Kingdom with Thieves and Beggars 3. That if all our impotent Poor were provided for and tâ—ose of both Sexes and all Ages that can do Work of any kind employed it would redound some Hundreds of Thousands of Pounds per annum to the publick Advantage 4. That it is our Duty to God and Nature so to Provide for and Employ the Poor 5. That by so doing one of the great Sins for which this Land ought to mourn would be râ—moved 6. That our fore-Fathers had pious Intentions towards this good Work as appears by the many Statutes made by them to this purpose 7. That there are places in the VVorld wherein the Poor are so provided for and employed as in Holland Hambrough New-England and others and as I am informed now in the City of Paris Thus far we all agree The first Question then that naturally occurs is Question How comes it to pass that in England we do not nor ever did comfortably Maintain and Employ our Poor The common Answers to this Question are two 1. That our Laws to this purpose are as good as any in the World but we fail in the execution 2. That formerly in the days of our pious Ancestors the work was done but now Charity is deceased and that is the reason we see the Poor so neglected as now they are In both which Answers I humbly conceive the Effect is mistaken for the Cause For though it cannot be denied but there hath been and is a great failure in the Execution of those Statutes which relate to the Poor yet I say the cause of that failure hath been occasioned by defect of the Laws themselves For otherwise what is the reason that in our late times of Confusion and Alteration wherein almost every Party in the Nation at one time or other took their turn at the Helm and all had that Compass those Laws to Stear by and yet none of them could or ever did conduct the Poor into a Harbour of security to them and profit to the Kingdom i. e. none sufficiently maintained the Impotent and employed the Indigent amongst us And if this was never done in any Age nor by any sort of Men whatsoever in this Kingdom who had the use of those Laws now in force it seems to me a very strong Argument that it never could nor ever will be done by those Laws and that consequently the defect lies in the Laws themselves not in the Men i. e. those that should put them in Execution As to the second Answer to the aforesaid Question wherein want of Charity is assigned for another cause why the Poor are now so much neglected I think it is a scandalous ungrounded Accusation of our Contemporaries except in relation to Building of Churches which I confess this Generation is not so prophense to as former have been for most that I converss with are not so much troubled to part with their Money as how to place it that it may do good and not hurt to the Kingdom For if they give to the Beggars in the Streets or at their Doors they fear they may do hurt by encouraging that Lazy Unprofitable kind of Life and if they give more thâ—n their Proportions in their respective Parishes that they say is but giving to the Rich for the Poor are not set on Work thereby nor have the more given them but only their Rich Neighbours pay the less And for what was given in Churches to the visited Poor and to such as were impoverished by the Fire we have heard of so many and great Abuses of that kind of Charity that most Men are under sad discouragements in relation thereunto I write not this to divert any Man from Works of Charity of any kind He that gives to any in Want does well but he that gives to Employ and Educate the Poor so as to render them useful to the Kingdom in my judgment does better And â—here by the way not to leave Men at a loss how to dispose of what God shall incline their Hearts to give for the Benefit of the Poor I think it not Impertinent to propose the Hospitals of this City and Poor Labouring People that have many Children and make a hard shift to sustain them by their Industery whereof there are multitudes in the out Parts of this City as the best Objects of Charity at present But to return to my purpose viz. to prove that the want of Charity likewise that is now and always hath been in relation to the Poor proceeds from a defect in our Laws Ask any Charitable minded Man as he goes along the Streets of London viewing the Poor viz. Boyes Girles Men and Women of all Ages and many in good Health c why he and others do not take care for the setting those poor Creatures to Work Will he not readily answer that he wisheth heartily it could be done though it cost him a great part of his Estate but he is but one Man and can do nothing towards it giving them Money as hath bâ—en said being but to bring them into a liking and continuance in that way The second Question then is Question 2. Wherein lies the defect of our present Laws relatiâ—g to the Poor I answer that there may be many but I shall here take notice of one only which I think to be Fundamental and which until altered the Poor in England can never be well Provided for or Employed and that when the said fundamental Error is well amended it is almost impossible they should lack either Work or Maintenance The said radical Error I esteem to be the leaving it to the care of every Parish to Maintain their own Poor only upon which follows the shifting off sending or whiping back the poor Wanderers to the Place of their Birth or last Abode the practice whereof I have seen many years in London to signifie as much as ever it will which is just nothing of good to the Kingdom in general or the Poor thereof though it be sometimes by accident to some of them a Punishment without effect I say without effect because it reforms not the Party nor desposeth the minds of others to Obedience which are the true ends of all Punishment As for instance a poor idle Person that will not Work or that no Body will Employ in the Country comes up to London to set up the Trade of Begging such a person probably may Begg up and down the Streets seven years it may be seven and twenty before any Body asketh why she doth so and if at length she hath the ill hap in some Parish to meet with a more vigilant Beadle then one of twenty of them are all he does is but to lead her the length of five or six Houses into another Parish and then concludes as his Masters the Parishioners do that he hath done the part of a most diligent Officer But suppose he should yet go further to the end of his Line which is the
not the â—ffect of Riches in Holland they might take as much Vse-Money as they could get there being no Law against it I answer There were formerly Laws in Holland that reduced Interest to 8 and 6 and afterwards to 5 per Cent Anno 1640. and since in the Year 1655. to 4 per Cent the Placart for which I have seen and have been told and do believe they have since reduced it by Placart to 3 per Cent as to their Cantors and all publick Receipts which in Holland is as much in effect as if they had made a general Law for it because the most of their Receipts and Payments are made in and out of the aforesaid publick Offices or else into and out of their Banks for which no Use-Money is allowed which several gradual and succesful Abatements of Interest did occasion their Riches at first and brought their People to that consistency of Wealth that they have since wrought themselves into such an abundance that there are more Lenders now than Borrowers and so I doubt not but it will be with us in a few Years after the next Abatement of Interest is made by Law which I have good reason to conclude not only from the visible operations of nature in all other things and places but from Fact and Experience in this very case being certain that the Gold-Smiths in London could have what Money they would upon their Servants Notes only at 4 l. and 4 l. 10 s. per Cent before the late Emergencies of State which I could demonstrate have very much obstructed the natural fall of Interest with us something more I have said in answer to this in the addition to my former Treatise and this may serve likewise for an answer to his third Reason Fourthly he saith That which I must prove to make good my â—ssertion is that any Country in the World from a poor and low condition while Interest was at 6 per Cent was made rich by bringing it to 4 per Cent or 3 per Cent by a Law I answer If the instance of Holland and Italy were not sufficient to satisfie him in this point yet that having proved which he cannot denâ— that our own Kingdom hath been enriched consequently constantly and proportionably to and after our several Abatements of Interest by Law from an unlimitted rate to 10 from 10 to 3 and from 8 to 6 per Cent I think it may rationally be concluded that another Abatement of Interest in England would cause a further encrease of Riches aâ— it hath done in Holland From Italy I have endeavoured to gain a certain accompt of their legal Intâ—rest but am advised that no taking of Use-Money is allowed by their Pontificial Laws the Interest now taken there which is generally 4 per Cent is done only by dispensation of Pope â—aul the fifth and that notwithâ—â—â—nding no man can recover Interest of Money there if the