as the worst of all People And howsoever they call themselves or be named of others yet are they indeed no true Christians but worse than Jews worse than Heathens and such as shall never enjoy the Kingdom of Heaven And the third Homily speaks in these Words How horrible a Sin against God and Man Rebellion is cannot possibly be expressed according to the greatness thereof For he that nameth Rebellion nameth not a singular or one only Sin as is Theft Robbery Murther and such like but he nameth the whole Puddle and Sink of all Sins against God and Man against his Prince his Country his Country-men his Parents his Children his Kinsfolks his Friends and against all Men universally all Sins I say against God and all Men heaped together nameth he that nameth Rebellion And besides the dishononor done by Rebels unto God's holy Name by their breaking of their Oaths made to their Prince with the Attestation of God's Name and calling of his Majesty to Witness And in the fourth Homily having shewn the horrible destruction of Corah Dathan and Abiram and others for their Rebellions and Murmurings Now says the Homily if such strange and horrible Plagues did fall upon such Subjects as did only murmur and speak evil against their Heads What shall become of those most wicked Imps of the Devil that do Conspire Arm themselves Allemble great Numbers of Armed Rebels and Lead them with them against their Prince and Country Spoiling and Robbing Killing and Murthering all good Subjects that do withstand them as many as they may prevail against Though not only great Multitudes of the Rude and Rascal Commons but sometime also Men of great Wit Nobility and Authority have moved Rebellions against their Lawful Princes Though they should pretend sundry Causes as the Redress of the Commwealth which Rebellion of all other Mischiefs doth most destroy or Reformation of Religion whereas Rebellion is most against all true Religion though they have made a great Shew of Holy Meaning by beginning their Rebellion with a Counterfeit Service of God as did wicked Absalom begin his Rebellion with sacrificing unto God Yet neither the Dignity of any Person nor the Multitude of any People nor the Weight of any Cause is sufficient for the which Subjects may move Rebellion against their Princes And for so much as the Redress of the Commonwealth hath of old time been the usual feigned Pretence of Rebels and RELIGION now of late beginneth to be a Colour of Rebellion let all Godly and Discreet Subjects consider well of both and first concerning Religion What a Religion it is that such Men by such Means would restore may easily be judged even as Good a Religion surely as Rebels be Good Men and Obedient Subjects and as Rebellion is a good means of Redress and Reformation being itself the greatest Deformation of all that may possibly be But as the Truth of the Gospel of our Saviour Christ being quietly and soberly taught though it do cost them their Lives that do teach it is able to maintain the true Religion so hath a frantick Religion need of such furious Maintainers as is Rebellion and such Patrons as are Rebels Now concerning Pretences of any Redress of the Commonwealth made by Rebels every Man that hath half an Eye may see how vain they be Rebellion being as I have before declared the grearest Ruin and Destruction of all Commonwealths that may be possible Wherefore to conclude Let all good Subjects considering how horrible a Sin against God their Prince their Country their Country-men against all God's and Man's Laws Rebellion is being indeed not one several Sin but all Sins against God and Man heaped together considering the mischievous Life and Deeds and the shameful Ends and Deaths of all Rebels hitherto and the pitiful undoing of their Wives Children and Families and disinheriting of their Heirs for ever and above all things considering the Eternal Damnation that is prepared for all impenitent Rebels in Hell with Satan the first Founder of Rebellion and Grand Captain of all Rebels Let all good Subjects I say considering these Things avoid and flee all Rebellion as the greatest of all Mischiefs And as the fifth Homily ends knowing these the special Instruments and Ministers of the Devil to the stirring up of all Rebellions avoid and flee them and the Pestilent Suggestions of such Foreign Usurpers and their Adherents and embrace all obedience to God and their Natural Princes and Sovereigns c. These are the Words of our Homilies which have much more to the same purpose But I am afraid I have transgressed upon your Patience in repeating so much of them But I was in more than ordinary concern to see our Author so gravely vouch the Homilies on his side which might pass with those who have not consulted them therefore forgive my insisting so long upon them and I will not trouble you to apply all this to his Hypothesis I should reckon it an Affront to your Understanding to attempt it Only I pray keep this with you That you know what stress to lay upon this Author 's Confident