AN ESSAY In Defence of the GOOD OLD CAUSE OR A Discourse concerning the Rise and Extent of the power of the Civil Magistrate in reference to Spiritual Affairs WITH A PRAEFACE Concerning The Name of the Good old Cause An Equal Common-wealth A Co-ordinate Synod The Holy Common-wealth published lately by Mr. Richard Baxter AND A VINDICATION OF The Honourable Sir HENRY VANE from the false aspersions of Mr. BAXTER By HENRY STUBBE of Ch. Ch. in Oxon. Vincat Veritas London Printed in the Year 1659. A premonition to the Reader BEing unexpectedly called to this worke by the good providence of God in our late changes I must begge thy pardon of what judgment soever thou art for severall imperfections that may have happend in the attempt If thou art a friend to the Good old cause I be 〈◊〉 thee to excuse the defects of a person whose reall inclinations thou canst not question without wronging the greatest innocence in the World I have hast'ned the work that so my forwardness might recompense all other miscarryages what is now but an Essay may hereafter grow up to a just defence If thou art one who dissentest any way from me I must further acquaint thee that excepting the preface I never saw three of these sheets together they were never transcribed and in the writing as new passages did occurre to my memory so I pasted them on sometimes not where they should have come in but where I could conveniently place the labells so that if there be any lapses of Memory small incoherences transpositions or other errours as are the products of unusuall haste I must either entreat thy pardon or submit to what severity thou canst make use of after this acknowledgment in any part which is but as it were the fringe of the ensuing discourse I assure thee I have not imposed upon thee any citation but for the Truth of them thou must have recourse to their originals and not to versions which may deceive my adversary but have not me That Mallela whom I quote is a Greeke manuscript in Oxford library I think I have deserved moderation from all men unlesse Mr. Baxter quarrell with me whom I have dealt more roughly with then other wise I should because he seemed and I am informed was instigated by the Courtiers to revile in so opprobrous a manner the abettours of a Common-wealth if I am too confident against him and some others whom I name not I throw my self at the feet of the more learned and judicious Episcoparians if they convince me I shall lay my hand upon my mouth and willingly become a proselyte to Truth It is upon this account that as I professe my self to publish my own opinions without interesting any other in the debate so I have chosen no dedicitour being loath to engage any into the patronage of what upon a sober refutation I my self shall retract as solemnly as I do now dâ—vulge it I aime at nothing but Truth nor do I write to serve any party or designes of any men If any shall think me worthy of being their convert they shall not need to print against me I shall do them as much justice who being loath to write against a book with this Title may advise me by Letter as any who shall appear in print and I onely further adde that I desire they would calmly argue and not disquiet me 〈◊〉 â—â—opular harangues and preachâ—â— such as conclude nothing and 〈◊〉 â—nall reflections since I know 〈…〉 it is for men to say that he 〈…〉 a Toleration of all opinions is himself 〈◊〉 I do declare that there is no necessity of that and my history of Toleration will evince it and moreover I owne entirely Perkin's doctrine in the chaine of Salvation and if I differ from Beza about punishing hereticks I know not how I am bound up to call any man Master I must also desire the errata of the printer may be excused for I have not had any opportunity to revise any proofes From my Study in Ch. Ch. Oxon. July 4. 1659. Henry Stubbe The Preface I Am not ignorant with how much hazard any man writes in these days of ours but to write now and for THE GOOD OLD CAUSE which especially where I live is often mentioned with detestation reproach and scorne is to contend with all the discouragements that might terrifie one from becoming an Authour Some there are who like to Alexander the Copper-smith at Ephesus decrye the Goodnesse of what their interest leads them to condemne others question the Antiquity and doubt whither this Sumpsimus be more old then their Mumpsimus To the former I endeavoured a reply in the Treatise ensuing Of the latter sort of men I desire they would consider That it is not denyed but at the beginning and in the carrying on of the late Civill warres there were sundry causes that engaged severall parties into that Quarrell against the King particular Animosiities Scandalls sense of future Emoluments great or lesse Defence of Liberties and Religion under different garbs and apprehensions These besides what the publick declarations of Parliament held forth whilest neither the priviledges of Parliament nor the Liberties of the people on the one hand nor the Corruptions of a King of whom I may say as of Lewis the Eleventh of France All his evill councill did ride upon one horse were suffic ently discovered and the meanes for establishing the â—â—rst and redressing such inconveniences aâ— the last might create us unthought on or at least such as might not be proposed to a Nation half-prejudiced for an inveterate Monarchy These were the incentives which prevailed with men to contribute to the effecting of such changes as we are witnesses of in England Yet had there been tenne thousand other motives I should not count it a Soleâ—sâ—e but Truth to say That LIBERTY civill and spiritual were the GOOD old cause And however some may say that it was none of The Old cause to assert any proper Sovereignty in the people yet I must tell them that the vindications of the Parliament against the papers of the King then in being shew us that such a Sovereignety was presupposed and if it were not the old cause it was the foundation thereof and avowed for such those rights and liberties of the people the maintenance of which occasioned the warre had not been the voluntary concessions of Kings but either of Usurpers or enforced from such as did not usurpe in person though in deed their whole succession was but a continued usurpation If the Soveraignty were elsewhere stated it was onely the executive part which is but an improper Soveraignty the Legislative paramount Authourity and concernes of the people had been long before avowed by Lawyers and Divines of the chiefest rank If it was none of the cause of our warre to change the Constitution of the Common-wealth into any other forme then we found it in I answer that that needed not to be since the forme
the children of Israel and acquainted them with this Message and intendment but it scarce seemes probable that he told the generality of the people his main designe for the Israelitish women manying promiscuously with Egyptians and all of them being under such taske-masters as by love or terrour might gain an intelligence of the finall departure intended by that Nation it is unimaginable how things should have been for so long a time as their deliverance was effecting concealed from Pharaoh and his intelligencers And Moses with Aaron went in and prayed Pharaoh that he would let the people go three days journey into the desart and sacrifice unto the Lord Exod. 5. v. 3. And this is not onely the pretense of Moses but he is commanded ch 7. v. 16. to say The Lord God of the Hebrews hath sent me unto thee saying Let my people go that they may serve me in the wildernesse In fine All the declaration of their intents which they made to Pharaoh was that they might go and sacrifice in the wildernesse Exod. 8. v. 27. and ch 10. v. 24 25 26. Yea it seemes by the contest betwixt Pharaoah and Moses and Aaron ch 10 v 10 11. that at first they desired liberty onely for the Men to go and not that they might go with their young and with their old with their sonnes and with their daughters with their flockes and with their herds It is expresly said by the King Go now yee that are Men and serve the Lord for that you did desire It is observed by Philo that the land of Canaan in the direct roade was three days journey from Egypt so that if their desire to serve the Lord in the wildernesse and to sacrifice unto him was an Expression of their intendments to fix in the promised land if all those occasions for a further explanation of their thoughts when Pharaâ—ah said he would let them go and sacrifice in the wiâ—derness onely they should not go very farre away ch 8 v. 28. and when they desire to carry all their relations and goods with them for to hold a feast unto the lord at which time Pharaoh suspected their contrivances to free themselves and said Let the Lord be so with you as I will let you go and your little ones Looke to it for evill is before you ch 10. v. 10. And when Pharaoh desired onely that their flocks and herds might stay it is then that they answer Thou must give us also sacrifices and burnt offerings that we may sacrifice unto the Lord our God Our cattell also shall go with us there shall not an hoofe be left behind for thereof must we take for to serve the Lord our God and we know not with what we mast serve the Lord untill we come