party who should pay it can prove he hath no gained the value of the Interest demanded Now let the Reader judge whether that practise of Holland and this of Italy where the Romish Church-men have so great power who are to take Cognizance and may by their Auricular Confessors of all Offences of this kind the Laws concerning the use of Money in those Countries being Fontificial do not amount in effect to a low stated Interest by Law in England But to deal more ingenuously with my Opposer then he hath done with me I will grant him that much Riches will occasion in any Kingdom a low rate of Interest and yet tâ—at doth not hinder but a low stated Interest by Law may be a cause of Riches For if Trade be that which enricheth any Kingdom and loweâ—ing of Interest advanceth Trade which I think is sufficiently pâ—oved then the Abatement of Interest or more prâ—perly restraining of Usury which the antient Romans and all other wise and rich People in the world did always drive at is doubtless a primary and principal cause of the Riches of any Naâ—ion it being not improper to say nor absurd to conceive that The same thing may be both a Cause and an Effect Peace begets Plenty and Plenty may be a means to preserve Peace Fear begets Hatred and Hatred Fear The diligent Hand makes rich and Riches makes men diligent so true is the Proverb Creseit amor Nummi quantum ipsa pecunia erescit Love we say begets Love the fertility of a Country may cause the encrease of People and the encrease of People may cause the further and greater fertility of a Country Liberty and Property conduce to the encrease of Trade and Emprovement of any Country and the encrease of Trade and Emprovements conduce to the procuring as well as securing of Liberty and Property Strength and Health conduce to a good digestion and a good digestion is necessary to the preservation of Health and encrease of Strength and as a Person of very great honour pertinently instanced at a late debate upon this Question An Egg is the cause of a Hen and a Hen the cause of an Egg The incomparable Lord Bacon in his History of Henry the 7th saith pag. 245 of that Prince as well as other men That his Fortune worked upon his Nature his Nature upon his Fortune the like may be said of Nations The â—batement of Interest causeth an encrease of Wealth and the encrease of Wealth may cause a further Abatement of Interest But that is best done by the Midwifery of good Laws which is what I plead for the corrupt Nature of man being more apt to decline to Vice then incline to Vertue Folio 15. he affirms Lands are not risen in Purchase nor Rents improved since the Abatement of Interest That I shall say no more to it is matter of Fact and Gentlemen who are the Owners of Land are the best Iudges of this case only I would entreat them not to depend upon their Memories alone but to command particular accompts to be given them what sum or sums of Money were given 40 or 50 Years past for any intire Farms or Mannors they now know and I doubt â—ot but they will find that most of them will yield double the said sums of Money now notwithstanding the present great pressures that Land lies under which ought maturely to be considered of when this judgment is made I rather desire the enquiry to be made upon the gross sum of Money paid then the Years purchase as being less fallible because many Farms have been of late Years so rackt up in Rents that it may be they will not yield more Years purchase now according to the present Rents then they would many years past and yet may yield double the Money they were then bought or sold for because the Rents were much less then Fol. 15. he impertinently quarrels at my instance of Ireland saying I quote it sometimes to prove the benefit of a low Interest pag. 8. And sometimes the mischief of high Interest
lost to the Nation whereas if a Dutch man lend Money to an English-man he at length carries home both Principal and Interest which Interest be it more or less is a câ—ear loss to the Nation which is so evident that I hope my Opposer when he hath thought upon it again will not upbraid me for begging the Question because I trouble not the Reader with the particular Proof of those things which I hear no man deny and therefore conclude every man will grant For whether Snow be white is not to be disputed In his second Assertion likewise that the abatement of Interest tends to the engrossing of Trade into a few rich mens hands to the excluding of young men I appeal to the judgment of all understanding Merchants and rational men whether the Gentleman be not miserably mistaken And whether the never-failing effect of a high Interest all the World over be not to enrich a few greatly and impoverish the generality of Traders So it is in Turkey where Interest is at 20 per Cent and upwards if we may believe those honest and worthy Turkey Merchants who are now upon the Exchange and have lived long in that Country and so it was with us here when Interest was at 10 per Cent and upwards as I have already demonstrated by the instances of Sutton Gresliam Craven and Spencer so that he must be naturally blind or put out his Eyes who doth not see that the Abatement of Interest is a diffusive Principle Hence it follows that as few great and rich Merchants whose Estates are Personal except they have also great Souls can bear the discourse of abating Interest with more patience than Usurers well knowing that it must necessarily retrench their present Profits by encreasing the number of Traders which though it be a small loss to Individuals will be a vast gain to the generality of the Nation At the lower end of pag. 12. his Words are that in my instance of old Audley's observing that 100 l. at 10 per Cent would in 70 Years amount to 100000 l. he affirms I am no less mistaken than in other things Truly if I have mistook no more in other things than in that in such an untrodden Path as this I have failed much less then I could hope for to demonstrate which I have here inserted a short Table shewing that 100 l. at that rate riseth within a trifle to 200 l. in seven Years Interest upon Interest so that the usual accompt is and was formerly that Money doubles once in seven Years at 10 per Cent according to which rule 100 l. in seventy Years amounts to 102400 l. One Hundred Pounds at Ten Pounds per Cent per Annum at Interest upon Interest encreaseth thus viz.  L. S. D. AT first 100 00 00 At 3 Months it is 102 10 00 At 6 Months 105 1 03 At 9 Months 107 13 9 At 12 Months 110 07 7 At 1 Year â— 4 113 02 9 At 1 Year â— â— 115 19 4 At 1 Year â— 4 118 17 4 At 2 Years 121 16 9 At 2 Years â— 4 124 17 8 At 2 Years â— 2 128 00 1 At 2 Years ¾ 131 4 1 At 3 Years 134 9 9 At 3 Years â— 4 137 17 0 At 3 Years 1 â— 141 5 10 At 3 Years ¾ 144 16 6 At 4 Years 148 8 11 At 4 Years ¼ 152 3 1 At 4 Years ½ 155 19 2 At 4 Years ¾ 159 17 2 At 5 Years 163 17 1 At 5 Years ¼ 167 19 0 At 5 Years ½ 172 3 0 At 5 Years ¾ 176 9 1 At 6 Years 180 17 3 At 6 Years ¼ 185 7 9 At 6 Years 1 â— 190 5 0 At 6 Years ¼ 194 15 5 At 7 Years 199 12 10 Supposing One Hundred Pounds to double in seven Years at Interest upon Interest as aforesaid the encrease is viz.  L. At first 100 At 7 Years 200 At 14 Years 400 At 21 Years 800 At 28 Years 1600 At 35 Years 3200 At 42 Years 6400 At 49 Years 12800 At 56 Years 25600 At 63 Years 51200 At 70 Years 102400 Pag. 13. he saith That I make use of the abuse of Interest which no man pleads for annexing a Discourse against Interest writ in 1621. when it was at 10 per Cent endeavouring thereby to impose a Belief that the Gentleman who writ thaâ— Discourse was of my mind whereas it may be supposed the Author of that Book was contented with 8 per Cent because within four Years after it was brought down to that Rate and that otherwise he would have writ further it being probable that he might live till after four Years I answer That through the Mercies of Almighty God and for the good of this Kingdom that Patriot of his Country Old Sr Thomas Culpepper who I have since been assured was the Author of that Treatise did live above twenty Years after the writing thereof and then published a second Treatise which was lately Re-printed by his worthy Son which second Treatise is now to be had at Mr Wilkinson's over against St Dunstan's Church in Fleet-street which I would advise my Opposer to read and then I hope he will be more modest hereafter then to mis-call the most Natural and Rational Conclusions IMPOSINGS But lest he should not meet with the said Treatise I shall here insert a few Lines out of it to the present purpose viz. Old Sr Thomas speaking of the certain good Effects of the Abatement of Interest from 10 to 8 per Cent pag. 19. of his second Treatise saith This good success doth call upon us not to rest here but that we bring the use for Money to a lower rate which now I suppose will find no Opposition for all Objections which before the Statute were made against it are now answered by the Success most certainly the benefit will be much greater to the Common wealth by calling the Vse for Money down from 8 to 5 or 6 per Cent then it was from calling it down from 10 to 8 per Cent. I shall not Comment upon his Words but only declare that in truth I never heard of this Treatise nor of any other to the like effect when I write mine Pag. 13. the Gentle-man bâ—ings â—p his Battalia and like a stout Champion for the â—lie and timerous heard-of-Usurers plants his main Battery against that part which I confessed to be weakest viz. that the difficulty of this Question is Whether the lowness of Interest be the cause or the Effect of Riches And he positively denies that the lowness of Interest is the Cause affirms it to be only the Effect thereof which he endeavours to prove by four Arguments which I shall particularly answer in a due place in the mean time use my own Method to prove That the Abatement of Interest by a Law in England will be a means to improve the Riches of this Kingdom And I prove it thus 1. Whatever doth Advance the value of Land in Purchase must be