Vouching We are now come to our Author 's lesser Quotations which might be spar'd for after examining what he offers from Reason from Scripture from the Homilies and Publick Acts of our Church and from our Acts of Parliament and the Laws what Private Writer can have Authority to over-ballance all these But if even those very Authors he quotes either make nothing for him or make directly against him then we must suppose That he thought his Cause very destitute when he could find no more to say for it From Grotius He begins with Grotius Introduction n. 1. p. 2. these are the Words of his Quotation This is Grotius's Opinion says our Author in his Book De Jure Belli Pacis lib. 1. cap. 4. § 11. where citing Barclay he says Ait idem Barclaius amitti Regnum si Rex vere hostili animo in totius Populi Exitium feratur quod concedo consistere enim simul non possunt voluntas imperandi voluntas perdendi quare qui se hostem Populi totius proficetur is eo ipso Abdicat Regnum sed vix videtur hoc accidere posse in Rege mentis compote Qui uni Populo imperet quod si pluâ—i nâ— Pâ—pulis imperet accidere potest ut unius Populi in gratiam alterum velit perditum If a King be carried with a malicious design to the Destruction of a Whole Nation he loseth his Kingdom which I grant since a Will to Govern and to Destroy cannot consist together therefore he who professes himself an Enemy to a Whole People doth in that very Act Abdicate his Kingdom But it seems hardly possible that this should enter into the heart of a King who is not mad if he govern only one People but if he govern many it may happen that in favour of one People he may desire the other were destroyed
that none should withstand him or rise up against him and that nothing can be more pernicious to the Commonwealth in any Government than that the Subjects should have a Power of taking up Arms to defend their Liberty and Religion All these are Dr. Hicks his Words in the same Chapter our Author quotes and whether they all relate only to private Injuries and the ordinary Male-Administration of Government as our Author would have you believe I will not provoke your Patience to say any more towards it than barely setting down the Words But for the Homilies it may be more material to know if they make for his purpose because they are every Word confirm'd by Act of Parliament and Convocation which this Author and all the Clergy have subscribed and which is more Julian Johnson himself the Patron of Resistance says that it is the next best Book to the Bible Let us see therefore whether what they say relate only to private Injuries or the ordinary Male-Administration of Government From the Homilies And first for the Original of Government the first Homily against wilful Rebellion tells you That it cometh neither of Fortune and Chance as they term it nor of the Ambition of mortal Men and Women climing up on their own accord to Dominion that there be Kings Queens and Princes and other Governors over Men being their Subjects but all Kings Queens and other Governors are specially appointed by the Ordinance of God But to come to our Author's Purpose The Case is put of Kings that seek to Ruine and Destroy and Undoe their People and these Scriptures are quoted When the Wicked do Reign then Men go to Ruine A foolish Prince destroyeth the People and a covetous King undoeth his Subjects And the Question is put Whether Subjects may Resist such Princes Which is ruled absolutely in the Negative with a God forbid and many Reasons are given particularly that Rebellion is the greatest of all Mischiefs and that the naughtiest and lewdest Subjects are aptest to find Faults and that it would be unreasonable to let them be Judges what Princes were Tolerable and what were Evil and Intolerable That a Rebel is worse than the worst Prince and Rebellion worse than the worst Government of the worst Prince that hitherto hath been That such Lewd Remedies are far worse than any other Maladies and Disorders that can be in the Body of a Commonwealth But to leave no room for a Reply the Objection is farther urged What if the Prince be Indiscreet and Evil indeed and it is also evident to all Men's Eyes that he is so Neither is this allow'd for a Cause of Resistance but on the contrary we are admonished to Reflect That it is our Sins have brought such a King to Rule over us God saith the holy Scripture maketh a wicked Man to Reign for the Sins of the People Job 34.10 for Subjects to deserve through their Sins to have an evil Prince and then to Rebel against him were double and treble Evil by provoking God more to Plague them Nay let us either deserve to have a good Prince or let us patiently suffer and obey such as we deserve And that you may not think these were only Moderate and Tolerable Evils or Private Injuries or not Universal enough immediately after the Case is put of the Christians under Caligula Claudius or Nero and the Jews under Nebuchodonosor who slew their Kings Nobles Parents Children and Kinsfolks burn'd their Country