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A12119 Sir Antony Sherley his relation of his trauels into Persia The dangers, and distresses, which befell him in his passage, both by sea and land, and his strange and vnexpected deliuerances. His magnificent entertainement in Persia, his honourable imployment there-hence, as embassadour to the princes of Christendome, the cause of his disapointment therein, with his aduice to his brother, Sir Robert Sherley, also, a true relation of the great magnificence, valour, prudence, iustice, temperance, and other manifold vertues of Abas, now King of Persia, with his great conquests, whereby he hath inlarged his dominions. Penned by Sr. Antony Sherley, and recommended to his brother, Sr. Robert Sherley, being now in prosecution of the like honourable imployment. Sherley, Anthony, Sir, 1565-1635? 1613 (1613) STC 22424; ESTC S117262 94,560 148

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dispositions And as they are all made a prey to the greatest so euery one according to his power doth deale with the lesser like a forrest of wilde beasts liuing all vpon rapine without any sence of humanity more then an appearance This violent humour in them hath brought disobedience Couetousnesse and Luxury dissoluing the bonds of all respect our willes euer carrying vs from our selues from all awfulnesse and all Lawes when they are ouer-maistered by those two mighty enemies to perticular men much more then to generall states So that the Princes commandement is no more esteemed in any part farre remoued from his owne presence then it fitteth with the honour and profite of him to whom it commeth From whence haue growne so many and so dangerous rebellions so huge wasts in Countries and caused through all those parts those Ianizaries which were appointed for the safety of the prouinces and had their first priuiledges not onely for a reward to their vertues but to binde them by such rewardes to answere the Princes confidence in them to obey no authority which calleth them to other warres but by combining themselues in a strength together to tyrannize the Countries committed to their charges in such a sort that they are not onely Princes as it were ouer the people but do also terrific the greater Ministers And though this be a great weakenesse in the very Basis of so huge an estate which can by no meanes be held together but by such an vnite compaction as may iustly and euer moue by the heads intentions lest it should sway this way or that way and so either breake or bend by his owne great weight or bruise it selfe which in so ouer-growne a body must come to dangerous vlcers where no care is taken for the curing of the parts Yet it doth not onely shew that Gods iudgement hath determined it a short time of continuance by that one great signe but by many other as their negligence of the maintaining of a strenth by Sea which did as it were knit together many great parts of it farre diuided and gaue an essentiall strength in force and reputation to his whole state His want of necessary prouision for the warres in all those parts not speaking of those for peace sithence the ruine of the Prouinces for the most part and the misery of those poore flocke of people which doe liue in the parts inhabited are onely the meanes to giue him peace Yet the negligence of the Princes Christian will not make vse of these extreame defects of his to amplifie their Dominions to eternize their Honours and that which is the greatest to glorifie God which hath made them Princes onely to execute his iudgements none of which now can bee more iustly inflicted vpon any then vpon that great blasphemer against his Holy one and tyrant of the world giue peace to their inique passions which giue cause to the very earth to sigh to all good hearts to groane and kindle Gods indignation against them and their people and turne first their aspects to that which they owe to God and then to the true ambition of a Prince to doe great and iust things which with their honour might also bring profite to their present estates and are of such a condition that the effecting of them is vtterly without danger or difficulty seeing with the very sight of a compleat Armie his Souldiary in those parts would be terrified through their inability to resist and the people who cannot change possible to worse fortune would all follow those Ensignes which their extremity doth already force them to wish for And let all iudgement giue themselues but a small time of truce with other passions and wee shall see not onely what shame it is to the very Name of Christianity to suffer that great Sepulcher of our Redemption to bee possessed to our eternall ignominy by his professed enemies who vouchsafed to giue his deerest bloud to buy vs from perdition Religion is that which euer moueth the blindest hearts of men to the most resolute enterprises and an awfull loue hath euer beene the strongest band to binde men to their Princes to their Countrey and to common society Romulus when his people fled before the Sabines so that the victory shewed it selfe vndoubtedly on their side and ouerthrow on his the very remembring them of leauing Iupiter and the rest of the Gods in the Capitoll to the possession of their enemies was sufficient to turne that desperate fortune And when the French had sacked and burnt a great part of Rome the same awfull reuerence to their Gods and loue to their Countrey could binde them rather to re-build their ruinated Citty then to go to Vejes a Towne ready and magnificently builded But we can leaue in the Turkes possession not onely the Countrey of our Sauiour which should be deerer vnto vs then our owne for his great name sake but this the Sepulcher of his precious bloud which he gaue freely an oblation to giue vs by that sacrifice that which is aboue all eternall life without compunction of loue or Religion So much are our hearts hardened against the appearing mercies of God which hath made him for a great a weake enemy to giue vs corage by such an vnhoped fore-signe to produce that supreme act of our duties Where are those generous spirits of the fore-passed Princes and men which against all humane reason to reuenge iniuries and wrongs done to the holy name of God thrust themselues into most dangerous enterprises onely trusting in the true worthinesse of their cause which they iudged God would miraculously prosper being vndertaken with so good and true