want after the manner of a Wood wherein are kept Stagges Oxen and other beasts for that Lord his recreation neuer going abroad as I haue said One preheminence this Citie hath aboue the rest where wee haue beene and it of right as we doe thinke that besides the multitude of Market-places wherein all things are to bee sold through euery streete continually are cryed all things necessarie as Flesh of all sorts fresh-Fish Hearbes Oyle Vineger Meale Rice In summa all things so plentifully that many houses need no seruants euerie thing being brought to their doores Most part of the Merchants remayne in the Suburbs for that the Cities are shut vp euery night as I haue sayd The Merchants therefore the better to attend their businesse doe choose rather to make their abode without in the Suburbs then within the Citie I haue seene in this Riuer a pretie kinde of Fishing not to bee omitted in my opinion and therefore will I set it downe The King hath in many riuers good store of Barges full of Sea-crowes that breed are fed and doe dye therein in certaine Cages allowed monethly a certaine prouision of Rice These Barges the King bestoweth vpon his greatest Magistrates giuing to some two to some three of them as hee thinketh good to Fish therewithall after this manner At the houre appointed to Fish all the Barges are brought together in a circle where the Riuer is shallow and the Crowes tyed together vnder the wings are let leape downe into the water some vnder some aboue worth the looking vpon each one as hee hath filled his bagge goeth to his owne Barge and emptieth it which done hee returneth to fish againe Thus hauing taken good store of Fish they set the Crowes at libertie and doe suffer them to fish for their owne pleasure There were in that Citie where I was twentie Barges at the least of these aforesaid Crowes I went almost euery day to see them yet could I neuer bee throughly satisfied to see so strange a kinde of Fishing ⸪ PEREGRINATIONS VOYAGES DISCOVERIES OF CHINA TARTARIA RVSSIA AND OTHER THE NORTH AND EAST PARTS OF THE WORLD By English-men and others THE SECOND BOOKE CHAP. I. The beginning of English Discoueries towards the North and North-east by Sir HVGH WILLOVGHBY RICHARD CHANCELLOR and others of the Muscouie Trade as also Voyages by Russia ouer the Caspian Sea and thorow diuers Regions of Tartaria §. I. The first Voyage for Discouerie with three ships set forth vnder the charge of Sir HVGH WILLOVGHBY Knight in which he died and Moscouia was discouered by Captaine CHANCELLOR IN the yeere of our Lord 1553. the seuenth of the Raigne of King Edward the sixth of famous memorie Sebastian Cabota was Gouernour of the Mysterie and Companie of the Merchants Aduenturers for the discouerie of Regions Dominions Ilands and places vnknowne Certaine instructions were agreed on by him and the said Companie subscribed by Master Cabota the ninth of May the Kings Letters also procured vnto remote Princes in diuers languages and a fleet of three Ships set forth at that time vnder the command of Sir Hugh Willoughby Knight Captaine generall which went in the Bona Esperanza Admirall a ship of an hundred and twenty tunnes hauing with her a Pinnace and a Boat William Gefferson was Master of the said ship The Edward Bonauenture was of an hundred and sixty tunnes and had with her a Pinnace and a Boat in which went Richard Chancellor Captaine and Pilot Maior of the fleet and Stephen Burrough Master The Bona Confidentia of ninety tunnes had with her a Pinnace and a Boat of which Cornelius Durfoorth was Master The Captaines and Masters were sworne to doe
Ilands de los Reyes thence to make for the Philippinas After eight dayes the ship called Saint Luke was missing the Captayne whereof was Alfonsus de Arellano suspected to haue maliciously with-drawne himselfe The Fleet continuing their course in nine and ten degrees after fiftie dayes had sight of an Iland of Fishermen and many other small Ilands not inhabited which they passed by It was agreed that they should heighthen their course to thirteene degrees in which way they came on Monday the seuenteenth of Ianuary 1566. to one of the Ilands of Theeues called Goean and sayling toward it sixe miles off fiftie or sixtie Paraos swift sayling Barkes with eight or ten men quite naked met them and inuited them to their Habitations where at night they anchored The next morning sixe hundred of their Paraos came about them with victuals to sell Rice Honey Sugar-canes Plantans Fruits of diuers kinds and Ginger whereof there groweth great store naturally Their principall desire in barter was Iron Nailes giuing a large sacke of Rice for a Naile their sackes deceitfully filled with grauell and chaffe with Rice in the top These people are well proportioned and strong They fought with the Spaniards which were watering and in the time of fight would be trucking with the ships as senslesse of their danger A Mariner which stayd behind was slaine whose death they reuenged with many of the Sauages slaine in the night one of them being taken and sent into New Spaine Their name fits their Theeuish disposition Eleuen dayes after the fleet renewed their Voyage and course in thirteene degrees eleuen dayes longer and then had sight of the Philippinas hauing sailed from the Port of Natiuitie eight thousand miles They anchored in a faire Bay called Baia de Sibabas and there rode seuen dayes whiles two Boats went to discouer one to the North the other Southward A Gentleman of one of them was slaine by an Indian rashly leaping on shoare These Indians haue Iron Launces with a head or tongue a handfull and halfe long They haue also shields Bowes and Arrowes In making peace each man takes two or three drops of bloud of his arme or brest and mixe both in some Vessell together which is drunke with Wine and Water Many Paraos came to the Spaniards with a white flag in the Prow in token of peace and the Admiral erected the like in her Poope to signifie their leaue to enter These Indians are clothed but barefoot The Spaniards demanded prouision which the other promised but gaue only to the Captayne a sucking Pigge and an Egge These people are very timorous perfidious and therefore suspicious The Ilands beare Hogges Goats Hennes Rice Millet Potatoes Pome-citrons Frisoles Cocos Plantans and many sorts of Fruits They weare Bracelets and Earings and Gold Chaines and whithersoeuer the Fleet went was shew of Gold in the Land whereof they digge but for necessary vses the Land is their Money bagge The Fleet departed hence and two dayes after came to the Port of the I le Tandoia where a small Riuer enters vp which they went in Boats and came to a Towne called Camungo There they were well entertayned and had victualls set them which whiles they were eating an Indian spake some Spanish words and asked for Antonie Baptista Villalobos and Captaine Cabeça de Vaca for which the Lord of the place was angrie with him and hee appeared no more The next day the Spaniards returning found them armed threatning them if they came on shoare They minding not to deale cruelly Martin de Goyte was sent to discouer some conuenient harbour who saw the Citie Tandaya and other Townes of other neere Ilands and hauing gone sixtie miles found the great Bay where was Cabalia a Towne well inhabited Thither went the Fleet and the Inhabitants fled Onely Camatuan the sonne of Malataque a blind man chiefe of that place came to them whom they detayned thinking thereby to get some prouision but in vaine He sent forth Souldiers which brought him fiue and fortie Hogs leauing in lieu somwhat for exchange and dismissing Camatuan who had taught the Captaine the names of the neighbouring Iles and of their Gouernours Hee brought them to Mesagua two and thirtie miles off and then was sent away apparelled and ioyfull The Iland Masagua hath beene frequent but then had but twentie Inhabitants which would not see the Spaniards They went to another Iland where the people were fled with their goods Then went they to Butuan which is subiect to the I le Vindena or the Ilands Corrientes The winde draue them to Bohol where they anchored The next day they saw a Iunke and sent a Boat to it which wounded some of their men They had Arrowes and Lances and a Base and two brasse Peeces They cryed to the Spaniards abordo abordo The Spaniards sent out another Boat better fitted which tooke eight the rest were slaine or fled hauing fought valiantly In the Iunke they found white sheets painted Silke Almayzarez Callicos Iron Tin Brasse and some Gold The Iunke was of Borneo and so were these Moores All was restored their intent being to get friends and the Burneois satisfied The Captaine sent the Saint Iohn to discouer the Coast of Butuan and learne where the Cinamon was gathered and to find some good Port in fit place to build The Burneois told the Captaine the cause of the Indians flight that about two yeeres before some Portugals bearing themselues for Spaniards had comne thither from the Molucas and hauing made peace with them set on them and slue aboue a thousand Indians the cause of that depopulation This the Portugals did to make the Spaniards odious that if they came thither they might not be admitted The Captaine sent a well furnished ship to search the Coast which came to a place where the Borneo Gouernour said he had friends and leaping on shoare hee was slaine of the Indians The Saint Iohn returned from Buthuan which said they had seene the King and two Iunkes of Moores in the Riuer at anker and that the Iland was great and rich and exchanged with them fine Gold for Testons one for six in equall weight They bought Wax of the Moores but had Earth inclosed in the Cakes they also incensed the Indians against the Castilians which would haue made purchase of them but were forbidden by the King They said they had there seene Wax Cinamon Gold and other precious things On Easter Euen the other ship returned to their great ioy which had thought her lost hauing staid twentie dayes longer then her limited time They had sailed about the Iland Igla the space of six hundred miles and in their returne came to Subo a well peopled Iland and plentifull of all things The Captaine determined to goe thither to buy prouision or else to force them For Magelane had beene there and the King and most of the Inhabitants were baptised
nor Siluer And therefore I besought the King that he would punish this deceiuer Tioneg that the good iustice that is vsed in China might be knowne In the time of the former Vice-roy and Capado Tioneg and his companion Yanlion deliuered this vntruth I afterward besought the King that hee would cause all the Papers of the cause of Tioneg to be coppied out and that he would send for the said Tioneg with his processes before himselfe And I my selfe saw the said Papers and caused it to appeare that all was but lyes which the said Tioneg had said I wrote vnto the King saying That by reason of the lyes which Tioneg had made the Castillians suspected that wee sought to make warre vpon them and that therefore they had slayne aboue thirtie thousand Chineses in Luzon The King did that which I besought him And so he chastised the said Yanlion commanding him to bee put to death And hee commanded Tionegs head to be cut off and to be put in a Cage The people of China which were slayne in Luzon were in no fault And I with others negotiated this businesse with the King that I might know his pleasure in this affaire and in another matter which was this That there came two English ships to these coasts of Chincheo a thing very dangerous for China That the King might consider what was to bee done in these two matters of so great importance Likewise wee wrote vnto the King that he would command the two Sangleys to be punished which shewed the Hauen to the Englishmen And after wee had written these things aforesaid to the King he answered vs thâ—t wee should learne wherefore the English ships came vnto China whether they came to robbe or no That they should dispatch from thence a Messenger immediatly to Luzon and that they should signifie to them of Luzon that they should not giue credite to the base and lying people of China And that forthwith they should put to death those two Sangleyes which shewed the Hauen to the Englishmen And touching the rest that wee wrote vnto him wee should doe as wee thought best After wee had receiued this order the Vice-roy the Capado and I sent this message to the Gouernour of Luzon That his Lordship might know the greatnesse of the King of China Seeing hee is so mightie that hee gouerneth all that the Moone and Sunne doe shine vpon And also that the Gouernour of Luzon may know the great wisedome wherewith this mighty Kingdome is gouerned Which Kingdome this long while none durst attempt to offend And albeit the Iaponians haue pretended to disquiet Corea which is vnder the Gouernment of China yet they could not obtayne their purpose but they were driuen out of it And Corea hath remayned in great peace and safety as at this day they of Luzon doe well vnderstand The Answer of Don PEDRO DE ACANNA Gouernour of the Philippinas to the Visitour of Chincheo in China THe Gouernour answered these Letters by the same Messengers that brought them vsing termes full of courtesie and authoritie Hee rehearsed the rebellion of the Sangleyes from the beginning Hee iustified the defense of the Spaniards and the punishment that was executed vpon the Offenders Hee said that no Common-wealth can be gouerned without chastising the bad nor without rewarding the good And therefore that he did not repent him of that execution because it was done for repressing of them that thought to destroy vs. That the Visitour should bee Iudge what hee would doe if the like case should happen in China That the griefe that he had was that he could not saue certaine Sangleyes Merchants Anhayes which died among the offenders But that this was vnpossible to be remedied because the furie of warre doth not giue leaue to kill some and to saue others especially being not knowne of the Souldiers in the heate of battell That vsing mercy to those that remayned aliue condemned them to rowe in the Galleyes which is the punishment which is ordayned among the Castillians for those that haue deserued death Yet if it seeme in China that it ought to be moderated hee would grant them libertie But let it be considered said Don Pedro that this may be a cause that in not chastising so great an offence they may hereafter fall againe into the same A thing that would shut vp all accesse vnto fauour That the goods of the Chineses that were slayne are in safe custodie And that it may be seene that no other affection moueth mee then that of iustice I will shortly send them to be deliuered to the right Heires or vnto such persons as of right they belong vnto None other respect moueth mee to any of these things but that of reason Whereas you tell mee That if I will not set at libertie those prisoners licence will be granted in China to the kinsfolke of those which died in the Rebellion to come with an Armie to Manila it breedeth no feare in mee For I hold the Chineses to be so wise that they will not be moued to such things vpon so weake a ground especially none occasion thereof being giuen them on our part And in case they should be of another minde wee Spaniards are a People which know very well how to defend our Right Religion and Territories And let not the Chineses thinke that they are Lords of all the World as they would haue vs thinke For wee Castillians which haue measured the World with spannes know perfectly the Countreyes of China Wherefore they shall doe well to take knowledge that the King of Spaine hath continuall warres with as mighty Kings as theirs is and doth suppresse them and putteth them to great troubles And it is no new case that when our enemies thinke that they haue vanquished vs they finde vs marching and destroying the Confines of their Land and not to cease vntill wee haue cast them out of their Thrones and taken their Scepters from them I would be much grieued with the change of the commerce But I beleeue also that the Chineses would not willingly lose it since that thereby they obtayne so great profit carrying to their Kingdome our Siluer which neuer faileth in trucke of their merchandise which are slight things and soone worne out The ships of the Englishmen which arriued on the coast of China it was determined not to receiue because they be no Spaniards but rather their enemies and Pirats Wherefore if they come to Manila they shall be punished Finally bâ—causâ— wee Spaniards doe alwaies iustifie our causes and doe boast our selues that it cannot bee said in the world that wee vsurpe other mens possessions nor inuade our friends that shall be fulfilled which is here promised And from hence forward let them know in China that wee neuer doe any thing for feare nor for threats of our enemies Don Pedro concludeth offering continuance of amitie by new bonds of peace with the Kingdomes of
The house of the flowre of Diuine men the other to bee placed in the Hall inscribed The holy Nation of the West which wanne them great reputation this Magistrate being much reputed for learning and vertue Our wants caused Ruggerius to intreat leaue to goe to Amacao for supply which hee obtayned with a faire Ship and thirtie Rowers The Gouernour requested also that a Clocke might bee made for him But the pouertie of the Amacaons their Ship not being come from Iapon and the Colledge enioying no Rents caused him to send the workman to Sciauquin to make it there which hee tooke in good part Now the Chinois are a people suspicious of Strangers especially those ruder parts of the Prouince of Canton and much muttered at the Portugals Commerce saying they made all things dearer and the profit came but to few They gaue an odious appellation to the Portugals calling them Deuils To this Fame had added a spurre reporting that their famous Tower was the worke of Strangers which had no ground but that their house was building at the same time and the Flourishing Tower was stiled the Strangers Tower They therefore in Ruggerius absence offered great abuses by throwing stones being angrie that they kept their house shut which they would haue had made an Idoll Temple alway open to all One boy in throwing stones was taken by the seruant and brought in but at others request soone dismissed Hereupon two neighbours conspired to set a fellow on worke to accuse these strangers for seducing Children as they had done this youth his brother so they agreed and kept him three dayes with intent to sell him for a Slaue at Amacao The two neighbours offered to bee witnesses hereof The accusation was put vp in pittifull manner and the Gouernour much moued the Father fetched into Court by an Officer before hee could haue leasure to write his answer The Interpreter had filled his sleeues with stones which hee powred out in Court as witnesses of their abuses The Iudge smelt the businesse and by examination of the Tower work-man which had seene it found out the knauerie and rewarded it with terrible whipping and forbad all abuses to bee offered to them Ricius his skill in the Mathematickes which hee had learned being an Auditor of Clauius at Rome was no small helpe to them They had a Cosmographicall Map in Europaean Characters hanging in their Hall which the learned beheld with great pleasure much desiring to see it in China characters little knowing as little hauing to doe with the rest of the world They had Maps pretending a Description of the world but presented onely their fifteene Prouinces with the Sea and a few Ilands and the names of such Kingdomes as they had heard of all which Kingdomes scarcely equalled one Prouince of China They now wondred much to see themselues straightned in an Easterne corner of the world and Ricius at the Gouernours request published it in China characters and inserted as hee saw cause the rites of the world and the Christian holies They haue a conceit that the Heauens are round the Earth square and their Empire to bee seated in the midst thereof hee therefore so proiected his Description that he presented China in the midst They that before thought basely of all other men as if else-where were no King nor Republike nor Bookes began to be better conceited of Europaeans and to bee better prepared for the seed of the Gospell and might hereby also lesse feare Europaean forces so remote from them This worke hee often reuised and corrected till it came at last both to the two Royall Cities and to the Kings house The workeman at the same time finished the Clocke and both were together presented to the Gouernour who at his owne cost published the Map and soone after restored the Clocke because hee had none which knew how to order it The Ship comming from Iapon Ruggerius well releeued returned whereby the house was finished their debts payed and the building with stories the disposition of the windowes furniture faire situation on the Riuer with goodly prospect and Europaean rarities brought many euen great Magistrates to behold it Ricius proceeded to make Spheares of Brasse and Iron hee Printed also Globes and made Sunne-dyals which hee gaue to the Magistrates And by his lectures on these subiects he got reputation of the best Astrologer in the world they esteeming others by themselues The Gouernour was about this time aduanced to a higher Dignitie called Lin-si-tau hauing the rule of two or three Regions and all the Townes therein not remoouing from Sciauquin and as the Chinois are superstitious obseruers of Auguries he conceiued that he prooued the luckier man by this familiaritie with our men which hee signified when they came to him with a present to gratulate these honours In the Philippinas the newes of the Iesuites successe caused the Gouernour to send the Treasurer Iohn Baptista Romanus to Amacao with Father Alfonso Sancius a Spanish Iesuite with a Watch and other presents and letters to the Iesuites to procure an Ambassage from the King of Spaine to China The Iesuites had with petitioning brought the businesse to good forwardnesse when they receiued contrary mandates from Amacao it being likely to prooue the destruction of that Citie if the Spaniards with their plentie of Siluer from Peru and New Spaine should haue trade in China neither did this belong to the Spaniards but to the Portugals according to the Composition betwixt the two Kings made by Alexander the sixth and although they are both subiect now to one Crowne yet their priuiledges remayne distinct without confusion Thus both the Magistrate aduised and their superiour the Rector prohibited them to proceed Yet the former working was not ceased by Silence till the Amacaon Magistrates laboured with diuers reasons to diuert the Ambassage Capralis the Rector was desirous to see their house and they procured the Linsitaus leaue so that hee came thither viewed all and Baptised both the young-man before mentioned which kept the Altar and a learned man which read the China Bookes to the Fathers this called Paul the other Iohn the first China Conuerts Valignanus made Prouinciall of India hearing of this successe sent thither Father Edward Sande and Father Antonie Almeida and obtained of the Vice-roy Edward Menese an annuall stipend for this mission They came to Amacao in Iuly 1585. At the same time it seasonably hapned that Linsitau was commanded from the Court to procure of the Strangers at Amacao certaine goodly feathers for the King He furnished a faire ship and sent Ruggerius thither and brought with him Father Edward Sande who went to salute Linsitau and gaue him no meane gift of our Commodities to procure abode whereof nothing so pleased him as a triangle Glasse Hee giues him leaue to stay on condition that they admit no other companion In Linsitaus place had succeeded