thither ch 10. v. 24 25 26. if all those occasions could draw from them no clearer manifestation of their purposes and perhaps the Egyptians upon a perswasion of no further intent did lend them jewells of silver and jewells of gold and rayment wherein to appear at the feast Exod. 12. v. 35. and ch 3. v. 22. but that even at the last Pharaoh says to them Rise up and get you forth from amongst my people both you and the children of Israel and go serve the Lord as ye have said c. 12. v. 31. Truely methinks upon these circumstances If Pharaoh did arme to pursue them of whom he did not nor we hear that they went three dayes journey to sacrifice or that they performed any such solemnity or held on that journey which they made a semblance at first to take but turned and encamped before Pi-hariroth between Migdol and the sea ch 14. v. 2 5. and fled without a thought of returning to Egypt nay if he had overtaken them so as to expostulate with them why and for what cause they did so deal with him could he have made use of other words then we are now upbrayded with Is this the Old cause that you pretended for your departure Is this the Old cause which your God proposed unto you at first or was that onely a pretense for other designes did you bring your children and cattell with you for this or some other professed end Is this your sacrificing Call you this a going to keepe a feast unto your God Or a freeing your selves from that subjection you were under Did we cloath you with our choice rayment Did we adorn you with jewells that you might carry them quite away Is this to serve the Lord or your selves To sacrifice unto God or to your own net To borrow or to robbe Nor might Pharaoh onely have upbrayded them thus The murmuring Israelites having been at first unacquainted with Mose's design either did or might have clamoured in the like manner when they were compassed about with Pharaoh's army on the one side and the redsea on the other and said unto Moses Because there were no graves in Egypt hast thou taken us away to dy in the wildernesse Wherefore hast thou dealt thus with us to carry us forth of Egypt Exod. 14. v. 11. In this posture of affaires wherein as also in the first attempts of Luther I find the like proceduce to what ours are said to have I observe that Moses is satisfyed in his obeying the call of the Lord and having freed the Israelites from an unjust bondage he trusts in the Lord for a good issue saying onely to the people Fear ye not stand still and see the salvation of the Lord. ch 14. v. 13. The Lord grant that we may follow his example and be strengthned to follow God in his mercifull dealings with us and not murmure and distrust that arme which hath brought us to that Freedom we now are in we have travailed thorough a desart and our God hath guided us prosperously and his Assisting providence ought to be looked upon by humble and discerning soules as a cloude going before us daily to instruct us who have any apprehensions thereof but as removing also behind and blinding those who oppose and would destroy that Common-wealth of Israel which the Lord will erect whose salvation let them stand still and see who are not so resolute as to quit their feares for a more active temper There is one considerable Objection which may and will be made against what I have discoursed concerning the rise of Government that it tends to the establishing of an Unequall Common-wealth which is so much decryed and petitioned against by men of great repute honesty and faithfulness to the Good old cause Hereunto it will not suffice that I professe my self ready to acquiesce in what shall be the determinate resolutions of the Good people of this Nation and that whatsoever my sentiments are I shall never esloign my self from the common interest nor shall I say that it is a very unequall common-wealth which doth regard equally men of different qualifications neither will I blame that supererogating tendernesse which they expresse for the
was not nor is now changed The Petition of right and other laws in being had already deposed Monarchy and we were onely to improve not create a Republick They who manage these objections had reduced us to that posture as a very little alteration in an invidious name and some other circumstances might secure the people in those Privileâ—ges and immunities from which they would not recede Whereas it is said further That the Soveraignty being mixed or distributed into the Hands of King Lords and Commons no part had Authority to change the Constitution I shall not aske these men How the Commons came to be admitted to share in that mixture of Government But to me it is indubitable that since the end of the establishing a King and Lords was the welfare of the people and Commons whatever distribution of Government may have been enacted yet it is the end that regulates the meanes and renders them useless and rejectaneous upon occasion and hereof either the Commons must be Judges who feele the Pressing inconveniences of the meanes controverted or else they who reape advantages by such deviations and grievances and who are too much interessed to determine aright If Pharaoah may judge he will say the Israelites are idle rather then oppressed with burdens If there be any yet so obstinately perverse as to explode the Title upon this account yet cannot any deny but that it is an Old as well as Good cause in opposition to the Instrument and that most non-sensicall paper called the petition and advise of such a juncto as must never be reputed of hereafter but with the infamy of Parlamentum indoctorum or a Parliament that lacked learning and wit or Honesty and it is so farre from impossibility that it is not abfur'd for the same thing in a different respect to be New and Old I shall illustrate this by something which if it be in it 's own nature lesse convincing yet it is not to be rejected by our most implacable Adversaries How often have our Parliaments declared this or that to be a fundamentall right and the birth-right of the subject which yet is not to be found established or bottomed upon any thing but that claim antecedent to our constituted laws whereunto Nature doth imbolden us That which the Parliament under the first acknowledged cause did avowe as the fundamentall constitution of this Kingdom that the Soveraignety thereof was mixed in a King and two Houses of Lords and Commons with severall other things of the like nature cannot be justifyed but by such a defence since the Monarchy is supposed to be founded at the Conquest or if we will rise higher yet will no enquiry direct us to a mixture of Soveraignety such as the Commons fundamentally share in there being no such order of Estates if I may so call it untill Henry the first and for their power it may be better disputed then proved by any other way then what will evince Our Cause to be Old as well as their priviledges c. Fundamentall I cannot informe my self of any other manner whereby to justify that Protestation of the Commons which is recorded by Dr. Hâ—ylin in his Adâ—eâ—t sement on the History of the Reigne of K. James And Rushworth in his collections The protestation of the Commons Jac. 19. 1621. THe Commons now assembled in Parliament being justly occasioned thereunto concerning sundry Liberties Franchises and Priviledges of Parliament among others here mentioned do make this Protestation following That the Liberties Franchises Priviledges and Jurisdiction of Parliament are the ancient and undoubted Birth-right and inheritance of the Subjects of England and that the arduous and urgent affaires concerning the King state and defense of the Realme and of the Church of England and the maintenance and making of Laws and redresse of mischief and grievances which daily happen within this Realme are proper subjects and matter of Counsell and debate in Parliament And that in the handling and proceeding of those businesses every member of Parliament hath and of right ought to have Freedom of Speech to propound treat reason and bring to conclusion the same And that the Commons in Parliament have likewise Liberty and Freedom to treat of the matters in such order as in their judgment shall seem fittest and that every member of the said house hath like Freedom from all impeachment imprisonment and molestation other then by censure of the House it self for or concerning any speaking reasoning or declaring any matter or matters touching the Parliament or Parliament businesse And that if any of the said Members be complained of and questioned for any thing done or said in Parliament the same is to be shewed to the King by the Advise and assent of all the Commons assembled in Parliament before the King give credence to any privâ—te Information This and many other Parliamentary expressions though True In the Civil Law he whâ— was mode compleatly fere and one of the ingenui though his Mother had been and were a Servant or bond-woman and his birth Servile yet upon such his enfranchisement he was said natalibus restitui to be restored to his BIRTH-RIGHT that is not to such as he was borne to by his immediate parentage but such as appertained to him by descendence from Adam L. 2. D. de natalib restituend as it is cited by Selden de jur natur l. 2. c. 4. p. 163. just