a procurâ—ng cause of Riches 2. Whatever doth Improve the Rent of Farms must be a procurâ—ng cause of Riches 3. Whatever doth Encrease the bulk of Foreign Trade must be a procurâ—ng cause of Riches 4. Whatever doth Multiply domestick Artificers must be a procurâ—ng cause of Riches 5. Whatever doth Encline the Nation to Thriftiness must be a procurâ—ng cause of Riches 6. Whatever doth Employ the Poor must be a procurâ—ng cause of Riches 7. Whatever doth Encrease the Stock of People must be a procurâ—ng cause of Riches Now that the abatement of Interest will advance the value of Land I prove first by Experience for certainly Anno 1621. the currant price of our Lands in England was twelve Years purchase and so I have been assured by many antient Men whom I have queried particularly as to this Matter and I find it so by purchases made about that time by my own Relations and Acquaintance and I presume that any Nobleman or Gentleman of England by only commanding the Stewards of their Mannors to give them Lists out of the Records of any Mannors or Farms that their Grand-Fathers or Fathers bought or sold fifty Years past will find that the same Farms to be now sold would yield one with another at least treble the Mony and in some cases six times the Mony they were then bought and sold for which I submit still to the single and joynt Judgments of the honourable Members of both Houses of Parliament who being the greatest Owners of our Territory are in their private as well as in their politick Capacities the most proper and experimental Judges of â—his Case if the Antient of them will please to recollect their Memories and the Younger will please to be informed by their Elder Servants and if this be so it cannot be denied but the abatement of Interest by a Law hath greatly advanced Lands in purchase as well as improved Rents by meliorating the Lands themselves those improvements by marling limeing draining c. having been made since Money was at 8 and 6 per cent which 10 per cent could not bear And to prove that Lands were then at twelve Years purchase I have the written Testimony of that incomparable worthy Person Sr Thomas Culpepper Senior who page 11. of his first Treatise expresly affirms That Land was then at twelve Yeaâ—s Purchase who being himself a grave and antient Parliament Man and dedicating his Book to the then Parliament whereof he was then a Member cannot without horrible uncharitableness be presumed to impose upon his Country And now that our Interest is at 6 per cent as the same worthy Author did wisely fore-see I appeal to the Judgment and Experience of my Country Men whether the genuine price of our Lands in England now would not be 20 Years Purchase were it not for accidental Pressures under which it labours at present such as these 1. Our late great Land Taxes 2. And principally the late great Improvement of Ireland mentioned in my former Treatise the consequence whereof is that that Country now supplieth Foreign Markets as well as our own Plantations in America with Beef Pork Hides Tallow Bread Beer Wool and Corn at cheaper Rates then we can afford to the beating us out of those Trades whereas formerly viz. presently after the late Irish War many Men got good Estates by Transporting English Cattle thither And that the Improvement of Ireland is the principal cause why our Lands in purchase rise not as naturally they should with the fall of our Interest appears evidently from the effect the fall of Interest hath had upon Houses in London where the growth of Ireland could have no such destructive influence which hath been so considerable that whosoever will please to inform themselves by old Scriveners or antient Deeds shall find that a House in London about fifty Years past that would sell but for 300 l. at most would readily sell within a short time after Interest was brought to 8 per cent at 5 or 600 l. and the same Houses to be sold sometime after Interest was brought to 6 per cent viz. before and after the late Dutch War would have yielded without scruple 1000 or 1200 l. The abatement of Interest having had a double effect upon Houses by encreasing Trade and consequently raising Rents as well as encreasing the number of Years purchase 3. A third reason why Land doth not at present bear an exact proportion to 6 per cent which should naturally be twenty Years is the late Plague which did much depopulate this Kingdom 4. The late Fire in London which hath engaged Men in Building in the City who otherwise would have been purchasing in the Country 5. The unusal plenty of Corn which hath been for these three or four Years past in most parts of Christendom the like whereof hath been seldom known it happening most commonly that when one Country hath had great plenty others have had great scarcity 6. The racking up of Rents in the Years 1651. and 1652. which was presently after the last abatement of Interest A seventh accidental Reason why Land doth not sell at present at the rate it naturally should in proportion to the legal Interest is that innovated practice of Bankers in London which hath more effects attending it then most I converse with have yet observed but I shall here take notice of that only which is to my present purpose viz. The Gentlemen that are Bankers having a large Interest from his Majesty for what they advance upon his Majesties Revenue can afford to give the full legal Interest to all Persons that put Money into their hands though for never so short or long a time which makes the trade of Usury so easie and hitherto safe that few after having found the sweetness of this lasie way of emprovement being by continuance and success grown to fancy themselves secure in it can be lead there being neither ease nor profit to invite them to lay out their Money in Land though at 15 Years purchase whereas before this way of private Bankering came up men that had Money were forced oft-times to let it lie dead by them until they could meet with Securities to their minds and if the like necessity were now of Money lying dead the loss of use for the dead time being deducted from the profit of 6 l. per Cent communibus annis would in effect take off 1 l. per Cent per Annum of the profit of Usury and consequently incline men more to purchase Lands in regard the difference between Usury and Purchasing would not in point of profit be so great as now it is this new invention of Casheâ—ing having in my opinion clearly bettered the Vsurers trade 1 or 2 per Cent per Annum And that this way of leaving Money with Gold-Smiths hath had the aforesaid effect seems evident to me from the scarcity it makes of Money in the Country for the Trade of Bankers being only in London
and Masters of Ships c. And by that time he hath traded ten Years longer if he succeed well it is six to one but he leaves Trade and turns Country Gentleman or Vsurer and so that profitable Engine the Wheels whereof by Correspondency move one another in many parts of the World which he hath been so long a framing within a few Years after it is brought to work well is broken to pieces and the benefit thereof to the Kingdom which is ten times more then to him that made it is lost whereas in Holland and Italy where Money is at 3 and 4. per Cent and consequently Merchants forc'd to keep and trust to their Trades only their Businesses are and must be so ordered and carried on from the beginning that when a Man dies the Trade is no more disturbed then when the Wife dies in England I am ashamed of the odious Prolixity and Repetition I am contrary to my Nature forced to use but my Opposer doth so often and I think disingenuously upbraid me with begging the Question that I am compelled to it The fourth thing I am to prove is that It multiplies Domestick Artificers If the former be true that it encreases foreign Trade I suppose no man will have the confidence to deny this to be a necessary and infallible consequence of that For we see throughout the World where-ever there is the greatest Trade there are the most Artificers and that since our own Trade encreaseâ— in England our Artificers of all sorts are proportionably encreased The building of London hath made multitudes of Bricklayers