Cities yea Jerusalem it self and the Holy Temple and carried the Residue remaining alive Captives with him into Babylon And then is shewn how both Christians and Jews by the Command of the Apostles and Prophets were not only barr'd from Resistance but were obliged to Pray for these Cruel Heathen Tyrants Murtherers and Oppressors of them and Destroyers of their Countrey with a Confession that their Sins had deserved such Princes to Reign over them Yet all this is not thought so bad nor mischievous to a Country as Resistance which as this Homily says does more mischief than Foreign Enemies would or could do And the mischief is more Universal for the Homily says Such Rebels do not only Rise against their Prince against their Natural Country but against all their Country-men Women and Children against Themselves their Wives Children and Kinsfolk and by so wicked an Example against all Christendom and against whole Mankind of all manner of People through the wide World The second Homily inlarges upon the Case of Saul and David and then puts the several Pretences for Rebellion into Questions or Demands which are all resolved from the Command and Example of David Viz. Shall not we specially being so good Men as we are Rise and Rebel against a Prince hated of God and God's Enemy and therefore likely not to Prosper either in War or Peace but to be hurtful and pernicious to the Commonwealth Shall we not Rise and Rebel against so unkind a Prince nothing considering or regarding our true faithful and painful Service or the safeguard of our Posterity Shall we not Rise and Rebel against our known mortal and deadly Enemy that seeketh our Lives Shall we not assemble an Army of such good Fellows as we are and by hazarding our Lives and the Lives of such as shall withstand us and with all hazarding the whole Estate of our Country Remove so Naughty a Prince Are not they some say lusty and couragious Captains valiant Men of Stomach and good Mens Bodies that do venture by force to kill and depose their King being a Naughty Prince and their Mortal Enemy They may be as Lusty and Couragious as they list yet saith Godly David they can be no Good nor Godly Men that so do And so having answered all the above Queries in the negative after his own Example and the Command of God at last this Quere is put What shall we then do to an Evil to an unkind Prince and Enemy to us hated of God hurtful to the Commonwealth c. Lay no violent hand upon him saith David but let him live until God appoint and work his End either by Natural Death or in War by Lawful Enemies not by Traytorous Subjects Thus would Godly David make answer and St. Paul as ye have heard willeth us also to Pray for such a Prince These are the Rules this Homily sets down concerning Rebelling against Evil Princes Unkind Princes Cruel Princes Princes that be to their Subjects mortal Enemies Princes that are out of God's favour and so hurtful and like to be hurtful to the Commonwealth And to shew that all this is not meant only of Particular Persons but of the whole Nation it is thus expressed at the end of this Homily viz. That the whole Jewish Nation being otherwise a stubborn People were to be obedient to the Commandment of a Foreign Heathen Prince and this doth prove that Christian Rebels against Christian Princes are far worse than the stubborn Jews whom we yet account
the Irish Papists against us How frequently do we hear them tell us That though we continue to Injure them Rob and Destroy them yet they must Trust in us and be True and Faithful to us c. These are the Words of the Doctor 's Letter and I suppose will be thought but an over good Retortion of this Author's Objection viz. of the Spoil and Plunder committed by King James's Army Whose Discipline and good Government the Dr. in that same Letter does commend exceedingly above that of King William's Army And now as to the other Point viz. My Lord Tyrconnel's haste in sending that Army into the North I suppose our Author intends this for Politicks and upon that head without medling with the Goodness or Badness of the Cause I think my Lord Tyrconnel was rather too slow to suffer the Protestants in the North to be Arming Inlisting Associating against the Government actually Assaulting the Kings Forts and Garrisons Disarming his Souldiers and killing some of them at last publickly renouncing the King and proclaiming a Foreign Prince for their King and acting in his Name and by his Commission and all this was a doing and visibly carrying on from September to March which truly in Politicks was rather too long to suffer it to run And if that Army had not gone down when it did against the Associators in the North it wou'd never have been able to reduce them as it did which appears by the Defence a few of them made afterwards at Derry and Eniskillen And therefore I do not see any ground to blame my Lord Tyrconnel for sending that Army so soon considering that he thought it a good Cause in which he was engag'd But especially considering that our