and equitable in former and later days can in my judgment be no better verifyed then the Old cause when most disadvantageously looked upon as being no otherwise Laws Priviledges and undoubted Birth-rights then that they should and ought to be so But to proceed I often communing with my own soul in private use to parallell our bondage under the Norman yoak and our deliverance there from to the continuance of the children of Israell in Egypt and their escape at last from that slaâ—ish condition and as the severall providences attending them in their journey into the land of promise have created in me thoughts of resembling mercies and distractions that have befallen us in our progresse to Freedom so particularly the late dispute about the Good Old cause did cause in me some reflexions upon the course which Moses tooke to disengage the people of the Lord in those days from their servitude God tells Moses that he would bring the Israelites out of the affliction of Egypt unto the land of the Canâ—anites to dwell there Exod. 3. v. 10 16 17 18. And this Message he was to impart unto the Elders of Israel Yet withall as Philo Judeus saith and the circumstances of the text render it certain he is commanded he and the Elders of Israel to say unto the King of Egypt the Lord God of the Hebrews hath met with us and now let us go we beseech thee three days journey into the wildernesse that we may sacrifice to the Lord our God Exod. 4. v. 29. So Moses gathered together all the Elders of
liberty of those who would have deprived them of theirs But I must declare it that I cannot imagine how in equity and reason they can estate their yet dissenting and repugning adversaries in such Franchisements which they may more lawfully wish then put them in possession of against their wils unlesse it can be proved that they are either mad-men fooles or children which will be more difficult to be justifyed here then in the case of the Indians who are acquitted by Casuists from such imputations when charged on them by the usurping Spanyards They who have pleaded for an equall Common-wealth shew the excellency and the conveniencie thereof if constituted but shew not how it can be imposed upon all nor how a power can be erected over any men which is not derived from them It is not Mr. Harrington by whose industry and learning I acknowledg my self to have been highly benefitted in whose workes the judicious may observe with how much difference the Pedanticall part of mankind and a Gentleman may discourse upon the same things for whose Civilities my resentments are not greater then is the ambition I have to merit the honour I receive by so illustrious an acquaintance It is not he that would more promote an equall common-wealth then my self universally I admire his modell and am ready to crye out as if it were the pattern in the Mount it is not that which can be controverted out of any thing I have said but who the persons are that shall enjoy the benefit thereof A plea here for the honest and faithfull soules amongst us I hope will not argue any dissatisfaction towards them not shall I be culpable towards them if I think the universality of this nation is not to be trusted with liberty at present that an equall Common-wealth is that whereunto we ought and may prudentially grow but which we cannot at once abrick without running an extraordinary hazard of being again enslaved What have we effected hitherto by so much jeopardy and blood-shed is it onely that our enemies being foyled in the field should have an opportunity to dispute the fruits of our Victories a second time upon more advantagious termes In batailes number may be counterpoised by valour and skill or the like but in an equall Common-wealth when the swords we have disarmed them of are again put into their hands and all hopes of prevailing depend upon a majority we put things by such a procedure unto as great danger as is the certainty that plurality of votes given out of a sense of revenge ignorance or multiplicity of interests in them who agree onely in dividing from us will sway to the prejudice of those that established a Common-wealth and the subversion of all that God hath been thus long a building amongst us These may be contrivances for a generous Gallantry but must not render Oceana amongst the number of Romans The people of this nation are not to be looked upon as broken loose from their ancient and accustomed forme and oneâ—y wildâ— and giddy because unreduced into orders This may be the condition of our patriots and the faithfull adherents to the Good old Cause I confesse but for the others they are so farre from being giddy that they are determinate for Kingship and an uniformity so farre from being got loose which argues a voluntarinesse in them that they seem now to be in fetters forced to a state which is not freedom to them that regret it into which they did not break loose and to whom the first blushes of a Common-wealth are as dismall as the appearance of day-light to Cerberus when Theseus had unchained him and drawn him out of Hell up unto the surface of the earth Cerberus he be held the light he yelled and vomited up a most deadly poyson called Aconitum and returned to his former Station A people under orders and inured to them convinced of their interest in this or ignorant of any other Government may be serene and prudent voide of discord as the Venetian who is not of the same temper with us Switz and Hollanders of the dissensions whereof late years in both can give us a testimony But a people unconvinced of their interest not unanimous in any common concern except as Ephraim and Manasseh were to ruine Judah not instructed in yea averse from a Republick that such a people put into orders in which no over-ruling power must retain them for they must be their own Army should be so serene and calme it is unimaginable though they were better blended and mixt with the interposing numbers of honest men then the Scituation of Estates and fortunes permits us to expect and lessened in the infinity of trades and other dependants that subsist by them These resueries if I may use that expression may then passe for prudence when for a weak-limbed infant to go no more will appear requisite then that it be put into a standing stoole Amphion might have meted out the platforme of Thebes when he went to build it with his harpe and contrived the City and it's bulwarkes yet if the stones supposed to follow his Musick and not repugne unpolished and unshapen had onely danced after him not all the Orders in the world could have effected a well-built and lasting structure A marriner trusteth not unto the Sea but to this ship The spirit of the people is in no wise to be trusted with their liberty but by Stated laws or Orders so the trust is not in the spirit of the people but their Orders which as they are leaky or tite are the ship out of which the people being once embarked cannot stirre and without which they can have no motion It is admitted that a marriner doth not onely rely upon the calmnesse or navigableness of the Sea but that he puts much of his confidence in his ship But to make the Similitude any way to illustrate and to perswade our Patriots and Legislators to rely on the spirit of the people if they be as marriners the Objectour must reduce the people to such a posture that they be as tractable and manageable as a ship in which a prudent Marriner imbarkes such a ship is not well contrived in black and white but well built and ballasted and fitted with tackling A Common-wealth resembling must have good orders and a prevailing spirit such as may comply with those Orders which temper being wanting in the nation cannot be introduced but by an over-ruling power if the Republick take in more then the honest party A defectivenesse in the Orders 〈◊〉 not render the people destitute of motion for that can never happen especially in a Nâ—rtâ—ern climate but depraved and exâ—rbitant in their motion and yet even these inconveniences are supplyed in defective Common-wealths by a gallantry of spirit as a vigorous strength of nature overcomes diseases but a free aire and spirit is not supplyable by good orders in any time of trouble but it is as ominous as the succumbency
