first yeare of the payment of Ship-money the Writs were not issued to all the Counties of England as our Author telleth us but onely to the Maritime Counties which lying all along the shore were most exposed unto the danger of a forraign Enemy But proof being had that the preparations of that yeare were not great enough for the ends intended in the next yeare and not before the like Writs issued out to all Counties in England that is to say Anno 1636. the whole charge layed upon the subject upon that occasion amounting to 2360001. or there abouts which being in lieu of all payments came but to twenty thousand pounds a month and not fully that Neverthelesse the King upon the Arch-Bishops intreaty granted them exemption I never heard that any such exemption was desired by the Clergy but sure I am that no such exemption was ever granted it being as great an indiscretion in them to seek it as it would have been a hinderance to the publick service if they had obtained it The favour which the Arch-Bishop procured for them was no more then this that on complaint made by some of the Clergy how unreasonably they were rated by their neighbours some of them at a sixt some at a fourth part of the Taxe which had been layed upon the Parish he obtained Letters from the King to all the Sheriffes of Englâ—…nd requiring that the Clergy possessed of Parsonages should not be taxed above a tenth part of the Land rate of their severall Parishes and that consideration should be had of Vicars accordingly Which though it were a great and a royall favour such as became a nursing Father of the Church yet wâ—…s it no exemption as our Author calls it unlesse he meaneth an exemptien from the Aâ—…bitrary power of coveâ—…ous and malitious neighbours as indeed it was But our Author goes back to the Attorney of whom he telleth us that He became aâ—…â—…inent instrument both of good and ill and of which most is a great question to the Kings Prerâ—…gative I thinke no question need be made in this particular The Ship money had as faire a triall in the Courts of Westm. as any Cause that ever came before those Judges And as for other projects and Court suites he used first to consult the Law the Kings Honour and the publick good before he would passe any of them insomuch that he was more cursed by the Courtiers I speake this on my certaine knowledge for dashing some of their designes and putting many difficulties upon others of them then any man can possibly imagine of a publick Minister And whereas our Author telleth us in that which followeth that he was drawn into the Kings service by the lure of advancement I am confident on the other side that it was rather a contemplation of doing his duty to the King then any thought of advancement by it which drew him to accept that office so much sought by others in managing whereof he declined so much private business to attend the King and attended that with such an eye to his Masters honour that I may very safely say he did not gaine so much in the whole time of his service as his Predecessors or Successors did after in any one yeare of their imployment But in regard 〈◊〉 came without Credentiall Letters from the Queen of Sweden he denied him audience whereupon he returned in some disgust In this short passage there are more mistakes then lines For first it is not likely that young Oxenstâ—… whom he speakes of came without Credentiall Letters being treated as he was in the quality of an Embassador which without such Letters had not been Secondly I am sure that he had a publick and solemne audience my curiosity carrying me to the Court that day not so much to see the Formalities of such Receptions to wâ—…ch I could not be a â—…nger as to behold the Son oâ—… so wise a Father who had so long with so much pâ—…udence and successe conducted the affaâ—…s of the Crown of Sweden Thirdly If he departed in some disgust as by accepting of a rich Ring from King Lewis of France and refusing 〈◊〉 present of better value â—…offered by King Charles it was thought he did it was not because he was denied a publick audience but because he had proposed some things to the King for carrying on the war in Germany in behalfe of the Swedes which the King thought not fit to consent unto being then in hopes of some accommodation to be made with the Emperor touching the Palatinate At the same time there was also a Synod assembled wherein the bodie of Articles formed by that Church Anno 1615. were repealed and in their places were substituted the 39. Articles of the Church of England intending to create an uniformity of beliefe between both Churches And certainly the designe was pious and the reasons prevalent first in relation to the Papists who made great aime at it that in the Churches of three Kingdomes united all under one chiefe Governour there should be three severall and distinct and in some points contrary Confessions yet all pretending unto one and the same Religion next in relation to the Puritanes who in the controverted points about