and Carpenters much use of Shiping will make Ships dear and the dearness of Shiping will make many Shipwrights much foreign Trade will encrease the vent of our Native Manufactures and much vent will make many work-men and if we cannot get and breed them fast enough our selves we shall draw them from foreign parts as the Dutch draw away ours it being a wise and true observation of as I remember Sr Walter Rawleigh That no Nation can want People that hath good Laws The fifth thing to be proved is that It enclines a Nation to thriftiness this is likewise consequent to the former and by experience made good in England for since our Trade encreased though the generality of our Nation are grown richer as I have shewed and consequently more splended in lothes Plate Jewels Houshold-stuff and all other outward signs of Riches yet are we not half so much given to Hospitality and good House-keeping as it is called as in former dayes when our greatest Expence was upon our Bellies the most destructive Consumption that can happen to a Nation and tending only to nourish Idleness Luxury and Beggary whereas that other kind of Expence which follows Trade encourageth Labour Arts and Invention To which give â—â—e leave to add that The abatement of Interest conjoynt with Excises upon our home consumption if the later could be hit upon without disturbance to Trade or danger of continuation are two of the most comprehensive and effectual Sumptuary Laws that ever were established in any Nation and most necessitaâ—ing and engaging any People to thriftiness the high Road to Riches as well for Nations as private Families The frugal Italians of Old and the provident Dutch of latter times I think have given the World a sufficient proof of this Theorim and if any shall tell me it is the nature of those People to be thrifty I answer all men by nature are alike it is only Laws Custom and Education that differ men their Nature and Disposition and the disposition of all Peoplâ— in the World proceed from their Laws the French Peasantry are a slavish cowardly People because the Laws of their Country have made them Slaves the French Gentry a noble valiant People because free by Law Birth and Education In England we are all free Subjects by our Laws and therefore our People prove generally couragious the Dutch and Italians are both frugal Nations though their Climates and Governments differ as much as any because the Laws of both Nations encline them to Thriftiness other Nations I could name are generally vain prodigal not by Nature nor for want of a good Country but because their Laws c. dispose them so to be The sixth proof of the Proposition is that It employes the Poor which is a ne-necessary Consequence likewise of the encrease of Trade in Cities and Emprovement of Land in the Country which is well and truly demonstrated from Experience by the Elder and Younger Sr Thomas Culpepper to whom to avoid Prolixity I must refer the Reader Seventhly It encreaseth the People of a Nation this also necessarily followeth the encrease of Trade and Emprovement of Lands not that it causeth married men to get more Children But 1 st a trading Country affording comfortable Subsistances to more Families then a Country destitute of Trade is the reason that many do marry who otherwise must be forc'd to live sinâ—le which may be one reason why fewer People of either Sex are to be seen unmarried in Holland at 25 years of age then may be found in England at 40 years old 2 dly Where there is much Employment and good Pay if we want Hands of our own we shall draw them from others as hath been said 3 dly We shall keep our own People at home which otherwise for want of Employment would be forcd to leave us and serve other Nations as too many of our Sea-men Ship-wrights and others have done 4 thly Our Lands and Trade being improved will render us capable not only of employing but feeding a far greater number of People as is manifest in that instance of the Land of Palestine And if these will be the effects of abating Interest then I think it is out of doubt that the Abatement of Interest is the cause of the encrease of the Riches of any Kingdom for quicquid efficit tale est magis tale Now to answer his four recited Reasons viz. First he saith If a low stated Interest by Law be the cause of Riches no Country would be poor all desiring Riches rather then Poverty and all having it in their power to state their Interest as low as they please by Law I answer first Whatever Nation doth it gradually for so it must be done as it hath been hitherto in England 2 per Cent being enough to abate at one time will find those effects I have mentioned but it is a work of Ages and cannot be done at once For Nec natura aut lex operantur per saltum Secondly It is great Imprudence to imagine that any Country understanding their true Interest so well as by degrees to abate Use-Money will not likewise by the same Wisdom be led to the instituting of many other good Laws for the encouragement of Trade as our Parliaments have still proceeded to do as Interest hath been abated His second Reason is That if the lowness of Interest were
have engaged me into this unpleasing Controversie wherein I have given unwilling offence to all my nearest Relations and knew at first that I must needs do so most of them being such as Age and Wisdom hath instructed rather to be Box-keepers then Gamesters I have before-mentioned the Judgment of the French King and Court but intended not to recite the Edict being it is at large in Sr Thomas Culpeppers senior his last Treatise yet on second thoughts considering all Men perhaps may not come to a sight of that and finding the said Edict so comprehensive of the whole matter of this Controversie I have here recited it The King by these Edicts had nothing relieved the necessities of the Nobility if he had not provided for Vsuries which have ruined many good and antient Houses filled Towns with unprofitable Servants and the Countries with Miseries and Inhumanities he found the Rents viz. Vsuries constiâ—uted after 10 or 8 in the hundred did ruin many good Families hindred the Traffick and Commerce of Merchandize's and made Tillage and Handicrafts to be neglected many desiring through the easiness of a deceitful Gain to live Idlely in good Towns of their Rents rather then to give themselves with any pains to liberal Arts or to till or husband their Inheritances For this reason meaning to invite his subjects to enrich themselves with more just Gain to content themselves with more moderate profit and to give the Nobility means to pay their Debts he did forbid all Vsury or Constitution of Rents at an higher rate then six Pounds five Shillings in the hundred The Edict was verified in the Court of Parliament which considered that it was always prejudicial to the Commonwealth to give Money to Vsury for it is a Serpent whose biteing is not apparent and yet it is so sensible that it peirceth the very Hearts of the best Families The whole of this Controversie lies narrowly in these two short Questions viz. Will abatement of Interest improve Trade Secondly Will it advance the price of Land The collective united Bodies of the Government of our own and other Kingdoms expresly say it will do both and Experience cries aloud that so it will do and hath done in all Ages and in all Places and I never yet met with any private person how much soever concerned in Interest that had the ignorance or confidence to deny both For discourse with a Country Vsurer he will affirm and perhaps be ready to swear to it that this abatement of Interest is a Knavish design of the Citizens to advance themselves who are too proud already and that if it go forward it will undo all the Country Gentlemen in England And if one speak with the City Vsurers they will be as ready to affirm that this is a plot carried on only by Noblemen and Gentlemen whose Estates are all in Land for their own advantage and that it will spoil all the Trade of the Kingdom being a project at one instant to take off just one third of all Mens Estates that are personal and add the same proportion to all such whose Estates are real which in effect is to Impoverish all the Younger and Enrich all Elder Brothers in England So that out of the Mouthes of the greatest and wisest Adversaries to this principle it may be justly concluded that though singlely they deny the truth of it yet joyntly they confess it To conclude there is nothing that I have said or that I think any other can say upon this occasion but was said in substance before by old Sr Thomas Culpepper thoâ—gh unknown to me who had an ampel and clear sight into the whole nature of this Principle and the true effects and consequences of it Truth being always the same though Illustrations may vary nor can any thing now be objected against the making a Law for a further abatement of Interest but the same that was objected in those times wherein the former Statutes past so that why my Opposer should cavil at the doing of that by a Law in England now which he seems to â—ike well if it could be done I know no real cause except