Snowes from the Hills whence they spring By the heate in that Iourney of a moneth and sometimes two moneths the viands which they carrie are often corrupted before they come to Pequin for which cause they coole them with Ice and in all those wayes much Ice is preserued for that purpose and distributed to the passengers and so all things are carryed fresh to the Court. The Eunuches of those Ships sell emptie roomes to the Passengers for their gayne for the Chinois thinke it a glory to send that which goeth to the King in many ships not to giue them their full lading which is also profitable for that sterilitie of Pequin Merchants by these conuenient fraights making nothing to want there where nothing growes Ours hyred a roome in like manner for their ease By reason of the great heat they all fell sicke yet by Gods helpe recouered When they were to passe out of the Riuer in the Prouince of Sciantum they met with a hand-made Riuer which runnes out neere Pequin to the Tower Tiensin Another Riuer from Pequin or rather from Tartaria meetes it and runnes together with it into the Sea or into that Bay betwixt Corai and China after they haue runne together one day In this Tower there was a new Vice-roy extraordinary by reason of that inuasion of Corai from Iapon Hee prouided a huge Fleet for defence of Corai by which meanes that whole Riuer was full of Ships of warre and militarie tumult Ours went thorow the thickest of them without let and at length came to the Port or Banke rather of Pequin which banke is a dayes journey from the walls of Pequin And although by Art they haue made a huge Channell to the walls yet lest it should bee filled with multitude of Ships they suffer none but the Kings burthens to goe that way the others being carryed by Carts Beasts and Porters They came to Pequin on a festiuall day the Eeuen of the Virgins Natiuitie The chiefe Mart Townes in this way were Iamcheu in Nanquin Prouince in thirtie two degrees thirtie minutes Hoaingan in thirtie foure not all so much Sinceu in thirtie foure degrees thirtie minutes In Sciantum Prouince Zinim in thirtie fiue degrees fortie minutes Lincin in thirtie seuen degrees fortie minutes In Pequin Prouince Tiencin in thirtie nine degrees thirtie minutes Pequin in fortie large They are deceiued which eleuate it to fiftie Now from Canton which is two dayes from Amacao are of China furlongs fiue of which make a mile and fifteene a league by Riuer to Nanhiun one thousand one hundred and seuentie Thence to Nancian eleuen hundred and twentie From that to Nanquin one thousand foure hundred and fortie And thence to Pequin three thousand three hundred thirtie fiue in all seuen thousand sixtie fiue which makes of miles one thousand foure hundred and thirteene PEquin is situated in the Northerne border about one hundred miles from the wall against the Tartars Nanquin exceeds it in greatnesse composition of the Streets hugenesse of Buildings and Munitions but Pequin exceedeth it in multitude of Inhabitants and of Magistrates To the South it is compassed with two walls high and strong so broad that twelue Horses may easily runne abrest oin the breadth without hindering one the other They are made of Brickes saue that on the foot it stands all on huge stones the midle of the wall is filled with Earth the height farre xceeds those in Europe To the North is but one wall On these walls by night is kept as vigilant watch as if it were time of warre in the day Eunuches guard the gates or rather exact Tributes which is not done in other Cities The Kings Palace riseth within the inner Southerne wall neere the City gates and extends to the Northerne walls seeming to take vp the whole Citie the rest of the Citie running forth on both sides It is some-what narrower then the Palace of Nanquin but more goodly and glorious that seeming by the Kings absence as a carkasse without soule Few of the Streets are paued with Bricke or Stone so that in Winter dirt and dust in Summer are very offensiue and because it raineth there seldome the ground is all crumbled into dust and if any wind blow it enters euery Roome To preuent which they haue brought in a custome that no man of whatsoeuer ranke goeth on foot or rideth without a Veile or Bonnet hanging to his brest of that subtiltie that he may see and yet the dust not annoy him which also hath another commoditie that he may goe any whither vnseene so freed from innumerable tedious salutations and also he spares attendance and cost For to ride is not magnificent enough with the Chinois and to bee carried in their Seats is costly with Attendants especially and in that time of Warre it fitted with ours to passe vnknowne being Strangers Muletters stood at the Palace and City gates and in euery Street to let Mules themselues also attending the Hirers whether they would in the City which leading the beasts by the bridle in that frequencie made way being also skilfull of the wayes knowing most of the great mens Houses all at a reasonable rate There is a Booke also which truly relateth all the Streets Lanes Regions of the City Porters also with Seats to carrie Men and Horses are euery-where found but dearer then at Nanquin or other places All things are to bee had in abundaace but brought thither and therefore dearer Wood is scarce but supplied with Mine-coles we call them Sea-cole necessary to that Region cold beyond what the Glimate vsually exacteth their Beds are so made with Brick-workes that they by a new kind of Stones admit the heate of those Coles a thing vsuall in all those Northerne Regions These Northerne Chinois are some-what more dull but better Souldiers then the other Here they learned that this Kingdome is Cataio and the King of China the great Can and Pequin Cambalu For the nine Kingdomes of Mangi are those Southerly Prouinces which are vnder the great Riuer Iansuchian and sixe vpon it make vp the fifteene so great that some one of them is as great as all Italy Anno 1608. whiles we write it is fortie yeares since two Turkes or Moores out of Arabia brought to China a Lion a beast seldome here seene by Land which had an Office giuen by the King to them and theirs to keepe the Lion and that they should carry no Tales thence They in conference called this Kingdome great Catay and this City Camhalu the like we heard of others which had comne from Persia. The Chinois also haue heard of that name and still call the Tartars Lu and the North parts Pa and Pe to which Can the Tartarian Title added easily makes Canpalu or Cambalu with others for the Chinois seldome vse B. and Marco Polo comming in with the Tartars called it by their name And at
in the Citie there to stay vntill some message came from the King either good or bad We remoued with great pleasure for the desire that we had to say Masse whereof wee were depriued many moneths After we were come on shoare we set vp our Altar whereon we said Masse euery day preparing our selues for that which might betide vs. This Eunuch could not bee disswaded from that which couetousnesse had perswaded him to wit that we had brought some precious thing with vs. And seeing it seemed vnto him that he could not get vs by another way to giue that which hee desired and wee had not hee became shamelesse and two dayes before his departure he came with a great companie to our house as though it had beene to visite vs in friendship we thinking nothing of any such thing and when he was come in he began to speake vnto vs and put vs in great feare asking vs how wee durst come so farre into the Kingdome without leaue of the King and that other Eunuchs had aduertised him from the Court that wee had many other things and that wee would not shew them nor giue them to the King While he was thus talking and dealing hee commanded his men to seize vpon all our stuffe which we had in foure or fiue Hampers and to lay them all out vpon a banke which with great celeritie aboue an hundred Officers which came with him performed and in two words they vndid and opened all and with his owne hands he opened as many papers as he found to seeke that which he desired and seeing he could finde nothing that hee looked for he tooke that which hee found which was an Image of our Ladie being one of the two small ones which wee had reserued that which hee left was better without comparison and very excellent on which also hee had cast his eye hee tooke also certaine Glasses and other small things of small importance because there were no better but that which grieued vs much was that he tooke from vs a Crosse of very good and great Reliques and a Case of Reliques likewise and the Chalice wherein we said Masse which because it was of Siluer and gilt which that yeere they had sent vs of Almes from Maaco did please him and when we prayed him not to touch it because it was a thing consecrated to God which the Kings of our Countrey durst not presume to touch hee made a iest of it and the more it was told him that hee should not touch it hee handled it the more with scorne saying that though wee told him he might not touch it yet we saw he held it in his hands without any difficulty or danger By the intercession of a Mandarine that fauoured vs he gaue vs the Chalice againe but wee could neuer get the Reliques againe out of his fingers as wee desired for of all things else hee would depart with none As he and those that ayded him so willingly were searching with much curiositie and euery one catched what he could because all things lay tumbled on the ground at last they met with a Case wherein was a carued Crucifixe which was mine He began to looke vpon our Lord Iesus Christ being bloudy and wounded being a very faire and pleasant sight to our eyes and heart but very strange foule and offensiue to his sight He vsed certaine gestures not saying any word vntill he was astonished and turned his head and asked what it was Wee told him that that was the true God which made Heauen and Earth whom all the World ought to worship who died for our sinnes and to giue vs life and afterward rose againe by his owne power and ascended into Heauen He would not heare many reasons for it seemed vnto him that we were deceiued in worshipping a God that in his eyes was dead againe he looked wistly vpon it and the finall conclusion that hee made was that that which hee suspected was true that wee were very lewde fellowes because wee had the shape of a man misused with so great inhumanitie nayled on a Crosse and all besprinkled with blood as that was and that it was nothing else but some witchcraft to kill the King And though in this second point hee was deceiued yet in the first he had great reason though hee knew not wherefore since our sinnes and euill deeds made Christ to be vsed on that sort That which the Eunuch said in our house he vttered also abroad in so much that certaine graue Mandarines which fauoured vs retired themselues from vs and sent vs word that from henceforth wee should leaue that crucifixed man and that seeing now wee remayned in China we should wholly conforme our selues vnto them for as long as we kept it they durst not speake in fauour of vs because the report went that it was a deuice to kill the King But our China Boy which was a Christian before he brought vs the message answered before the Mandarine saying That this was the true God wherefore not onely wee but himselfe that was a Chinois would rather die then denye him one jot whereat the Mandarine was amazed seeing him speake resolutely of dying a thing so much abhorred of the Chinois euen to speake of it and so he sent vs a moderate message bidding vs to hide that Figure that no bodie should see it for the report that went of it The Eunuch gaue out many threatnings against vs saying that whether the King receiued the Present or not the least displeasure that hee would doe vs was to thrust vs out of the Kingdome as wicked fellowes writing a Petition to the King against vs Besides this we remayned thrust into an exceeding bad and naughty house in the greatest force of the Winter alwaies with many Souldiers within and without doores the gates being shut with hanging Lockes without suffering our Boy to goe forth to buy any thing without two Souldiers to goe with him In which kinde of liuing though still with some remission of the rigour that we were kept in at the first wee continued aboue two moneths and an halfe without any kinde of comfort or rest at any time of the day to say Masse At the end of which time the Eunuch returned to the same place Wee verily thought that our comming out of that place should not be such as it was at the least we thought we should be thrust into a perpetuall Trunke or Prison or in some worse place as the fame went and the good will which the Eunuch shewed vs. §. II. The King sends for them is delighted with their Clockes and Pictures they are shut vp after take a house are admired for learning Christianitie of China AS the cause of our trouble was the Kings not dispatching of our businesse and our conceiuing that hee misliked of our comming so all was ended by his remembring by chance to aske where the strangers
Husbands house the street-fall of houshold attends her yet is all prouided by his costs which sends money some moneths before as a gift to her for that purpose Euery mans Birth-day is festiually celebrated with Presents Banquets and iollity especially after the fiftieth yeere explete at which time they are reckoned amongst old men and then euery tenth yeere The Children then procure Emblemes of their friends and Epigrams and some write Bookes That day is also festiuall in which they are of age to take the Mans cap which is about twenty yeeres till that time wearing their haire loose But the first New and Full Moone of the yeere is most generally festiuall each man then hauing ingeniously deuised Lights or Lamps made of Paper Glasse or other matter the house seeming by the diuersified Lights to bee on a light fire They runne vp and downe also with great stirres in the night with Dragon-fashioned Lights and make great shewes of Powder-fire-workes The Chinois are white but neerer the South more browne with thinne beards some hauing none with staring haires and late growing their haire wholly blacke eyes narrow of Egge forme blacke and standing out the nose very little and scarcely standing forth eares meane in some Prouinces they are square faced Many of Canton and Quamsi Prouinces on their little toes haue two nailes as they haue generally in Cachin-china Their women are all low and account great beauty in little feet for which cause from their infancy they bind them straight with clothes that one would iudge them stump-footed this as is thought deuised to make them house-wiues The men and women both alike let their haire grow without cutting but Boyes and Girles till they are fifteene yeere old are cut round leauing a locke onely on the crowne after which they let it grow loose ouer their shoulders till twenty The most of the Priests shaue head and beard euery eighth day When they are men they binde vp their haire in a Cap or Coife made of horse or mans haire or in a silken Cawle and in Winter of woollen on the top it hath a hole where the haire comes forth and is tyed in a neate knot The women weare not this Cap but binde vp their haire in a knot and make it vp with a dresse of Gold Siluer Stones and Flowers They weare Rings on their eares but not on their fingers The men and women weare long garments The men double them on their breast and fasten them vnder both the arme-holes the women on the midst of the breast They weare wide long sleeues but the womens wider the mans straighter at the wrists Their Caps are artificially wrought Their Shooes are much differing from ours the men weare them of Silke with diuers workes and flowers exceeding the elegance of our Matrons Shooes of Leather none but the meaner sort weare and scarcely admit they Leather soles but of Cloth The Caps of their Learned are square of others round Euery one spends halfe an houre at least in combing and trimming his haire They winde also long clouts about their feet and legs and therefore weare their Breeches loose They weare no Shirts but a white Coat next the skinne and wash often They haue a seruant to carrie a Shadow or great Sumbrero ouer their heads against the raine and Sunne the poore carrie one for themselues For Names besides the sur-name of which is spoken the Father giues one to the Sonne for females haue no name but the Fathers sur-name and called as they are borne first second third in order of the Sisters by this name they are called by the Father and Elders others call them likewise from that order amongst the Brethren as is said of Sisters They in their writings call themselues by that which their Father gaue them but if others either equall or superiour should so call them it were both vnciuill and iniurious When a Boy goeth to Schoole his Master giueth him another name which is called his Schoole-name whereby onely his Master and Schoole-fellowes may stile him When he hath his Mans cap put on and marrieth a Wife some more honourable person giueâ—h him a more honourable name which they call the Letter by this any man may call him but those which are subiect to him And when he is now at the full growth he receiueth of some graue person his most honourable name which they call Great whereby any may call him present or absent but his Parents and Elders still vse the Letter-name If any professe a new Sect his Instructer calls him by a new name which they call of Religion And when one visites another he will aske what is his Honourable name to stile him thereby and we were therefore fayne to take a Greater name then that which we receiued in Baptisme for them to call vs by They are studious of Antiquities much value old Triuets of Bell metall Pictures in blacke and white Characters and writings sealed with the Authors seale for there are many Counterfeiters The Officers haue all a Seale proper to their place giuen by Humvu which they vse only sealing with red colour and if they lose the Seale they lose the Office and are besides seuerely punished and therefore they carry it with them in a sealed and locked Boxe and neuer leaue it out of sight at night keeping it vnder their Pillow Graue men goe not on foote thorow the streets but are carryed in a seate closed except they list to open the fore-part whereas Magistrates seates are euery way open Matrons seates are altogether closed but easily knowne from mens by the fashion The Law forbids Coaches and Litters Some Cities are in the midst of Riuers and Lakes in which they haue very neate Boates to passe the streets And because they goe more by water then ours therefore there Shipping is more conuenient and elegant But the Magistrates built by publike cost are as commodious as Houses with diuers Lodgings a Hall Kitchin Cells so neate as seeming Great mens houses rather then Ships and therefore they make their solemne Banquets a Ship-board passing along the Riuers and Lakes for further pleasure All within shines with Ciaram or shining Vernish in diuers colours and the Carued workes gilded in places with combined sweetes to the Eyes and Nose They honour their Masters more then with vs so that if a man haue beene anothers Scholler but one day in any Art hee calls him Master euer after and neuer sits in any meeting but at his side and doth him all honour Dice-play and Cards are common with them Chesse also with the grauer persons not altogether vnlike ours but their King neuer remoues but to the foure next roomes and the Bishops haue their Queenes They haue also which they call Poulder paunes which goe before the Knights and follow the Paunes They haue a graue Game in a table of three hundred roomes