hearts for him The successes of which also we may reade to haue beene most prosperous God striuing in mercy with mans intentions And though it be true that the dayes of Visions and such apparant Miracles are finished yet let vs not by too great precisenesse mistake the things which indeed are but take this for a great miracle in regard of our manifold sinnes which deserue all bitter vengeance and no good that God yet hath pleased whilst we deuoure one another in this poore small flocke of Gods Church and by our cruelly resoluing to our ciuill destruction do open the breach for the common enemy to enlarge his power and greatnesse by his onely breath to shake him with such infection that his ouerthrow is most facille if we will vse the time pointed vnto vs by his mercifull finger which also may turne vnto vs as heauy a iudgement if we do not with the best councell and most desirous affection of our hearts and soules embrace the beames of his compassion But since Princes hearts are in the hands of God and he turneth them either for their own chastisements or for those of the people to a certaine secret point of direction from the which they cannot diuert as those which are too great iudgements for me to penetrate into I will leaue them
Iudges Aduocates and his Maiesties Councell appointed for the good of the Prouince hauing euer taken those direct waies which were fit for his Maiesty and benefite of the Prouince if the Gouernour in his particular acts had taken counsels with his particular appetites and executed them according to the same neither he nor any of the Councel were blameable neuer hauing heard a voice onely to that effect which those men also who were a great number falling downe vpon their faces confessed to the King and that their long silence had giuen the Gouernour the more boldnesse to vse the vtermost of extortion and tyrannous exaction vpon them The Gouernour denied some maintained other to bee done vpon iust causes but all so confusedly and with so vnstable a fashion of proceeding as hee bewrayed his owne guiltinesse notwithstanding the king stayed his iudgement either of him or the causes vntill another day of hearing In the meane time hee appoynted Marganobeague Bastan-Aga and one Maxausebeague which is as it were Treasurer of his house to take some secret wayes to finde the true carriage of the Gouernour during the whole time of his function Which they did with great vprightnesse and dexterity And hauing related what they had approuedly found there were so many and so great causes brought against him I meane of wresting of Money bribery monopolizing and such things as more could not bee imagined which had beene small matters in a Princes state whose fauours and graces are priuiledged aboue the common good of the people and who change by their owne conniuence their Royall estate to a tyranny of fauourites and a few Counsellors who concurring in the spoyle of the people concurre also in so cruell a suppression of their iust cryes that their lifting vp their voyces for Iustice is as great a sinne as almost a perfect Rebellion and the same Iustice which should protect them against inique oppression inflicteth seuere chastisement onely for presuming to palesate such oppressions A miserable calamitie for the poore flocke where the Sheepheards heareth the wooll and the Brambles rent the flesh But this King whom wee call barbarous though from his example wee may learne many great and good things knowing that the true care of a Prince must bee euer the publique good and the capablenesse of his ruling would bee iudged by his true Iustice and election of his Ministers and distribution of his fauour vpon the worthiest which also should make a worthy vse of it The next day that hee sate in iudgement hee called the Gouernour then hauing told him that hee which had liued with him in the time of his greatest calamity must needes bee so well acquainted with the inwardnesse of his disposition that all the world would imagine as Princes euer are examples of good or euill to their subiects so they are most to those which are neereliest conuersant with them And according to that opinion hee had giuen him his authority for the great fauour and confidence hee reposed in him that hee knew well the errour which they had both committed the one not making a true iudgement of the others disposition That the transgression of Lawes and Orders in any State was the first naturall corruption which grew in it to prouide for which good Princes did both watchfully industriate themselues and dispersed part of the care which grew too great for themselues to the trust they had in the vertue of their Ministers who should euer as the very greatest and truest causes beware of those courses of Iustice which should bee of least terrour and procure themselues and their Princes most hatred which was to pill the subiects goods a thing of no example but to euill and of infinite odiousnesse especially when there was no iust cause why any sort of punishment should bee inflicted And because these acts of so great a Minister as hee was both for the place hee held of authority and fauour with him might giue the world cause to suspect his owne inclination the which since no former example could make him knowe hee would now shew the world and teach him that the wickednesse of Princes and great Men are worse in the example th●n in the fault since by the euill custome of the world to follow them they generate great corruptions by the imitation of others And because in a man of his place there could bee no more wicked acts then hee had committed nor in a Prince nothing more proportionable with his place nor fitter for his security then the chastisement of such wicked acts And if hee should pardon so great extortions and scelerate wronges as hee had inflicted vpon the poore people committed to his charge besides that hee should verifie the worst suspicions men might haue of him he should by so ill a president trouble the mindes of his whole state cast many good men and their goods into ruine multiply the like or worse scandals oppressing the causes of Iustice and so draw into the world without shame or feare all sort of excesses this should bee his iudgement That all his Goods and Lands should bee sold for the satisfaction of those men whom hee had spoyled And if any thing wanted since the King by giuing him that Authority was partly the cause of those excesses hee condemned