compleate proselytisme least the apprehensions of temporall benefies might prevaile with multitudes to come in and so the Assembly be swayed by the Proselytes notwithstanding the Orders and concurrence of the multitude of Israelites in whom was solely the executive part of Magistracy and more Furthermore if Rome and Israel by accessionall proselytes and Venice might grow up to such an inequality as to be an Aristocracy in comparison of some parties or provinces why may not a Common-wealth at first be so erected Since Oceana is the first complexive Republick we have not onely the establishment but flourishing estate continuance and Security of all Republicks almost for to encourage us And in a diffused Republick at first if the Government of one Moses Lycurgus or â—imoleon ruling purely for the good of the people and with intentions to enstate them in a perfect freedom doth not create a Tyranny why should otherwise a coordinate Senate made up of many Solons Lycurgus's and Thrasybulus's be termed an Oligarchy when acting onely for the same ends I cannot but declare my judgment for the promoting of Mr. Harrington's modell in the prayses whereof I would enlarge did I not think my self too inconsiderable to adde any thing to those applauds which the understanding part of the World must bestowe upon him and which though Eloquence itself should turne Panegyrist he not onely merits but transcends yet as limited to the good people which have adhered to the Good old canse and I suppose the Common-wealth of Israel may herein as in other causes become our pattern But if we must stretch the cords farther I see no security but in some influencing Senate who may so long continue as the necessity of the nation shall require it for to determine them a time of durance and not to be able to determine a period to what is the cause of their durance is not onely presumptuous but it carries with it this further inconvenience that the maligners of a Common-wealth will know how long to cherish their hopes for an after-game and so will not comply whereas by this indeterminate constitution of theirs they will be forced to abandon such thoughts since there will be state-holders whilest they shall not cease to give occasion for their continuance How farre this Coordinate Senate may proceed how it may not degenerate into an Oligarchy they which proposed it will doubtlesse find out I think the example of the Decemviri hath nothing in it to their prejudice and it is so farre from being likely that I think it impossible for any number of our patriots to erect an Oligarchy by such a Senate for which I have greater motives then the confidence of their Goodness which yet I have an extraordinary beleef of That other exception made by some against entrusting an equall Common-wealth in the sense vulgarly urged is that such is the posture of this nation at present that if they be universally enstated in a perfect Liberty they will invade Liberty of Conscience That they may do it notwithstanding established Orders is I think clear from what I have already said in case it should be their will and intent That there is just cause to fear they will do it may appear from these as well as other considerations They who are for a free Toleration are the lesse numerons beyond all proportion and their advantage is that they are possessed with the Militia of the nation and under good commanders resolute in themselves and assisted with prudent councellours On the other side they which would overthrowe Toleration are the more numerous greater-landed men so that possibly it may be found that in the ballance of land they possesse five parts of seven or the like the expensivenesse of their ways renders many as traders or dependants obnoxious to them if you arme them they will soon take courage and renew their interest in their dependants which never sinkes but with their estates though it may be broken thorough defect of power which will be taken away by the Equality instituted and what such dependants may do you may see in the Common-wealth of Ephesus in the tumult of Alexander the Copper-smith especially having these encouragements that however it be impossible for the Episcoparians and Presbyterians to prosper and continue together yet may they rise together as did Presbytery and Independency and both have hopes of cheating each other into an uniformity or out of the profits accruing from a destroyed-Sectarian-Toleration the difficulties whereof at long-running are not so great but the quick wit and sight of the one party and the short-sightednesse of the other may justify any seeming complyance by an event not much more uncertain confidering withall the temper of our nation then it is certaine that the glory and pride which depends upon a religious-Soveraignty will be overthrowne by the abettors of a free Toleration Their joynt grounds of confidence are a Ministry totally disaffected from such courses and ready to make Opposition to be the Cause of God and possesse-weak spirits with the hopes of prospering here and assurance of Salvation hereafter I have read it somewhere how the principall thing which kept the Spanyard from securing Portugal at first when he had it in possession was the Ministry or Epiests there at the concluâ—on of each masse they used to desire the people to say one Ave Mary for to â—e delivered from the Castiltan whereby the old animosities were still upheld And now since the Pope refuses to confirm the Portugall clergy whereby vacanâ— advantageous places are unsupplyed they are inclined to the Spanyard again and dispose the people to a revolt and so are mainly Authors of the present danger of their Country what influence these aprehensions may have upon the mindes of men we both have and do experience nor would I have any think the repute of the Ministry so decayed as that they are contemptible or that they ever will be whilest there is so great a number to be served by their continuance and yet gaine by their being humbled Having all these spokesmen scattered over the land they have the Universities in their hands from whence they are Masters of all the education of the youth in the nation so that their party is strengthened with a succession of persons resolute knowing in their way and in esteem with the people with whom to have been at the Vniversity and to be a Scholar a wise-man c. it is all one besides the dependances which the gift of fellowships and other places of emolument doth procure them besides they do not onely strengthen themselves by their hold in the Vniversities but they are thereby in a condition to weaken the Good people of this land for if they send their sonnes and relations to the Vniversity they are there partly by advise the Tutors being universally disaffected or such as will not concern themselves on any side looking upon all with indifferency and partly by example either
principled to overthrow the Good old cause or rendred indifferent towards it whereby the present Patriots are in all likelyhood so straitned that thorough want of Successors the adherents to them are populus virorum or men in whose lives the Common-wealth is bound up and in reference to the mercies God hath effected for us and by us in which he seems audibly to tell us I am your shield and your exceeding great reward we on the other side as Abraham may reply Lord God what wilt thou give us seeing we go child-lesse This is such a truth as those faithfull ones who have sent their children to Oxon. have experienced to their sorrow Things being in this posture I leave any to judge whether the Honest-party ought to put themselves upon the mercy of the generality of this nation upon Soule-regards in Holland at the Synod of Dort Episcopall and Presbyteriall Divines agreed to condemne the Arminians yet spared one another though a good consequence-spinner might fasten as many absurdities and blasphemies upon the opinion of some that were Judges as upon theirs who were sentenced and since amongst us at present both parties condemn but the Episcoparians with a greater tendernesse and compassion at least the one would exterminate and the other convince that so he may destroy the survivor If David did trust the Assembly of Israel with a religious debate it was of no moment in comparison of our concernes The people never used to consult at the mercy seat but the King and under Saul they were not idolaters but there being no emergencies or Saul fearing an Oracle unsuitable to his aimes did not consult it the Arke therefore remained in obscurity now David he askes the Assembly not whether he should worship another God or entertain some new religion or religious opinion but whether retaining the same worship or religion they had he should bring again the Ark of God and is it any wonder if a people sensible of the calamitous reign of Saul and assured that if the Arke were present and consulted all such disasters would be prevented did assent in such circumstances Ought we to trust the people with a decision of religious matters of a different nature such as not onely transcend their but all humane comprehension I shall here conclude a Preface which I am sensible how long it is but that I think it incumbent upon me to take notice of a booke lately published by Mr. Richard Baxter entituled an Holy Common-wealth I must professe unto the world that Mr. Baxter first occasioned my assuming a penne at this time under the Government of the late he published a book pretendedly against the Papists but indeed the bitterest Satyre that ever I think was penned against the Good people the falt of this land there it was that he transcribed Aulicus and the Grub-street pamphlets to frame a Legend for the Catholicks of Kederminster Hereupon my heart burned within me and I wrote a letter during that upstart Protectourship in defense of the honest men partly whom he had aspersed partly to undeceive the World that the man who wrote so many books who so superciliously condemned the ignorance of others who so dogmatically sensed it and who was so favoured at Court and fam'd for learning was no Scholar at all not skilled in Latin Greek or Hebrew not versed in Ecclesiasticall history or philosophy c. But a meere Glowe-worme in literature who borrowed his luster from the darknesse of the night and