of late of the ancient Nobilitie that haue held diuers Prouinces by right of Inheritance with an absolute Authoritie and Iurisdiction ouer them to order and determine all matters within their owne Precinct without all Appeale or controllment of the Emperour But this was all annulled and wrung cleane from them by Iuan Vasilowich Father to this Emperour THeir highest Court of publike consultation for matter of State is called the Zabore that is the Publike Assembly The states and degrees of persons that are present at their Parliaments are these in order 1. The Emperour himselfe 2. Some of his Nobilitie about the number of twenty being all of his Councell 3. Certayne of the Clergie-men c. about the same number As for Burghers or other to represent the Comminaltie they haue no place there the people beeing of no better account with them then as seruants or bond-slaues that are to obey not to make Lawes nor to know any thing of publike matters before they are concluded The Court of Parliament called Zabore is held in this manner The Emperour causeth to to be summoned such of his Nobilitie as himselfe thinketh meete being as was said all of his Councell together with the Patriarch who calleth his Clergie to wit the two Metropolites the two Archbishops with such Bishops Abbots and Friers as are of best account and reputation among them When they are all assembled at the Emperours Court the day is intimated when the Session shall beginne Which commonly is vpon some Friday for the Religion of that day When the day is come the Clergie-men assemble before at the time and place appointed which is called the Stollie And when the Emperour commeth attended by his Nobilitie they arise all and meete him in an out-roome following their Patriarch who blesseth the Emperour with his two fore-fingers laying them on his fore-head and the sides of his face and then kisseth him on the right side of his brest So they passe on into their Parliament House where they sit in this order The Emperour is enthronized on the one side of the Chamber In the next place not farre from him at a small square Table that giueth roome to twelue persons or thereabouts sitteth the Patriarch with the Metropolites and Bishops and certayne of the principall Nobilitie of the Emperours Councell together with two Diacks or Secretaries called Dunmoy dyakey that enact that which passeth The rest place themselues on benches round about the Roome euery man in his ranke after his degree Then is there propounded by one of the Secretaries who representeth the Speaker the cause of their Assembly and the principall matters that they are to consider of For to propound Bils what euery man thinketh good for the publike benefit as the manner is in England the Russe Parliament alloweth no such custome nor liberty to subjects The points being opened the Patriarch with his Clergie-men haue the Prerogatiue to be first asked their vote or opinion what they thinke of the points propounded by the Secretarie Whereto they answere in order according to their degrees but all in one forme without any Discourse as hauing learned their Lesson before that serueth their turnes at all Parliaments alike whatsoeuer is propounded Commonly it is to this effect That the Emperour and his Councell are of great wisdome and experience touching the Policies and publike Affaires of the Realme and farre better able to iudge what is profitable for the Common-wealth then they are which attend vpon the seruice of God only and matters of Religion And therefore it may please them to proceed That instead of their aduise they will ayde them with their Prayers as their duties and vocations doe require c. To this or like effect hauing made their Answeres euery man in his course vp standeth some Abbot or Frier more bold then the rest yet appointed before-hand as a matter of forme and desireth the Emperour it would please his Majestie to command to be deliuered vnto them what his Majesties own iudgement and determinate pleasure is as touching those matters propounded by his Deâ—ake Whereto is replyed by the said Secretarie in the Emperours name That his Highnesse with those of his Noble Councell vpon good and sound aduice haue found the matters proposed to be very good and necessary for the Common-wealth of his Realme Notwithstanding forasmuch as they are Religious men and know what is right his Maiestie requireth their godly Opinions yea and their Censures too for the approuing or correcting of the said Propositions And therfore desireth them again to speak their minds freely And if they shall like to giue their consents that then the matters may passe to a full conclusion Hereunto when the Clergie-men haue giuen their consents which they vse to doe without any great pausing they take their leaues with blessing of the Emperour who bringeth the Patriarch on his way so faire as the next Roome and so returneth to his Seat till all be made ready for his returne homeward The Acts that thus are passed by the Zabore or Parliament the Deiakeis or Secretaries draw into a forme of Proclamation which they send abroad into euery Prouince and head Towne of the Realme to be published there by the Dukes and Diakeis or Secretaries of those places The Session of Parliament being fully ended the Emperour inuiteth the Clergiemen to a solemne Dinner And so they depart euery man to his home THe degrees of persons or Estates of Russia besides the Souereigne State or Emperour himselfe are these in their order 1. The Nobâ—lity which is of foure sorts Whereof the chiefe for Birth Authority and Reuenue are called the Vdelney Knazey that is The exempt or priuiledged Dukes These held sometime a seuerall Iurisdiction and absolute Authoritie within their Precincts much like vnto the States or Nobles of Germany But afterwards reseruing their Rights vpon compoâ—ition they yeelded themselues to this House of Beala when it beganne to waxe mightie and to enlarge it selfe by ouer-matching their Neighbours Onely they were bound to serue the Emperour in his Warres with a certayne number of Horse But the late Emperour Iuan Vasilowich Father to this Prince being a man of high spirit and subâ—ill in his kind meaning to reduce his Gouernment into a more strict forme began by degrees to clip off their greatnesse and to bring it downe to a lesser proportion till in the end he made them not onely his Vassals but his Kâ—lophey that is his very Villaines or Bond-slaues For so they terme and write themselues in any publike Instrument or priuate Petition which they make to the Emperour So that now they hold their Authorities Lands Liues and all at the Emperours pleasure as the rest do The meanes and practice whereby hee wrought this to effect against those and other of the Nobility so well as I could note out of the report of his doings were these and such like First he cast priuate emulations
the partie whom hee meaneth to implead Who vpon the arrest is to put in Sureties to answere the day appointed or else standeth at the Sergeants deuotion to be kept safe by such meanes as he thinketh good The Sergeants are many and excell for their hard and cruell dealing towards their prisoners commonly they clap Irons vpon them as many as they can beare to wring out of them some larger fees Though it be but for sixe pence you shall see them goe with Chaines on their legs armes and necke When they come before the Iudge the Plaintiffe beginneth to declare his matter after the contents of his Supplication As for Attorneys Counsellors Procurators and Aduocates to plead their Cause for them they haue no such order but euery man is to tell his owne tale and plead for himselfe as well as he can If they haue any witnesse or other euidence they produce it before the Iudge If they haue none or if the trueth of the Cause cannot so well bee discerned by the plea or euidence on both partâ— then the Iudge asketh either partie which hee thinketh good Plaintiffe or Defendant whether hee will kisse the Crosse vpon that which hee auoncheth or denyeth Hee that taketh the Crosse being so offered by the Iudge is accounted cleare and carrieth away the matter This Ceremonie is not done within the Court or Office but the partie is carried to the Church by an Officer and there the Ceremonie is done the money in the meane while hanging vpon a naile or else lying at the Idols feet ready to be deliuered to the partie as soone as he hath kissed the Crosse before the said Idoll This kissing of the Crosse called Creustina chelouania is as their corporall Oath and accounted with them a very holy thing which no man will dare to violate or prophane with a false allegation If both parties offer to kisse the Crosse in a contradictorie matter then they draw Lots The better Lot is supposed to haue the right and beareth away the matter So the partie conuicted is adiudged to pay the debt or penaltie whatsoeuer and withall to pay the Emperours fees which is twentie pence vpon euery Marke as before hath beene noted When the matter is thus ended the partie conuicted is deliuered to the Sergeant who hath a Writ for his warrant out of the Office to carrie him to the Praneush or Righter of Iustice if presently he pay not the money or content not the partie This Praneush or Righter is a place neere to the Office where such as haue sentence passed against them and refuse to pay that which is adiudged are beaten with great cudgels on the shinnes and calues of their legs Euery fore-noone from eight to eleuen they are set on the Praneush and beate in this sort till the money bee payd The after-noone and night time they are kept in chaines by the Sergeant except they put in sufficient Sureties for their appearance at the Praneush at the houre appointed You shall see fortie or fiftie stand together on the Praneush all on a rew and their shinnes thus becudgelled and bebasted euery morning with a piteous crye If after a yeeres standing on the Praneush the partie will not or lacke wherewithall to satisfie his creditor it is lawfull for him to sell his wife and children either outright or for a certaine terme of yeeres And if the price of them doe not amount to the full payment the Creditor may take them to be his bond-slaues for yeeres or for euer according as the value of the debt requireth Such kind of Suits as lacke direct euidence or stand vpon coniectures and circumstances to be weighed by the Iudge draw of great length and yeeld great aduantage to the Iudge and Officers If the Suit be vpon a Bond or Bill they haue for the most part good and speedy iustice Their Bonds or Bills are drawne in a very plaine sort after this tenour I Iuan Vasileo haue borrowed of Alphonasse Dementio the summe of one hundred Rubbels of going money of Mosko from the Kreshenea or hallowing of the water vntill the Saburney Voscreshenea or Counsell Sunday without interest And if this money rest vnpayed after that day then hee shall giue interest vpon the said money after the common rate as it goeth among the people vz. for euery fiue the sixt Rubbell Vpon this there are Witnesses Micheta Sydroueskoy c. Subscribed This Bill haue I written Gabriel Iacouelesni in the yeere 7096. The Witnesses and Debter if hee can write endorse their names on the backeside of the Bill Other signing or sealing haue they none When any is taken for a matter of Crime as Treason Murder Theft and such like he is first brought to the Duke and Diack that are for the Prouince where the partie is attached by whom hee is examined The manner of examination in such cases is all by torture as scourging with whips made of sinowes or whitleather called the Pudkey as big as a mans finger which giueth a sore lash and entreth into the flesh or by tying to a Spit and rosting at the fire sometimes by Breaking and wresting one of their ribs with a paire of hot Tongs or cutting their flesh vnder the nayles and such like The examination thus taken with all the proofes and euidences that can bee alleaged against the partie it is sent vp to the Mosko to the Lord of the Chetfird or Fourth part vnder whom the Prouince is and by him is presented to the Counsell-table to be read and sentenced there where onely Iudgement is giuen in matter of life and death and that by euidence vpon information though they neuer saw nor heard the partie who is kept still in prison where the fact was committed and neuer sent vp to the place where hee is tryed If they finde the partie guilty they giue Sentence of death according to the qualitie of the fact which is sent downe by the Lord of the Chetfird to the Duke and Diack to bee put in execution The Prisoner is carried to the place of execution with his hands bound and a Waxe candle burning held betwixt his fingers Their Capitall punishments are hanging heading knocking on the head drowning putting vnder the Ice setting on a stake and such like But for the most part the Prisoners that are condemned in Summer are kept for the Winter to be knockt in the head and put vnder the Ice This is to bee vnderstood of common persons For theft and murder If they bee committed vpon a poore Mousick by one of Nobilitie are not lightly punished nor yet is hee called to any account for it Their reason is because they are accounted their Kolophey or Bond-slaues If by some Sinaboiarskey or Gentleman Souldier a murder or theft bee committed peraduenture hee shall bee imprisoned at the Emperours pleasure If the manner of the fact be very notorious hee is whipped perchance and this is commonly all
being ended the Bridegroome taketh the Bride by the hand and so they goe on together with their friends after them towards the Church porch Where meet them certaine with pots and cups in their hands with Mead and Russe Wine Whereof the Bridegroome taketh first a Charke or little cup full in his hand and drinketh to the Bride who opening her Hood or Vale below and putting the Cup to her mouth vnderneath it for being seene of the Bridegroome pledgeth him againe Thus returning all together from the Church the Bridegroome goeth not home to his owne but to his Fathers house and shee likewise to hers where either entertayne their friends apart At the entring into the House they vse to fling Corne out of the windowes vpon the Bridegroome and Bride in token of plentie and fruitfulnesse to bee with them euer after When the Euening is come the Bride is brought to the Bridegroomes Fathers house and there lodgeth that night with her Vayle or couer still ouer her head All that night she may not speake one word for that charge shee receiueth by tradition from her Mother and other Matrons her friends that the Bridegroome must neither heare nor see her till the day after the marriage Neither three dayes after may she bee heard to speake saue certaine few words at the Table in a set forme with great manners and reuerence to the Bridegroome If shee behaue herselfe otherwise it is a great prejudice to her credit and life euer after and will highly bee disliked of the Bridegroome himselfe After the third day they depart to their owne and make a Feast to both their friends together The marriage day and the whole time of their festiuall the Bridegroome hath the honour to be called Moloday Knez or young Duke and the Bride Moloday Knezay or young Dutchesse In liuing with their wiues they shew themselues to be but of a barbarous condition vsing them as seruants rather then wiues Except the Noble-women which are or seeme to bee of more estimation with their husbands then the rest of meaner sort They haue this foule abuse contrary to good order and the Word of God it selfe that vpon dislike of his wife or other cause whatsoeuer the man may goe into a Monasterie and shire himselfe a Frier by pretence of deuotion and so leaue his wife to shift for her selfe so well as shee can THe other Ceremonies of their Church are many in number especially the abuse about the signe of the Crosse which they set vp in their high wayes in the tops of their Churches and in euery doore of their houses signing themselues continually with it on their foreheads breasts with great deuotion as they will seeme by their outward gesture Which were lesse offence if they gaue not withall that religious reuerence and worship vnto it which is due to God onely and vsed the dumbe shew and signing of it instead of thanksgiuing and of all other duties which they owe vnto God When they rise in the morning they goe commonly in the sight of some steeple that hath a Crosse on the top and so bowing themselues towards the Crosse signe themselues withall on their foreheads and breasts And this is their thanksgiuing to God for their nights rest without any word speaking except peraduenture they say Aspody Pomeluy or Lord haue mercie vpon vs. When they sit downe to meat and rise againe from it the thanksgiuing to God is the crossing of their foreheads and brests Except it be some few that adde peraduenture a word or two of some ordinary prayer impertinent to that purpose When they are to giue an oath for the deciding of any controuersie at Law they doe it by swearing by the Crosse and kissing the feet of it making it as God whose name onely is to bee vsed in such triall of Iustice. When they enter into any house where euer there is an Idoll hanging on the wall they signe themselues with the Crosse and bow themselues to it When they begin any worke bee it little or much they arme themselues first with the signe of the Crosse. And this commonly is all their prayer to God for good speed of their businesse And thus they serue God with crosses after a crosse and vaine manner notwithstanding what the Crosse of Christ is nor the power of it And yet they thinke all strangers Christians to be no better then Turkes in comparison of themselues and so they will say because they bow not themselues when they meet with the Crosse nor signe themselues with it as the Russe manner is They haue Holy-water in like vse and estimation as the Popish Church hath But heerein they exceed them in that they doe not onely hollow their Holy-water stockes and tubs full of water but all the Riuers of the Countrey once euery yeere At Mosko it is done with great pompe and solemnitie the Emperour himselfe being present at it with all his Nobilitie marching through the streets towards the Riuer of Moskua in manner of Procession in this order as followeth First goe two Deacons with banners in their hands the one of Precheste or our Lady the other of Saint Michael fighting with his Dragon Then follow after the rest of the Deacons and the Priests of Mosko two and two in a ranke with Coaps on their backes and their Idols at their brests carried with girdles or slings made fast about their necks Next the Priests come their Bishops in their Pontificalibus then the Friers Monkes and Abbots and after the Patriarches in very rich attire with a Ball or Sphere on the top of his Myter to signifie his vniuersalitie ouer that Church Last commeth the Emperour with all his Nobilitie The whole traine is of a mile long or more When they are come to the Riuer a great hole is made in the Ice where the Market is kept of a road and a halfe broad with a stage round about it to keepe off the presse Then beginneth the Patriarch to say certaine prayers and coniureth the Deuill to come out of the water and so casting in Salt and censing it with Frankincense maketh the whole Riuer to become Holy-water The morning before all the people of Mosko vse to make crosses of chaulke ouer euery doore and window of their houses least the Deuill being coniured out of the water should flye into their houses When the Ceremonies are ended you shal see the black Guard of the Emperors house then the rest of the Towne with their pailes and buckets to take off the hallowed water for drinke and other vses You shall also see the women dip in their children ouer head and eares and many men and women leape into it some naked some with their clothes on when some man would thinke his finger would freeze off if he should but dip it into the water When the men haue done they bring their horse to the Riuer to drinke of the sanctified water and