Author himself calls him a Fool for not dealing more briskly with the North in time He laughs at the Lord Deputy for leaving Derry so ill guarded as that they were able to seize it It proceeded says this Author c. 3 â— 8. n. 6. p. 103. from his the Lord Deputies own Ignorance or Negligence who had left that Garrison the only one of any considerable Strength in Ulster where most Protestants lived without one Soldier to guard it This is the Thanks be got for giving them that Opportunity which they had and they cry out upon him as a bloody-minded Man because he would not give them longer time then above three Months after their first seizing of Derry for it was so long before he sent the Army against them It was the 7th or 8th of December 88. that the Protestants seized Derry the first time and the Irish Army did not come to Drommore in the North till the 14th of March following tho all that time the Protestants were improving their Opportunity and every day committing Insults upon that small part of the Army only two Regiments which was Quartered among them But as our Author says in the same Page the Lord Deputy bethought himself too late of his Error but could never retrieve it Mr. Boyse's Narrative p. 13. says That my Lord Tyrconnel deferr'd the sending down his Army twenty days after it had been first resolved on in Council I have another Account which confirms all this viz. The Earl of Granard upon his leaving Dublin about the beginning of Feb. 88. to go to Castle Forbes desired a Person who went with him as far as Chappelisard to pretend some Business with my Lord Deputy on purpose to find out whether he designed to send the Army against the North and that Person went to the Lord Deputy that same day and asked him why he would suffer a Rabble in the North to affront the Government seeing a few of the Army would disperse them the Lord Deputy adswered That he was unwilling to ingage in Blood hoping they would of themselves reflect and come to a better temper But that now since General * This was a Son of the Lord Massereen's whose Souldiers assaulted the King's Forces at Tuam Scevington had made the first Rupture by falling upon and killing some of the Souldiers at Tuam he would send with what Expedition he could to Quash the Rebellion and let them blame themselves for the Consequence This I have from that Person himself and yet the Army did not go to the North till the 11th or 12th of the March following But this Author says as above c. 3. § 8. n. 10. that if he had delayed a little longer till King James had come then in all Probability if King James himself appeared amongst them and offered them Terms they would have complied with him at least so far as to submit Quietly to his Government If the Author thinks this I confess he is the first Protestant of Ireland that ever I found of that Opinion And the issue did pretty well prove it For after when the Associators were beaten at Drumore at Colerain at Clady and driven into Derry and Enneskillen and when King James appeared amongst them and offered them what Terms they pleased they value themselves upon refusing all Terms and holding out But may be this Author thinks That if they had beaten King James's Army they would have been better disposed to have received Terms from him But pray The Author's Character of K. J. how does all this agree with the Character which this Author raises of K. J. in this Book Wherein he represents him as a faithless merciless and bigotted Tyrant who designed to destroy all the Protestants and went as far in it as he could and employed Persons most inclined and fitted to do it and that no Trust was to be given to his Word or to his Oath c. And yet this is the Man whom in all probability this Author says the Protestants in Ireland would have submitted to if he had but appeared amongst them and offered them Terms But I must tell the Author That as to K. J. in his own Person there is another Man has given his Character who had more reason to know him than this Author and is at least as good a Judge that is the Lord Danby stil'd at present Lord Marquess of Carmarthen who in the Speech he made to the Gentlemen assembled in Yorkshire Lord Danby's Character of K. J. in the Infancy of this Revolution represented K. J. to them under as fair a Character as could be given of a great Prince and a good Man and that no Nation in the World would be happier in a King if he were but rescued from the evil Counsel of the Priests and Jesuits c. And I never heard any about his Person say but that he was a very good natur'd Man Even his Enemies charge his Miscarriages to his Zeal for Religion A very singular fault in these Times And even as to his Carriage in Ireland K. J. oppâ—â—â— thâ— Act of Attainder 〈◊〉 Repeal of 〈◊〉 Acts of Settlement I have heard not a few of the Protestants confess That they owed their Preservation and Safety