it be that in truth he is wise enough to know that a Law in England will certainly do the Work as it hath done formerly and in consequence his own private Gain will be retrenched Before I concluded I think it necessary for caution to my Country-men to let them know what effects these discourses have had on others when I wrote my first Treatise Interest was in the Island of Barbadoes at 15 per centum where it is since by an Act of the Country brought down to 10 per cent a great fall at once and our weekly Gazets did some Months past inform us that the Sweeds by a Law had brought down their Interest to 6 per cent neither of which can have any good effects upon us but certainly the contrary except by way of emulation they quicken us to provide in time for our own Good and Prosperity I have now done with this Controversie and therein discharge my Duty to my native Country and though Ignorance Malice or private Interest may yet for some time oppose it I am confident the Wisdom of my Country-men will at length find their true and general Interest in the Establishment of such a Law which as to my own particular concernments signifies not two Farthings whether they do or not CHAP. II. Concerning the Relief and Employment of the Poor THis is a calm Subject and thwarts no common or private Interest amongst us except that of the common Enemy of Mankind the Devil so I hope that what shall be offered towards the effecting of so universally acceptable a Work as this and the removal of the innumerable Inconveniences that do now and have in all Ages attended this Kingdom through defect of such provision for the Poor will not be ill taken although the Plaister at first essay do not exactly fit the Sore In the Discourse of this subject I shall first assert some particulars which I think are agreed by common Consent and from thence take occasion to proceed to what is more doubtful 1. That our Poor in England have always been in a most sad and wretched condition some Famished for want of Bread others starved with Cold and Nakedness and many whole Families in all the out Parts of Cities and great Towns commonly remain in a languishing nasty and useless Condition Uncomfortable to themselves and Unprofitable to the Kingdom this is confessed and lamented by all Men. 2. That the Children of our Poor bred up in Bâ—ggery and Laziness do by that means become not only of unhealthy Bodies and more then ordinarily subject to many loathsome Diseases whereof very many die in their tender Age and if any of them do arrive to years and strength they are by their idle habits contracted in their Youth rendered for ever after indisposed to Labour and serve only to stock the
Act of Navigation Object 1. The Inhabitants and Planters of our Plantations in America say This Act will in time ruin their Plantations if they may not be permitted at least to carry their Sugars to the best Markets and not be compell'd to send all to and receive all Commodities from England I answer If they were not kept to the Rules of the Act of Navigation the consequence would be that in a few Years the benefit of them would be wholly lost to the Nation it being agreeable to the Policy of the Dutch Danes French Spaniards Portugals and all Nations in the World to keep their external Provinces and Colonies in a subjection unto and dependency upon their Mother-Kingdom and if they should not do so the Dutch who as I have said are Masters of the Field in Trade would carry away the greatest of advantage by the Plantations of all the Princes in Christendom leaving us and others only the trouble of breeding men and sending them abroad to cultivate the Ground and have Bread for their Industry Here by the way with entire submission to the greater Wisdom of those whom it much more concerns give me leave to Query Whether instead of the late prohibition of Irish Cattle it would not have been more for the benefit of this Kingdom of England to suffer the Irish to bring into England not only their live Cattle but also all other Commodities of the Growth or Manufacture of that Kingdom Custom free or on easie Customs and to prohibit them from Trading homeward or outward with the Dutch or our own Plantations or any other places except the Kingdom of England Most certainly such a Law would in a few Years wonderfully encrease the Trade Shiping and Riches of this Nation Query 2. Would not this be a good addition to the Act of Navigation and much encrease the employment of English Shiping and Sea-men as well in bringing from thence all the Commodities of that Country as supplying that Country with Deals Salt and all other foreign Commodities which now they have from the Dutch Que. 3. Would not this be a means effectually to prevent the Exportation of Irish Wool which now goes frequently into France and Holland to the manifest and great damage both of England and Ireland Que. 4 Would not this be a Fortress or Law to secure to us the whole Trade of Ireland Que. 5. Would not this render that which now diminisheth and seems dangerous to the value of Lands in England viz. the growth of Ireland advantagious by encrease of Trade and Shiping and consequently the power of this Kingdom Object 2. The second Ojection to part of the Act of Navigation is usually made by the Eastland and Norway Merchants who affirm that in effect their Trade is much declined since the passing the Act of Navigation and the Danes Sweeds Holsteners and all Easterlings who by the said Act may â—mport Timber and other Eastern Commodities have encreased in the number of their Shiping imployed in this Trade since our Act of Navigation at least two third parts and the English have proportionably declined in the number of theirs imployed in that Trade I answer That I believe the matter of Fact asserted is true as well as the cause assigned viz. the Act of Navigation and yet this should not make us out of love with that excellent Law rather lâ—t it put us upon contriving the Amendment of this seeming Defect or Inconvenience the Cure whereof I hope upon mature consideration will not be found difficult for which I humbly propound to the Wisdom of Parliament viz. That a Law be made to impose a Custom of at least 50 l. per Cent on all Eastland Commodities Timber Boards Pipe-Staves and Salt imported into England and Ireland upon any Ships but English built Ships or at least such only as are sailed with an English Masteâ— and at least three fourths English Marriners And that for these Reasons Reas. First If this be not done the Danes Sweedes and Easterlings will certainly in a few Years carry the whole Trade by reason of the difference of the chaâ—ge of building a Ship fit for that Trade there or here viz. a Fly-boat of 300 Tuns new built and set to Sea for such a Voyage may cost there 13 or 1400 l. which here would cost from 22 to 2400 l. which is so vast a disproportion that it is impossible for an English man to coape with a Dane in that Navigation under such a discouragement to ballance which there is nothing but the Strangers duty which the Dane now pays which may come to 5 or 6 l per Ship per Voyâ—ge at most one with another which is incompitable with the difference of Price between the first cost of the Ships in either Nation And this is so evident to those who are conversant in those Trades that besides the decrease of our Sâ—iping and encrease of theirs that hath already happened ours in probability had beeâ— whoâ—y beaten out of the Trade and only Danes and Easterlings freighted had we been necessitated to build English Ships and had not been recruited on moderate Pâ—ices by Fly-boats being Ships proper for this Trade taken in the late Dutch War and by a further supply of Scotch Prizes likewise through his Majesties permission and indulgence Reas. 2. Because the number of Strangers Ships imployed in the aforesaid Trade yearly I estimtae to be about two hundred Sail which if such a Law were made must unavoidably be all excluded and the Employment fall wholly into English Hands which would be an excellent Nursery and give constant Maintenance to a brave number of English Sea-men more then we can or do employ at present Reas. 3. The Act of Navigation is now of seventeen or eighteen Years standing in England and yet in all these Years not one English Ship hath been built fit for this Trade the reason whereof is that before mentioned viz. that it is cheaper freighting of Danes and Easterlins and it being so and all men naturally led by their Profit it seems to me in vain to expect that ever this Law will procure the building of one English Ship fit for that employment till those Strangers are excluded this Trade for England and much more improbable it is that any should now be built than it was formerly when the Act was first made because Timber is now at almost double the price in England it was then The consequence whereof is That if timely Provision be not made by some additional Law when our old Stock of Flemish Prizes is worn out as many of them are already we shall have very few or no Ships in this Trade The Objections which I have heard made to this Proposition are viz. Object 1. If such an Imposition be laid on those gross Commodities imported by Strangers Ships that will amount to the excluding all Strangers from this Trade we shall want Ships in England to carry on the Trade and so the Commodity