is the greater the Crueltie or Intemperancie that is vsed in that Countrey I will not speake of it because it is so foule and not to be named The whole Countrey ouerfloweth with all sinne of that kind And no maruell as hauing no Law to restraine Whoredomes Adulteries and like vncleannesse of life As for the truth of his word as some say the Russe neither beleeueth any thing that another man speaketh nor speaketh any thing himselfe worthy to bee beleeued These qualities make them very odious to all their Neighbours specially to the Tartars that account themselues to be honest and just in comparison of the Russe It is supposed by some that doe well consider of the State of both Countries that the offence they take at the Russe Gouernment and their manner of behauiour hath beene a great cause to keepe the Tartar still Heathenish and to mislike as he doth of the Christian profession To the Reader I Thought good here to giue an account of my course Hauing spent much time in that other World so little known to This Tartaria and China that the parts least known might be made best known I haue comne neerer home to Russia and her neighbours the neerer or Chrim Tartars the Samoyeds and others whereof Doctor Fletchers Story being so elaborate where though the centre bee Russia yet his circumference is more generall and by men iudicious which haue in those parts enioyed most honourable employment and exactest intelligence commended I haue giuen him the first place And if some terme bee mollified or some few things omitted it is not to defraud Thee of the Historie which for substance is whole as by perùsall is found but not to defraud our industrious Countrymen in their merchandizing mysterie wherein some perhaps would hence seeke occasion of vndermining For like cause I haue giuen the next place to Captaine Edge the one our gowned Generall by Land the other in his generall Historie also by Sea as deserued by his ten yeeres Voyages and his other Merits As for the question of Willoughbies Land I list not to dispute it but I thinke neither Hollander as is also confessed by the French Booke called The Historie of Spitsberghe on the Dutch behalfe nor any other haue found any such Lands as his Storie describes but some part of those which now with a generall name wee call Greenland howsoeuer the makers of Maps and Globes may create Lands and Ilands at pleasure especially in vnknowne places and the first setled ordinary and orderly Voyages for the Whale-killing and the most for discouerie in those parts haue beene made by the English their gaynes awakening the Hollander to that enterprise and that also as elsewhere in the World by English guides That which I most grieue at in this contention is the detention of further discouery to the Pole and beyond where it is not likely to be colder then here and at the Arctike circle as in the Red Sea Ormus and the Countrey about Balsara on this side the Tropike is found greater heat then vnder the Line it selfe the desire of gayne euery where causing debate and consequently losse of the best gaine both in Earth and Heauen Merchants might get the World and giue vs the World better if Charitie were their Needle Grace their Compas Heauen their Hauen and if they would take their height by obseruing the Sunne of Righteousnesse in the Scripture-astrolabe and sounding their depth by a Leading Faith and not by a Leadden bottomlesse Couetousnesse that is if they would seeke the Kingdome of Heauen first all things should bee added they should finde World enough in the Indian and Polare Worlds and wee and they should arriue at better knowledge of the Creator and Creatures And of all men that I may a little further answere that Historie of Spitsberghe I would be glad to see agreement betwixt the English and Dutch both because I honour that Nation as hath appeared in this whole worke of Voyages in which and of which the Dutch are so great a part and because in Region Religion Originall Nation ingenious and ingenuous disposition and that which here brings both on our Stage the glory of Nauigation they are so neere vs and worthie to be honored It is true that euery where the English hath beene the elder Brother a Doctor and Ductor to the Hollanders in their Martiall feats at home and Neptunian exploits abroad that I mention not their permitted wealthie fishing on the English shoare whom had they followed with as true and due respect as with happie successe quarrels had not so distracted and distorted both sides I appeale to Dutch ingenuitie if euer they did any thing wholly New but giue names in remotest Nauigations without English lights Columbus an Italian had the honour of finding America and the Spaniards the happinesse But for the North America and the whole Northern New World Cabota borne or bred at least in England was either Actor or Author For the Dutch I haue shewed for the compassing of the World and for the East Indies before that our Drake Candish Mellis Dauis Adams c. were their Fore-runners Pilots and Guides Yea their New-found Land Voyages and all the Northerne coast of America were discouered by Sebastian Cabota and other Englishmen I adde their New Straights Southwards from those of Magelane were discouered before by Drake as in the Map of Sir Francis Drakes Voyage presented to Queene Elizabeth still hanging in His Maiesties Gallerie at White Hall neere the Priuie Chamber and by that Map wherein is Cabotas Picture the first and great Columbus for the Northerne World may be seene In which Map the South of the Magelane Straits is not a Continent but many Ilands and the very same which they haue stiled in their Straits Barneuels Ilands had long before beene named by the most auspicate of Earthly Names and let themselues be Iudges with which the other is as little worthie to be mentioned as a kind Mother and an vnkind Traitor The Name Elizabeth is expressed in golden Letters with a golden Crowne Garter and Armes affixed The words ascribed thereunto are these Cum omnes ferè hanc partem Aâ—stralem Continentem esse putent pro certo sciant Insulas esse Nauigantibus peruias earumque australissimam ELIZABETHAM à D. Francisco Draco Inuentore dictam esse The same height of 57. degrees and South-easterly situation from the Magelan Westerne Mouth giue further euidence And my learned friend Master Brigges told me that he hath seene this plot of Drakes Voyage cut in Siluer by a Dutchman Michael Mercator Nephew to Gerardus many yeeres before Scouten or Maire intended that Voyage As for Noua Zemla by Stephen Burrough and others long before discouered they also haue giuen new names which I enuie not onely I feare a vae soli and hate ingratitude both ours and theirs But too much of this Next to this more generall Discourse shall follow the
abroad in the Towne it was also carryed to the Princes Court in the Hage at which time the Lord Chancellour of Denmarke Ambassadour for the sayd King was then at Dinner with Prince Maurice for the which cause we were presently fetcht thither by the Scout and two of the Burgers of the Towne and there in the presence of those Ambassadours and the Burger-masters wee made rehearsall of our Iourney both forwards and backwards I thought good to adde hither for Barents or Barentsons sake certaine Notes which I haue found the one Translated the other Written by him amongst Master Hakluyts Paper This was Written by William Barentson in a loose Paper which was lent mee by the Reuerend Peter Plantius in Amsterdam March the seuen and twentieth 1609. THe foure and twentieth of August Stilo nouo 1595. wee spake with the Samoieds and asked them how the Land and Sea did lye to the East of Way-gates They sayd after fiue dayes iourney going North-east wee should come to a great Sea going South-east This Sea to the East of Way-gates they sayd was called Marmoria that is to say A calme Sea And they of Ward-house haue told vs the same I asked them if at any time of the yeere it was frozen ouer They sayd it was And that sometimes they passed it with Sleds And the first of September 1595. Stilo nouo the Russes of the Lodie or Barke affirmed the same saying that the Sea is sometimes so Frozen that the Lodies or Barkes going sometimes to Gielhsidi from Pechora are forced there to Winter which Gielhsidi was wonne from the Tartars three yeeres past For the Ebbe and Flood there I can finde none but with the Winde so runneth the streame The third of September Stilo nouo the winde was South-west and then I found the water higher then with the winde at North or North-east Mine opinion is grounded on Experience That if there bee a passage it is small or else the Sea could not rise with a Southerly Winde And for the better proofe to know if there were a Flood and Ebbe the ninth of September Stilo nouo I went on shoare on the South end of the States Iland where the Crosse standeth and layd a Stone on the brinke of the Water to proue whether there were a Tide and went round about the Iland to shoote at a Hare and returning I found the Stone as I left it and the Water neither higher nor lower which prooueth as afore that there is no Flood nor Ebbe CHAP. VI. A Treatise of IVER BOTY a Gronlander translated out of the Norsh Language into High Dutch in the yeere 1560. And after out of High Dutch into Low Dutch by WILLIAM BARENTSON of Amsterdam who was chiefe Pilot aforesaid The same Copie in High Dutch is in the hands of IODOCVS HONDIVS which I haue seene And this was translated out of Low Dutch by Master WILLIAM STERE Marchant in the yeere 1608. for the vse of me HENRIE HVDSON WILLIAM BARENTSONS Booke is in the hands of Master PETER PLANTIVS who lent the same vnto me INprimis it is reported by men of Wisedome and Vnderstanding borne in Gronland That from Stad in Norway to the East part of Island called Horn-nesse is seuen dayes sayling right West Item men shall know that betweene Island and Gronland lyeth a Riffe called Gombornse-skare There were they wont to haue there passage for Gronland But as they report there is Ice vpon the same Riffe come out of the long North Bottome so that we cannot vse the same old Passage as they thinke Item from Long-nesse on the East side of Island to the abouesaid Horn-nesse is two dayes sayle to the Brimstone Mount Item if you goe from Bergen in Norway the course is right West till you bee South of Rokenesse in Island and distant from it thirteene miles or leagues And with this course you shall come vnder that high Land that lyeth in the East part of Groneland and is called Swafster A day before you come there you shall haue sight of a high Mount called Huit-sarke and betweene Whitsarke and Groneland lyeth a Head-land called Hernoldus Hooke and thereby lyeth an Hauen where the Norway Merchants Ships were wont to come and it is called Sound Hauen Item if a man will sayle from Island to Gronland hee shall set his course to Snofnesse which is by West Rokenesse thirteene miles or leagues right West one day and nights sayling and after South-west to shun the Ice that lyeth on Gombornse-skare and after that one day and night North-west So shall hee with this course fall right with the abouesayd Swafster which is high Land vnder which lyeth the aforesayd Head-land called Hornoldus Hooke and the Sound Hauen Item the Easter Dorpe of Groneland lyeth East from Hernoldus hooke but neere it and is called Skagen Ford and is a great Village Item from Skagen Ford East lyeth a Hauen called Beare Ford it is not dwelt in Iâ— the mouth thereof lyeth a Riffe so that great Ships cannot harbour in it Item there ir great abundance of Whales and there is a great Fishing for the killing of them there but not without the Bishops consent which keepeth the same for the benefit of the Cathedrall Church In the Hauen is a great Swalth and when the Tide doth runne out all the Whales doe runne into the sayd Swalth Item East of Beare Ford lyeth another Hauen câ—lled Allabong Sound and it is at the mouth narrow but farther in very wide The length whereof is such that the end thereof is not yet knowne There runneth no Streame It lyeth full of little Iles. Fowle and Oxen are there common and it is playne Land on both sides growne ouer with greene Grasse Item East from the Icie Mountayne lyeth an Hauen called Fendebother so named because in Saint Olafes time there was a Ship cast away as the speach hath beene in Groneland In which Ship was drowned one of Saint Olafes men with others and those that were saued did burie those that were drowned and on their Graues did set great stone Crosses which wee see at this day Item somwhat more East toward the Icie Mountayne lyeth a high Land called Corse Hought vpon which they Hunt white Beares but not wiâ—hout the Bishops leaue for it belongeth to the Cathedrall Church And from thence more Easterly men see nothing but Ice and Snow both by land and water Now wee shall returne againe to Hernoldus Hooke where we first began to come to the first Towne that lyeth on the East side of Hernoldus Hooke called Skagen Ford and so we will write the Names of all that lye on the West-side of the Ford or Sound Item West from Hernoldus Hooke lyeth a Dorpe called Kodosford and it is well built and as you sayle into the Sound you shall see on the right hand a great Sea and a Marsh and into this Sea runneth
pleasant Woods wherein diuers sorts of wilde beasts doe breed as Panthers Ounces Foxes Sables and Marterns Now Pohemy is distant from Tobolsca about two weekes Iourney toward the North-east Yrtis with almost the like distance from Tobolsca falleth into the Oby And at the mouth of it was builded a Towne called Olscoygorod but afterward razed downe by commandement of the Gouernour of Siberia The cause whereof was not then knowne which notwithstanding I guesse to haue been either the extremity of the cold or that the Towne stood rer vnto the Sea then they thought fit and feared lest some inconuenience might grow thereby for which cause about fiftie leagues aboue that razed Towne they builded another vpon an Iland of the Riuer Oby called Zergolta From hence sayling vp the Riuer they vse small sayles either because winds blow faintly or for the highnesse of the shoare so that though the Oby bee almost euery where very broad notwithstanding they drew their Boats in it with ropes altogether after the same sort that they trauell vp the Riuers of Moscouia Two hundred leagues aboue Zergolta they came to Noxinscoi a Castle builded thirteene yeers agoe at which time the Gouernour sent certaine men thither out of Siberia to seeke ouâ— Countries profitable for mankind and fit to build Townes in Wherefore at that time they builded this Castle and furnished it with a certaine Garrison in a very pleasant wholsome warme and fertile soyle and wherein were great store of Beasts and Fowles of rare kinds The very Castle being situated toward the South-east by little and little grew to be a Citie The Inhabitants whereof were enioyned to proceed by degrees into further and more temperate Countries and to trafficke truely in euery place and courteously and kindly to entreat all people that they met withall whereby at length they might more largely extend the Dominion and spread abroad the Russian Name Wherefore flocking thither in great numbers and piercing into the Inland foure hundred leagues they found goodly Countries but not inhabited And whereas ten yeeres past hauing sayled two hundred leagues vp the Riuer Oby they lighted vpon a Countrey very fruitfull and pleasant which was very temperate and free from all discommodities and the Winters very short and in a manner none at all They tooke occasion thereupon to returne into Siberia to send word of these things into Moscouia Boris Godonoua was then Emperor there who hauing receiued such good tidings forthwith commanded the Gouernour of Siberia that with all speed hee should cause a Citie to bee builded there The Gouernour obeyed and there was a Castle builded vpon his commandement with certaine houses adioyned so that now it is a large Citie The name thereof is Tooma because they vnderstood that a great multitude of Tartars in times past were seated there of whom this Citie tooke that name for the pleasantnesse of the situation thereof And it is reported that these Tartars had at that time a King whose name was Altin Whereby it came to passe that the Citie which was first builded held out many assaults of sundry people that dwelt in those Champion Countreyes And now this Citie is so mightie that in processe of time some reasonable great Kingdome is likely to grow out off it Furthermore betweene this Castle of Noxinscoi and the Citie Tooma and Siberia the Moscouites daily doe discouer many people dwelling in the In-land parts some of whom call themselues Ostachies and now are growne into one bodie with the Tartars Samoieds and Russes liuing friendly together they haue many Kings among them almost like vnto the Indians I speake of the pettie Kings not of the greater Kings of India And to bee briefe the Moscouites haue proceeded so farre into that mayne Land that we haue just cause to maruell thereat Moreouer there are many Castles and Townes betweene the Riuers of Obi and Yrtis builded almost at the same time when Tobolsca was and are now proper Townes whose Inhabitants are Moscouites Tartars and Samoieds of their kind which we call The tame Samoieds in respect of those which are altogether wild And the first of the Townes is Tara from which place it is neere ten dayes iourney between Obi and Yrtis Then Iorgoetum builded about fifteene yeares past Besobia and Mangansoiscoigorod both of them builded aboue Iorgoetum toward the South The Inhabitants that dwell on the west side of the Riuer Obi seeke daily to discouer more and more On this side of Obi are seated the Cities Tobolsca Siberia Beresaia and certaine others builded vpon certaine Riuers and more are builded daily Beyond Obi are Narim Tooma and diuers other Cities the Inhabitants whereof insteed of Horses vse Reyne Deere or exceeding swift Dogs which they fatten with diuers kinds of fishes and especially with Thornebacks because they thinke they be made the stronger with that kinde of food Iorgoetum whereof I spake before is builded in an Iland of the Riuer Obi. Also aboue Narim as men trauaile toward the East they meete with the Riuer Telta on the banke whereof they haue builded a Castle named Comgof-scoi The garâ—ison Souldiers of which Castle together with the Inhabitants of Narâ—m about seuen yeeres past were commanded by the Gouernour of Siberia to trauell East and diligently to search what vnknowne Nations dwelt in those parts Therefore trauelling through certaine vast Deserts for the space of tenne weekes or there abouts passing in the way through many faire Countreys many Woods and Riuers at length they espied certaine Cottages set vp in the fields and certaine Hords or Companies of people But because they had Samoieds and Tartars for their guides which were acquainted with those places they were not afraid The people came vnto them reuerently and with humble behauiour and signified by the Samoieds and Tartars that they were called Tingoesi and that their dwelling was vpon the banke of the great Riuer Ieniscè which they said did spring from the South South-east but that they knew not the head thereof These people were deformed with swellings vnder their throats and in their speech they thratled like Turkie-cocks Their language seemed not much to differ from the Samoieds which also vnderstood many of their words Ieniscè being a Riuer farre bigger then Obi hath high mountaines on the East among which are some that cast out fire and brimstone The Countrey is plaine to the West and exceeding fertile stored with plants flowers and trees of diuers kinds Also many strange fruits do grow therein and there is great abundance of rare Fowles Ieniscè in the spring ouerfloweth the fields about seuentie leagues in like manner as they report vnto vs as Nilus doth Egipt Wherwith the Tingoesi being well acquainted doe keepe beyond the Riuer and in the mountaines vntill it decrease and then returne and bring downe their heards of Cattell into the plaines The Tingoesi being a very gentle people by the perswasion of the