of these People would make any Body suspect he had not been sairly Represented and that he did not really design any such thing as the Destruction of these People at least not altogether so fully as the French King resolved the voiding the Edict of Nants which this Author avers p. 19. I say who would believe that K. James did as fully determin our Ruin as our Author there Words it since he not only refused to do it when it was in his Power and he Apprehended so great Danger from them but took Pains and used his utmost Authority to keep back others from doing it who were ready and zealous to have done it and thought it their Interest to do it Therefore in this Distress our Author was obliged to find out some other Reasons for this besides K. Jame's Clemency And a Man of less Ingenuity than his cou'd make a shift to find Reasons for any thing There is no Subject upon which something may not be said Pro and Câ—n and so here our Author contrives Reasons for this Clemency of K. James which may not spoil that Bloody Character he had given of him and he turns it upon Policy Interest not to Provoke England c. not foreseeing that the same Interest must remain while ever he was King of England and so secure the Protestants in Ireland and disapoint this Authors whole Book And likewise he was under a Necessity of Contradicting what he had said before of making the Irish the Assaylants and Murderers c. because he is now forced to give Reasons why they were not so You know who should have good Memorys and it is very difficult when a Cause has several and Contrary Aspects It runs a Man some times to bespatter that side which he means to Defend As truly I think has happened in the present Case For if the most Malicious Jacobite had gone about to expose the present Government under the Name of K. James This Author Wounds the Present Government in the Person of K. James and the Papists he could not have done it more effectually than it is done in this Book For Example when England found the old Oath of Supremacy inconsistent with the Present Settlement they wisely abrogated it and made a new one But Ireland could not do this wanting a Parliament And in the Acts of Parliament in Ireland as in England there is a Penalty upon the refusal of this Oath which the then Civil and Military Officers in Ireland avoided by ordering it so That that Oath should not be tender'd to them as it was not at first to the Military nor to all the Civil Officers Now see how our Author exposes this Practice in the Person of the Papists c. 2. p. 38. § 9. He tells of an Horrible Artifice the Papists had to avoid the Oath enjoin'd on all Officers Civil and Military by Act. 28. Hen. 8. c. 13. and 2. Eliza. c. 1. viz. The Oath was never tender'd to their new Officers and Consequently said they they never refused it neither are they lyable to the Penalties of the Act. This was plainly against the design of the Statute a playing with the Words of it and shewed us that Laws are Insufficient to secure us against such Jesuitical Prevarications Thus our Author not Considering that the same Jesuitical Prevarications must by his Rule be Charged not only upon the Irish Protestants as abovesaid but upon the Roman Catholicks in K. Williams Army who are many more in England than K. James had in his Army here and before the Alteration of the Oaths here by Act of Parliament they must either have this same excuse for avoiding these Oaths or have none at all p. 114. He says the Protestants in Ireland chose rather to ly in Jayl than take some new invented Oath that was put to them without any Law to enjoin it Why would not this Author tell us what Oath this was I am told that there was no new Oath Imposed upon the Protestants in Ireland by K. James and it is not very likely where as you have heard from the Sovereign of Belfast and other Vouchers before Nam'd K. James did not trouble the Protestants even with the Oaths enjoyn'd by Law But I have been told that in Cork Limerick and other Garrisons upon the Sea Coast where there were many Protestants the Officers without any Order from K. James thought it reasonable to take that Security of these Protestants when they drew their Men out of these Garrisons into the Field and when they were Alaram'd with the English Fleet that these Protestants would not Joyn with their Enemies but be true to K. J. And I am told likewise that none of these Protestants did refuse it But if they did as this Author says could they take it ill to be secured in Prison who when the Enemy was hourly expected refused to promise not to Joyn with them or betray the Garrison to them Secondly this is an ill Reason for what the Author told us before viz. That K. James had not the least Reason to suspect or Disarm the Protestants and therefore this Author calls it perfect Dragooning of them as bad as was done in France But this Author tells his own Reason why they would rather ly in Jayl than take this Oath viz. Because there was not any Law to enjoyn it and they thought this a Violation of the Law and therefore that they ought to Suffer any hardship rather than Comply with it For if you break one Law