himselfe to pay the residue out of his Treasury That if any thing aduanced it should be giuen to his Children with a grieuous Edict that no succour should bee ministred vnto himselfe For that since Death was a concluder of his offence shame and the memory of it hee should not dye but goe during his life with a great yoke like a Hoggesyoke about his necke haue his Nose and Eares cut off and haue no charitable releefe from any but what hee gained with his owne hands that he might feele in himselfe the misery which poore men haue to get and what a sinne it is to rent from them by violent extortion the birth of their sweat and labour This Iudgement strooke a mighty amazement into all the great men present and gaue an infinite ioy and comfort to the people The Turkes Embassadour which was there after he had stood silent a great while as a man halfe distracted sware publikely that hee saw before his eyes his maisters ruine being impossible that such fortune and vertue as the king was accompanied with could receiue any obstacle That night hee made Marganobeagus Gouernour of Casbin beeing well admonished by that great example of his duty Constantino a braue yong Gentleman being a Christian of Georgia hee called Mirza and gaue him the gouernement of Hisphaan and mee also hee called Mirza telling mee that hee would prouide condignely for mee And because hee had an vrgent occasion to goe post to Cassan I should receiue his pleasure by Marganobeague who brought mee the next morning a thousand Tomanas which is sixteene thousand Duckets of our Money fortie horses all furnished two with exceeding rich
perswaded he returned with all expedition to the king who assuring himselfe the more by the denial of the former related accusations instantly commanded his guard of twelue thousand Courtchies to be in a readinesse with which and a thousand of the Xa-Hammagaes he vsed such celerity that he preuented the newes of his comming and was sooner arriued at Ferrats house then he had almost opinion that his messenger had beene returned yet although amazed with his owne guiltinesse and the kings sudden comming he made shift to make great shew of the indisposition which hee had so long counterfeited The king as soone as he came vnto him said that hee had taken a great iourney to visit him in his sicknesse and to bring him the cure thereof and hauing commanded all out of the Chamber but themselues onely alone as the king himselfe told me he vsed such like speeches vnto him Father I do acknowledge that first from God then from you these fortunes which now I haue haue receiued their being And I know that as a man I may both erre in my merit to God and in my well deseruing of your seruice But my intention I can assure you is most perfect in both the time of my establishment in my estate hath beene so small that I could scarce vse it sufficiently to performe my generall duty towards my people ouer whom by Gods permission I am appoynted much lesse to prouide for euery particular satisfaction as I mind and will doe which you principally as a Father to me both in your yeares and my election should haue borne withal But since some ill spirit hath had power to mis-leade your wisedome so far as to make you forget your great vertue you shall once receiue wholesome counsell from me as I haue done often from you And because that all counsels as well in publicke as priuate deliberations require a reposed spirit free and pure from wrath feare all perturbation or perticular interest for a troubled mind is more apt to erre then to aduse iustly and hath more need of proper medicines for it selfe then it hath properly in it selfe to apply any comfort to others and is fitter to receiue then to giue counsell from which as from a great and violent current are caried all those errours and disorders which are brought vpon rash deliberations the which haue euer long repentances and disasters as the perpetuall memories of their hauing bene and are most of all detestably blameable when such an imprudency is accompanied with that infinite damage as to thinke of alteration in a state which cannot proceede without in-iustice seeleratenesse bloud and a thousand mischiefes an act in it selfe wonderfull difficult wonderfull wicked and proceeding from an incomparable vile quality But hee that can restraine himselfe from being transported by vntemperate apetites and can dominate his passions and giue a iust rule to himselfe to his cupidities and desires doth euer giue the best time to all deliberations by mittigating heat and fury and so altereth all counsell from that nature which it receiueth from an vnquiet and troubled mind Which if you had done you would not haue entred into a thought onely of so dangerous an action against your selfe nor so dishonourable as to haue machinated the ruine and trouble of your owne King Friend Country which though it be palesated it is but to my selfe only who rather desire to chastice you as a friend with good admonition then by rigour Therfore though it be euer incident to all men to haue this great defect to feare chiefely nearest dangers and to esteeme much lesse then they ought of the future Yet bee you most assured that the perill which you might feare from my person is much lesse then that which you had throwne your selfe into if you had or should prosecute your enterprizes From my person you shall neuer except by great constraint from your selfe looke for any thing of other condition then a true Princely loue and a Royall regard of your seruices In the other course you called against my will vpon your selfe the rigor of Iustice and fury of the sword which in the warre consumeth all alike And because in that aduersity which a mans minde bringeth vpon himselfe the feares and terrours are euer greater then the euils which concurre with them be you of good comfort without the feeling onely of any such conditioned thing and call strength from your minde to your body that you may endure to go with me to Hisphaan where you shall haue cause to digest all these melancholies Ferrat neither excused nor confessed but indifferently answered the king as sory to haue giuen cause of offence and infinitely reioycing as hee seemed that the king had so royally pacified himselfe with him and not daring to refuse to go with the king desired him to vse some few daies in the visiting of the Countrey in which time hee hoped that God and the comfort of his presence would raise