each Tent. This worke of pitching the Tents belongeth vnto the Women In the meane time the men vnyoake the Deere and turne them loose to digge through the Snow bee it neuer so deepe for their food and sustenance Then the Samoieds of euery Tent one out of the next Wood prouide as much Fuell as shall 〈…〉 turnes for their abode there First they set on Kettles full of Snow water which being melted they drinke thereof euery one a good draught then they seeth their Supper vsing as before Snow water melted for their Drinke Our lodgings were vpon the Snow within our Tents round about the Fire hauing vnder vs for our Beds the skinnes of Deere couered with our day apparell For all the time of our journey the Merchants whether Stranger Russe or Permac according to the number of them make prouision of Victuals to feed the whole familie in euery Tent euery man his day about together with the Samoieds their Wiues and Children who carrie all their Houshold euery where with them and out of their Sonnes and Daughters they appoint a watch ouer their Deere for feare of the Wolfe and other Beasts which notwithstanding their watch sometimes kill in a night one or two of their Deere as it fell out two nights in our journey to Slobotca This Slobotca is a pretie Towne hauing in December and Ianuarie great resort of people repayring thither as well Rich Russes out of many places with money to buy Furres as others with prouision of Meale and Malt and other Commodities to furnish the Pustozerits as also to buy Fish to wit Salmons Oyle of Bealugos Deere skinnes and Furres of them The tenth of Ianuary the Inhabitants of Pustozera returned from Trading with the Samoieds of Ougoria on which Iourney they set forward the fiue and twentieth of Nouember and within three dayes after came betwixt eight or nine hundred Samoieds with a small quantitie of their Commodities in respect of former yeeres by reason of Warre betweene the Samoieds of Ougoria and Molgomsey who were wont to Trade one with another and not to warre one against another So Sables and other Commodities being scant the inhabitants sold them very deare yet notwithstanding the Russes bought vp all striuing one to haue them before another So that after that little money which we had was bestowed wee could not doe any thing in barter Moreouer the Russes did not onely informe against vs to the Inhabitants to stirre them vp against vs but also vsed the like meanes to the Samoieds to disswade them from trading with vs either in their owne Countries or else-where alleadging that wee would betray them and not onely carrie them away to make them Slaues and robbe them but also would murther and destroy all the rest wheresoeuer wee should come The Inhabitants also of Pustozera being incensed by the Russes doubting wee would enter farther into their Trade Eastward began also to hinder and forbid the Samoieds to come to vs. Yet by meanes of our Hoast being a Polac borne we spake with diuers of the principall of the Samoieds hee being our Interpreter and wee our selues vnderstood certayne Samoieds speaking broken Russe and by these meanes we found out more at large the despitefulnesse of the Russes and the enuie of some of the Inhabitants against vs as also their feare least wee or any other Stranger should enter into further Discouerie of their trafficking toward the East but especially about the Riuer Ob. Some sayd we were sent as spyes to betray their Land to the Pole or the Swethen with whom they then had warre Some gaue counsell to put vs vnder the Water others aduised to set vs vpon the Sand where wee should haue beene without all doubt drowned in short space others thought best to send vs vp to the Nobilitie and to seaze on all our goods to the vse of the State But diuers of the best in the Towne with whom wee kept all friendship that possible we could withstood those bloudie practises The Lord therefore bee blessed The fifth of March the Inhabitants of Pustozer went againe to Slobotca carrying the Russes with their Commodities thither They returned home the eleuenth of Aprill 1612. The one and twentieth of Aprill water was first seene vpon the maine Riuer Pechora aboue the Ice descending from aboue Oust-zilma The twentieth of May the Ice brake vp The fiue and twentieth of May certayne of the Inhabitants of Pustozer went by water vnto Oust-zilma The sixe and twentieth Iosias Logan with our Hoast the Polonian hired a Boate and went toward Oust-zilma carrying with him certayne Cloath and Copper Kettles in hope to sell them well there being intreated in the Summer before by one of their Townesmen to come thither or to send one to Winter there alledging that they got great store of Losh-hydes Squirrels Sables and Beuers Which some yeeres indeed as we were credibly informed falleth out according to his report But at his arriuall there diuers of the Townesmen came against him and would not suffer him nor any of his Boate to Land for the space of ten houres but in the end they let him goe on shoare after as wee suppose the Inhabitants of Pustozer had bought most of their Commodities So that hee staying there two dayes could get but nine Losh-hydes and halfe a timber of course Sables in barter for some Cloath and Copper The principall cause of his going thither was to meete with some of the Permacks out of Permia who some yeeres come downe with Rie and Rie-meale and thought to haue giuen notice to those Permacks of our being at Pustozer and to haue willed them to haue perswaded their Countrey-men to bring thither the next Spring following all their Commodities being Waxe Honey Losh-hydes and Furres which they might doe for halfe the charge that they are at in bringing them to Archangell on the Riuer Duina Oust-zilma is a pretie Towne of some sixtie Houses and is three or foure dayes sayling with a faire wind against the streame from Pustozer but backe againe they may sayle it in two dayes The third of Iune came the first Russes in their Cayooks by Riuer out of Russia to Pustozer These Cayooks be small Boates of two tunnes hauing two men in each Boate. The twentieth of Iune nine Russe Coaches or Soymas passed by Pustozer from Oust-zilma for Molgomsey The one and twentieth sixe Russe Soymas more departed from Pustozer all the rest hauing giuen ouer their Voyage which came thither the Summer before 1611. The two and twentieth one Soyma belonging to the Towne of Pustozer departed for Molgomsey The three and twentieth and foure and twentieth the Inhabitants of Pustozer went to Fish for Bealugos vnder the Boluan being the highest Land neere vnto the Drie Sea and two dayes sayling from the Towne The fiue and twentieth I departed after them and arriued there the seuen and twentieth hoping
this morning about foure a thicke fogge we saw a head of vs. The one and twentieth in the morning we steered North-east and East North-east two watches fiue or sixe leagues Then it grew thicke fogge And we cast about and steered North-east and East North-east two watches sixe leagues finding wee were embayed The wind came at East South-east a little gale we tacked about and lay South All this night was a thicke fog with little wind East we lay with the stemme The two and twentieth in the morning it cleered vp being calme about two or three of the clocke after we had a prettie gale and we steered away East and by North three leagues Our obseruation was in 72. degrees 38. minutes and changing our course we steered North-east the wind at South-east a prettie gale This morning when it cleered vp we saw the Land trending neere hand East North-east and West South-west esteeming our selues from it twelue leagues It was a mayne high Land nothing at all couered with snow and the North part of that mayne high Land was very high Mountaynes but we could see no snow on them We accounted by our obseruation the part of the mayne Land lay neerest hand in 73. degrees The many fogs and calmes with contrary winds and much Ice neere the shoare held vs from farther Discouery of it It may bee objected against vs as a fault for haling so Westerly a course The chiefe cause that moued vs thereunto was our desire to see that part of Groneland which for ought that we know was to any Christian vnknowne and wee thought it might as well haue beene open Sea as Land and by that meanes our passage should haue beene the larger to the Pole and the hope of hauing a Westerly wind which would be to vs a landerly wind if wee found Land And considering wee found Land contrarie to that which our Cards make mention of we accounted our labour so much the more worth And for ought that wee could see it is like to bee a good Land and worth the seeing On the one and twentieth day in the morning while we steered our course North North-east we thought we had embayed our selues finding Land on our Larboord and Ice vpon it and many great pieces of Drift Ice we steered away North-east with diligent looking out euery cleere for Land hauing a desire to know whether it would leaue vs to the East both to know the bredth of the Sea and also to shape a more Northerly course And considering wee knew no name giuen to this Land wee thought good to name it Hold with hope lying in 73. degrees of latitude The Sunne was on the Meridian on the South part of the Compasse neerest hand Heere is to bee noted that when we made The Mount of Gods Mercie and Youngs Cape the Land was couered with snow for the most part and extreame cold when wee approached neere it But this Land was very temperate to our feeling And this likewise is to be noted that being two dayes without obseruation notwithstanding our lying a hull by reason of much contrary wind yet our obseruation and dead reckoning were within eight leagues together our shippe beeing before vs eight leagues This night vntill next morning prooued little Winde The three and twentieth in the morning we had an hard gale on head of vs with much rayne that fell in very great drops much like our Thunder showers in England wee tacked about and stood East-Northerly with a short sayle to our feeling it was not so cold as before we had it It was calme from noone to three of the clocke with fogge After the winde came vp at East and East South-east we steered away North-east with the fogge and rayne About seuen or eight of the clocke the winde increased with extreame fogge wee steered away with short sayle East North-east and sometimes East and by North. About twelue at mid-night the wind came vp at South-west we steered away North being reasonable cleere weather The foure and twentieth in the morning about two of the clocke the Masters mate thought he saw Land on the Larboord trending North North-west Westerly and the longer we ranne North the more it fell away to the West and did thinke it to bee a mayne high Land This day the wind being Westerly we steered away North and by obseruation wee were in 73. degrees nearest hand At noone we changed our course and steered away North and by East and at our last obseruation and also at this we found the Meridian all Leeward on the South and by West Westerly part of the Compasse when we had sayled two Watches eight leagues The fiue and twentieth the wind scanted and came vp at North North-west we lay North-east two Watches 8. leagues After the wind became variable betweene the North-east and the North we steered away East and by North and sometimes East we had thicke fogge About noone three Granpasses played about our shippe This After-noone the wind vered to the East and South-east we haled away North and by East This night was close weather but small fogge we vse the word Night for distinction of time but long before this the Sunne was alway aboue the Horizon but as yet we could neuer see him vpon the Meridian North. This Night being by our accompt in the Latitude of 75. degrees we saw small flockes of Birds with blacke Backes and white Bellies and long speare Tayles We supposed that Land was not farre off but we could not discrie any with all the diligence which we could vse being so close weather that many times we could not see sixe or seuen leagues off The sixe and twentieth in the morning was close weather we had our wind and held our course as afore This day our obseruation was 76. degrees 38. minutes and we had Birds of the same sort as afore and diuers other of that colour hauing red Heads that we saw when we first made the Mount of Gods Mercy in Greenland but not so many After we steered away North and by East two VVatches 10. leagues with purpose to fall with the Souther part of Newland accounting our selues 10. or 12. leagues from the Land Then wee stood away North-east one VVatch fiue leagues The seuen and twentieth about one or two of the clocke in the morning we made Newland being cleere weather on the Sea but the Land was couered with fogge the Ice lying very thick all along the shoare for 15. or 16. leagues which we saw Hauing faire wind wee coasted it in a very pleasing smooth sea and had no ground at an hundred fathoms foure leagues from the shoare This day at noone wee accounted we were in 78. degrees and we stood along the shoare This day was so foggie that we were hardly able to see the Land many times but by our account we were neare Vogel Hooke About eight of the clocke this Eeuening we purposed to
Aequator that the Arctick Circle diuides it in the middest that is to say sixtie fiue degrees and a halfe The Ilands called Ebudae are obiect to the North part of this Iland But whether that be of these which Ptolemie and ancient Writers call Thule or rather Iseland that great Iland I dare neither affirme nor altogether denie because there is no Iland found where Ptolemie set Thule Now the later Writers make another manner of longitude about Scotland and the bordering Ilands then Ptolemie euer thought HONDIVS his Map of ISLAND ISLAND In these whirle-pooles and darknesse this Fleet one onely Ship excepted perished They that were preserued after many long labours and perils sayling through the Tartarian Sea came into a very hote Countrey and entring into a large Bay they went on shoare vpon the next Land And when the Inhabitants had hid themselues in secret places by reason of the great heate and scorching of the Sunne they saw Gold and other precious things set heere and there without a guard And when they had carryed away asmuch as they would and hasted to the Ship they saw some pursue them with Dogs of strange bignesse One who was hindred and laden with a prey that hee could not escape was torne in peeces of the Dogges The rest after long sayling shunning these Whirle-pooles arriued in Muscouia thence by the Balticke Sea returning vnto Breme they brought backe these tidings to Alebrand the Bishop with part of the prey Much about this time the Noruegians by example of the Heluetians in Iulius Caesars time are supposed to haue come out of Norway who then long time possessed that part of France which now also is call Normandie And when they had performed great attempts by Sea and Land against the Britaines they did not onely scoure the Sea by hostile incursions but also expelled the Saracens who at that time came into Italy and sought to seat themselues in Calabria and Apulia After they brought Colonies Northward into Hitland Ferow and Island which way they learned of the Bremians by meanes of the Nobilitie of Frisia aforesaid And euen the very proprietie of their speech doth testifie that they came out of Norway for the pronunciation of the Iselanders doth agree with the antient Inhabitants of Norway For vpon the Sea coast of Norway especially where the famous Hauen and Citie of Bergen is by reason of the resort and familiaritie with the Germaines and Danes the Language is changed Of the Iselanders Religion IN the yeere of Christ 1398. Woldemarus the second of that name gouerned the Danish Kingdome whereunto Norway was added whose posteritie held it vntill Ericus Duke of Pomerania and Christopher Banar Vnto this Waldemarus all the Arctoian Colonies obeyed so that now vnder that Woldemarus the Iselanders were first instructed in the Christian Religion when before they had worshipped strange Gods And when almost all Christian people in that lamentable darkenesse and title of a Church as it were by Witchcraft deceiued were detayned in most deepe bonds of superstition it could not bee but they who were furthest remoued from the societie of Learned men and dwelling vnder an vnciuill and barbarous Climate should fall into most foule Idolatrie when sometimes as hereafter shall bee declared they had Deuils to serue them as familiar as domesticall seruants But after Luther began to bee knowne Christianus the King of Denmarke procured purer Doctrine to himselfe and purged the Churches in the Kingdome of Denmarke Norway and all the Ilands subiect vnto him sending Ministers into Iseland to sow the seede of the Gospell there Hee sent a Printer also out of Denmarke to set forth the Bible the common places of Philip Melancthon the Workes of Vrbanus Regius and others in the vulgar Tongue to the Pastors who were ignorant of the Latine as at that time almost all of them were And also sent for fit and apt young men out of Iseland whom hee maintayned in the Haffâ—ian Vniuersitie at his owne costs and gaue them charge ouer Churches and Schooles King Woldemare as soone as they should professe Christian Religion in Iseland ordayned them two Bishops one in Scalholden in the East part and another in Hollen in the West whose Successours at this day retayne nothing but a shadow and a bare Title for they haue no other reuenues but Butter and Fish But when that reformation whereof I spake was made by King Christian in the Churches of Iseland one of the Bishops in Scalholden conspiring with the people reiects the Doctrine of the Gospell and making a rebellion they kill the Kings Lieutenant The yeere following which was 1535. the King sent a Noble man of the Order of Knighthood one Paul Hitfelt whom I saw an old man in Denmarke furnished with a Fleet Souldiers and Munition into the Iland The seditious being slaine hee renueth the reformation of the Doctrine of the Gospell and returneth into Denmarke leauing a certayne Noble man to take charge of the Church and Iland The greatest man in Iseland at that time was one Tadde Bonde Hee after the Kings Armie was departed conspiring with the principall men whom by his Authoritie hee drew to take his part reuolted from his Allegiance and perswaded the rest of the Ilanders to follow They meete together in a place called Waloe and conspiring to rebell and cast off the Kings subiection they impart their counsels together and Tadde had his possâ—ssions not in one place and many retayners and for these causes hee thought they could not easily bee suppressed The Bishop who dwelt in the East had a speciall care to acquaint the Kings Lieutenant with all that was done for the Lieutenant was absent in the West part of that Iland and the Bishop hated Tadde a long time For in that first Rebellion hee had falsly accused him to the Lieutenant as guiltie and author of the Rebellion This accusation onely brought great and extreame calamitie vpon him The Lieutenant being certified what was done hee perswadeth by fit instruments some of the Complices of the faction to continue in their Allegiance propounding rewards and punishments Then many of them when they saw the greatnesse of the danger leauing him came humbly to the Lieutenant and begge pardon and obtayne it Tadde therefore is adiudged an Enemie both of the King and of his Countrey they promise therefore by an Oath and giuing of their Faith that they will pursue him Then hee through feare of the danger with a few of his Domestickes which hee had gathered together kept himselfe at the foote of Hekelueld but being circumuented they were all slaine and hee taken They that tooke him brought him to the Bishop to commit him to Prison but hee refused to receiue him Therefore they draw him to another certaine man of those who had the chiefe place in Iustice neither would hee receiue him fearing the hatred of the people There was at that time there a certayne Iselander Ionas by name a