Predestination and the Lords day-Sabbath when they had nothing else to say did use to fly for refuge to the Articles of the Church of Ireland where the Predestinarian Doctrines and Sabbatarian speculations had found entertainment aud thesâ—… and none but thesâ—… found themselves grieved and troubled at the alteration Nor was this alteration made by the hand of power but the power of reason The matter being canvased and debated in the Convocation there before it was put unto the vote and being put unto the vote notwithstanding the strong interposition of the Lord Primate of Armagh was carried by the farre greater part of voyces for the Church of England But all the service they did this Summer was inconsiderable in regard they never came to engagement onely their formidable appearance secured the Seas from those Petit Larcenies and Piracies wherewith they were formerly so molested Had this been all their service had been very considerable the clearing the Sea of Pyrates being of so great benefit and consequence to the trade and flourishing of this Kingdome For by this meanes and the well-setled peace which we had at home the greatest part of the wealth in these parts of Christendome was carryed up the Thames and managed in the City of London But this was not all The King by this Formidable appearancâ—… as our Author calls it regained the Dominion of the Sea which had been lately hazarded if not wholly lost insomuch as the Kâ—…ng of Spaine thought it his best and safest wâ—…y to send the money designed for the payment of his Armies in Flanders in the Ships of English Merchants onely By meanes whereof there was brought yearly into England between 2 3 hundred thousand pound in uncoyned Bullion
by some few ordinary Parishioners and an Appeale made from the Ordinary to the Deane of the Arches the Cause was brought before the King then sitting in his Privie Council Anno 1633. who on the hearing of all parties and the Reasons alledged on both sides having first testified His dislike of all Innovations He concludes at last That hâ—… did well approve and confirmed the Act of the said Ordinary and also gave commandemâ—…nt that if those few Parishioners before 〈◊〉 did proceed in their said Appeal then the Dâ—…an of the Arches should confirm the said Order of the aforesaid Deane and Chapter Here was authority enough as good authority for the Archbishop to proceed upon in his Visitation as the Prevogative Royall the new Statute of the Queen and the old Lawes of the Land could give him This then was no Anomalous Innovation as our Author calls it The King it seems thought otherwise of it and so did all men studied in the Rules of this Church and the practice of approved Antiquity who looked upon it as a Renovation of a Rite disused not as an Innovation or Introduction of a new Ceremonie never used before But sure our Author had forgotten when these words fell from him what he said before of the Remisse Government of Archbishop Abbot the titular Archbishop as he calls him there but Titular in nothing so much as not doing the duties of his Office of whom hâ—… tells us Fol. 127. that by his extraordinary remisnesse in not exacting strict conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in point of Ceremonie he led in such an habit of Inconformity as the future reduction of those tender-conscienced men to long discontinued obedience was interpreted an Innovation But the Controversie is not onely managed betwixt our Author and himself but as he telleth us afterward between Bishops and Bishops for as he saith The Bishop of Lincolne published a Tract under a concealed name positively asserting therein that the holy Table antiently did in the Primitive times and ought so in ours according to the Dictates of our Church stand in Gremio and Nave of the Quire The Tract here meant was called The Holy Table name and thing in which the Bishop hath said much but asserted little Affirmations are no Proofs in Law and multitudes of allegations falsified in themselves and wrested to a contrary seâ—…ce make not one good Evidence yet this is all we are to look for in the Bishops Book It being not untruly said in the Answerers Preface that he came armed into the field with no other weapons than impudence ignorance and falshoods And to say truth it can be no otherwise when a man writes both against his science and his conscience as we have very good cause to think this Bishop did Look on him in the point of practise and we shall finde the Communion Table placed Altar-wise in the Cathedral Church of Lincolne whereof he was Bishop and in the Collegiate Church of Westminster of which he was Dean and in the private Chappel of his House at Bugdon in which last it was not only placed Altar-wise but garnisht with rich Plate and other costly Utensils one of his own words in more than ordinary manner Look on him in his letter to the Vicar of Grantham and he tells him thus that your Communion Table is to stand Altar-wise if you meane in that place of the Chancell where