him from his infirmity The king certainly as I before said was by all necessity in the world either forced to execute him or to recōcile him perfectly vnto him for any midle course had but made him desperate and aggrauated all sort of perill which he might haue feared from him his seruices already done his valour and vertue were of great moment to perswade the king to the easier way being ioyned to his owne excellent mind which I haue seene the rarest proofes of that may bee brought forth by Prince or man liuing But Ferrat Can who knew that true iustice neuer weigheth offences and deserts but seuerally and without intermingling them together rewardeth the one and chasticeth the other and that benefites are more easier forgotten then iniuries feeling the weight of his offence and measuring the kings heart by his owne gaue the wickednesse of his minde power ouer his vertue And though hee seemed altered to all good intentions yet his heart was still swollen with that poyson which shortly brought him to destruction The king hauing staid some eight or ten dayes in the Countrey was sooner hastened thence then hee thought by the newes of the Queenes death who was deceased by a sudden and violent sicknesse after his departure so that with great speede taking Ferrat with him and leauing Lieu-tenant in the Countrey for Ferrat Mahomet Shefia he returned to Hisphaan where after some dayes spent in sorrow for his great losse hee sent to Alexander the other Can of the Georgians to demand his daughter by that meanes to binde againe that league which might haue beene dissolued by the death of the other Queene In that Embassage went Xa-Tamas Coolibeague who returned with the Lady within few moneths In the meane time the brother to that king of Corasan who had so royally and carefully brought vp the king of Persia when he fled from the wrath of his father rebelled against his brother slue him and all his children but onely one whose tutors fled with
fauour or benefite Therefore since being too secure doth but giue way to danger and the knowledge of the worst is the best meanes to preuent all that may be ill let not your desires of promouing this great and good businesse blind you from foreseeing all sorts of preoccupations which we both haue ta●ed of and you alone may perchance find greater but not beholding too fixed and stedfastly what the King in equitie and the truth of the cause should doe penetrate into the soule of the actiō the stability or mutablenesse of his nature his ordinarie or forced inclinations Finally into his present humours or ●uture likely pretences and then present him with those reasons which your best iudgement shall haue prouided for him in fit time and with a wel vnderstanding dexteritie The factiōs of the Court you must make your selfe learned in and beare your selfe wisely and vprightly betweene both you hauing no strēgth to adde power to any of both but any of those hauing power to subuert you so that by shewing to vnderstād those that are against you you shall but make them your more apparant enemies and by depending absolutely vpō the other procure no assured strength to our selfe but a demonstration without effect whensoeuer they shal ioyn together for their owne interesses which often happeneth betweene factions in Courts you shal be left a pray to those which hate you whose reuenge shal be certaine the others faith nothing The corruptions of all Courts giuing a licence to great men to serue their turnes vpon lesser in all thinges and more then for that to regard them in nothing Besides the ordinarie dispositions of such is to winke at our priuate friends mischiefe and as you must not declare your selfe soly for the one nor wholy against the other so you must not couertly beare them both in hand that you are theirs such artifice being of the poorest and weakest condition nothing being able to be hid from the spying eyes in Court and such an illusion once perceiued is so farre without remedie as euery man will hate you and no man trust you You must then beare your selfe equally to all keeping all friends and making no enemies depending vpon no man but your owne vertue and worthinesse and his affection which in the perfection of his owne royall minde is onely to be preserued by honest wayes In cases of your businesse you shall need vse no such diligence as frame partialities factions being alreadie made and animated and armed watching with the verie strength of their desires to aduance their Honours by the good or ill successe of it You must bee constant against rumors and beware to bee noted a willing bearer of such reports as may either touch any in Honour or otherwise to be taken for an offence and may giue your selfe cause of suspition for any of those bring extrinsicke danger or intrinsicke errours from both which you must liue free and vnattained You shall heare many speake sometimes through their owne imperfections sometime to proue yours and sometimes to please as they thinke the companie but you must know that all hearts are not of one complexion and you shall hazard euer to Card ill that play to please one by displeasing another since benefits euer bee more easily forgotten then iniures and though the respect of common friendship and almost societiere quire otherwise yet such wrongs are without meanes of reuenge and good turnes are without memorie of recompence You must auoide inconstancie and the very appearance of lightnesse as a dangerous downefall for where it is there is neither vnderstanding or iudgment to discerne the actions of others nor grauitie to measure that which properly belongeth to your selfe besides the world by taking notice of your infirmitie will alwayes feare volubilitie in all your actions Finally though I am most assured vertue hath so great power in your minde and your owne vnderstanding so full of all good thinges that you may be an example to my precepts Yet I will say this not as needing but in the necessitie of my loue which desireth more then it doubteth of Giue your selfe deare Brother to learne of the best fashion your selfe to the most worthie examples which you haue seene aspire to nothing for vanitie or ostentation neglect no good thing for feare and mingle equally awfulnesse to offend and diligence to proceed worthily in all your actions And you shall haue fauour from the King loue from the best hatred from none securitie from all honour from the effects which will proceed