sound the common people thinke the soules of the damned to be tormented heere it is certayne that diuers and horrible spirits are obserued in this Mountayne and about it for if a Battaile be fought in any place the Islanders especially they that sayle and fish in the Sea neere to Hecla know the day of the Battaile fought although they know not where it be done for they see as they report wicked spirits going forth and returning and bringing soules with them And such a storie is repâ—rted all Island ouer A Fisherman sayling by Hecla met with another ship both had a prosperous wind and when after the manner of Saylers he was demanded who hee was and of what place hee answered that hee had the Bishop of Breme in his ship whom hee would conuay to Hecla and it was knowne that the Bishop dyed the same day which notwithstanding I would not set downe for truth If any perish by Sea or otherwise dye sometimes leauing their Friends and Acquaintance they appeare very heauie being demanded whither they goe and from whence they answere they are brought to Hecla vnder a cruell Master the Deuill and so vanish And they are so bewitched of Satan that they thinke them the soules of the departed But because no man that is well in his wits will thinke that Hell is in this Mountayne yet it may be demanded whence the Hill hath this matter whereby it should bring forth so many yeeres flames so many ashes and such abundance of Pumis stones For wee see the most sollid and firme bodies and all things to be consumed by fire and for that cause some thinke that it shall come to passe that these flames shall once be extingished for the cause fayling they deny that any effects can follow But heere what I thinke I will freely speake yet sauing other mens judgements It is manifest by watry Meteors that there is a continuall generation of water by the vapours gathered together in the cauities of the Earth which issueth forth by Fountayns but the efficient and materiall causes abiding perpetually the effects also continually remayne so also in the bowels of the Earth there are certayne places which by their owne nature draw vnto them a hote and dry exhalation and that it resolues it into flames ashes and Pumis stones which may easily be done in this Mountayne by reason of the Sulphur matter which is found in Island throughout the whole Land And as Fountaynes send forth more abundance of water in the Winter time then in the Summer nay some of them are dry because matter failes so is it with this Mountayne for sometimes matter failing it hath neither flames nor smoke and all is quiet whereby it appeareth that the matter and efficient cause faile Howeuer it bee I know this that no man may come to the foot of the Mountayne without danger and feare as hereafter shall be declared The same yeere I was in Island the nine and twentieth of Nouember about midnight in the Sea neere Hecla there appeared a flame which gaue light to the whole Iland so that all of vs astonished wondred and carefully expected the issue thereof the elder sort and such as were skilfull in this matter said that this light came from Hecla an houre after the whole Iland trembled as it should haue beene moued out of the place after the Earthquake followed a horrible cracke that if all warlike Ordnance had beene discharged it had beene nothing to this terrour It cannot be thought much lesse expressed by word how horrible it was Wee thought that the whole frame of the World would fall and that the last Day was at hand but it was knowne afterwards that the Sea went backe two leagues in that place and remayned dry About the beginning of Iuly at a certayn time of the yeere great store of Ice suddenly floteth to the Iland about Hecla and there goes a rumour through the whole Iland nay it is beleeued that the damned soules are tormented in this Ice by course in the Flame in the Mountayne and after in the Ice This Ice for three whole moneths swimmeth only about Hecla If you take any part of this Ice out of the Sea and wrap it in a linnen cloth and lay it vp in a Chest it remayneth so long vnmelted as it swimmeth in the Sea but if the Ice in the Sea vanish which suddenly in one night happeneth this appeareth not nor leaueth any signe of moysture in the linnen cloth which is not a hard thing for Satan to doe to take away the Ice without moysture to increase their incredulitie Olaus Magnus maketh mention of this Ice in his eleuenth Booke But because I determined to search out all things diligently I sayled not without great feare vnto this Ice and I obserued that this Ice was violently cast against the Rockes by force of the winds and so made a mournfull sound afarre off as if miserable howlings were heard there Hereupon the Islanders thinke the soules of the damned are tormented in this Ice Of the Riches of the Islanders I Haue said that Island was a rough and snowie Countrey and besides it is full of Rockes and stones and so truly that there is not a field in the whole Iland they haue not so much as Gardens wherein they may haue Pot-herbes or Pulse they know no kinde of Corne nor Apples Peares nor Cheries nor any fruit of Trees And which is almost incredible they neither vse Bread nor Salt yet they are well liking and strong There is no Citie in the whole Iland they seldome haue two or three dwellings together They haue their Cottages on the Sea side for fishing and vnder ground by reason of the fierce windes There is no lone of money among them for wares are changed for wares Brimstone groweth on the South part and almost throughout the whole Iland which is digged out in great abundance they sell this stuffe purged for a small price Mines of Gold or Siluer nor of any other mettall they haue none They vse Iron but such as is brought vnto them You shall scarse finde a man who hath not Iron Nayles in a Bagge wherewith Horse-shooes are fastened All their houses are vnder ground for they haue no matter for building There is not a tree in the whole Iland except the Birch-tree and that in one place which also exceedeth not the stature of a man in length and that by reason of the vehemencie of the winds that it cannot grow higher This Birch-tree after the Summer Solstitium beginnes first to bud the leaues haue a most sweet smell and of so fragrant a sauour that the Germanes put them in their Tents and vpon their meats for a singular delight Yet sometimes great abundance of Firre-trees from Tartaria or else-where carried by force of the waues and the Ice arriued in Island The chiefe vse of them is in building Cabbins vnder the ground you shall scarsly find a
to that end we doe set you downe here vnder the seuerall sorts of Whales together with the differences of goodnesse betweene the one and the other as we haue gathered the same by information from men of excellencie in that businesse who make knowne vnto vs that there are eight seuerall kindes of Whales all differing the one from the other in quantitie and qualitie Which for your better instruction we haue thought good to set downe in this our Commission The first sort of Whales is called the Bearded Whale which is black in colour with a smooth skinne and white vnder the chops which Whales is the best of all the rest and the elder it is the more it doth yeelde This sort of Whale doth yeelde vsually foure hundred and sometimes fiue hundred finnes and betweene one hundred and one hundred and twentie Hogsheads of Oyle The second sort of Whale is called Sarda of the same colour and fashion as the former but somewhat lesse and the finnes not aboue one fathom long and yeeldeth in Oyle according to his bignesse sometimes eightie sometimes a hundred Hogsheads The third sort of Whale is called Trumpa being as long as the first but not so thicke of colour Grey hauing but one Trunke in his head whereas the former haue two He hath in his mouth teeth of a span long and as thicke as a mans wrist but no sins whose head is bigger then either of the two former and in proportion farre bigger then his body In the head of this Whale is the Spermaceti which you are to keepe in Caske apart from your other Oyle you may put the Oyle you finde in the head and the Spermaceti altogether and marke it from the other Oyle and at your comming home we will separate the Oyle from the Spermeceti The like is to be done with the Oyle of this sort of Whale which is to be kept apart from the Oyle of the other Whales The reason is that the Oyle of this sort of Whale being boyled will be as hard and white as Tallow which to be mingled with the other Oyle being liquid would make the same to shew as footie Oyle and so consequently spoyle both and be of little value you are therefore to be very carefull to keepe the Oyle of this sort of Whale apart as well of the head as of the body for the reasons before mentioned In this sort of Whale is likewise found the Ambergreese lying in the entrals and guts of the same being of shape and colour like vnto Kowes dung We would haue you therefore your selfe to be present at the opening of this sort of Whale and cause the residue of the said entrals to be put into small Caske and bring them with you into England We would haue the Master also to be by at the opening of this Whale and to be made priuie of the packing of those Barils And although it be said that the Ambergreese is onely in this Whale and in none other yet we would not haue you be absent at the opening of any other but if you see cause to make a reseruation of the entrals of euery Whale that you shall perceiue to be cause of the least suspect to haue any of the said Ambergreese being a matter as you know of good worth and therefore not slightly to be regarded The Teeth likewise of this sort of Whale we would haue you cause to be reserued for a triall as also any other matter extraordinarie that you shall obserue in the same This Whale is said to yeelde in Oyle fortie Hogsheads besides the Spermaceti The fourth sort c. as sup 471.472 And in as much as industrie and diligence are two principall steps to atchieue great enterprises and negligence and idlenesse are enemies to the same we would haue you in this charge committed vnto you to imbrace the one and to auoide the other and to shew that example of paines taking to the rest of the company of your Ship in your owne person as well in setting them on worke as in putting your owne hand to the businesse when neede requireth as that there be no idle time spent but that euery one be imployed in some businesse or other in helping to kill the Whale or in searching the Bayes along the coast for Whales Ambergreese Morses teeth or any other strange thing that may be found vpon that coast or in killing the Morses Beares or any thing that may make profit toward our great charges Touching directions for your keeping company together with the Elizabeth and of the course we thinke fitting for the Master of that Ship to obserue we haue set the same downe at large in our Commission deliuered to Ionas Poole a Copie whereof we deliuer you herewith for your better instructions to obserue what is to be done on both your behalfes for the good of the Voyage which our Commission we would haue you strictly obserue vnlesse vpon some speciall occasion to vs vnknowne and by the consent of the principall Officers in both the Ships you shall see iust cause to the contrary You haue with you an order set downe by the Lords of his Maiesties priuie Counsell for the maintaining of our Charter which we would haue you make knowne to any of our Nation that you may chance to meete withall either at Cherie Iland or vpon any of those coasts And if any stranger doe offer you violence or doe disturbe you in your trade you may both defend your selues and maintaine your trade to the vttermost of your powers c. CHAP. III. A briefe Declaration of this my Voyage of discouery to Greeneland and towards the West of it as followeth being set forth by the right Worshipfull Sir THOMAS SMITH Gouernour of the right Worshipfull Company of new Trades c. written by IONAS POOLE WEE set sayle at Blacke-wall the eleauenth of Aprill 1611. with foure Shippes The one called the Mary-margaret of burthen one hundred and fiftie Tuns with nine and fortie Men and Boyes The next the Elizabeth of burthen sixtie Tuns with eighteene Men and Boyes The third was called the Amitie of burthen seauentie Tunnes with foure and twentie Men and Boyes The fourth was called the Resolution with about sixteene Men and Boyes the Resolution was appointed to goe to Saint Nicholas in Russia in hope to make two Voyages thither this yeare The Amitie was to goe to Pichâ—ra or Nouazembla there to see if they could make a Voyage by way of trade or by killing of Mohorses c. The Mary-margaret was appointed to keepe the Elizabeth companie to Greeneland abouesaid there to kill the Whale for which purpose we had sixe men of Saint Iohn de Luz with all things fitting for that purpose The Elizabeth was appointed to see if it weare possible to passe from Greeneland towards the Pole and to search in those Stas what likelihood of a passage that way c. But before we were as farre to the
number of three hundred men of which I the Relator of this was one were put into one ship belonging to Sweden and came from thence for vs. We were assaulted with a great tempest and were tossed so long that all our victuals were almost spent the miserie of which threw vs into more desperate feares now were wee assaulted by double deaths Famine and Shipwrack what course to take for our reliefe no man presently knew Continue without foode it was impossible and as impossible was iâ— for vs to recouer the Land in any short time without the assured destruction of vs all At this season our Commanders were these Lieutenant Benson Lieutenant Walton who was Prouost Martiall of the field and an Ancient of the Colonels companie The common Souldiers vowed and resolued to compell the Mariners seeing the present miseries and no hopes promising better to set vs all on shoare vpon the first Land that could be discouered Our Commanders did what they could by disâ—wasion to alter this generall resolution because they feared it would bee the losse of the greatest part of our Companies if they came once to bee scattered and besides they knew that it would redound to their dishonour and shame if they should not discharge the trust imposed vpon them by our Captaines which trust was to conduct vs and land vs before whilest our Chieftaines remayned a while behinde in England to take vp the rest of our Companies Yet all this notwithstanding Land being discouered there was no eloquence in the world able to keep vs aboord our ship but euery man swore if the Master of the ship would not set vs on the shoare the sailes should be taken into our owne hands and what was resolued vpon touching present landing should in despite of danger be effected Vpon this the Master of the ship and the Mariners told vs that if we put to land in that place we should all either perish for want of victuals which were not to bee had in that Countrie or else should haue our throats cut by the people Wee resolued rather to trie our bad fortunes on the land and to famish there if that kind of death must needes attend vpon vs then to perish on the Seas which we knew could affoord vs no such mercy and on shoare wee went as fast as possibly we could When our Officers saw that there was no remedie nor force to detayne vs aboord they then disheartned vs no longer but to our great comforts told it that the Master of the ship which thing hee himselfe likewise openly confessed knew both the Land and Gouernour thereof as indeed we proued afterwards he did and therefore desired they all our companies not to misse-behaue themselues toward the people for that it was an Iland called Iuthland vnder the Dominion of the King of Denmarke but subiect to the command of a Lord who vnder the King as his Substitute was the Gouernour And that we might be the better drawne to a ciuill behauiour towards the Inhabitants our Officers further told vs that they would repaire to the Lord Gouernour of the Countrie and acquaint him with the cause of our vnexpected landing there vpon which we all promised to offer no violence to the people neither was that promise violated because we found the Inhabitants tractable and as quiet towards vs as we to them yet the greater numbers of them ran away with feare at the first sight of vs because as afterward they reported it could not bee remembred by any of them that they euer either beheld themselues or euer heard any of their ancestors report that any strange people had landed in those places and parts of the Iland for they thought it impossible as they told vs that any ship should ride so neâ—ee the shoare as ours did by reason of the dangerous Sands Our Officers so soone as they were at land went to the Gouernour of the Iland whilest the Souldiers who stayed behind them ran to the houses of the Ilanders of purpose to talke with the people and at their hands to buy victuals for a present reliefe but when wee came among them they could neither vnderstand vs nor we them so that the Market was spoiled and wee could get nothing for our money yet by such signes as wee could make they vnderstood our wants pitied them and bestowed vpon vs freely a little of such things as they had In the end a happy meanes of our reliefe was found out by a Souldier amongst vs who was a Dane by birth but his education hauiâ—g beene in England no man knew him to be other then an English man This Dane made vse of 〈◊〉 owne natiue language to the good both of himselfe and vs certifying the people who the rather beleeued him because he spake in their knowne tongue of the cause that compelled vs to land vpon their Coast and that we intended no mischiefe violence or money to which report of his they giuing credit stood in lesse feare of vs then before and thereupon furnished vs with all such necessaries as the Countrie affoorded to sustaine our wants The foode which wee bought of them was onely fish and a kinde of course bread exceeding cheape Of which foode there was such plentie that for the value of three pence wee had as much fish as twentie men could eate at a meale and yet none of the worst sorts of fish but euen of the very best and daintiest as Mackrels and Lobsters and such like In which our trading with the poore simple people we found them so ignorant that many yea most of them regarded not whether you gaue them a Counter or a Shilling for the bigger the piece was the more fish they would giue for it but besides fish wee could get no other sustenance from them or at least could not vnderstand that they had any other But obserue what happened in the meane time that we were thus in traffique with the Ilanders for victuals our Officers as before is said being gone to the Lord Gouernour who lay about twelue English miles from the Sea side the Master of our ship on a sudden hoysed vp sailes and away he went leauing one of his owne men at shoare who accompanied our Officers as their guide through the Iland The cause of the ships departure did so much the more amaze vs by reason it was so vnexpected and the reason thereof vnknowne to vs But wee imagined the Master of the ship and Mariners feaâ—ed to receiue vs into the Vessell againe because some of our men at their being at Sea threatned the Saylers and offered them abuses before they could be brought to set vs on land On the next day following the Lord Gouernour of the Iland came to vs bringing our Officers along with him yet not being so confident of vs but that for auoyding of any dangers that might happen he came strongly guarded with a troupe of Horse-men well armed And vpon his
which they did thinke wee would come leauing no more but about ten men and Boates about vs who rowed alongst the space of an houre with vs making signes of friendship to vs. At length perceiuing that wee were not minded to goe forth amongst these Ilands vpon which the rest of their folke were they threw certaine shels and trifles into the Boat making signes and tokens to fetch them the which my Boy called William Huntries did He being in the Boat they presently shot him through both the buttockes with a Dart at which time they rowed from vs they mustering vpon the Ilands to the number of three hundred persons keeping themselues farre enough from our danger About sixe a clocke this Euening it began to blow a faire gale Easterly we getting off to Sea stood all this night North and by East alongst the Land A Topographicall Description of the Land as I did discouer the same NOw hauing proceeded for the discouerie of the Coast and Harbours so farre and so long time as the time limited to me therefore I thinke it conuenient to make a briefe description of the same according as by my short experience I found the same to be The Land of Groenland is a very high ragged and mountainous Countrey being all alongst the Coast broken Ilands making very goodly Sounds and Harbours hauing also in the Land very many good Riuers and Bayes into some of which I entred sayling vp the same the space of ten or twelue English leagues finding the same very nauigable with great abundance of fish of sundrie sorts The Land also in all places wheresoeuer I came seemed to be very fertile according to the Climate wherein it lyeth for betweene the Mountaynes was most pleasant Plaines and Valleyes in such sort as if I had not seene the same I could not haue beleeued that such a fertile Land in shew could bee in these Northerne Regions There is also in the same great store of Fowle as Rauens Crowes Partridges Pheasants Sea-mewes Gulles with other sundry sorts Of Beasts I haue not seene any except blacke Foxes of which there are very many Also as I doe suppose there are many Deere because that comming to certaine places where the people had had their Tents we found very many Harts Hornes with the bones of other beasts round about the same Also going vp into the Land wee saw the footing and dunging of diuers beasts which we did suppose to be deere and other beasts also the footing of one which wee found to be eight inches ouer yet notwithstanding we did see none of them for going some two or three miles from the Pinnasse we returned againe to goe aboord Moreouer in the Riuers we found sundry sorts of Fishes as Seales Whales Salmons with other sorts of fishes in great abundance As concerning the Coast all alongst it is a very good and faire Land hauing very faire shoalding of the same for being three English leagues off the same I found very faire shoalding in fifteene fathomes and comming neerer the same fourteene twelue and tenne fathomes very faire sandie ground As concerning the people they are as I doe suppose a kinde of Samoites or wandring Nation trauelling in the Summer time in Companies together first to one place and hauing stayed in that place a certayne time in hunting and fishing for Deere and Seales with other fish streight they remoue themselues with their Tents and baggage to another They are men of a reasonable stature being browne of colour very like to the people of the East and West Indies They be very actiue and warlike as we did perceiue in their Skirmishes with vs in vsing their Slings and Darts very nimbly They eat their meate raw or a little perboyled either with bloud Oyle or a little water which they doe drinke They apparell themselues in the skinnes of such beasts as they kill but especially with Seales skins and fowle skins dressing the skins very soft and smooth with the haire and feathers on wearing in Winter the haire and feather sides inwards and in Summer outwards Their Weapons are Slings Darts Arrowes hauing their Bowes fast tyed together with sinewes their Arrowes haue but two feathers the head of the same being for the most part of bone made in manner and forme of a Harping Iron As concerning their Darts they are of sundry sorts and fashions What knowledge they haue of God I cannot certainly say but I suppose them to bee Idolaters worshipping the Sunne The Countrey as is aforesaid seemeth to be very fertile yet could I perceiue or see no wood to grow thereon Wee met all alongst this Coast much Drift-wood but whence it commeth I know not For coasting all this Coast alongst from the latitude of 66. degrees and an halfe vntill the latitude of 69. degrees I found many goodly Sounds Bayes and Riuers giuing names vnto diuers of them and purposing to proceed further the folke in the Pinnasse with me did earnestly intreate me to returne to the ship againe alleaging this that if we came not in conuenient time the people in the ship would mutinie and so returne home before we came the which indeed had fallen forth if the Captaine as an honest Gentleman had not by seuere meanes withstood their attempts who would needes contrarie to their promises haue beene gone home within eight dayes after my departure from them But the Captaine respecting his promise to mee would by no meanes consent but withstood them both by faire meanes and other wayes So that vpon the seuenth day of Iuly I returned again into the Kings Foord which they in the ship had found to be a Bay and comming to the place where wee had left the ship hoping to haue found them there I saw vpon a certaine point a Warlocke of stones whereby I did perceiue that they were gone downe the Ford. So the tide of ebbe being come it being calme we rowed downe the Foord finding in the mouth of the same amongst the Ilands many good Sounds and Harbours The tenth day of Iuly the wind being at North North-west I beeing in a certaine Sound amongst the Ilands it being high water I weighed stood West forth of the Foord going to Sea on the South side betweene a little Iland and the Maine which Iland at our first comming we called Frost Iland after the name of the ship we espied on the South sides certaine Warlockes set vp whereupon I suspected that the Frost might be there commanded the Gunner to shoot off a Peece of Ordnance they presently answered vs againe with two other We seeing the smoake but heard no report bore in to them comming to an Anchor in a very good Sound by them and found them all in health the Captaine being very glad of our comming forasmuch as hee had very much trouble with the company for the cause aforesaid Also in the time of our absence the people