the Altar stood I thinke somewhat may be said for that because the injunctions 1559. diâ—… so place it and I conceive it to be the most decent scituation when it is not used and for use too where the quire is mounted up by steps and open so that he that officiates may be seene and heard of all the Congregation Nor writes he thus onely to that Vâ—…ar but he allowes it in that Tract which my Author speakes of both in Cathedrall Churches and in the Kings Chappels and in the Chappels of great men which certainly have no more Law for it then what the Archbishop had for placing it in the Parish Churches which as the Bishop telleth the Vicar are to be presidented by the formes in his Majesties Chappels and in the Quires of their Cathedralls If it be asked what moved the Bishop to stickle so stoutly in this businesse it may be answered that he loved to fiâ—…sh in a troubled water that being a man which considered only his own ends he went such wayes as most conduced to the â—…ccomplishing of the ends he aimed at Being in Power and place at Court in the time of K. James he made himself the head of the Popish Faction because he thought the match with Spaine which was then in treaty would bring not only a connivance to that Religion but also a Toleration of it And who more like to be in favour if that match went on then such as were most zealous in doing good offices to the Catholick cause But being by King Charles deprived first of the Great Seale and afterwards commanded to retire from Westminster he gave himselfe to be the head of the Puritane party opposing all the Kings proceedings both in Church and State and amongst others this of placing the Communion Table to make himselfe gracious with that Sect who by their shy practises and insinuations and by the Remisse Government and connivance of Archbishop Aâ—…ot had gained much ground upon the people If it be asked what authority I have for this I answer that I have as good as can be wished for even our Author himselfe who telleth us of this Bishop Fol. 145. That being malevolently inclined by the Kings disfavours he thought he could not gratifie beloved revenge better then to endeavour the supplanting of his Soveraigne To which end finding him declining in the affections of his people he made his Apostraphe and applications to them fomenting popular discourses tending to the Kings dishonour c. And being set upon this pinne no mervaile if he entertained the present occasion of making the Archbishop odiouâ—… and the King himselfe lesse pleasing in the eyes of the Subjects But of this Bishop we may perhaps have some occasion to speak more hereafter In the meane time we must follow our Author who having done with the Archbishop goes on to his Instruments for so he calls them in which he saith he was most unhappy Why so because saith he They were not blamelesse in their lives some being vitious even to scandall Our Author needed not have told us in his Preface by the way of prevention that he should be thought no friend to the Clergy we should have found that here in such Capitall Letters as any man that runs might read them Vitious even to scandall that goes high indeed and it had well become our Author to have named the men that so the rest of the Clergy might have been discharged of that â—…oule reproach For my part I have took some paines to inquire after such instruments and subordinate
Enterprise upon the Dukes default I bâ—…lieve not so For though Sir Robert were Vice-Admirall and had the subordinate power to the Duke of Buckingham in all things which concerned that Office yet in the present Enterprise he had not any thing at all to pretend unto the Lord Admirall himselfe not acting in occasionall services or great employments at the Sea in regard of his Office but as he is impowred by special Commission from the King which he may grant to any other as He sees cause for it A thing so obvious in the course of our English stories that I need bring no examples of it to confirm this truth And the first thing resolved upon was His solemne Initiation into Regality and setting the Crown upon His head As solâ—…mne as the King esteemed it yet our Authour as it seems thinks more poorly of it For he not onely censureth it for a vanity though a serious vanity but thinks that Kâ—…ngs are idle in it though idle to some better purpose than in 〈◊〉 and Dances Are not all Christian Kâ—…ngs wiâ—…h whom the Rites of Coronation are accounted sacred much concerned in this and the Scriptures more are not the Ceremonies of Anointing and Crowning Kings of great antiquâ—…ty in all Nations throughout the World directed by the holy Spirit in the Book of God exempl fiâ—…d in Saul David Solomon but most particularly in the inauguration of Jehoash the 2 of Kings 11. 