you may break all c. Now this is perfect Wounding the present Government and Condemning what the Protestants in Ireland even this Author himself has done viz. Taking an Oath of Fidelity to K. William and Q. Mary without any Law to enjoyn it That is before this late Act of Parliament for abrogating the Old Oaths of Allegiance and Imposing the new Oaths in Ireland But here I must not be mistaken for I am not of our Author's Opinion that there was no Law to enjoyn these Oaths I have shewn before That by the Common Law there is an Oath of Allegiance may be required from the Subjects which for greater Satisfaction I have set down in the Appendix n. 13. as it was Taken to K. J. in Ireland by these Protestants With some Authorities out of the Common Law to Justify the Legality of it But our Author either knew not this or was willing not to remember it and would rather Wound the present Government than miss such a Blow and Reflection upon the Government of K. J. whether this was done in the full sincerity of his Heart without Aggravation or Misrepresenting against K. J. he has taken GOD to witness and there we must leave it The 26. Septemb. 90. There Issued three Proclamations from the Lords Justices of Ireland which I have hereunto Annex'd one Banishing the Wives Children and Familys of all in Rebellion against their Majesties or Kill'd in that Rebellion and of all
of his Majesty's Letters thereunto annexed in favor of the Right Honorable Jennico Ld. Viscount Gormanstowne and James Ld. Viscount Ikerin concerning the Reversion of the Outlawries against their Ancestors and having advised with the rest of his Majesty's Counsel at Law in this Kingdom we humbly offer to your Excellency's Consideration That some time after his late Majesty's happy Restauration we find several Applications were made for the allowing of Writs of Error to be issued in order to the Reversion of Outlawries in High Treason and Attainders upon Account of the late Rebellion which being referred to his Majesty 's then Judges in this Kingdom there were several Debates then had before them whether such Outlawries could be reversed by reason of the Statute made in the 27th Year of Queen Elizabeth in this Kingdom for the Attainder of James Eustace late Viscount Baltinglass and others therein mentioned who had been lawfully and by due course of Law outlawed and attained of Treason and the Statute confirms those Outlawries and Attainders which were past any Error Insufficiency or other Defect in form or Matter in them to the contrary notwithstanding and farther enacts for the time to come that every offender thereafter being lawfully convict of Treason by Verdict or Process of Outlawry according to the due course of the Common Laws or Statutes of this Realm should forfeit all his Lands of any Estate of Inheritance and that every such Attainder according to the course of the common Laws and Statutes of this Realm should be of the same force as if it had been by Act of Parliament and by reason also that since the making of that Statute they did not find that any Outlawry or Attainder for Treason in this Kingdom had been reversed by Writ of Error especially after the death of the Party outlawed and his Lands granted from the Crown to others Whereupon the said Judges having then heard Counsel on both sides did not come to any Resolution or was any thing farther done upon those Applications We do therefore offer to your Excellencies Consideration that many of his Majesty's Subjects in England and in this Kingdom have at this time in their Possession the Lands of divers old Proprietors who in the Year 1641. and after were outlawed for Treason which Lands have been granted to them by Letters Patents upon the late Settlement of this Kingdom some of whose Titles may be weakened or prejudiced as we humbly conceive by the Reversal of such Outlawries and some parts of these two Lords Estates are now as appears by the Petition of Captain Daniel Gahan Sir William Petty and Samuel Green Esq which your Excellency hath referred unto us in their possessions who hold the same by Letters Patents from his Majesty and have thereupon humbly Petitioned your Excellency to take their Case into your Excellency's Consideration That as to such Lands as these two Lords or the Heirs of such other persons who have been so outlawed are in possession of or have been restored unto by virtue of the late Acts of Settlement they are not as we conceive disabled or any ways hindred by such Outlawries from enjoying the same Neither do we conceive that there would be any Inconvenience in restoring these two noble Lords who do well deserve his Majesty's Grace and Favour to their Blood and Honours with a Proviso that they should not thereby be entituled to any Lands out of their Possession which have been granted by Letters Patents to others as might be done by Act of Parliament but upon the reversal of any Outlawries by Writs of Error there can be no restriction in the Judgment which must by Law be general that they shall be restored to whatsoever they lost by reason of such Outlawries But whether upon the whole Matter your Excellency will think fit to issue such Warrants forthwith in order to the reversal of the said Outlawries as by his Majesty's said Letters are directed on behalf the said Lords Viscounts Gormanstowne and Ikerin or will forbear the same till his Majesty's Pleasure herein shall be farther known is humbly submitted to your Excellency's Consideration June 29. 