any refined phrases and eloquent speeches Therefore briefly and as it were in the forefront I intend to shew you the whole proceeding of the voyage in a word as namely there is no passage nor hope of passage in the North of Dauis Streights wee hauing coasted all or neere all the Circumference thereof and finde it to be no other then a great Bay as the Map here placed doth truly shew wherefore I cannot but much admire the worke of the Almightie when I consider how vaine the best and chiefest hopes of man are in things vncertaine And to speake of no other matter then of the hopefull passage to the North-west How many of the best sort of men haue set their whole indeuours to proue a passage that wayes and not onely in Conference but also in Writing and publishing to the World yea what great summes of money hath beene spent about that action as your Worship hath costly experience off Neither would the vaine-glorious Spaniard haue scattered abroad so many false Maps and Iournals if they had not beene confident of a passage this way that if it had pleased God a passage had beene found they might haue eclipsed the worthy praise of the Aduenturers and true Discouerers and for my owne part I would hardly haue beleeued the contrarie vntill mine eyes became witnesse of that I desired not to haue found still taking occasion of hope on euery little likelihood till such time as we had almost coasted the Circumference of this great Bay Neither was Master Dauis to be blamed in his report and great hopes if he had anchored about Hope Sanderson to haue taken notice of the Tydes for to that place which is in 72. degrees 12. minutes the Sea is open of an vnsearchable depth and of a good colour onely the Tydes keepe no certaine course nor rise but a small height as eight or nine foote and the flood commeth from the Southward and in all the Bay beyond that place the Tyde is so small and not much to be regarded yet by reason of snow melting on the Land the Ebbe is stronger then the Flood by meanes whereof and the windes holding Northerly the fore-part of the yeere the great Iles of Ice are set to the Southward some into Fretum Hudson and others towards New found Land for in all the Channell where the Sea is open are great quantities of them driuing vp and downe and till this yeere not well knowne where they were bred Now that the worst is knowne concerning the passage it is necessarie and requisite your Worship should vnderstand what probabilitie or hope of profit might here be made hereafter if the voyage bee attempted by fitting men And first for the killing of Whales certaine it is that in this Bay are great numbers of them which the Biscainers call the Grand Baye Whales of the same kinde which are killed at Greenland and as it seemeth to me easie to be strooke because they are not vsed to bee chased or beaten for we being but one day in Whale Sound so called for the number of Whales that wee saw there sleeping and lying aloft on the water not fearing our ship or ought else that if wee had beene fitted with men and things necessarie it had beene no hard matter to haue strooke more then would haue made three ships a sauing voyage and that it is of that sort of Whale there is no feare I being twise at Greenland tooke sufficient notice to know them againe beside a dead Whale wee found at Sea hauing all her finnes or rather all the rough of her mouth of which with much labour we got one hundred and sixtie the same euening we found her and if that foule weather and a storme the next day had not followed wee had no doubt but to haue had all or the most part of them but the winde and Sea arising shee broke from vs and we were forced to leaue her Neither are they onely to be looked for in Whale Sound but also in Sir Tho. Smiths Sound Wostenholme Sound and diuers other places For the killing of Sea Morse I can giue no certaintie but onely this that our Boat being but once ashoare in all the North part of this Bay which was in the entrance of Alderman Iones Sound at the returne our men told vs they saw many Morses along by the shoare on the Ice but our ship being vnder saile and the winde comming faire they presently came aboord without further search besides the people inhabiting about 74. degrees told vs by diuers signes that toward the North were many of those beasts hauing two long teeth and shewed vs diuers pieces of the same As for the Sea Vnicorne it being a great fish hauing a long horne or bone growing forth of his forehead or nostrill such as Sir Martin Frobisher in his second voyage found one in diuers places we saw of them which if the horne be of any good value no doubt but many of them may be killed And concerning what the Shoare will yeeld as Beach finnes Morse teeth and such like I can little say because we came not on shoare in any of the places where hope was of finding them But here some may obiect and aske why we sought that Coast no better to this I answere that while we were thereabout the weather was so exceeding foule wee could not for first wee anchored in Wostenholme Sound where presently our ship droue with two anchors a head then were we forced to stand forth with a low saile The next day in Whale Sound we lost an Anchor and Cable and could fetch the place no more then we came to anchor neere a small Iland lying between Sir Tho. Smiths Sound and Whale Sound but the winde came more outward that we were forced to weigh againe neuerthelesse if wee had beene in a good harbour hauing but our Ships Boat we durst not send her farre from the ship hauing so few men as seuenteene in all and some of them very weake but the chiefe cause wee spent so little time to seeke a Harbour was our great desire to performe the Discouerie hauing the Sea open in all that part and still likelihood of a passage but when we had coasted the Land so farre to the Southward that hope of passage was none then the yeere was too farre spent and many of our men very weake and withall we hauing some beliefe that ships the next yeere would be sent for the killing of Whales which might better doe it then wee And seeing I haue briefly set downe what hope there is of making a profitable voyage it is not vnfit your Worship should know what let or hinderance might be to the same The chiefest and greatest cause is that some yeere it may happen by reason of the Ice lying betweene 72. degrees and a halfe and 76. degrees no minutes that the ships cannot come into those places till toward the middest of Iuly so that
was sent to doe and that hee not being armed to resist the force of the Saluage people that might happen hee therefore set sayle and returned homewards againe towards Noua Spania where hee arriued at Acapulco Anno 1592. hoping to be rewarded greatly of the Viceroy for this seruice done in this said Voyage Also he said that after his comming to Mexico hee was greatly welcommed by the Viceroy and had great promises of great reward but that hauing sued there two yeares time and obtained nothing to his content the Viceroy told him that he should be rewarded in Spaine of the King himselfe very greatly and willed him therefore to goe into Spaine which Voyage hee did performe Also he said that when he was come into Spaine he was greatly welcommed there at the Kings Court in wordes after the Spanish manner but after long time of suite there also hee could not get any reward there neither to his content And that therefore at the length he stole away out of Spaine and came into Italie to goe home againe and liue among his owne Kindred and Countrimen he being very old Also he said that hee thought the cause of his ill reward had of the Spaniards to bee for that they did vnderstand very well that the English Nation had now giuen ouer all their voyages for discouerie of the North-west passage wherefore they need not feare them any more to come that way into the South Sea and therefore they needed not his seruice therein any more Also he said that in regard of this ill reward had of the Spaniards and vnderstanding of the noble minde of the Queene of England and of her warres maintayned so valiantly against the Spaniards and hoping that her Maiestie would doe him iustice for his goods lost by Captaine Candish he would bee content to goe into England and serue her Maiestie in that voyage for the discouerie perfectly of the North-west passage into the South Sea and would put his life into her Maiesties hands to performe the same if shee would furnish him with onely one ship of fortie 〈◊〉 burden and a Pinnasse and that he would performe it in thirtie dayes time from one end to the other of the Streights And he willed me so to write into England And vpon this conference had twise with the said Greeke Pilot I did write thereof accordingly into England vnto the right honourable the old Lord Treasurer Cecill and to Sir Walter Raleigh and to Master Richard Hakluyt that famous Cosmographer certifying them hereof by my Letters And in the behalfe of the said Greeke Pilot I prayed them to disburse one hundred pounds of money to bring him into England with my selfe for that my owne purse would not stretch so wide at that time And I had answere hereof by Letters of friends that this action was very well liked and greatly desired in England to bee effected but the money was not readie and therefore this action dyed at that time though the said Greeke Pilot perchance liueth still this day at home in his owne Countrie in Cefalonia towards the which place he went from me within a fortnight after this conference had at Venice And in the meane time while I followed my owne businesse in Venice being in Law suit against the Companie of Merchants of Turkie and Sir Iohn Spencer their Gouernour in London to recouer my pension due for my office of being their Consull at Aleppo in Turkie which they held from me wrongfully And when I was as I thought in a readinesse to returne home into England for that it pleased the Lords of her Maiesties honourable Priuie Counsell in England to looke into this Cause of my Law suit for my reliefe I thought that I should be able of my owne puâ—se to take with me into England the said Greeke Pilot. And therefore I wrote vnto him from Venice a Letter dated in Iuly 1596. which is copied here-vnder Al Mag co Sig or Capitan IVAN DE FVCA Piloto de Indias amigo mio char mo en Zefalonia MVy honrado Sennor fiendo yo para bueluerme en Inglatierra dentre de pocas mezes y accuerdandome de lo trattado entre my y V. M. en Venesia sobre el viagio de las Indias me ha parescido bien de scriuir esta carta à V. M. paraque si tengais animo de andar con migo puedais escribirme presto en que maniera quereis consertaros Y puedais embiarmi vuestra carta con esta nao Ingles que sta al Zante sino hallais otra coientura meier con el sobrescritto que diga en casa del Sennor Eleazar Hycman Mercader Ingles al tragetto de San Thomas en Venisia Y Dios guarde la persona de V. M. Fecha en Venesia al primer dia de Iulio 1596. annos Amigo de V. M. Michael Lok Ingles And I sent the said Letter from Venice to Zante in the ship Cherubin And shortly after I sent a copie thereof in the ship Mynyon And also a third copie thereof by Manea Orlando Patron de Naue Venetian And vnto my said Letters he wrote mee answere to Venice by one Letter which came not to my hands And also by another Letter which came to my hands which is copied here-vnder Al Ill mo Sig or MICHAL LOCH Ingles in casa del Sig or LASARO Merca. der Ingles al tragetto de San THOMAS en Venesia MVy Illustre Seg or la carta de V. M. receui à 20. dias del Mese di Settembre por loqual veo Loche V. M. me manda io tengho animo de complir Loche tengo promettido à V. M. y no solo yo mas tengo vinte hombres para lieuar con migo porche son hombres vaglientes y assi estoi esperando por otra carta che auise à V. M. parache me embiais los dinieros che tengo escritto à V. M. Porche bien saue V. M. como io vine pouer porche me glieuo Capitan Candis mas de sessanta mille ducados come V. M. bien sane embiandome lo dicho ire à seruir à V. M. con todos mis compagneros I no spero otra cossa mas de la voluntad è carta de V. M. I con tanto nostro Sig or Dios guarda la Illustre persona de V. M. muchos annos De Ceffalonia à 24. de Settembre del 1596. Amigo seruitor de V. M. Iuan Fuca. And the said Letter came to my hands in Venice the 16. day of Nouember 1596. but my Law suite with the Companie of Turkie was not yet ended by reason of Sir Iohn Spencers suite made in England at the Queenes Court to the contrarie seeking onely to haue his money discharged which I had attached in Venice for my said pension and thereby my owne purse was not yet readie for the Greeke Pilot. And neuerthelesse hoping that my said suite would haue shortly a good end I wrote another Letter to this Greeke
raynie there as the South winde is on this side but contrariwise it raines when as the South winde blowes there as wee see in all the Sierre or mountaine of Peru in Chile and in the Countrie of Congo which is on the other side of the Line and farre aduanced into the Sea And in Potozi likewise the winde which they call Tomahani which is our North if my memorie faile me not is extremely cold drie and vnpleasant as it is here with vs. Yet doth not the Northerne winde disperse the cloudes vsually there as it doth here but contrariwise if I be not deceiued it doth often cause raine There is no doubt but the windes doe borrow this great diuersitie of contrarie effects from the places by which they passe and the neere Regions where they are bred as wee see by daily experience in a thousand places But speaking in generall of the qualitie of the windes we must rather looke to the coasts or parts of the World from whence they proceede then to obserue whether they be on this side or beyond the Line as it seemes the Philosopher held opinion These capitall windes which be the East and West haue no such vniuersall qualities nor so common in this Continent nor in the other as the two former The Solanus or Easterne winde is commonly here troublesome and vnwholsome and the Westerne or Zephirus is more milde and healthfull At the Indies and in all the burning Zone the Easterne winde which they call Brise is contrariwise very healthfull and pleasant Of the West I cannot speake any thing certaine or generall for that it blowes not at all or very seldom in the burning Zone for in all the nauigation betwixt the two Tropicks the Easterne winde is ordinarie And for that it is one of the admirable workes of Nature it shall bee good to vnderstand the cause and the beginning thereof The wayes at Sea are not as at Land to returne the same way they passe It is all one way saith the Philosopher from Athens to Thebes and from Thebes to Athens but it is not so at Sea for wee goe one way and returne by another The first which discouered the East and West Indies laboured much with great difficultie to finde out their course vntill that Experience the Mistresse of these secrets had taught them that to saile through the Ocean is not like the passage in Italie through the Mediterranean Sea where in their returne they obserue the same Ports and Capes they had sight of in their passage attending still the benefit of the winde which changeth instantly and when that failes they haue recourse to their Oares and so the Gallies goe and come daily coasting along the shoare In some parts of the Ocean they may not looke for any other winde then that which blowes for that commonly it continues long To conclude that which is good to goe by is not fit to returne with for in the Sea beyond the Tropicke and within the burning Zone the Easterly windes raine continually not suffering their contraries In the which Region there are two strange things the one is that in that Zone being the greatest of the fiue into the which the World is diuided the Easterly windes which they call Brises doe reigne not suffering the Westerne or Southerne which they call lower winds to haue their course at any season of the yeere The other wonder is that these Easterly windes neuer cease to blow and most commonly in places neerest to the Line where it seemes that Calmes should be more frequent being a part of the World most subiect to the heat of the Sunne but it is contrarie for you shall hardly finde any Calmes there and the winde is cold and continues longer which hath beene found true in all the Nauigations of the Indies This is the reason why the voyage they make from Spaine to the West Indies is shorter more easie and more assured then the returne to Spaine The Fleetes parting from Siuil haue more difficultie to passe the Canaries for that the guife of Yegues or of Mares is variable being beaten with diuers windes but hauing passed the Canaries they saile with a Westerne winde vntill they come to the burning Zone where presently they finde an Easterly winde and so they saile on with full windes so as they haue scant any need to touch their sailes in the whole voyage for this reason they called this great gulfe the gulfe of Dames for the calmnesse and pleasantnesse thereof Then following their course they come to the Ilands of Guadelupe Dominique Desired Marigualante and the rest which in that place be as it were the Suburbs of the Indies There the Fleetes separate and diuide themselues whereof some which goe to new Spaine take to the right hand towards Hispaniola and hauing discouered Cape Saint Anthony they passe vnto Saint Iohn Delua alwayes vsing the same Easterly windes Those for the mayne Land take the left hand discouering the high mountaine of Tayrone then hauing touched at Carthagene they passe vnto Nombre de Dios from whence they goe by Land to Panama and from thence by the South Sea to Peru. But when the fleetes returne to Spaine they make their voyage in this sort The fleete of Peru discouers Cape Saint Anthony then they enter into the Hauana which is a goodly Port in the Iland of Cuba The fleet of new Spaine doth likewise touch at the Hauana being parted from Vera Cruz or from the Iland of Saint Iohn Delua the which is not without difficultie for that commonly Easterly windes blow there which is a contrarie winde to goe to the Hauana These fleetes being ioyned together for Spaine they seeke their height without the Tropicks where presently they finde Westerly windes which serue them vntill they come in view of the Acores or Terceres and from thence to Siuil So as their voyage in going is of a small height not aboue twentie degrees from the Line which is within the Tropicks But the returne is without the Tropicks in eight and twentie or thirtie degrees of height at the least for that within the Tropicks the Easterne windes continually blow the which are fittest to goe from Spaine to the West Indies for that their course is from East to West and without the Tropicks which is in three and twentie degrees of height they finde Westerly windes the which are the more certaine and ordinarie the farther you are from the Line and more fit to returne from the Indies for that they are windes blowing from the South and West which serue to runne into the East and North. The like discourse is of the Nauigation made into the South Sea going from new Spaine or Peru to the Philippines or China and returning from the Philippines or China to new Spaine the which is easie for that they saile alwayes from East to West neere the Line where they finde the Easterly windes to blow in their Poope In the yeere 1584.