12. where it is said that Jehojada the high Priest brought forth the Kings son and put the Crown upon him and gave him the testimonies and they made him King and anointed him and clapt their hands and said GOD SAVE THE KING Was this a Pageant think we of tâ—…e high Priests making to delight the Souldiery or a solemnity and ceremony of Gods own appointing to distinguish his Vicegerents from inferiour persons and strike a veneration towards them in all sorts of men whether Priests or people He that shall look upon the Coronation of our Saviour the placing of the Crown upon his head and putting the Scepter into his hands and bowing of the knee before him with this acclamation Haile King of the Jewes will therein finde a pattern for the Inauguration of a Christian King In which there is not any thing of a serious vanity as our Authour calls it but a grave pious and religious conformity to the Investiture and Coronation of their supreme Lord. I could enlarge upon this subjâ—…ct but that I think better of our Authour than some of our Historians doe of Henry Duke of Buckingham of whom it is observed that at the Coronation of King Richard the third he cast many a squint eye upon the Crown as if he thought it might be set on a fitter head But our Authour passeth from the Coronation to the following Parliament In order whereunto he tellâ—… us that The Lord Keeper Williams was displaced and his place was disposed of to Sir Thomas Coventrie Our Authour is here out again in his Temporalities the Lord Keeper Williams not being displaced betwixt the Coronation and the following Parliament but some months before For the Great Seale was taken from him in October three moneths and more before the day of the Coronation Sir Thomas Coventrie sitting in 〈◊〉 as Lord Keeper both in the Michaelmas Term at Reading and in the Candlemas Term at Westminster The like mistake he gives us in his Temporalities touching Bâ—…shop Land whom he makes Bishop of Bathe and Wells at the time of his afflâ—…cting in the Coronation whereas indeed he was at that time Bishop of St. Davids onely and not translated to the Bishoprick of Bathe and Wells till September following And that I may not trouble my self with the like observation at another time though there be many more of this nature to be troubled with I shall crave leave to step forth to Fol. 96. where it is said That the Articles of Lambeth were so well approved of by King James as he first sent them fiâ—…st to the Synod of Dort as the Doctrine of our Church where they were asserted by the suffrage of our British Divines and after that commended them to the Convocation held in Ireland to be asserted amongst the Articles of Religion established Anno 1615. and accordingly they were This is a very strange Hysteron Proteron setting the cart before the horse as we use to say For certainly the Articles of Lambeth being made part of the Confession of the Church of Ireland Anno 1615. as indeed they were could not before that time be sent to the Assembly or Synod at Dort which was not held till three years after Anno 1618. And this I take to be from what more than a superannuating as to call it in his Temporalities though he be confident in his Preface that he stands secure not onely from substantiall falshoods but even from circumstantiall also in assigning all both things and actions their proper times How ill this confidence is grounded we have seen in part and shall see more hereof hereafter as occasion serveth Who loved the Bishop if Fame belies her not better than was fit I think our Authour with more prudence might have spared this Note especially having Fame onely for the ground thereof which is so infamousâ—…n â—…n Historian as a learned Gentleman hath well noted that no wise man would build on the credit of it If Fames and Libels should once passe for Hâ—…storicall truths few Kings or Favorites or Ministers of great affairs or indeed who else would goe with honour to their graves or live with glory in the mouthes of the next Posterities Wilson a creature and dependent of the Earle of Warwicke whom you accuse elsewhere of partiality in the businesse of the Earl of Essex leaves the like stain upon his Lady but out of zeale to the good cause indevoureth to acquit the Bâ—…shop from the guilt thereof by saying that he was Eunuchus ab utero an Eunuch from his Mothers wombe which all that knew that Prelate most extremely laughed at And what had he for his authority but Famâ—… and Libels purposely scattered and divulged amongst the people to disgrace that Family by the malitious Contrivers of the Publique ruine The honour of Ladies in the generall is a tender point not easily repaired if wronged and therefore to be left untouched or most gently handled For which cause possibly S. 〈◊〉 adviseth that we give honour to the Woman as the weaker vessell and weaker vessels if once crackt by ungentle handling are either utterly broken or not easily mended And for this Lady in particular whom these two Authours tosse on the breath of Fame I never heard but that she was a person of great parts and honour and one that never did ill offices to any man during the time of her great power and favour both with King and Queen So that we may affirme of her as the Historian doth of Livia that great Emperours Wife Potentiam