made against this Constitution is that It thwarts that most excellent order of our English Iuries Answ. 1. I answer That I hope there is no English man more in love with Iuries then my self but it is evident that the common way of Tryals doth not well reach the variety and strangeness of Merchants cases especially in relation to foreign Affairs Answ. 2. What better Jury can a Merchant hope for than twelve able and honest Merchants chose by the collective Body of the whole City and such as shall all of them stand upon their Good Behaviour to be turned out with Ignominy the next Year if they do not equal right to all men Object 2. The admitting of no Appeals from a Couâ—t-Merchant seems too arbitrary I answer While we choose our Iudges our selves for Merchants cases and may remove them our selves in my opinion they can be no more too arbitrary than too much power can be given to Referees when both parties desire an end of their Differences besides if their Power be not great the many designs of cheap speedy and short issues will be lost But if it shall please the Parliament there may be in the Act an appeal reserved to the House of Lords the Money condemned to be first paid or deposited before the Appeal be allowed CHAP. VII Concerning Naturalization THat an Act of Naturalization of Strangers would tend to the advancement of Trade and encrease of the value of the Lands of this Kingdom is now so generally owned and assented to by all degrees of men amongst us that I doubt not but a short time will produce some Act or Acts of Parliament to that purpose I have therefore thought it not impertinent to note some few Particulars which if not warily prevented may deprive us of the greatest part of the Fruit hoped for by so good a design viz. 1st The Priviledges of encorporated Cities and Towns 2dly More especially the Societies of Artificers and Trades-men belonging to some Cities and Towns Corporate such as Weavers Coopers and many others who by vertue of their Charters pretend to Priviledge and Iurisdiction not only to the utmost extent of the Liberties of their respective Cities and Towns but to the distance of ten Miles about them 3. That branch of the Statute of 5 th of Elizabeth which enacts That none shall use any manual Occupation that hath not served an Apprenticeship thereunto upon which Statute it hath been usual to indict Strangers work-men that have exercised their Callings in the out-parts of London Upon this point of Naturalization many men make a great doubt whether it be for publick good to permit the Iews to be Naturalized in common with other Strangers Those that are against their admission who for the most part are Merchants urge these Reasons 1. They say the Iews are a subtil People prying into all kind of Trades and thereby depriving the English Merchant of that Profit he would otherwise gain 2 They are a penurious People living miserably and therefore can and do afford to trade for less profit then the English to the prejudice of the English Merchant 3. They bring no Estates with them but set up with their Pens and Ink only and if after some few Years they thrive and grow rich they carry away their Riches with them to some other Country being a People that cannot mix with us which Riches being carried away is a publick loss to this Kingdom Those that are for the admission of the Iews say in answer to the aforesaid Reasons viz. 1 st The subtiller the Iews are and the more Trades they pry into while they live here the more they are like to encrease Trade and the more they do that the better it is for the Kingdom in general though the worse for the English Merchant who comparitively to the rest of the People of England is not one of a thousand 2 dly The thriftier they live the better Example to our people there being nothing in the World more conducing to enrich a Kingdom then thriftiness 3 dly It is denyed that they bring over nothing with them for many have brought hither very good Estates and hundreds more would do the like and settle here for their Lives and their Posterities after them if they had the same Freedom and Security here as they have in Holland and Italy where the grand Duke of Tuscaney and other Princes allow them not only perfect Liberty and Security but give them the priviledge of making Laws among themselves and that they would reside with us is proved from the known Principles of Nature viz. Principle 1. All men by Nature are alike as I have before demonstrated and Mr Hobbs hath truly asserted how Erroneous soever he may be in other things Princip 2. Fear is the cause of Hatred and hatred of separation from as well as evil Deeds to the Parties or Government hated when opportunity is offered This by the way shews the difference between a bare connivence at Dissenters in matters of Religion and a toleration by Law the former keeps them continually in Fear and consequently apt to Sedition and Rebellion when any probable occasion of success presents The latter disarms cunning ambitious minded men who wanting a popular discontented Party to work upon can effect little or nothing to the prejudice of the Government And this methinks discovers clearly the Cause why the Lutherans in Germany Protestants in France Greeks in Turkey and Sectaries in Holland are such quiet peaceable-minded-men while our Non-Conformists in England are said to be enclinable to Strife War and Bloodshed Take away the Cause and the Effect will cease While the Laws are in Force against men they think the Sword hangs over their Heads and are always in fear though the Execution be suspended not knowing how soon Councils or Counsellors Times or Persons may change it is only Perfect Love that casts out Fear and all men are in love with Liberty and Security It cannot be denyed that the industrious Bees have Stings though Drones have not yet Bees sting not except those that hurt them or disturb their Hives It is said the Iews cannot Intermarry with us and therefore it cannot be supposed they will reside long amongst us although they were treated never so kindly why not reside here as well as in Italy Poland or Holland they have now no Country of their own to go to and therefore that is their Country and must needs be so esteemed by them where they are best used and have the greatest Security CHAP. VIII Concerning Wool and Woollen Manufactures THat Wool is eminently the Foundation of the English Riches I have not heard denyed by any and that therefore all possible means ought to be used to keep it within our own Kingdom is generally confessed and to this purpose most of our modern Parliaments have strenuously endeavoured the contriving of severe Laws to prevent its Exportation and the last Act made it Felony to Ship out Wool
Woolfels c. Notwithstanding which we see that English and Irish Wool goes over so plentifully that it is within a very small matter as cheap in Holland as in England The means to prevent this Evil by additional Penal Laws and alterations of some of those now in being were long under debate by his Majesties command in the Couâ—cil of Trade who according to their duty took great pains therein and since I have been informed the same things were under consideration in Parliament so that I doubt not but in due time we shall see some more effectual Laws enacted to this purpose as well in relation to Ireland from whence the greatest of this mischief proceeds as in England then ever yet have been yet I do utterly despair of ever seeing this Disease perfectly cured till the Causes thereof be removed which I take to be 1st Heâ—ghth of Interest in England which an Abatement by Law to 4 per Cent would cure 2dly Want of Hands which an Act of Naturalization would cure 3dly Compulsion in matters of Religion which some relaxation of the Ecclesiastical Laws I hope would effectually cure For while our Neighbours through the cheap valuation of their Stocks can afford to trade and disburse their Monies for less profit then we as hath been I think sufficiently demonstrated by the fore-going Discourse and have more Hands to employ then we by reason of the large Immunities and Priviledges they give both to Natives and Foreigners there is no question but they will be able to give a better Price for our Wool than we can afford our selves and they that can give the best price for a Commodity shall never fail to have it by one means or other notwithstanding the opposition of any Laws or interposition of any Power by Sea or Land of such force subtilty and violence is the general course of Trade Object But some may say and take it as well from what I have writ elsewhere as from their own Observations Will not the well-making of our Woollen-Manufactures contribute much to the keeping of our Wool naturally within our own Kingdom I answer Doubtless it will have a great tendency thereunto but can never effect it till the aforesaid