from your doings and God will blesse you with his mercie directing your wayes to his glorie to good ends and so to good example among these misbeleeuers with whō for a time it is your fortune to liue and to raise from this place a long lasting glorie and reputation to your selfe and name for euer And this was all my exceeding sorrow could force it selfe to vtter and the King returning also whom my Brother must follow interrupted the course of any longer discourse of mine or his answer But when I came to Casbin though I knew his mind both by nature and learning as plentifully furnished as a Gentleman might be who had hopefull conditions in himselfe and all the additions which the tender care of friendes and his owne diligently well-spent time could giue him Yet vnderstanding well in how dangerous a sea his young years were to nauigate and that no addition of prouidence could be superfluous firmely to support his owne securitie and the maine end of our great businesse hauing compiled as well as the shortnesse of the time of my abiding in that place would suffer me and as much as I could bring to any sort of fashiō out of so imperfect a mould as that of my little vnderstanding these remnants of the chiefe properties of a●l estates to giue him the better light how clearly to see into that wherin he was and to helpe the way of his businesse according to the motiues which it was like he might receiue by the commaundement of some of our Princes from hence desiring him with all to remember that Court carriages were riddles which though seene could not bee resolued without exceeding patience and well iudging experience And that by no meanes hee should flie from his owne vertue to make his foundation vpon the Kings fauor Princes euer hauing this imperfection almost inseparable to their greatnesse to be infinite voluble and as their minds are large so they easily ouerlooke their first fauours which they purposed and can as hardly loue truly as acknowledge a benefite their disposition being to be easily glutted with the present and hope better of the future especially hauing no other necessity in the constāt carrying of their affections then their owne satisfactions And these other trifles which I lent him I did wish him to ouerlooke as grounds only for his spirit to discourse more largely vpon desiring by them to point vnto him that exercise which the cause that wee were entred in made not onely fittest for his minde to vse but most necessarie our fortune hauing then giuen into our management the good or ill of diuers states according to the successe of our employment And since there is a certaine iudgement of the euent of things according to the perfect or imperfect disposition of the body by which those things are to be effected his iudgement would bee the better to discourse and discerne what the proceeding of this businesse was like to be by vnderstanding the principal elements by which the body of all estates are compacted and then by dilating with himselfe the good or defectiue mixture in euery particular state which hee knew by his owne experience and others relation Those Elements which giue both matter and being to those huge bodies were Counsell Force and Reputation The Forme were the Lawes which Aristotle calleth Mens sine appetitu The Organ by which this worke and the whole body moueth to his end is the Prince and his Ministers But because the time I had was so short as I could but briefly speake of all these I did conclude them in the Discourse which I gaue him of these three maine foundations Counsell Force and Reputation FINIS A 〈…〉 ●he course of 〈◊〉 s Turkes ●ouernment happy d●lirance from ●ger A hard distresse ●●●ard di●esse ●●strange pre●●ence ●●strange and ●●traordinary ●●ndnesse of a ●●orentine The means which K. Ab● setled the qu● et of Persia. ●he kings gra●●us speech Ferrat The Kings Triumphant entry into Cabin after his victory ●ir Anthony herleis first ●utation and ●eech to the ●ing The Kings an●were Sir Anthony Sher●●is present to the King of Per● A memo● punishm● extortio● The King of Persiacs iudgement vpon a● Extortioner Sir Anthony ●●ade a Mirza The rich present sent him by the King ●ir Ant●ony ●her●●es per●wasiue to the 〈◊〉 to ●●ke warre ●gainst the 〈◊〉 The Vscive● di●swa●ue 〈◊〉 position 〈◊〉 Persian ●●nerall his ●●swere to the 〈…〉 s disswa●e The great Chamberlai● speech The Kings censure conciu● on o●●he comultation Th● Kings 〈…〉 the c●nsulta● tion The Persian V●●c●●rs complement with Sir Anthony S●e●●●y The proud message deliuered by the Turks Embassador to the King of Pe●si● The King of 〈◊〉 his answer to the Turk● Emba●●ador The King of Persia agreeth to the perswasion of Sir Anthony Sherley Sir Anthony She●ly c●●firmeth the King in hi● purpos● of sending to the P●in●es of Christ●n●●m ● King of 〈◊〉 Re●●●on to em●y Sir A●●●●ny S●●l●y as Embassa●●r S●r A 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the ●n 〈◊〉 〈…〉 ●he Persian ●agnifi●ence their so●mne feasts Two great fortunes which befell the king during his feast 1. The submission of the Tartars to his Crowne 2. The rich present with the all●●n●e of the great Mog●r off●●ed to the P●●s●●● The comming of two Friers to insinuate with Sir Anthon Sherl●y The enterprise of ●ur A●ti●●● Sl●●●● o●ert●●o vne by his owne Inst●●ment The cause● for whi●● the K●ng of ●●●s●a deta●ned Sir Robert S●●rley The ab●se wi●h the t●ue and ●roper v●e o● studies S●r Anton Sherleys com●●ndation of his brothe Sir Robert S●erley Sir Robert S●erleys answere to the King of Persia. Sir Anthonie She●ley● instructions and aduice to his brother Sir Robert She●ley when he left him in Persia. The bond of Nature and ●●oud Negotiation with Princes Factions of the Court. Factions Rumors Speeches Inconstancie