ejus nemo sensit nisi aut levatione periculi aut accessione dignitatis that no body ever found her power but either in lessening his deserved punishments or adding some respects to him for his well-deservings Nor seemed the question in the sense of many which was the Traytour but which was the most That is to say whether the Duke of Buckingham or the Earle of Bristol were the greater Traytour though it appeareth not for any thing which our Authour tells us that any treason was proved against either of them For had the Duke proved his Charge of Treason against the Earle he had both power and opportunity enough to have wrought his ruine or had the Earle proved the like Charge against the Duke the Commons needed not have troubled themselves with a new Impeachment containing nothing but Encroachments on the Royall favour and some miscarriages which at another time and in another man would have been connived at Our Author gives us a sull Copie of the Earles Charge against the Duke but of the Dukes Charge against the Earle whether out of Partiality or want of Information he affords us nothing I shall therefore adde so much in the way of supplement as to subjoyn three or four of the principall Articles of the Charge against him leaving them here as they were left in the House of Peers without any further prosecution than the Narrative onely It was then charged upon the Earle 1. That having certified King James by several Letters out of Spain that the Treaty of the Match was in a very good forwardnesse the Prince at his arrivall there found it nothing so there being little done in relation to it 2. That in the time of his negotiation by Letters unto his late Majesty and otherwise he counselled and perswaded the said Kings Majesty to set at liberty the Jesuits and Priests of the Romish Religion and to grant and allow unto the Papists and Professours of the same a free toleration and silencing the Laws made and studing in force against them 3. That at the Princes coming into Spain the said Earle of Bristol cunningly falsly and traiterously moved and perswaded the Prince being then in the power of a forreign King of the Romish Religion to change his Religion and used many dangerous and subtile insinuations to that effect 4. That in pursuance of the said trayterous designe he used these words unto the Prince That the State of England did never any great thing but when they were under the obedience of the Pope of Rome and that it was impossible they should doe anything of note otherwise 5. That a Proposition being made by the King of Spaine touching the Palatinate which was That the eldest Son of the Prince Palatine should marry with the Emperours Daughter but must be bred up in the Emperours Court the said Earle delivered his opinion That he thought it unreasonable And when the danger was presented in regard of the alteration of the young Princes Religion which must needs follow thereupon the said Earle answered That without some great action the peace of Christendome would never be had Comparing these with those that were charged upon the Duke it will appeare that they both concurred in one designe which was to â—…ender each oâ—…her suspected in matter of Loyalty Religion though by so doing they made good sport to all their Enemies and the world to boot Many good men as our Authour calls them being passing jocund at the contest But it was resolved by the Judges that by their Restraint i. e. the Restraint of Sir Dudley Diggs and Sir John Eliot no reason being given to the House for it the whole House was Arrested The Judges were wise men and would not strive against the stream as the saying is for otherwise I can see no reason of their resolute precedents to the contrary there are many in the times foregoing of which I shall instance in two onely and those two in a Parliament held in the 35 year of the so much celebrated Reigne of Queen Elizabeth The first is this Mr. Peter Wentworth and Sir Henry Bromely delivered a Petition to the Lord Keeper desiring the Lords of the Upper House to be Suppliants with them of the Lower House unto Her Majesty for entailing of the succession of the Crown whereof a Bill was ready drawn by them Her Majesty was highly displeased herewith as contrary to Her former strait command and charged the Councell to call the parties before them Sir Thomas Henage being then Vice-Chamberlaine and one of the Lords of the Privie Councell sent for them and after speech with them commanded them to foâ—…ar the Parliament and not to go out of their severall lodgings After they were called before the Lord Treasurer the Lord Buckhurst and Sir Thomas Henage Mr. Wentworth was committed by them to the Tower Sir Henry Bromely with Master Richard Stevens to whom Sir Henry Bromely had imparted the matter were sent to the Fleet as also Mr. Welch the other Knight for Worcestershire In the same Parliament one Mr. Morrice Attorney of the Dutchy of Lancaster who is to be my second instance