Radical Causes of this Disease be removed which brings me to the next Question viz. What will improve our Woollen-Manufactures in quality and quantity This is a very great Question and requires very deliberate and serious Consideration but I shall write my present Thoughts concerning it desiring those Gentlemen's pardon from whom I may differ in Opinion having this to say for my self that I do it not rashly this being a business that I have many Years considered of and that not solitarily but upon converse with the most skilful men in our several English Woollen Manufactures 1. Then I say Those three fore-mentioned Particulars which will naturally keep our Wool at home will as naturally encrease our Woollen-Manufactures 2. Negatively I think that very few of our Laws now in force to this purpose though our Statute-Books are replenished with many have any tendency thereunto nor any thing I have yet seen in Print For 1 st All our Laws relating to the Aulnegeors duty every body knows signifie nothing to the encrease or well-making our Manufactures but are rather chargeable and prejudicial 2 dly All our Laws that oblige our People to the making of strong substantial and as we call it Loyal Cloth of a certain length breadth and weight if they were duly put in Execution would in my opinion do more hurt than good because the Humors and Fashions of the World change and at sometimes in some places as now in most slight cheap light Cloth will sell more plentifully and better than that which is heavier stronger and truer wrought and If we intend to have the Trade of the World we must imitate the Dutch who make the worst as well as the best of all Manufactures that we may be in a capacity of serving all Markets and all Humors 3 dly I conclude all our Laws limitting the number of Loomes numbered or kind of Servants and Times of working to be certainly prejudicial to the cloathing of the Kingdom in general though they be advantagious to some particular Men or Places who first procured those Laws of Restriction and Limitation 4 thly I think all those Laws are Prejudicial that prohibit a Weaver from being a Fuller Tucker or Dyar or a Fuller or Tucker from keeping a Loome 5 thly I conculde that stretching of Cloth by Tentors though it be sometimes prejudicial to the Cloth is yet absolutely necessary to the Trade of England and that the excess of straining cannot be certainly limitted by any Law but must be left to the Sellers or Exporters discretion who best knows what will please his Customers beyond the Seas besides if we should wholly prohibit straining of Cloth the Dutch as they have often done would buy our unstrained Cloth and carry it into Holland and there strain it to six or seven Yards per piece more in length and make it look a little better to the Eye and after that carry it abroad to Turkey and other Markets and there beat us out of Trade with our own Weapons But some may then ask me Whether I think it would be for the advantage of the Trade of England to leave all men at liberty to make what Cloth and Stuffs they please how they will where and when they will of any lengths or sizes I answer Yes certainly in my judgment it would be so except such Species only as his Majesty the Parliament shall think fit to make Staples as suppose Colchester Bayeâ— Perpetuanoes Cheanyes and some other sorts of Norwich Stuffs to be allowed the honour of a publick Seal by which to be bought and sold here and beyond Seas as if it were upon the publick Faith of England and where-ever such Seal is allowed or shall be thought fit to be affixed to any Commodity I would desire the Commodity should be exactly made according to the Institution and always kept to its certain length breadth and goodness But in case any shall make of the said Commodities worse then the Institution I think it would be most for the publick advantage to impose no Penalty upon them but only deny them the benefit and reputation of the publick Seal to such Bayes or Stuffs as shall be so insufficient which in my opinion would be punishment enough to those that should make worse than the Standard and advantage enough to those that should keep to it 2. For all Cloth and Stuffs not being made Staples I think it would be of very great use that the Makers did weave in their Marks and affix their own Seals containing the length and breadth of the Pieces as hath been provided in some Statutes and that no Maker under severe Penalties shall use another Mark or Seal with such Penalty to every marker or seller whose Cloth or Stuffs shall
but that ours may continue and encrease to the diminution of theirs if there were no others to wage with us we might as the Proverb saith make our own Markets but as the case now stands that all the World are striving to engross all the Trade they can that other Proverb is very true and applicable all covet all lose 3. The well contrivement and management of Foreign Treaties may very much contribute to the making it the Interest of other Nations to Trade with us at least to the convincing of Foreign Princes wherein and how it is their Interest to Trade with us 4. Publick Iustice and Honesty will make it the Interest of other Nations to Trade with us that is that when any Commodities pass under a publick common Seal which is in a kind the publick Faith of the Nation they may be exact in length breadth and nature according to what they ought to be by their Seals The like care ought to be taken for the true packing of our Herrings and Pilchards formerly mentioned 5. If we would engage other Nations to Trade with us we must receive from them the Fruits and Commodities of their Countries as well as send them ours but it s our Interest by Example and other means not distastful above all kinds of Commodities to prevent as much as may be the Importation of Foreign Manufactures 6. The Venetians being a People that take from us very little of our Manufactures have prohibited our English Cloth and from whose Territories we receive great quantities of Currance purchased with our ready Money It seems to me advantagious for England that that Importation as well as the Importation of wâ—oâ—ght-Glasse drinking-Glasses and other Manufactures from thence should be discouraged it being supposed we can now make them as well our selves in England The Trade for Cannary-Wines I take to be a most pernitious Trade to England because those Island consume very little of our Manufactures Fish or other English Commodities neither do they furnish us with any Commodities to be furâ—her Manufactured here or re-Exported the Wines we bring from thence being for the most part purchased with ready Money so that to my appreâ—enâ—â—on sometâ—ing is necessary to be done to compel those Islanders to spend more of our English Commodities and to sell their Wines cheaper which every Year they advance in Price or else to lessen the Consumption of them in England I have in this last Discourse of the Ballance of Trade as well as in my former confined my self to write only general Heads and Principles that relate unto Trade in general not this or that particular Trade because the several Trades to several Countries may require distinct and particular considerations respecting the time place competitors with us and other circumstances to find out wherein our advantages or disadvantages lie and how to improve the former and prevent the latter but as this would be too great a Work for one Man so I fear it would make this too great a Book to be well read and considered But in the Preface to this Treatise I have briefly mentioned many particular Trades that we have lost and are loosing and by what means and many Trades that we yet retain and are encreasing and how it happens to be so which may give some Light to a clearer Discovery and Inspection into particular Trades unto which Ingenious Men that have Hearts to serve their Country in this so necessary Work at this time may add and further improve by the advantage of Abilities to express their Sentiments in a more Intelligible and Pausible Stile but when I and others have said all we can A low Interest is as the Soul to the Body of Trade it is the Sine qua non to the Prosperity and Advancement to the Lands and Trade of England CHAP. X. Concerning PLANTATIONS THE Trade of our English Plantations in America being now of as great Bulk and Employing as much Shiping as most of the Trades of this Kingdom it seems not unnecessary to Discourse more at large concerning the Nature of Plantations and the good or evil consequences of them in relation to this and other Kingdoms and the rather because some Gentlemen of no mean Capacities are of Opinion that his Majestie 's Plantations abroad have very much prejudiced this Kingdom by draining us of our People for the confirmation of which Opinion they urge the Example of Spain which they say is almost ruined by the Depopulation which the West-Indies hath occasioned to the end therefore a more particular Scrutiny may be made into this matter I shall humbly offer my Opinion in the following Propositions and then give those Reasons of Probability