ignorance of them he converses with partly also I was engaged out of a sense of the truchs and apprehension of those favours I had received from Sr. H. Vane to vindicate his repute from the calumnies of this Whifler in Theology having finished that letter and dispatched it away Aprill 20. th 1659. It pleased God by unexpected meanes and a still winde to worke cut Salvation to his people that waited for it at what time I considering what it was that the Ministers and other adversaries did principally clamour at though Mr. Baxter had produced nothing of reason but a railing accusation to set down my thoughts about a Free Toleration and the Magistrates power in spirituall matters and that so as to decline all impertinent or remote discourses It pleased God that at the same time Mr. Baxter and my self should be occupyed in a different way and I looke upon it as an extraordinary providence that God should so dispose my writing as it might entirely crosse and destroy his The study of Politicks hath not been more my employment then his nor do I pretend to be versed therein and so I think my self to be one of those he intended his book for as he tells us Upon the whole I must pronounce it that since printing was used I think there was never such a bundle of non-sense published if he had not given it so specious a Title I should have styled it the Common-wealth of One would imagine he had forgot who ruled in White Hall to whom he addressed his bookes and for whom he pleaded when he blames Mr. Harrington's modell because thereby my Lord Ale-seller may be Custos rotulorum Certainly Mr. Baxter forgets O.P. And he is not now at all in his minde whom elsewhere he styles of famous memory I will not meddle much with particulars therein because I finde there too long a discourse to be managed in a preliminary I reserve it or remit it to others for a demonstration of the charge of ignorance which I fasten on him and for the opinions he charges sometimes with blasphemy he cannot be unacquainted with what imputations of that nature may and have been affixed to his darling fancies nor is it a part of the Method of charity which Davenant proposeth to the reformed Churches that blasphemy and detestable names of heresie be imposed upon men for remote consequences it is expresly censured by him His whole work may be counted good As he was counted cleane under the law who was over-spread with Leprosy If a Leprosy break out abroad in the skinne and the Leprosie cover all the skinne of him that hath the plague from his head even to his foote wheresoever the Priest looketh then the priest shall consider and beheld if the Leprosy have covered all his flesh he shall pronounce him cleane that hath the plague it is all turned white he is cleane Levit. 13. v. 12 13. And thus I dismisse him at present onely wishing him that since he hath never yet been an University-man or not long that he would come and spend some time here not onely for his proficiency in his studies but that he may practically see the inconveniences and absurdities of his politicks by the Government of his reverend friends the Visitors of Oxon. and Canons of Christs Church If Mr. Baxter think it below him to go to Schoole againe at this age and after such Elogies bestowed upon him of the learned Eagle-eyed and judicious though Cato in his old
to the nullifying of Government and therefore it is said four times over in the Judges chap. 17. v. 6. chap. 18. v. 1. chap. 19. v. 1. chap. 21. v. 25. That in those dayes there was no King in Israel and twice it is added but every man did what is right in his own eyes as if there had been no Government at all There is no such insinuation in the Text at all nor is the Defect of a King in Israel more true where it is expressed then where it is not throughout the Book of Judges What if it had been said in the dayes of Joshuah there was no King in Israel Or in the dayes of Gideon when the people desired him to be King over them Judg. 8.22 23. The men of Israel said unto Gideon rule thou over us both thou and thy sonne and thy sons son also for thou hast delivered us from the hand of Midian And Gideon said unto them I will not rule over you neither shall my son rule over you the Lord shall rule over you Those dull Israelites were not sensible of the confusion which they did live in nor did Gideon perceive it They did offer him the Kingdom because he had delivered them out of the hands of the Midianites the inducement is Gratitude and none of Mr. Baxters difficulties He refuseth the Kingdom because that in those dayes when there should be no King in Israel and every man should do what was right in his own eyes then the Lord should rule over them This very passage together with that of God to Samuel in the like circumstances 1 Sam. 8.7 They have not rejected thee but they have rejected me that I should not reign over them These places are a sufficient confutation of what Master Baxter addes to the Text. But let any judge if it be more for the dispraise of a Republike that without any further addition it is said in those dayes there was no King in Israel then to Monarchy after that in those dayes reigned King David or in those dayes there was no King in Israel but every man did that which was right in his own eyes and afterwards there ruled Jeroboam who made Israel to sin Another of Master Baxters arguments is p. 90. Thes 82. Nothing more incident to corrupted nature than self-love to blinde men and every man to be partiall in his own cause now it is the people that are to be governed judged punished c. and therefore how likely are they by partiality to themselves to make the Government next to none I answer that Mr. Baxter p. 102. Thes 99. objecteth against a Democracy that it is the worst because it will exercise the greatest cruelties which though it be false yet is a charge inconsistent with that of partiality Secondly this objection is either ill framed or it is destructive to all Government for in all Governments some must be Judges in their own Case and this Exception is non-sense The Question is whether seeing Arbitrary power or a power to judge in ones own case must reside somewhere where then is it best fixed I suppose in the people and that it is as impossible for a Democracy to be partial as for one upon a hundred Dice to cast as many or fifty one aces which is a security infinitely greater than what Mr. Baxters one Die will afford us And this is security enough against what Mr. Baxter urges p. 93. That the Laws cannot hold a Democracy from abrogating Christianity I answer no not if they will but if it be once prevalent you have a pretty good security a moral Impossibility that it should ever be exterminated What may happen under a Monarchy the narrations of Japan besides the actings of Jeroboam Nebuchadnezzar and others will testifie but it is evident that no Common-wealth permits the Inquisition and Christianity was much more easily planted in Common-wealths for the Jewes after the Captivity however they had the name of Kings sometimes among them were a kinde of one or an Aristocracy as Josephus tells us and when but a few made up all Christendome with how much difficulty was our Saviour put to death Whereas Mr Baxter saith further p. 93 94. that he is a Fungus and not a man that knoweth not by experience how easily bad men can make good Laws to be a nose of Waxe This saying doth not become a Divine who disavowe it in the Scripture which being a law without an Authenticall publick interpreter is avowed to lye under no such inconveniences In a Republick where there is an appeal to the people it is Morally impossible it should be so we ought not to think it so easy to delude a multitude as a few nor ought we to vouch the experience of corrupt Officers under a Monarchy for other experience no man in England of his own knowledg can alledge to the like issues under a Republick where these and all other difficulties are prevented neither can the maleconstitution of Rome whence proceeded all it's defaults prejudice Mr. Harrington's Oceana where all are remedied and this is a sufficient reply to all those arguments from inconveniencies which Mr. Baxter brings they being all Ignoratio elenchi But who would not laugh at the following Sophisms in the Kederminster disputant such as I have scarce heard from fresh-men here p. 95. Thes 88. Democracy is furthest from Unity and therefore furthest from perfection and therefore the most imperfect sort of Government O Malvezzi how hast thou exploded this argument in thy discourses upon Tacitus as if it were an unity of persons and not unanimity which made a Government perfect That unity is the companion of perfection and division departeth from it as it doth from unity is commonly acknowledged which caused the Pythagoreans to curse the number of Two because it was the first that presumed to depart from unity Is not this a fine argument for a Theologue Doth not it overthrow the Trinity as well as a Common-wealth Was it not a simplicity in the Pythagoreans if they were so absurd as Mr. Baxter makes them which they were not but he understands neither them nor Greek to attribute Presumption to things destitute of understanding and to curse Arithmetick because a man might mis-tell his Money or the like This is a sallacy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They who cursed two would not have admitted three to bear witness in Heaven and if two were such an execrable division how is it that God having made one man did not think it meet he should be alone Thes 8.9 ' That is the most imperfect Government which departeth farthest from the divine universal Form but so doth popular Government For the universal kingdom hath but one King This is a pretty Topick and such as Bellarmine and the Papists make use of to prove that there ought to be one Pope head of the Church Let the world judge whose cause Mr. Baxter pleads and what contumelies might be fastned on him It