moved against the hard courses of the Bâ—…shops Ordinaries and other Ecclesiâ—…sticall Judges in their Courts used towards sundry learned and godly Ministers and Preachers and spake against subseription and oathes and offered a Bill to be read against Imprisonment for refusall of such Oathes which comming to the Queens knowledge and Mr. Coke afterwards Sir Edward Coke then Speaker of the House of Commons being sent for and admonished not to admit of that or any such Bills if they should be offered the said Mr. Morrice as I have been credibly informed was taken out of the House by Sergeant at the Armes but howsoever sure I am that he was committed unto Prison for the said Attempt And when it was moved in the House by one Mr. Wroth that they might be humble Suitors to Her Majesty that she would be pleased to set at liberty those Members of the House that were restrained To this it was answered by all the Privy Counsellours which were then Members of the House that Her Majesty had committed them for causes best known to Her selfe and to presse Her Highnesse with this suit would but hinder them whose good is sought That the House must not call the Queen to accompt for what shâ—… doth of her Royall Authority That the causes for which they were restrained may be high and dangerous That Her Majesty lâ—…h no such questions neither doth it become the House to search into such mattâ—…rs Whereupon the House desisted from interposing any further in their behaâ—…f And thus we see that no fewer than five Members that is to say Wentworth Welch Bromely Stevens and Mâ—…rrice â—…ut off at one time from the House of Commons without any remedy or any Declâ—…ration of the Judges that any such Arrest as is here pretended was layd upon the House by their Imprisonment So
that there was not greater care taken to commit this Bishop to the Tower then to release another from it of which he saith that Munday the 16 of Novemb. the Lord Bishop of Lincolne was set free of his imprisonment in the Tower upon the suit of the House of Peers to His Majestie and the next day being a day of Humiliation he was brought into the Abbey Church by six Bishops and officiated there as Dean of Westminster before the Lords So shall it be done unto the man whom the People honour Never was man more honoured for the present both by Lords and Commons his person looked upon as sacred his words deemed as Oracles and he continued in this height till having served their turn against the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Earle of Strafford he began sensibly to decline and grew at last the most hated man of all the Hierarchie But he was wise enough to foresee the change and prepare himself for it For I remember that congratulating him for the high esteem to which he had attained in both Houses of Parliament and representing to him the many opportunities which he had thereby of doing service to the King and good to the Church He told me that he did not think that the Parliament had any better affections for him than for the rest of his Brethren that the difference between them stood onely thus that some of them might be more hated than he but that he was not more beloved than any of them And finally such was the freedome he used with me that all the courtesâ—…e he expected from them was that which Poliphemus promised to Ulysses that is to say to eat him last after he had devoured his fellows How truly this was said the event hath proved It was unanimously voted by the Commons That the Charge imposed upon the Subject for the providing and furnishing of Ships and the Assesments for raising of money for that purpose commonly called Ship-money are against the Laws of the Realme Nor was it only voted thus in the House of Commons but afterwards in the House of Peers and all proceedings in the Case both at the Councell Table the Star-Chamber and the Courts of Justice declared null and void yet for all this the opinion of the Legality of it was so fixed in the mindes of many understanding men that it could not easily be removed 1. In regard of the great learning and integrity of the man by whom it was first set on foot 2. Because all the Judges had subscribed unanimously to the Lawfulnesse of it in time of danger of which danger the King was declared to be the Judge 3. Because being brought to a publick tryall after it had been argued by the Councel on both sides in the Courts of Justice and by all the Judges in the Exchequer Chamber there passed a definitive sentence for it in behalf of the King 4. Because voted down by the Houses of Parliament in a meer arbitrary way than was expected without being brought to a review neither the Kings Councell being heard nor the Judges called to shew the Reasons of their opinions 5. Because it was ordered by the House of Commons that the Arguments of Justice Crooke and Justice Hutton for the illegality thereof should be put in print those of the other eight Judges which were for the Lâ—…gallity of it continuing suppressed which gave