1686. William Domvile Jo. Temple The Extract of my Ld. Clarendon's Letter to the E. of Sunderland July 6. 1686. of so much as relates to the Matter of the Outlawries My Lord AS soon as I had the King's Letters permitting the Lords Gormanstowne and Ikerin to reverse the Outlawries of their Ancestors I acquainted my Lord Chancellour and Mr. Attorney therewith But the Noise of this matter was come before the Letter for some time before Caveats were entered against the granting any such Writs of Reversal by three Persons who by virtue of the Acts of Settlement are in Possession of some Lands the ancient propriety of those Lords I referred the Matter to Mr. Attourney and Mr. Sollicitour for I could doe no less requiring them to call to their Assistence the rest of the King 's learned Counsel several of whom are Roman Catholicks and to report their opinions to me which they have done and I herewith transmit their Report to your Lordship which I beseech you to lay before his Majesty it is a thing of very great Consequence and deserves the most serious Consideration Numb 21. King James his Speech to the Lord Mayor c. upon his quitting of Dublin soon after the Action at the Boyne the 2d of July 1690. Gentlemen I Find all things at present run against Me. In England I had an Army consisting of Men stout and brave enough which would have fought but they proved false and deserted me Here I had an Army that was loyal enough but that they wanted true Courage to stand by me at the critical Minute Gentlemen I am now a second time necessitated to provide for my own Safety and seeing I am now no longer able to to protect you and the rest of my good Subjects the Inhabitants of this City I advise you all to make the best terms you can for your selves and likewise for my menial Servants in regard that I shall now have no occasion to keep such a Court as I have done I desire you all to be kind to the Protestant Inhabitants and not to injure them or this City for though I at present quit it yet I do not quit my Interest in it Numb 22. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty the humble Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs of the City and Liberty of Dublin in behalf of themselves and others the Protestant Freemen and Inhabitants thereof THus long great Sir our unparallel'd late Deliverance wrought by the hand of God the first Mover the principal Author of all our Good hath hitherto most justly employed all the Faculties of our Souls in the profound Contemplation of his mysterious and unbounded Providence receiving from us the slender Reward but necessary Sacrifice of our hearty Praise and Thanks but now to you great Sir the next recollected Thought with
equal Justice does belong To you therefore dread Sir the Second Cause our Faith's Defender the wonderful Restorer of our captiv'd Liberties in greatest Humility but with unlimited Zeal and joyfull Hearts full of sincere Affection we yield our utmost and unfeigned Thanks the onely thing valuable which our Enemies left us wherewithal to Sacrifice and of which their Malice could not rob us We cannot but with Horrour stand amazed when we recount our never to be forgotten Sufferings our frequent causeless Imprisonments the Plundering our Goods the Confiscation of our Estates the innumerable Oppressions the illegal Exactions the tyrannous Hatred of our Persons and in a word the unchristian behaviour in all the Actions of our Enemies infinitely surpassing an Egyptian Servitude when Baal's Priests contented not themselves with their Idolatry alone to pâ—o4â—igate our Altars but in prosecution of their profane and ungodly Malice contrived the leading us captive to our Churches and each Ancestor's Tomb became our respective Couches then it proved literally true that our Liberties were offered a Romish Sacrifice on our own Altars Thus far Almighty God permitted them Then it was that our Enemies grew ripe for divine Vengeance then it was that you mighty Sir stept in and by your own victorious Arm to the hazard of your Royal Person rescued us from the hands of our Enemies then and not till then did Arbitrary Power Popery and Slavery terms almost convertâ—ble receive their period Wherefore to you dread Sir our only King our Lives Liberties Goods and Estates we humbly offer and at your Royal Feet great Sir we come prepared ready to lay them down for the defence of your Majesties Royal Person for the suppression of Popery for the maintenance of the Protestant Religion and the support of your Majesty's undoubted Right to these your Kingdoms and Dominions In testimony whereof we have caused the common Seal of the said City to be hereunto affixed this Ninth day of July in the Second Year of your Majesty's Reign Numb 23. His Majesty's Protection to the Inhabitants of Belfast June 3. 