God himself when he gave a King to Israel he did but propose the People did set him over them Magistracy is not a paternall right nor consequent thereof either in Scripture or Nature But suppose Adam Monarch of the whole Earth and that Monarchy was instituted when yet there were but two in the world Gen. 3.16 where God tells the woman that her Husband should rule over her I would faine know whither Adam had this Dominion as Father which is not proved from the text or as being the first man created in a world devoyd of Landlords and so falling to the first that should possess it If the latter to wave that question so much debated whither in New found Lands more accrue to the first comer and discoverer then he takes Seisin of Then we ought to employ Sr. Tho. Vrchard to search out one universall Monarch Successour to Adam or it must be proved that our present division of Lands and Kingdomes under Magistrates is of his approbation But both Adams Successour and his will are impossible to be found out and so that rearch is at an end If he had that Dominion as Father then all Fathers have the like power so Adams Monarchy determines with his life and all Magistracy will be at least resolved into the People when many Families and Fatherless Persons unite into one estate If he had that Dominion as the first Father from whose Loynes all mankind issued I would faine know to whom he did bequeath that power Whither it did Naturally descend to his Eldest Son or might be conferred or communicated to other his Children arbitrarily But the right of primogeniture cannot be evinced out of Scripture whilst the stories of Esau Reuben Manasseth David Succeeding to the prejudice of Sauls Sons Adonijahs being displaced by Solomon Jeâ—oahas the son Josiah his preceeding his Elder Brother Jehoiakin in the succession as the Jewes note and out of them Mr. Selden are preserved nor can it be deduced from the customes of Nations the only interpretor of Nature which vary in that point and if the claim of the first-born doth not conclude necessarily as it doth not neither in ancient or moderne Practise the pretenses of other Children are less valid Aristotle saith that succession in Kings by way of primogeniture was the custome of Barbarians that in the time of the Heroes men did rule otherwise Polit. l. 3. If all might be conferred or imparted arbitrarily let such Grantees produce their title from Seths pillars or elsewhere and we shall consider their plea. In the mean while since neither the descendants of Cain nor any other appear to challenge any such rights as mercenary divines and Lawyers have ascribed to Kings for no King or Magistrate I ever read of avowed such his right nor was it thought on either at the founding of the Common-wealth of Israel or the Election of Saul c. I cannot find any Magistracy in the world but what is derived from the People more or less consenting and impowering thereunto And thus if one Apostle call Magistracy the ordinance of God for of that he speaks abstractively Rom. 13. v. 2. Yet Magistrates or Magistracy in the concrete are of humane constitution and the creatures of men 1 Pet. 2. v. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Be thou subject unto every humane creature or creature of man for so the word signifyes and not Ordinance no more then Marc. 16.15 preach to every creature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the Lords sake whether it be to the King c. To the making a Creature it is necessary that it's production be out of nothing or at least out of no matter predisposed for such a forme thus Adam was created and this is the Physicall sense of the word In a Morall sense then to the Creation of a Magistrate it is to be supposed that he neither is already vested with such a power nor in such a capacity as without the accessional of mans creation to grow up thereunto And indeed if all men are equall before they embody by cohabitation the voisinage gives no man superiority over another There are some which phancy that Power is indeed from the People only as Electing to it not as conferring it that they have only the presentation to that authority which God immediately gives This opinion seems to enterfere with that Text which represents the Magistrate as a creature of man but because in Scripture propriety of speech is not too rigorously to be insisted on and makes the case only probable not certain I further say that this is but the resuery of men whose imagination rather then judgement is extraordinary who must place the strength of their cause in Assertions that are only so farr disproveable in that they cannot be proved The People never owned such their suffrage in the most solemn elections of Saul David c. nor did God declare his power to be such though both parties did there severally interpose It cannot be evidenced out of Gods word Nature and Reason teach us no such thing the Relations of our King no less then those of other Nations hold forth the contrary and it were absolute folly for us upon slender probabilities and no greater evidence then a quick wit may give to the most despicable untruths to renounce the professions and practise of all Nations in all Ages which render our Opinion more then probable In fine it layes us open to all the whimseys imaginable that any bold assertour can impose upon the Almighty in hopes of not being refuted till doomesday The Papists will thus defend their Transubstantiation and prove that to be really the Body and Blood of Christ which we see to be Bread The same persons say that in Ordination a Character is imprinted upon the soul of the Priest ordained The English Bishops breathed upon their Creatures saying receive the Holy Ghost A thousand such cheats may be imposed upon the unwary if we admit of these suppositions and quit our sense for that which is non-sense I would faine know what is the Nature of the power thus invisibly collated what is the Tenour of this celestiall charter Is it arbitrary or Limited If Limited how farr These things are necessary for the people to know that they may not transgresse what they are as yet invincibly ignorant of This is a course which renders all Kings Absolute yea and all inferiour Magistrates too for the text distinguishes not of the ones being more from God then the other and it makes the Peoples misfortunes infinite and irrelievable since they are subjected to one upon they know not what termes by one to whom they can make no appeal but by Prayers and Tears This plea doth unsettle all the Governments in the civilized world making all Concessions null or at least in their origine unlawfull that were extorted from tyrants or granted by such Magistrates as are not satisfied with that plenitude of power which God
invests them with whether they can diminish it what we say now is their duty will be but an Act of grace and all our rights will be changed into priviledges It is then clear that the People are the Efficient cause of Magistracy and that all true power is derived from them Who those People are I must referr you for brevity sake to a consideration of the Erection of the Common-wealth in Israel There is no Government now but hath its originall from the consent of some people which people if they were before ligued with any other number besides themselves are tyed by their mutuall promises and compacts to them and their common Magistrate so as not to erect any new one in opposition to him unlesse there be a violation of fundamentall agreements and all satisfaction for what is past together with reall security for the future be denyed or to be despayred of If the Magistrate alone injure them they may with the common or in case that cannot be had thorough the circumstances of affayres which is the default of the Governors not governed with an interpretative Consent call him to an accompt If the others dissent and defend him then are they free from all precedent obligations not onely towards their Magistrate but one another Since in conditionall pacts if the one party faile the other is at liberty If their quondam Magistrate with his partisans invade them then are they free to defend themselves or prevent such dangers as are threatned any way from him or them yea and so to manage their own safety which is the onely cause of a just war and the End of Government in general that they may at Length totally subdue and subject them To all that are by conquest thus subjected the new erected Magistrate of the conquering people is not properly a Magistrate but a provinciall Governour And if they gave just cause of fear to the