occasion to most men to think that there was more reason for it in those Arguments than was thought fit to see the light And last of all because notwithstanding all this care to vote down this Assesment they were faine to have recourse to the King for obtaining of an Act of Parliament to secure them from it for the time to come In the mean time it was thought fit to impeach the Judges of high Treason that having such a rod over them they might be sure that nothing should be declared for Law but as they would have it Not being satisfied in this Vote I fear I shall finde lesse satisfaction in that that follows that is to say that The Clergie in a Synod or Convocation hath no power to make Canons Constitutions or Lawes to binde either Laity or Clergie without a Parliament This is a new piece of State-doctrine never known before the Convocation having no dependence upon the Parliament either in the calling or dissolving of it nor in the confirmation authorizing of the Acts thereof but only on the King himselfe and not upon the Kings sitting in the Court of Parliament but in his Palace or Court Royall wheresoever it be And this appeareth both by the Statute made in the 26 of Henry 8th and the constant practise ever since But whereas it was voted also that the Canons are against the Fundamentall Lawes of this Realme and against the Kings Prerogative c. I am to tell my Author that before the Canons were subscribed they were imparted to the King and by Him communicated to the Lords of the Privy Councell the Judges and the Kings Councell learned in the Laws of this Realm being then attending in the hearing of all which they were read and by all approved which had been strange if any thing tending unto faction and sedition or to the diminution of the Subjects property and the Kings prerogative or otherwise against the known Laws of the Land had been found in them And finally whereas our Author doth inform us that this censure passed upon the Canons upon a full debating of the Cause on both sides I would faine know by whom it was debated on the behalf of the Clergie I have some reason to believe that none of the Clergie of that Convocation who best understood their own businesse were called to the debating of it or that they did appear there by their Councell learned sufficiently authorized and instructed to advocate for them and therefore if any such debating was it must be managed either by some Members of their owne House or by some London Ministers purposely called out of the rest to betray the Cause and be it which of these it will it is not to be doubtâ—…d but their Arguments were either fiâ—…ted to the sence of the House or built on such weak promises as nothing but a Vote of Condemnation could ensuâ—… upon them Nor was it thought sufficient to decry the Canons unlesse the Canon-makers were kept under by the hand of terrour And therefore as before they impeached the Judges so did they Frame a Bill for Fineing all the Clergy of that Convocation according to the place and station which they held therein By this meanes keeping them in such awe that sew of them durst appeare in maintenance of their owne Authority or in opposing those encroachments and Innovations which day by day were thrust upon them Toward which worke our Nation was so auxiliary so assistant yet at the end brought them in no Bill of charges There was no reason why they
l. 21. for and r. but p. 33. l. 21. for House r. Houses p. 41. l. 18. for his r. this p. 44. l. 30. for unreasonable r. reasonable p. 45. l. 21. r. resolutions p. 58. for faciente r. â—…vente p. 64. l. 15. for paper r. prayers p. 76. l. 22. for pressed r. suppressed p. 78. l. 28. for Westminâ—… r. Winchester p. 95. l. 6. to no body but themselves adâ—… in case they should be discontinued for the times to come p. 105 l. 14. for menâ—… r. mutare p. 106. l. 23. for that r. not p. 140 l. 11. foâ—… finding r. hiding ibid. l. 19. for 〈◊〉 r. offense p. 149. l. 10. for restrain r. â—…range p. 152. l. 11. for then r. therein p. 153. l. 26. for last r. cast p. 154. l. 2. for 1631. r. 16â—…0 p. 160. l. 15. for Gadus r. Gades p. 184. l. 26. for yet could this r. yet could not this p. 186. l. 30. for insalvation r. inâ—…tuation p. 190. l. 25. for asserting r. offering p. 204. l. 27. for Enoch r. 