would also moue him to the like now And the more hauing greater hopes of meanes for a gratefull acknowledgement from him which hee which had the management so long of his disposition could not doubt of and if he had begun to perswade him with other reasons hee did it rather in the duty of a true friend to lay before him his owne interest then in any diffidence of his free inclination to his good Whereupon the king of Corasan though pre-occupied by the Turke yet desirous to bee his friend a farre off and also doubting the successe of Abas neither hauing yeares nor experience nor friends In fine beeing destitute of all reasonable hope not to moue the Turks displeasure vpon such a disaduantagious condition was notwithstanding contented to see whether something might be moued by such a helpe as should not appeare to giuen by him but rather voluntary followers of Abas his fortune hee gaue him three thousand horse onely to put him in possession of that state which by his vertue and fortune is growne now so great that it hath deuoured all the states of the Tartars extended it selfe so farre as Cabull to the East the Arabian gulfe downe to Ballsarack on the South within three dayes iourney of Babylon on the West and to Tauris on the North embracing the whole circumference of the Caspian sea vnto Astracan which is the vttermost of the Moscouites Dominion and Seruane of the Turkes which lyeth vpon that sea an Empire so great so populous so aboundant that as it may compare with most of the greatest that euer were so is it terrible to the Turkes which is the greatest that now is though I doe thinke verily That in Asia the Persian hath as great an extent of Territories as the Turke and better inhabited better gouerned and in better obedience and affection I am sure he hath With this small troope the King of Persia guided by his infinite Royall courage entred Persia. But as those which are wicked are euer so well instructed in the Art of their profession that they neuer want instruments in themselues to deuise and in others to act those counsels which must euer bee waking to maintaine what they haue gotten by their sceleratenesse So their Spyes hastened with such diligence to giue those Rebels notice of their Kings beeing on foote that the next of them to him had time to arme great forces and incountred him in a Prouince called Sistane and though his inuincible spirit without any sparke of feare made him aduenture to fight vpon so vn-equall termes as was three thousand against twenty thousand hee found by his experience that Maiesty and right is nothing without power to beare them vp and that no exquisite vigour of the minde can resist the violence of sinister fortune nor oppression of many hands Yet did fortune so much care for so great vertue that shee gaue him way to escape to to the Mountaines all the rest of the small troupe being cut in peeces This victory assured the Rebels as they thought from all further danger supposing that these small forces were all which then their King could or hereafter should bee able to lead against them Imagining that the King of Corrasan if hee would haue succored him indeed that hee would neuer haue cast a way those few to increase the strength of their foundation and to diminish the others reputation which is so effectuall in a not well confirmed Princes first actions especially in a Prince who must come to his right by his vertue and fortune But the King of Persia whose owne minde euer comforted him with a stedfast assurance of his greatnesse to which hee is now growne hauing recouered the Mountaines liued amongst the Heardes-men for three months vnknowne changing continually from place to place without any certaine abode accompanied onely with ten or twelue followers which were of his first Gouernours and other yong Gentlemen brought vp with him from his child-hood But being now no longer able to temporize with his great desire resoluing to proue the last and the vttermost of his fortune and remembring how much loue and affection those of Yasd had shewed towards him in the time of his gouerning them and how much he had truely deserued of them determined to shew himselfe in that Prouince and proue what effect the Maiesty of his person the iustice of his cause and former obligation would worke in them which though it were a foundation proued euer false almost by all experiences The peoples affections euer raising mens hopes and ruining their persons Yet it proued otherwise with this King who was no sooner certaine knowne in those parts but numbers of people came flocking to him armed and appointed for the wars in such sort that before any prouision could bee made against him this being an accident so farre remoued from all sort of suspition he had a power together too strong to be easily suppressed which was no sooner heard by Ferrat Can a great Prince and discontented with the alteration of the gouernement to whose share none of that partition had falne his fortune being such that at the time of the other Kings death he had none of the Prouinces to administer and they were parted onely betweene them which held them he I say with his brother and a company of some ten thousand came and ioyned themselues to the forces of the King Neither were the men so welcome as that Ferrat Can being a wise Prince and a great Souldier grew a party and such as the King also stood in need of Neither did the King loose any sort of opportunity but hearing of the Assembly which certaine of the Princes were making in the neerest Prouinces vnto him with all speed fell vpon them and ouer-throwing them followed them as farre as Casbin In the meane time those of Shyras Asphaan Cassan assisted by the Kings of Gheylan and Mazandran gather mighty forces the Turkes armed at Tauris and the Prince of Hamadan hauing called in a strength of the Courdiues to his assistance was marching also towards Casbin So that the King was likely to be so inclosed with all these Armies that his first victory would rather haue proued a snare to his intrapment then important as he hoped to the some of his affaires Whence he resolued to helpe with Art that which he was much too weake to accomplish by strength Wherefore he leaueth Ferrat Can in Casbin with some fiue thousand men accompanied with Zulpher his brother and himselfe with the rest of his power marched towards the Can of Hamadane Ferrat Can according to the deliberation taken betweene the King and him thewed himselfe altered from the Kings part writeth to the Rebels which were all in a grosse aduanced as farre as the mid-way betweene Cassan and Casbin and offereth not onely to ioyne that strength which hee had with them but to mutine the Kings army which was lodged in the Mountaines towards Hammadane in a shew