conquerours at first their Conquest is just if otherwise then not And so long their subjecting is legitimate whilest that security is gained which the conquerours designed in the beginning and expect as the product of war This Magistrate hath no absolute power over the conquered but such as is derived from them in whose strength and for whose safety he doth act and to them he is accomptable for such his demeanour as is not founded upon the Rule of Self-preservation As in the Common-wealth of Israel when they were to choose a King that King was obliged to have a booke of the fundamental laws written in his own hand and to read herein all the days of his life that he might observe the said statutes and do them that so his heart might not be lifted up above his brethren and that he should not turne from the commandement to the right hand or to the left Deut. 17. v. 18.20 So it behoves such a people as impowers any for Magistracy upon severall cases to make them recognise their Authority from whom they have it and for whose sake it is that they rule not only over them but over new accquests they ought also to be very cautious of mixing their government with that of the provincials and such as do not close with them in their originall Constitutions of their Magistrate for their proper interest may be eaten out and their Magistrate become established upon the base of such articles as the conquered will assent unto for the bettering of their present condition no lesse then ruine of their conquerours Severall Kingdomes in Spain having permitted their Kings by marryage to unite different Kingdoms retaining different loves and qualified with discrepant principles of Government have now lost their priviledges and fundamentall rights each contributing to the others overthrow by the subtill counsells of their Magistrate If the People Are the Authors of Magistracy and he their creature Then it will follow that He is erected and established for the compassing of their good and that this is the End for which he was set up For since man in his actings is supposed to act voluntarily and the object of his will is some good either reall or apparently so it must likewise be supposed that in the constituting of Magistracy all did aime at something that might be an universall good it being not imagined how all should conspire for the procuring of any good of a particular man or number of men to their own detriment and disadvantage self-love is not onely the dictate of Nature but recommended by our Saviour as the rule and measure of such love as we are to bear towards our neighbour The Ends of Nations in the erecting severall fabricks of Government are as different as they themselves there being no thing universally good or universally approved of And as their intendments are discrepant so they disagree in the ways for attaining their purposes which variety arises from the various prejudices and capacityes they are born and educated to in different climates with difference of naturall tempers difference of dyet and customs c. The most obvious and universall end is the upholding society and entercourse by securing each in their property and manage of commerce betwixt one another for mutuall supply of things necessary After that the World grew populous and that men began to straiten in their plantations they formed severall petit Governments each Town being a principality upon the end specified That they did not erect them for nor impower them to determine of the word or worship of God seems manifest from Scripture Before Enos there were Cityes and communityes for Cain built one Gen. 4. v. 17. yet the Text saith positively after Enos was born unto Seth Then began men to call upon the name of the Lord. Gen. 4. v. 26. After that when Abraham travailed up and down into Egypt the land of Gerar c. he erected an altar at Bethell and worshipped his God who was not the acknowledged God of the nations amongst which he sojourned without a plea for toleration in summe the whole story of the Saints under the old Testament seems to evidence this truth that their Magistrates were purely civill and that though they might have a Nationall religion as in Egypt and possibly Salem yet did they not entermeddle with the particular religion of their subjects or them that sojourned amongst them It was Haman's counsell to King Ahasuerus to destroy the Jews for that their laws were different from all people neither kept they the Kings laws viz. concerning Religion for if they had been otherwise criminall they could not have escaped unpunished Esther 3. v. 8. It is the Opinion of Bellarmine in his booke de Laicis that the Heathens did grant an universall liberty in the worship of God which assertion is for the most part true for though they had peculiar Gods for their nations yet privately and publiquely they which worshipped a God whosoever or whatsoever it was were permitted though Diagoras and Protagoras the one doubting of
their deserting that profession which they have made of faith unto the Church And their reason is because every Republick ought to have power to punish offenders But as to their argument it is false that Christ hath any such Church organical as they mean and as I shall shew possibly in a discourse concerning the personal reign of Christ And if he had any such Chimarical Church yet would not that be destitute of power to subdue and chastise offenders For saith the Apostle though we walk in the flesh we do not warre after the flesh for the weapons of our warfare are not carnal but mighty through God to the pulling down of strong holds casting down imaginations and every high thing that exalteth it self against the knowledge of God and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of Christ And having in readiness to revenge all disobedience when your disobedience is fulfilled But since it is or may be stated that Baptisme is no admission into a particular Church nor an assent unto the Articles and Confession of a particular Church but something else and Babie-baptisme as established upon the resembling practise of the Jews in their Proselytes of justice was of no validity though conferred unlesse the childe baptized being come to years of discretion did own the act of the Church or Council which if he did not he was not looked upon as an Apostate but as one that had alwayes been a Gentile And I think if we enquire into the usage and judgment of the Ancients the said Infant-baptisme will amount to no such obligation without the Additional of Confirmation But let these things be true or false Roffensis in his book against Luther Art 33. saith that he denied both That the Pope could force men to return to the profession of that faith which they once embraced or punish them for such their relinquishing thereof Yet in this the Papists deal more ingenuously with those they persecute then others do for they shew them a Catholick Church to which they have vowed obedience They shew them a Judge and that an infallible authoritative one so as they can neither dispute the power nor the equity of the sentence All which pretenses though they be vain and empty cosenages yet is the procedure more fair and rational then if without these formalities and circumstances one should suffer To conclude I should here become an humble Supplyant for those of the Episcopal Divines who understanding the principles of that Church-way which they profess have learned in all conditions to be content and in their prosperity were neither rash in defining nor forward in persecuting soberly-tender Consciences It is certain we owe much to their learned defences of Protestancy against the Papists and several other their labours and may reap much more benefit thereby if they may have a greater security paying that respect which they ought to their Governours and praying for them that they may live peaceably under them then at present they enjoy in their walkings In like manner I should plead for such Catholicks as adhere to the doctrine of Widdrington or Preston and Blackwel c. denying the Popes power any way in Temporals to depose Magistrates I hope I do not by this Declaration reflect upon what hath been publikely noted concerning Popery and Prelacy it being to me inconceivable that by those terms any thing should be meant but the Popes power in temporals and the Bishops domineering in Parliament as Barons and spiritual Lords to dispose of lands or the civil obedience of subjects such being ready to sacrifice their lives as well as fortunes for the defence of their Heretical Governours in secular lawful quarrels since this is their judgement whatsoever Mr. Baxter ignorantly and foolishly charge the Papists in general with I DO PROFESSE UNTO THE WORLD AND ACQUIT MY SELF OF ANY WAY CONTRIBUTING TO THEIR OPPRESSION If I have evinced the Lawfulnesse and necessity of an universal Toleration and if it be the basis upon which our Common-wealth stands and Principle which is owned as neither of the aforesaid can suffer upon a Religious account so neither ought they to be damnified upon a Civil To vindicate the Widdringtonian Catholicks now in England I shall not recite any particular testimony out of their writings nor mention Mr. George Blackwell Arch-Presbyter of the English seminary