rich feather They set the Royall Crowne vpon his head and anointed him as they haue beene accustomed to do to all their Kings with an Ointment they call Diâ—me being the same vnction wherewith they did anoint their Idoll Presently an Orator made an eloquent speech exhorting him to arme himselfe with courage and free them from the trauels slauerie and miserie they suffered being oppressed by the Azcapuzalcos which done all did him homage This King was not married and his Counsell held opinion that it was good to marry him with the Daughter of the King of Azcapuzalco to haue him a friend by this alliance and to obtaine some diminution of their heauie burthen of Tributes imposed vpon them and yet they feared lest he should disdaine to giue them his Daughter by reason they were his Vassals yet the King of Azcapuzalco yeelded thereunto hauing humbly required him who with courteous words gaue them his Daughter called Ayâ—nchiguall whom they led with great pompe and ioy to Mexico and performed the Ceremonie and Solemnitie of Marriage which was to tie a corner of the mans Cloake to a part of the womans Veile in signe of the band of Marriage This Queene brought forth a sonne of whose name they demanded aduice of the King of Azcapuzalco and casting Lots as they had accustomed being greatly giuen to Southsayings especially vpon the names of their children hee would haue his Grand-childe called Chimalpopoca which signifies A Target casting smoke The Queene his Daughter seeing the contentment the King of Azcupazalco had of his Grand-childe tooke occasion to intreate him to relieue the Mexicans of the heauie burthen of their Tributes seeing hee had now a Grand-childe Mexican the which the King willingly yeelded vnto by the aduice of his Counsell granting for the Tribute which they paid to bring yeerely a couple of Duckes and some fish in signe of subiection and that they dwelt in his Land The Mexicans by this meanes remained much eased and content but it lasted little For the Queene their Protectrix died soone after and the yeere following likewise Vâ—tzilouitli the King of Mexico died leauing his sonne Chimalpopâ—ca tenne yeeres old he reigned thirteene yeeres and died thirtie yeeres old or little more He was held for a good King and carefull in the seruice of his Gods whose Images hee held Kings to be and that the honour done to their God was done to the King who was his Image For this cause the Kings haue been so affectionate to the seruice of their Gods This King was carefull to winne the loue of his neighbours and to trafficke with them whereby hee augmented his Citie exercising his men in Warrelike actions in the Lake disposing them to that which he pretended as you shall see presently The Mexicans for successor to their deceased King did choose his sonne Chimalpopoca by common consent although he were a child of ten yeeres old being of opinion that it was alwayes necessary to keepe the fauour of the King of Azcapuzalco making his Grand-childe King They then set him in his Throne giuing him the Ensignes of warre with a Bow and Arrowes in one hand and a Sword with Rasors which they commonly vse in the right signifying thereby as they doe say that they pretended by Armes to fed them selues at libertie The Mexicans had great want of water that of the Lake being very thicke and muddie and therefore ill to drinke so as they caused their infant King to desire of his Grand-father the King of Azcapuzalco the water of the Mountaine of Chapultepâ—c which is from Mexico a league as is said before which they easily obtained and by their industrie made an Aquaduct of faggoes weeds and flagges by the which they brought water to their Citie But because the City was built within the Lake and the Aquaduct did crosse it it did breake forth in many places so as they could not enioy the water as they desired and had great scarcitie whereupon whether they did expresly seeke it to quarrel with the Tapanecans or that they were moued vpon small occasion in the end they sent a resolute Ambassage to the King Azcapuzalco saying they could not vse the water which he had graciously granted them and thereâ—ore they required him to prouide them wood lime and stone and to send his Workmen that by their meanes they might make a Pipe of stone and lime that should not breake This message nothing pleased the King and much lesse his subiects seeming to be too presumptuous a message and purposely insolent for Vassals to their Lord. The chiefe of the Counsell disdayning thereat said It was too bold that not content with permission to liue in anothers Land and to haue water giuen them but they would haue them goe to serue them what a matter was that And whereon presumed this fugitiue Nation shut vp in the mud They would let them know how fit they were to worke and to abate their pride in taking from them their Land and their liues In these tearmes and choller they left the King whom they did somewhat suspect by reason of his Grand-childe and consulted againe anew what they were to doe where they resolued and make a generall Proclamation that no Tapanecan should haue any commerce or traffique with any Mexican that they should not goe to their Citie nor receiue any into theirs vpon paine of death Whereby we may vnderstand that the King did not absolutely command ouer his people and that hee gouerned more like a Consull or a Duke then a King although since with their power the command of Kings increased growing absolute Tyrants as you shall see in the last Kings The King of Azcapuzalco seeing the resolution of his subiects which was to kill the Mexicans intreated them first to steale away the young King his Grand-childe and afterwards doe what they pleased to the Mexicans All in a manner yeelded hereunto to giue the King contentment and for pittie they had of the childe but two of the chiefest were much opposite inferring that it was bad counsell for that Chimalpopoca although hee were of their bloud yet was it but by the Mothers side and that the Fathers was to be preferred and therefore they concluded that the first they must kill was Chimalpopoca King of Mexico protesting so to doe The King of Azcapuzalco was so troubled with this contradiction and the resolution they had taken that soone after for very griefe he fell sicke and dyed By whose death the Tapanecans finishing their consultation committed a notable Treason for one night the young King of Mexico sleeping without guard or feare of any thing they of Azcapuzalco entred his Palace and slue him suddenly returning vnseene The morning being come when the Nobles went to salute the King as they were accustomed they found him slaine with great and cruell wounds then they cryed out and filled all their Citie with teares and transported with choller they presently fell to
which God by his wisedome hath decreed for his honour and seruice and for the good and health of man the Deuill striues to imitate and to peruert to be honored and to cause man to be damned for as we see the great God hath Sacrifices Priests Sacraments Religious Prophets and Ministers dedicated to his diuine Seruice and holy ceremonies so the Deuill hath his Sacrifices Priests his kindes of Sacraments his Ministers appointed his secluded and fained holinesse with a thousand sorts of false Prophets BEginning then with their Temples euen as the great God would haue a house dedicated where his holy name might be honoured and that it should be particularly vowed to his seruice euen so the Deuill by his wicked practises perswaded Infidels to build him proud Temples and particular Oratories and Sanctuaries In euery Prouince of Peru there was one principall Guaca or house of adoration and besides it there was one Generall throughout all the Kingdome of the Inguas among the which there hath beene two famous and notable the one which they called Pachamana is foure leagues from Lima where at this day they see the ruines of a most auncient and great building out of the which Francis Pizarre and his people drew infinite treasure of vessels and pots of Gold and Siluer which they brought when they tooke the Ingua Altagualpa There are certaine memories and discourses which say that in this Temple the Deuill did speake visibly and gaue answers by his Oracle and that sometimes they did see a spotted Snake and it was a thing very common and approued at the Indies that the Deuill spake and answered in these false Sanctuaries deceiuing this miserable people But where the Gospell is entred and the Crosse of Christ planted the father of lyes becomes mute as Plutarch writes of his time Cur cessauerit Pithias fundere oracula and Iustine Martyr treates amply of the silence which Christ imposed to Deuils which spake by Idols as it had beene before much prophesied of in the holy Scripture The manner which the Infidell Ministers and Inchanters had to consult with their gods was as the Deuill had taught them It was commonly in the night they entred backward to their Idoll and so went bending their bodies and head after an vgly manner and so they consulted with him The answere he made was commonly like vnto a fearefull hissing or to a gnashing which did terrifie them and all that he did aduertise or command them was but the way to their perdition and ruine There are few of these Oracles found now through the mercy of God and great power of Iesus Christ. There hath beene in Peru another Temple and Oratory most esteemed which was in the Citie of Cusco where at this day is the Monastery of Saint Dominicke We may see it hath beene a goodly and a stately worke by the pauement and stones of the building which remaine to this day This Temple was like to the Pantheon of the Romans for that it was the house and dwelling of all the gods for the Kings Inguas did there behold the gods of all the Nations and Prouinces they had conquered euery Idoll hauing his priuate place whither they of that Prouince came to worâ—hip it with an excessiue charge of things which they brought for his seruice And thereby they supposed to keepe safely in obedience those Prouinces which they had conquered holding their gods as it were in hostage In this same house was the Pinchao which was an Idoll of the Sunne of most fine Gold wrought with great riches of Stones the which was placed to the East with so great Art as the Sunne at his rising did cast his beames thereon and as it was of most fine mettall his beames did reflect with such a brightnesse that it seemed another Sunne The Inguas did worship this for their god and the Pachayacha which signifies the Creator of Heauen They say that at the spoile of this so rich a Temple a Souldier had for his part this goodly plate of gold of the Sunne And as play was then in request he lost it all in one night at play whence came the prouerbe they haue in Peru for great gamesters saying that they play the Sunne before it riseth THe Superstitions of the Mexicans haue without comparison beene greater then the rest as well in their ceremonies as in the greatnesse of their Temples the which in old time the Spaniards called by this word Cu which word might by taken from the Ilanders of Saint Dominique or of Cuba as many other words that are in vse the which are neither from Spaine nor from any other language now vsuall among the Indians as is Mays Chico Vaqâ—ianâ— Chapetâ—n and other like There was in Mexico this Cu the famous Temple of Vitzliputzli it had a very great circuit and within a faire Court It was built of great stones in fashion of Snakes tyed one to another and the circuit was called Coatepantli which is a circuit of Snakes vpon the top of euery Chamber and Oratorie where the Idols were was a fine Pillar wrought with small stones blacke as jeat set in goodly order the ground raysed vp with white and red which below gaue a great light Vpon the top of the Pillar were battlements very artificially made wrought like Snailes supported by two Indians of stone sitting holding Candle-sticks in their hands the which were like Croisants garnished and enriched at the ends with yellow and greene feathers and long fringes of the same Within the circuit of this Court there were many Chambers of religious men and others that were appointed for the seruice of the Priests and Popes for so they call the soueraigne Priests which serue the Idoll This Court is so great and spacious as eight or ten thousand persons did dance easily in round holding hands the which was an vsuall custome in that Realme although it seeme to many incredible There were foure Gates or Entries at the East West North and South at euery one of these Gates began a faire Cawsey of two or three leagues long There was in the midst of the Lake where the Citie of Mexico is built foure large Cawseys in crosse which did much beautifie it vpon euery Portall or Entrie was a God or Idoll hauing the visage turned to the Cawsey right against the Temple gate of Vitzliputzli There were thirtie steps of thirtie fathome long and they diuided from the circuit of the Court by a street that went betwixt them vpon the top of these steps there was a walke of thirtie foot broad all playstered with chalke in the midst of which walke was a Pallisado artificially made of very high Trees planted in order a fathome one from another These Trees were very bigge and all pierced with small holes from the foote to the top and there were rods did run from one Tree to another to the which were chayned or tyed many dead mens heads Vpon euery rod
a matter of importance they appealed from the Counsell Chamber before Moteçuma the King himselfe where the matter was concluded In the Chamber that is intituled The Counsell Chamber of warre were prouided Captaines and Armies for the warres as was appointed by Moteçuma A The Throne and Maiestie of Moteçuma where he sate on Court-dayes and on iudgement B Moteçuma C a house where the Lords of Tâ—nayâ—ca Chienauhtla and Colhuacan were lodged that were friends and confederates of Moteçuma D a house where the chiefe Lords of Tezcucoytacuba were lodged that were Moteçuma his friends EFG The Court of the royall houses of Moteçuma HK These lines that goe vpward are the steps to the Courts of the royall houses of Moteçuma I The counsell chamber of warre K The counsell chamber of Moteçuma L These foure are as Auditors of the counsell of Moteçuma wise men M Pleaders and Sutors that in the degree and appellation from the Alcaldes doe present themselues and appeare before the Auditors of the counsell of Moteçuma THe father and the sonne that sit against each other face to face signifie that the father giueth his sonne good counsell that he be not vicious laying before him for example that those which come to vertue come afterwards in credit with the Lords and Casiques In that they giue them honest offices and doe vse them to be their Messengers and they doe admit Musicians and Singers vnto their feasts and weddings for the credit they beare 2 The pictured in the house where they meane to talke and prouide for publike affaires and the Steward that sitteth therein doth signifie that there are before him weeping because it hath happened vnto them to be occupied in bodily labour that the Coas and Guacales doe represent And the Steward is giuing them good counsell and exhorting them to flee idlenesse is the cause that they come to be Theeues and players at the Ball and players at Patol after the manner of Dice from which Games doe spring theft for to satisfie and fulfill such vices 3 The Carpenter Lapidane Painter Gold-smith and garnisher of feathers signifie that those Artificers teach their sonnes their occupation from their childhood that when they are men they might follow their Trade and spend their time in things of vertue giuing them counsell that of idlenesse commeth euill vices and so euill tongues tale-bearing drunkennesse and theeuerie and many other euill vices A a Messenger BCD The father counselleth his sonne to apply himselfe to all vertue E One hauing a ghest entertayneth a Musician FGI a house where they meâ—t for publike affaires H The Petlacalcatl KM Coa and Guacal LN Touthes O a vagabond P a player at the ball Q a Thiefe R a player at Patol or Dice after their manner S a Carpenter T The Carpenters sonne V a Lapidarie W The Lapidaries sonne X a Painter Y The Painters sonne Z a Gold-smith The Gold-smiths sonne Aa An ill tongued man and tale-bearer Bb An artificer that garnisheth with feathers Cc The artificers sonne Dd a drunkard Ee a drunkard and thiefe the last worke like a halter seemes to signifie the euill ends which such come to The particular punishments follow in the next picture A These two Pictures signifie that the young men that were drunke with Wine dyed for that according to the Law B A young man that was drunke C A young woman if shee were drunke with Wine was killed heere according to the Lawes of Mexico D A Thiefe they stoned him to death according to the Lawes of the Lords of Mexico E These two Pictures layed and couered with clothes doe shew that if any man had carnall dealing with a married woman they stoned them both to death according to the Lawes of the Lords of Mexico F An old man of threescore and tenne yeeres hath licence to drinke Wine and to bee drunke aswell publikely as secretly because he is so old and hath Sonnes and Nephewes at which yeeres Wine and drunkennesse was not forbidden them G An old woman wife to the old man aboue pistured had priuiledge to bee drunke as well as her Husband because shee had children and childrens children and to all those of the like age drunkennesse was not forbidden them CHAP. VIII Conquest of Mexico and New Spaine by HERNANDO CORTES HErnando Cortes was borne at Medellin in Andulozia a Prouince of Spaine Anno 1485. When he was nineteene yeeres old he sayled to the Iland of Saint Domingo where Ouando the Gouernour kindly entertayned him He went to the conquest of Cuba in the yeere 1511. as Clerke to the Treasurer vnder the conduct of Iames Velasques who gaue vnto him the Indians of Manicorao where hee was the first that brought vp Kine Sheepe and Mares and had heards and flockes of them and with his Indians he gathered great quantitie of Gold so that in short time he was able to put in two thousand Castlins for his stocke with Andres de Duero a Merchant At this time Christopher Morante had sent Anno 1517. Francis Hernandes de Cordoua who first discouered Xucatan whence he brought nothing except the relation of the Country but stripes whereupon Iames Velasques in the yeere 1518. sent his Kinsman Iohn de Grijalua with two hundred Spaniards in foure ships he traded in the Riuer of Tauasco and for trifles returned much Gold and curious workes of feathers Idols of Gold a whole harnesse or furniture for an armed man of Gold thin beaten Eagles Lions and other pourtratures found in Gold c. But while Grijalua deferred his returne Velasques agreed with Cortes to bee his partner in the Discouery which he gladly accepted and procured licence from the Gouernours in Domingo and prepared for the Voyage Velasques afterward vsed all meanes to breake off in so much that Cortes was forced to engage all his owne stocke and credit with his friends in the Expedition and with fiue hundred and fiftie Spaniards in eleuen ships set saile the tenth of February 1519. and arriued at the Iland of Acusamil The Inhabitants at first fled but by the kind entertainment of some that were taken they returned and receiued him and his with all kind offices They told him of certayne bearded men in Yucatan whither Cortes sent and one of them Geronimo de Aguilar came vnto him who told him that by shipwracke at Iamaica their Caruell being lost twentie of them wandred in the Boat without sayle water or bread thirteene or fourteene dayes in which space the violence of the current had cast them on shoare in a Prouince called Maija where as they trauelled seuen dyed with famine and their Captayne Valdinia and other foure were sacrificed to be Idols by the Cacike or Lord of the Counâ—rey and eaten in a solemne Banquet and he with sixe other were put into a Coope or Cage to bee fatned for another Sacrifice But breaking Prison they escaped to another Cacike enemy to the former where all the rest dyed but himselfe and Gonsalo
large compassed round about with doores and is so great that a hundred thousand persons come thither to chop and change as a Citie most principall in all that Region Wherefore the resort is from farre parts vnto that place Euery occupation and kinde of merchandise hath his proper place appointed which no other may by any meanes occupie or disturbe Likewise pesterous wares haue their place accordingly that is to say stone timber lime bricke and all kinde of stuffe vnwrought being necessarie to build withall Also Mats both fine and course of sundrie workmanship also Coales Wood and all sorts of earthen vessell glased and painted very curiously Deere skinnes both raw and tanned in haire and without haire of many colours for Shoomakers Bucklers Targets Ierkins and lining of woodden Corselets also skinnes of other beasts and fowle in feathers readie dressed of all sorts the colours and strangenesse thereof was a thing to behold The richest merchandise was Salt and Mantels of cotton wooll of diuers colours both great and smal some for beds others for garments and clothing other for tapissarie to hang houses other cotten cloth for lining breeches shirts table clothes towels napkins and such like things There were also Mantels made of the leaues of the tree called Metl and of Palme tree and Cony haire which are well esteemed being very warme but the Couerlets made of feathers are the best they sell threed made of Cony haire pieces of linnen cloth made of cotton wooll also skaines of threed of all colours also it is strange to see the great store of fowle some wilde some tame some water fowle and other some of rapine All the brauerie of the Market is the place where gold and feathers ioyntly wrought is sold for any thing that is in request is there liuely wrought in gold and feathers and gallant colours The Indians are so expert and perfect in this science that they will worke or make a Butter-flie any wild Beast Trees Roses Flowers Herbs Rootes or any other thing so liuely that it is a thing maruellous to behold It hapneth many times that one of these workmen in a whole day will eate nothing onely to place one feather in his due perfection turning and tossing the feather to the light of the Sunne into the shade or darke place to see where is his most naturall perfection and till his worke be finished he will neither eate nor drinke There are few Nations of so much patience The Art or Science of Gold-smiths among them is the most curious and very good workmanship engrauen with tooles made of flint or in mold They will cast a platter in mold with eight corners and euery corner of seuerall metall that is to say the one of gold and the other of siluer without any kind of solder they will also found or cast a little caldron with loose handles hanging thereat as wee vse to cast a bell they will also cast in mold a fish of metall with one scale of siluer on his backe and another of gold they will make a Parret or Popinjay of metall that his tongue shall shake and his head mooue and his wings flutter they will cast an Ape in mold that both hands and feet shall stirre and hold a spindle in his hand seeming to spin yea and an Apple in his hand as though he would eate it Our Spaniards were not a little amazed at the sight of these things For our Gold-smiths are not to be compared vnto them They haue skill also of Amell worke and to set any precious stone But now as touching the Market there is to sell Gold Siluer Copper Leade Latton and Tin although there is but little of the three last metals mentioned There are pearles precious stones diuers and sundrie sorts of shells and bones spunges and other Pedlers ware which certainly are many and strange sorts yea and a thing to laugh at their Haberdash toyes and triffles There are also many kinde of Hearbs Roots and Seedes as well to bee eaten as for medicine for both men women and children haue great knowledge in hearbs for through pouertie and necessitie they seeke them for their sustenance and helpe of their infirmities and diseases They spend little among Physicians although there are some of that Art and many Apothecaries who doe bring into the market Ointments Sirrops Waters and other drugs fit for sicke persons they cure all diseases almost with hearbs yea as much as for to kill Lice they haue a proper hearbe for the purpose The seuerall kindes of meates to bee sold are without number as Snakes without head and taile little Dogs gelt Moll 's Rats long Wormes Lice yea and a kinde of earth for at one season in the yeere they haue Nets of maile with the which they rake vp a certaine dust that is bred vpon the water of the Lake of Mexico and that is kneaded together like vnto Oas of the Sea they gather much of this victuall and keepe it in heapes and make thereof Cakes like vnto brick-bats they sell not onely this ware in the Market but also send it abroad to other Faires and Markets afarre off they eate this meate with as good stomacks as wee eate cheese yea and they hold opinion that this skum or fatnesse of the water is the cause that such great number of fowle commeth to the Lake which in the winter season is infinite All the Sellers pay a certaine summe for their shops or standings to the King as a custome and they to bee preserued and defended from theeues and for that cause there goe certaine Sergeants or Officers vp and downe the Market to espie out malefactors In the middest of the Market standeth a house which may bee seene throughout the Faire and there sitteth twelue ancient men for Iudges to dispatch Law matters their buying and selling is to change one ware for another as thus one giueth a Hen for a bundell of Maiz other giue Mantels for Salt or money which is Cacao and this is their order to chop and change they haue measure and strike for all kinde of Corne and other earthen measures for Hony and Wine and if any Measure bee falsified they punish the offenders and breake their measures The Temple is called Teucalli that is to say Gods House Teutl signifieth God and Calli is a House a name very fit if that house had beene of the true God The Spaniards that vnderstand not the language doe pronounce and call those Temples Cues and the God Vitzilopuchtli Vchilobos There are in Mexico many Churches with Towres for their Parishes and Streets wherein are Chappels and Altars where the Images and Idols doe stand and those Chappels doe serue for buriall places of their Founders for others are buried in the ground about them or Church-yards All their Temples are of one fashion therefore it shall bee now sufficient to speake of the principall Church This Temple is square and doth