we among thē This Tarras looked vpon the place where after we had ben a litle beheld some of the Court exercising thēselues at giuoco-di-canna that great troupe was suddenly vanished so without all sort of rumor that it bred infinite wonder in me cōsidering how much tumulte we made in these parts in the disposing of a far lesse cōpany Whilst we sate there the King called me againe vnto him when I had confirmed in more words the very same I had before said vnto him Thē said he you must haue the proofe of time to shew you either the errors or the truth of these rumours since you can make no iudgement of what you haue yet seene which is but the person of a man and this eminēce which God hath giuen me for any thing you know may be more through my fortune thē my vertue But since your pains trauel hath had no other aspect but to know me we must haue a more intrinsicke acquaintance to perfect that knowledge how you wil indure the fashions of my coūtry you can iudge best your selfe which are maister of your owne humor This I will assure you of you shal want no respect frō my people nor honor from my selfe therwith bid me fare-wel for that present comitting me my cōpany to Bastan-Aga to be conducted to my lodging Next morning I sent the King a present of sixe paire of Pendants of exceeding faire Emerauldes and meruailous artificially cut and two other Iewels of Topasses excellent well cut also one cup of three peeces set together with gold inameled the other a Salte and a very faire Ewer of Christall couered with a kind of cutworke of siluer and gilt the shape of a Dragon all which I had of that Noble Florentine which his Maiesty accepted very graciously and that night I was with my brother inuited by him to a banquet where there was onely Byraicke Myrza and Sultan Alye with Xa-Tamas-Coolibeague his cheife Minion there he had diuers discourses with mee not of our apparell building beauty of our woemen or such vanities but of our proceeding in our warres of our vsuall Armes of the commodity and discommodity of Fortresses of the vse of Artillary and of the orders of our gouernement in which though my vnskilfulnesse were such that I knew my errours were greater then my iudgement yet I had that felicity of a good time that I gaue him good satisfaction as it seemed For in my discourse hauing mentioned the hauing of certaine Models of Fortification in some bookes at my lodging which were onely left me in the spoile which was made of me at Babylon Next day after dinner he came thither with all the principallest of the Court where hee spent at least three howers in perusing them and not vnproperly speaking of the reasons of those things himselfe Next night hee sent for mee againe into a place which they call Bazar like our Burze the shops and the roofe of which were so full of lights that it seemed all of a fire There was a litle Scaffold made where he sate and as euery man presented him with diuers sorts of friuts so hee parted them some to one some to another and there hee continued some foure howers in which time hee tooke mee aside with my Interpreter and asked mee very sadly whether I would content my selfe to stay with him not for euer for that were too a great wrong to my friends who should loose mee from their comfort being diuided so farre from them for my owne fortune hee would not speake of but onely thus much since I had told him I was a subiect to a Prince he knew that then my fortune also must depend vpon the will and fauour of that Prince and hee assured himselfe that he was as able and more desirous to do me good then any therefore if I would resolue to giue him that litle satisfaction he should perswade himselfe the more confidently that the cause of my comming was such as I told him the loue of his person and nothing else I answered him I could say no more ●o his Maiesty then I had already done that a report onely of his excellent vertues had brought mee thither that a better experience had bound me so fast to him and them that as he was Maister of my minde so hee should bee of my person and time which were both subiect to his command For those things of fortune they were the least things that I regarded as his Maiesty well saw by my great expence thither onely to satisfie my sight but as I knew my selfe infinitely honoured by his Maiestie vouchsafing to serue himselfe of mee so that was to me aboue all other fortunes and satisfactions His Maiesty seemed wonderfully well content with my answere and that night began to shew me extra-ordinary publicke fauour and so continued all the time of his being in Casbin daily increasing by some or other great demonstration Sixe weekes hee stayed there giuing his accustomed audience to the people In which time I saw the notablest example of true vnpartiall royall iustice that I thinke any Prince in the world could produce The Gouerner of Casbin was appointed to that administration in the maine seruice of the Kings state when the Rebels were first suppressed A man exceedingly and perticularly fauored of the King he taking the adantage of the time which being troubled gaue him liuely colour to make great profite vpon the people and confident in the Kings fauour abused both the one and the other by extreme extortions thinking because of his owne greatnesse and the Countries offence against the King the memory of which euery man would feare to receiue that what he did by violence and force should by as great power of terrour remaine vnknowne but some to whō he had offered so much that they thought no extremity could happen them of a worse conditiō made desperate through that hazard to put vp lamentable supplications to the King who hauing read them as his fashion is commanded the parties to-speake freely with this caution that they should beware that they charged nothing falsely for as he would not that any minister of his shold abuse his authority by any vniust burthen vpon the worst of the people so hee would also prouide by seuere example that none should presume to impose false accusations vpon any whom he had thought worthy to carry authority vnder him Notwithstanding those poore men did not onely mainetaine their accusations but brought forth diuers witnesses and others perceiuing so iust a course held by his Maiesty emboldned by it laid before him also in their humble sort their owne oppressions suffered by the like violence Vpon which hee commanded Marganobeague to be sent for who was the Maister of his house in Casbin demanding of him whether he had heard of those things he answered no being priuate acts of the Gouernour publicke causes which were brought before the President