Priests nor others who upon several occasions have declared themselves I shall only set down the testimony of thirteen Reverend and learned English Priests with whom twice thirty others would have joyned These are all Widd ington own word in hâ—â— confutation of T. F part 1 cap. 5. if their protestation had not been made so suddenly who to give assurance of their loyalty to the late Queen Elizabeth did by a publike instrument written in parchment thus declare themselves WHereas it hath pleased our dread Soveraign Lady to take some notice of the Faith and Loyalty of us her natural born subjects Secular Priests as it appeareth in the late Proclamation and of her Prince-like Clentency hath given a sufficient earnest of some merciful savour towards us being all subject by the Laws of the Realm to death by our return into the Countrey after our taking the order of Priesthood since the first year of her Majesties reign and only demandeth of us a true profession of our allegiance thereby to be assured of our fidelity to her Majesties Person Crown Estate and Dignity We whose names are underwritten in most humble wise prostrate at her Majesties feet do acknowledge our selves infinitely bound unto her Majesty therefore and are most willing to give such Assurance and satisfaction in this point as any Catholique Priests can or ought to give unto their Sovereigns First therefore we acknowledge the Queens Majesty to have as full authority power soveraignity over us and over all the subjects of the Realm Thus farre in English out of VVidrington against T. F. what follows is translated out of his Latine copy published in append ad disp Theolog. part 2. Sect. 1. §. 6. as any her Highness Predecessours ever had Moreover we do acknowledg profess that we are of our own accord willing and ready in all occasions and emergencies to obey her commands as farre as any Christian Priests either in this kingdom or any other part of the world were ever obliged by the Law of God and Christianity to obey their temporal Princes viz. to pay taxes and other customs belonging to the Crown to obey her Majesties Laws and Magistrates in all Civil cases to pray to God that he would grant in his good pleasure unto her Majestie a quiet and peaceable reign in this life and hereafter eternal happiness And this our Recognition do we think to be so firmly grounded upon the word of God that no Authority Cause or pretense of such can absolve us more then any Protestant or ought to do so from paying her Majestie all Civil and Temporal
is not the Unity of a Governour in person that makes a Common-wealth resemble God for Aristotle and he is of more credit than Pythagoras saith that to be ruled by Laws is to be ruled by God but to be ruled by a Man is to be ruled by a Bruite But further there is as little consequence in the Argument as distance betwixt Heaven and Earth Where there is a disparity in the ruled there must be no parity of rulers but in Mankinde there is no disparity all are equally free none are born Subjects or Rulers and to make a Monarchy best you must introduce such a disparity as that one may transcend as God for if many excell an Aristocracy or Democracy is best His other arguments from Angelical Natures and the government used by nature in man are no lesse ridiculous I wonder how he missed that of Crowes Bees c. That Government is best which is most suited to the nature of man now that varies according to circumstances as Mr. Baxter acknowledges How ignorantly done was it then by Mr. Baxter to bring such arguments as either prove Monarchy alwaves best or not at all for it will still be true that the Universal kingdom hath but one King without the danger of succession for a worse and without hazard of tumults c. but it is not so in Mankinde These Objections and the like concern not only the Independents to answer but Presbyterians for they prove against an Aristocracie in Church as well as State though Mr. Baxter cannot prove that the Government of the Church was or ought to be Monarchical but popular and if it had onely been for the name sake he should have declined the mention of the Church which is Ecclesia and what non-sense is it for him to argue p. 97. As Christ himself is the Monarch a King of his Church and the One head of his body so did he settle in every particular Church those Bishops Presbyters or Pastors whom he hath commanded the people to obey as Ruâ—ers The comparison is nought as Christ is the one head to one body so he hath subjected the people too in his Church to many heads I desire that Mr. Baxter would evince that Christ did settle in every particular Church Bishops and that the Order of Grace did so farre overthrowe the Order of Nature that the people should be the origine of the one power as I do now suppose and not of the other Sure I am that Embassadours to a people are not thereby rulers over a people His arguments from the want of Secrecy c. have been refuted by the contrary experience as well of reason in Malvezzi Boccalini and others so that I may well think that Mr. Baxter took us for a Common-wealth of Bees and therefore instead of solid Reasonings and a coherent Republick he thought to dissipate us by casting dust into the Air. I intended to have said more against that Book of his but finding my self now under a more necessary diversion then that work would be I hope I may be excused till another time Whether the Civil Magistrate hath any power in things of Spiritual concernment THough it seem that this Question may be easily decided out of a consideration of the very Terms themselves things Civil and Spiritual being of a different nature and not subordinate so as he who is deputed to administer the former is not thereby impowered to entermeddle with the latter any way the Appellation of Civil Magistrate no less determines the Object and extent of his power than the contrary Title of Spiritual Lord would restrain him that should be so constituted from any jurisdiction in Temporals or a Commission for N. N. to be Admiral at Sea limits his command so as he hath no rule upon Land But since the Implication of the Terms is not convincing enough with them who are either resolved or interested otherwise I shall make a brief inquiry into the rise and originall of Magistracy and the limitation of such power Magistracy it is the exercise of a Morall power one of these is the root and measure of the other which if it exceed it becomes exorbitant and is no longer Magistracy but a corruption thereof Almighty God hath so ordered the affaires of this world that Man partly thorough his own inclinations partly out of a sense of his necessityes not otherwise relieveable then by mutuall assistance is become naturally Sociable and Society as man is corrupted by Adams fall cannot be upheld and preserved but by the deputation of some that may make it their principal business to attend unto the good of the community and securing of each individuall in such rights as they respectively shall agree upon towards each other and for the executing of which trust they do mutually promise amongst themselves and to their Governour or Governours that they will be assistant unto him or them with their utmost power From Gods having so disposed of things Magistracy is called Gods ordinance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And the Conscience hereof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or apprehension that man hath of such sociable inclinations in him as often as he diligently consults his own thoughts is the reason of our subjection to Magistracy as well as that other of wrath and dangers likely to ensue upon any disobedience Rom. 13. v. 2.5 As to the severall kinds of Magistracy noâ— Higher and Subordinate but Supream viz. Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy they likewise are commonly Gods ordinance by the former claim of his disposing mens hearts and other extrinsque and internall circumstances so as they embrace this or that form That the East is generally affected to and ruled by an absolute Monarchy whilst the West and North admit only of a Republique or such a mixture as however their Governours may be called Kings yet are they not Monarchs Sometimes God more immediately constituteth this or that particular forme of Government as first a Common-wealth in Israel and after that â—s his wrath a Monarchy God hath no where in his word determined what is the power of the Magistrate how farr it extends it self what will be the practise of Kings and so certainly their practise that they challenge it for their right we may read 1 Sam. 8. v. 11. c. But their Duty may equitably be drawn from Deuter. 17.19 He whom God should choose and the people set over them was to rule according to Nationall Lawes now Lawes cannot be universall but must be through the prudence of the Legislator accomodated to the particular circumstances in which any people is Where the word of a King is there is power and who may say unto him what doest thou These and such like Texts oblige not but such as are under Monarchs The justitia of Arragon may notwithstanding them resist the King of Spain and our Parliaments controule his Majesty The People are the Efficient cause of Magistracy and from them is all true power derived