1689. James R. WHereas several Merchants and other our Subjects late Inhabitants of our Town of Belfast have quitted their respective Homes either by the Instigation of Persons ill affected to us or out of fear and taking up of Arms or seduced by sly and false Insinuations from the Duty and natural Allegiance they owe Us by means whereof they are very much impoverished in their Fortunes and they and their whole Families reduced to great Wants in strange places to the Depopulation of our said Town and lessening of Trade and Commerce therein Now forasmuch as we have received Information that the said Persons are by woful Experience convinced that they have been thus misled and frighted from their Duty by Persons for the most part desperate in their Fortunes or disaffected unto Us and our Government and that they do heartily repent of their having been so imposed upon and do resolve to return again to their Habitations Trade and Commerce so as they may receive our Assurance of Pardon for the time past and Protection for the time to come And We being willing and resolved to reclaim our Subjects by Mercy and to shew that We rather delight to forgive than punish do hereby promise to give a full general and free Pardon and Indemnity for the Crime of High Treason to all such Person or Persons as have for the space of twelve Months last past inhabited Our said Town of Belfast and shall within the space of forty days return to their Dwellings and Habitations there as also full Pardon and Indemnity of all Pains and Forfeitures which the said parties or any of them might have incurred or be subject or liable to upon account of having committed the said Crime of High Treason and that the said persons and every of them may peaceably and quietly enjoy their Estates Houses Stocks Goods Chattels Lands Tenements and Hereditaments within the said Town of Belfalst or elsewhere they upon their arrival severally taking the usual Oath of Allegiance and Fidelity to Us before the Sovereign or other chief Magistrate for the time being of our said Town of Belfast And of this Our Will and Pleasure thus signified in behalf of Our said Subjects late Inhabitants of Belfast We hereby will and require all our Officers both Civil and Military to take notice and that they presume not to imprison indict or molest any person or persons either in their Persons or Goods who upon this our Indulgence can claim the benefit of this our free Grace and Favour Given at our Court at Dublin Castle the third day of June 1689. and in the Fifth Year of our Reign By his Majesty's Command Melfort Memorandum That the Oath of Fidelity mentioned in this Protection was not exacted as it is told in this Narrative but the Protestants were received into Protection without any Oath at all required from them Numb 24. The Lord Melfort's Letter to Mr. Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast July 9. 1689. Dublin Castle July 9. 1689. Sir IN Answer to yours of the 3d Instant I can onely tell you that the necessary Orders are given for the Subsistence of the Garison in that place without being a Burthen to the People That for such of the Inhabitants as have been deluded or frightned to quit their Dwellings in that Town and fly into Scotland where there appears any moral impossibility of complying with the King 's gratious Intentions to them without any Act of their own and that they have not taken part with any in Rebellion against his Majesty the King will not stint his Mercy to any narrow time his Inclination leading him rather to reclaim his People by indulgent than severe or rigid Courses I have ordered the Names of such as were Inhabitants there and entituled to the Benefit of the King's Promise of Pardon to be brought me in order to be struck out of the List of Persons to be attainted I am Sir Your humble Servant Melfort For his Majesty's special Service to Thomas Pottinger Esq Sovereign of Belfast at Belfast Numb 25. Coll. Hill's Letter to Mr. Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast May 1689. Sir I Did not intend that Business of the Sheriff should have been carried so far for it will draw all the O Neals upon my back and yours and if he should be sent for it may be a trouble to some to go up against him and will breed ill Blood in his Friends And since Coll. Maxwell hath so well redressed Matters already it will be needless and no other order is needfull more than a Letter to him owning his Care in this matter and desiring the continuance thereof but by all means if you can stop his being sent for otherwise it may meet you and me one time or other to our Prejudice by him or his Friends Here are six Companies of Coll. Cormuck O Neal 's Regiment quartered here and a Troop of Dragoons in Malone