your wisedome and the execution to his great prouidence and your Maiesties infinite vertue And laughing vpon me sonne said he haue I not said true of your mind When he had ended I beseeched his Maiestie to vouchsafe to heare me once more which he said was needlesse the day fa●e spent therefore since euery man had already spoken their opinion he would also say somewhat of his owne and referre the farther deliberation of things vntill an other time The proposition which Mirz● Antonio saith he made vnto me is quest●onlesse in i●selfe such an one as I must not only thanke him for propounding it by which it hath receiued life but I must also prouide for the execution of it that the life which it ha●h may be vsed to good purpose The force of the Turke consisteth in cauallerie infantery gallies artillery munitions money And the cause why they proceeded not in their warre against this state in my fathers time was not eyther the death of Osman Bassa nor their diuersion into Hungary but that ancient art by the which they euer carried their warres which hath beene alwaies to offend and preuent an enemie to vse exceeding celeri●ie in all their enterprises to haue their forces in perpetuall readinesse not to attempt two enterprises at one time and if it were possible not to be troubled with thē at one time not to spend the benefit of time and their men treasure vpon matters of small importance and not to continue a wa●re long with any to auoid by such a meanes the informing by practise any Prince or his people in the exercise of armes Which if it haue otherwise hapned in Hungary it proceedeth rather from the obstination of the Princes Christian then from any part of his owne desire I said the king want footmen artillery and money which I must make readie the Turks neuer hauing aduantage vpō my people through th●ir vaiour but onely by that defect Gallies I haue none therefore since they must be necessary for some purpose of which the warres may bring forth the occasion and perhaps also of necessitie and I can only hope for them of the Portugeses it will be an ill counsell to offend them in any point and then afterward vpon a new treatie to relie vpon them in so great a case and in which my necessitie may also concurre For the Turks present state and the iudgement of his future it is a thing facile to make and hard to erre in since by the ordinarie course of the working causes of mutations of states when a gouernment doth proceed from suffering the first abuses to confirme them in the most part of the state a few intelligent instruments are not sufficient to beare the weight of the disorders and to correct them being the nature of men when they flie from one extreeme to runn head●ong without any mediocritie into another by which the Turks extreeme obedience is become a direct despisablenesse of his person and authority And this Princes incapacity must be in this point the ruine of their state diffusing the like infection into the members for such as is the Prince such are his greater ministers such are his people Then whether I giue my selfe time or no time for what belongeth vnto him that may perhaps be all one since his being as he is or worse sheweth facilitie enough for the well proceeding of any enterprise fundamentally designed against him Yet many times generall rules faile in particular subiects and a new Prince may can reforme those disorders but the time in truth which my owne wants force me to take and not these arguments which are no other then arguments shall shew that I am not defectiue in those points in which he is But that which I begin shal haue the extract of it from sound counsell and the ending from as perfect vertue if I or my people haue it For the flame of our warre once breaking forth beleeue it will not be so facily extinguished both because great Princes difficilly speak of peace while they feele themselues able to make warres and the diuersity of our religion will striue with a more mortall rancor then contraries Therefore I must strengthen my selfe by all possible waies to beare the furie of it which must be done by the inabling and augmentation of my forces changing the orders of my owne militia to such as are properest for the enemy which I propound to my selfe establishing the gouernment of my countrie in such a sort that the generall abundance may without the feeling of a heauie exaction replenish my treasures cause plentifull prouisions of artillerie armes and munitions and adde to these internal powers of my owne those of the Princes eyther by protection or league of which the first sort I meane I haue alreadie the Georgians being all vnder my protection but it is a weake helpe I being bound by that condition to defend them vpon my charge and they vnable to assist me except vpon the same also And though it be true that they bring me a fashion of reputation yet is it such a reputation as hath no essentiall point of foundation but onely serueth me by ignorance of the quality in which they are vnto me rather then in the substance and strength Leagues are vsually of more appearance then effect and of more splendor in the beginning then of profit or durablenesse in the end so many accidents causing disunion suspition or some other ill quality amongst confederates yet when a league is made for preseruation against the common perill rising from a potent enemie and when diuers bodies are moued to one end and with one consent and not one bodie with diuers consents and euerie one of these hauing particular respect to a diuers end and when if there be any thing acquisited the distribution of the members of that bodie is such vpon whom the acqueit is to be made that there is no possible pretendence from one to the others getting I doe not see but that such a league must bring substantiall reputation and generall commoditie that wil not be subiected to any common accident of dissolution For the Tartars which I haue as subiected if I were Oliuer Di-Chan Ha●denheagu● ●r Bas●an-Ag● I could thinke of few better meanes to assure my selfe of their rebellions then those which they haue propoūd●d except one addition of suffering them to enioy their ancient order lawes and their particular course of iustice But as I am borne with a mind● of another constitution I can secure them better by giuing them to their owne naturall Prince and him to them For to whose father I was ●o much bound that through the royalty of his disposition I hold my life had the beginning of what I am I can do little for the son no gratefull act at all for the memory of the father if I cannot giue him a kingdom which is the least part of what I am To conclude as