which presently occur to my Memory in confirmation of each Proposition 1. First I agree That Lands though excellent without Hands proportionable will not enrich any Kingdom 2. That whatever tends to the Depopulating of a Kingdom tends to the Impoverishment of it 3. That most Nations in the civilized Parts of the World are more or less Rich or Poor proportionably to the Paucity or Plenty of their People and not to the Sterility or Fruitfulness of their Lands 4. I do not agree that our People in England are in any considerable measure abated by reason of our Foreign Plantations but propose to prove the contrary 5. I am of Opinion that we had immediately before the late Plague many more People in England then we had before the Inhabiting of Virginia New-England Barbadoes and the rest of our American Plantations 6. That all Colonies or Plantations do endamage their Mother-Kingdoms whereof the Trades of such Plantations are not confined by severe Laws and good executions of those Laws to the Mother-Kingdom 7. That the Dutch will reap the greatest advantage by all Colonies issuing from any Kingdom of Europe whereof the Trades are not so strictly confined to the proper Mother-Kingdoms 8. That the Dutch though they thrive so exceedingly in Trade will in probability never endamage this Kingdom by the growth of their Plantations 9. That neither the French Spaniard nor Portugeez are much to be feared on that account not for the same but for other causes 10. That it is more for the advantage of England that New-found-Land should remain Vnplanted then that Colonies should be sent or permitted to go thither to Inhabit with a Governour Laws c. 11. That New-England is the most prejudicial Plantation to the Kingdom of England I. That Lands though in their Nature excellently good 〈…〉 Handâ— proportionable will not enrich any Kingdom This first â—roposition I suppose will readily be asseâ—ted to by all judicious persons and therefore for the proof of it I shall only alledge matter of Fact The Land of Palestine once the Richest Country in the Vniverse since it came under the Turks Dominion and consequently unpeopled is now become the Poorest Andaluzia and Granada formerly wonderful Rich and full of good Towns since dis-peopled by the Spaniard by Expultion
all their Inhabitants at home and expels none nor puts a necessity upon any to Banish themselves upon that account 3. Their careful and wonderful providing for and employing their Poor at home puts all their People utterly out of danger of Starving or necessity of Stealing and consequently out of fear of Hanging I might add to this that they have not for a long time had any Civil War among them and from the whole conclude that the Dutch as they did never so they never can or will thrive by planting and that our English Plantations abroad are a good effect proceeding from many evil causes IX That neither the French Spaniards or Portugeeze are much to be feared on the account of Planting not for the same but for other Reasons That the French have had footing in the West-Indies almost as long as the English is certain and that they have made no considerable Progress in Planting is as certain and finding it so in fact I have been often exercising my thoughts about enquiry into the reason thereof which I attribute especially to two First because France being an absolute Government hath not until very lately given any countenance or encouragement to Navigation and Trade Secondly and principally because the French Settlements in the West-Indies have not been upon Free-Holders as the English are but in subjection to the French West-India Company which Company being under the French King as Lord Proprietor of the places they settle upon and taxing the Inhabitants at pleasure as the King doth them it is not probable they should make that succesful Progress in Planting Propriety Freedom and Inheritance being the most effectual Spurs to Industry 2. Though some who have not looked far into this matter may think the Spaniards have made great Progress in Planting I am of opinion that the English since the time they set upon this Work have cleared and emproved fifty Plantations for one and Built as many Houses for one the Spaniards have Built this will not be very difficult to imagine if it be considered First that it is not above fifty or sixty Years since the English intended the Propagating Foreign Plantations Secondly that the Spaniards were Possessed of the West-Indies about our King Henry the 7 th's time which is near two Hundred Years past Thirdly that what the Spaniard hath done in the West-Indies hath been ten times more by Conquest then by Planting Fourtly That the Spaniards found in the West-Indies most of the Cities and Towns ready Built and Inhabited and much of the Ground emproved and cultivated before their coming thither Fifthly That the Inhabitants which they found there and subdued were such a People with whom some of the Spaniards could and have mixed from whence hath proceeded a Generation of People which they call Mestises whereas the English where they have set down and Planted either found none or such as were meer wild Heathen with whom they could not nor ever have been known to mix Sixthly That now after such a long series of time the Spaniards are scarce so Populous in any Part of the West-Indies as to be able to bring an Army of Ten Thousand Men together in a Months time From all which I conjecture 1st That his Majesty hath now more English Subjects in all his Foreign Plantations in sixty Years than the King of Spain hath Spaniards in all his in two Hundred Years 2d That the Spaniards Progress in Planting bears â—o Proportion to the encrease of the English Plantations 3 d. That seeing the Spaniards in the time of their greatest Prosperity and under so many Advantages have been such indifferent Planters and have made such slow progress in Peopleing those parts of the West-Indies which they possess It is not much to be feared that ever the English will be mated by the Spaniards in their Foreign Plantations or Production of the Native Commodities of those Parts Now the reasons why the Spaniards are so thin of people in the West-Indies I take to be such as these following viz. First and principally because they exercise the same Policy and Governments Civil and Ecclesiastical in their Plantations as they do in their Mother-Kingdom from whence it follows that their People are few and thin abroad from the same causes as they are empty and void of people at home whereas although we in England vainely endeavour to arrive at a Vniformity of Religion at home yet we allow an Amsterdam Liberty in our Plantations It is true New-England being a more independant Government from this Kingdom then any other of our Plantations and the People that went thither more one peculiar Sort of Sect then those that went to the rest of our Plantations they did for some Years past exercise some Severities against the Quakers but of late they have understood their true Interest better insomuch as I have not heard of any Act of that kind for these five or six Years last notwithstanding I am well informed that there are now amongst them many more Quakers and other Dissenters from their Forms of Religious Worship then were at the time of their greatest Severity which Severity had no other effect but to encrease the New-English Non-conformists 2 d. A second reason why the Productions of the Spanish West-India Commodities are so inconsiderable in respect to the English and consequently why their Progress in Planting hath been and is like to be much less then the English as also the encrease of their People I take to be the dearness of the Freight of their Ships which is four times more then our English Freight and if you would know how that comes to be so twelve per cent Interest will go â— great way towards the satisfying you although there are other concomitant lesser causes which whosoever understands Spain or shall carefully read this Treatise may find out themselves 3 d. A third reason I take to be the greatness of the Customs in Old-Spain for undoubtedly high Customs do as well dwarf Plantations as Trade 4 th The Spaniards Intense and singular Industry in their Mines for Gold and Silver the working wherein destroys abundance of their people at least of their Slaves doth cause them to neglect in great measure Cultivating of the Earth and producing Commodities from the growth thereof which might give employment to a greater Navy as well as sustenance to a far greater number of people by Sea and Land 5 th Their multitude of Fryers Nuns and other reclust and Ecclesiastical Persons which are prohibited from Marriage 3. The third sort of People I am to Discourse of are the Portugeeze and and them I must acknowledge to have been great Planters in the Brazeils and other Places but yet if we preserve our People and Plantations by good Laws I have reason to believe that the Portugeeze except they alter their Politicks which is almost impossible for them to do can never bear up with us muchless prejudice our Plantations That hitherto they have