〈◊〉 p. 208. l. 22. for judicious r. judiciary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 more p. 234. l. 8. for cars r. â—…ouse p. 238. l. 9. for committeâ—… r. admitted ibid. l. 16. for neither r. either p. 143. l. 6. r 〈◊〉 p. 247. l. 13. del And finally not to say any thing of the Militia with the Forts and Navy wherein they had not His consent and adde the same to the end of the 12 line in the page next following p. 248. l. 10. for intrenching r. retrench A Table of the principal Observations A DR Abbot Archbishop of Canterbury his Irregularity through killing a Keeper casually 55 His Remissnesse in not exacting Conformity to the Churches Orders occasioned the term of Innâ—…vations 〈◊〉 Arminians what they are 15 Whether Enemies of Gods Grace 18 What caused K. James to be an adversary to them 23 Montacu's Book called Appello Caesarem licensed by King James his command 33 Call'd in again by King Charles 69 Arminianism call'd a Bridge to Popery 80 B BIshops War falsly so called 151 Bishops Presbyters terms not of equivalent import 183 Their Office calling defended to be by divine Rght even Laymen 185 Mr. Grimstons Argument against it retorâ—…ed by Mr. Selden 188 Whether they may be assistant in causes of Blood and Death for which cause they were excluded the House of 〈◊〉 at my Lord of Straffords triall 224 Earle of Bristol V. Digby Duke of Buckingham V. Viliers Dr. Burgesse his answeâ—…ing the Act at Oxford 182 C CAlvinianism how it differs from S. Augustine's Doctrine 110 King Charles crown'd in White an Emblem of Innocence his Predecessors in Purple an Emblem of Majesty 29 How he vail'd his Câ—…owne to his subjects 30 48 His Maxime 'T is better to be deceived than to distrust 105 His Entertainment at Bolsover Castle cost 6000â—… 106 His neglecting those arts for keeping up of Majesty which Qu â—…lizah practised 109 The true cause of the miscarriage of his Expedition against the Scots 157 His error in recalling his Forces thence 160 How the Hollanders affronted him and made him vaile his Crown 166 Clergy-mens Vices to be concealed rather than published 140 A Minister as good as any Jack-Gentlemen in England well interpreted 141 The Clergy in Convocation have a power to grant Subsidies not confirmed by the Commons in Parliament 196 Coronation Rites thereof no vain Ceremonies 37 D SIr Edw Decring his character 177 Digby E. of Bristoll not impowred by proxie to celebrate the Marriage with the Infanta 8 His impeachment by the D. of Buckingham 43 50 F FAme no ground for an Historian 41 G GLoria Patri standing up at it retained in our Reformed Church ex vi Catholicae consuctudinis 87 H MR. Hamilton's end in raising Forces for Germany 101 His being sent Commissioner into Scotland 142 His subtill practises against the King 149 The Scots speech of him That the Son of so good a Mother would do them no hurt 156 He the cause of dissolving the short Parliament 175 Hate Naturale est odisse quem laeseris 170 I K. James Whether the wisest King of the British Nation 13 His seeing a Lion the King of beasts baited presag'd his being baited by his subjects 28 Dr. Juxon Bishop of Lond. why made Lord Treasurer 130 His moderation and humility in that officce being neither ambitious before nor proud after 132 K KNighthood the Statute for taking that order 98 L DR Lamb his death the city not fin'd for it 66 Lambeth Articles when made part of the confession of the Church of Ireland 40 When and why the articles of Ireland were repeal'd c. or 39 Articles substituted in their places 127 The occasion of making them the Lambeth articles 72 Of no Authority in the Ch of England 75 What mov'd K. James to send them to Dort 23 And put them into the Irish Confession 77 Dr. Laud Archbishop of Canterbury Whether a favourer of the Popish faction 171 Ceremonies renued by him tended rather to the ru ine than advancement of the Catholike cause 173 He no cause of dissolving the short Parl. 174 His being voted guilty of High Treason and committed to the Bl. Rod 215 Lyturgie-English endeavoured by K. Charles to be brought into Scotland 143 His Error in not suppressing and punishing the Tumults at Edenburgh when the Scottish service was first read 145 Bish. of Lincoln v. Williams Londoners Petition for redressing of Grievances 200 M MAsques That of the four Inns of Court how occasioned 118 E. of Montrose the cause of his adhering to the Covenanters 206 N MR. Noy Attorny general his great parts 121 Integrity 124 Parliaments not co-ordinate to Kings but subordinate 28 The Members thereof have been imprisoned 43 Whether Lords created sedente Parliamento may be admitted to Vote 48 House of Commons called by Writ only to consent submit not to judg 58 Whether the H. of Commons could 〈◊〉 the H. of Peers consisting of 118 thrice over 59 Bishops Members of the H. of Peeres 60 Their Exclusion thence had this consequent the abrogating of the Kings Negative Voyce 60 The King no Member of the H. of Peeres but supreme Head of all 61 Disorderly and tumultuous carriage of Parliaments cause of their change and discontinuance 94 Members presented not to be questioned without the House's Order 95 Scotcâ—… Parliament how called anciently 162 The Kings calling a Parliament after the Expedition against the Scots unsafe unseasonable 167 That Parliament which was the ruine of Woolsey and overthrow of Abbeys began the third of Novem. the same day of the month began our long Parliament which ruin'd the Archb of Canterbury the whole Church 207 No reason for holding the Parliam at Westm. it had been better at York 209 Who perswaded the King to assent to the Act for a perpetual Parliament 243 S. Pauls Church the repairing thereof 103 Peoples Darlings of short continuance 35 Popery Montacu and â—…osins not