a Knavish design of the Citizens to advance themselves who are too proud already and that if it go forward it will undo all the Country Gentlemen in England And if one speak with the City Vsurers they will be as ready to affirm that this is a plot carried on only by Noblemen and Gentlemen whose Estates are all in Land for their own advantage and that it will spoil all the Trade of the Kingdom being a project at one instant to take off just one third of all Mens Estates that are personal and add the same proportion to all such whose Estates are real which in effect is to Impoverish all the Younger and Enrich all Elder Brothers in England So that out of the Mouthes of the greatest and wisest Adversaries to this principle it may be justly concluded that though singlely they deny the truth of it yet joyntly they confess it To conclude there is nothing that I have said or that I think any other can say upon this occasion but was said in substance before by old Sr Thomas Culpepper though unknown to me who had an ampel and clear sight into the whole nature of this Principle and the true effects and consequences of it Truth being always the same though Illustrations may vary nor can any thing now be objected against the making a Law for a further abatement of Interest but the same that was objected in those times wherein the former Statutes past so that why my Opposer should cavil at the doing of that by a Law in England now which he seems to â—ike well if it could be done I know no real cause except it be that in truth he is wise enough to know that a Law in England will certainly do the Work as it hath done formerly and in consequence his own private Gain will be retrenched Before I concluded I think it necessary for caution to my Country-men to let them know what effects these discourses have had on others when I wrote my first Treatise Interest was in the Island of Barbadoes at 15 per centum where it is since by an Act of the Country brought down to 10 per cent a great fall at once and our weekly Gazets did some Months past inform us that the Sweeds by a Law had brought down their Interest to 6 per cent neither of which can have any good effects upon us but certainly the contrary except by way of emulation they quicken us to provide in time for our own Good and Prosperity I have now done with this Controversie and therein discharge my Duty to my native Country and though Ignorance Malice or private Interest may yet for some time oppose it I am confident the Wisdom of my Country-men will at length find their true and general Interest in the Establishment of such a Law which as to my own particular concernments signifies not two Farthings whether they do or not CHAP. II. Concerning the Relief and Employment of the Poor THis is a calm Subject and thwarts no common or private Interest amongst us except that of the common Enemy of Mankind the Devil so I hope that what shall be offered towards the effecting of so universally acceptable a Work as this and the removal of the innumerable Inconveniences that do now and have in all Ages attended this Kingdom through defect of such provision for the Poor will not be ill taken although the Plaister at first essay do not exactly fit the Sore In the Discourse of this subject I shall first assert some particulars which I think arâ—â—greed by common Consent and from thence take occasion to proceed to what is more doubtful 1. That our Poor in England have always been in a most sad and wretched condition some Famished for want of Bread others starved with Cold and Nakedness and many whole Families in all the out Parts of Cities and great Towns commonly remain in a languishing nasty and useless Condition Uncomfortable to themselves and Unprofitable to the Kingdom this is confessed and lamented by all Men. 2. That the Children of our Poor bred up in Beggery and Laziness do by that means become not only of unhealthy Bodiâ—s and more then ordinarily subject to many loathsome Diseases whereof very many die in their tender Age and if any of them do arrive to years and strength they are by their idle habits contracted in their Youth rendered for ever after indisposed to Labour and serve only to stock the Kingdom with Thieves and Beggars 3. That if all our impotent Poor were provided for and those of both Sexes and all Ages that can do Work of any kind employed it would redound some Hundreds of Thousands of Pounds per annum to the publick Advantage 4. That it is our Duty to God and Nature so to Provide for and Employ the Poor 5. That by so doing one of the great Sins for which this Land ought to mourn would be removed 6. That our fore-Fathers had pious Intentions towards this good Work as appears by the many Statutes made by them to this purpose 7. That there are places in the VVorld wherein the Poor are so provided for and employed as in Holland Hambrough New-England and others and as I am informed now in the City of Paris Thus far we all agree The first Question then that naturally occurs is Question How comes it to pass that in England we do not nor ever did comfortably Maintain and Employ our Poor The common Answers to this Question are two 1. That our Laws to this purpose are as good as any in the World but we fail in the execution 2. That formerly in the days of our pious Ancestors the work was done but now Charity is deceased and that is the reason we see the Poor so neglected as now they are In both which Answers I humbly conceive the Effect is mistaken for the Cause For though it cannot be denied but there hath been and is a great failure in the Execution of those Statutes which relate to the Poor yet I say the cause of that failure hath been occasioned by defect of the Laws themselves For otherwise what is the reason that in our late times of Confusion and Alteration wherein almost every Party in the Nation at one time or other took their turn at the Helm and all had that Compass those Laws to Stear by and yet none of them could or ever did conduct the Poor into a Harbour of security to them and profit to the Kingdom i. e. none sufficiently maintained the Impotent and employed the Indigent amongst us And if this was never done in any Age nor by any sort of Men whatsoever in this Kingdom who had the use of those Laws now in force it seems to me a very strong Argument that it never could nor ever will be done by those Laws and that consequently the defect lies in the Laws themselves not in the Men i. e. those that should put them in Execution As to the second
Riches as it hath done in Holland From Italy I have endeavoured to gain a certain accompt of their legal Interest but am advised that no taking of Use-Money is allowed by their Pontificial Laws the Interest now taken there which is generally 4 per Cent is done only by dispensation of Pope Paul the fifth and that notwithstanding no man can recover Interest of Money there if the party who should pay it can prove he hath no gained the value of the Interest demanded Now let the Reader judge whether that practise of Holland and this of Italy where the Romish Church-men have so great power who are to take Cognizance and may by their Auricular Confessors of all Offences of this kind the Laws concerning the use of Money in those Countries being Pontificial do not amount in effect to a low stated Interest by Law in England But to deal more ingenuously with my Opposer then he hath done with me I will grant him that much Riches will occasion in any Kingdom a low rate of Interest and yet that doth not hinder but a low stated Interest by Law may be a cause of Riches For if Trade be that which enricheth any Kingdom and lowering of Interest advanceth Trade which I think is sufficiently proved then the Abatement of Interest or more properly restraining of Usury which the antient Romans and all other wise and rich People in the world did always drive at is doubtless a primary and principal cause of the Riches of any Nation it being not improper to say nor absurd to conceive that The same thing may be both a Cause and an Effect Peace begets Plenty and Plenty may be a means to preserve Peace Fear begets Hatred and Hatred Fear The diligenâ— Hand makes rich and Riches makes men diligent so true is the Proverb Crescit amor Nummi quantum ipsa pecunia erescit Love we say begets Love the fertility of a Country may cause the encrease of People and the encrease of People may cause the further and greater fertility of a Country Liberty and Property conduce to the encrease of Trade and Emprovement of any Country and the encrease of Trade and Emprovements conduce to the procuring as well as securing of Liberty and Property Strength and Health conduce to a good digestion and a good digestion is necessary to the preservation of Health and encrease of Strength and as a Person of very great honour pertinently instanced at a late debate upon this Question An Egg is the cause of a Hen and a Hen the cause of an Egg. The incomparable Lord Bacon in his History of Henry the 7th saith pag. 245 of that Prince as well as other men That his Fortune worked upon his Nature his Nature upon his Fortune the like may be said of Nations The Abatement of Interest causeth an encrease of Wealth and the encrease of Wealth may cause a further Abatement of Interest But that is best done by the Midwifery of good Laws which is what I plead for the corrupt Nature of man being more apt to decline to Vice then incline to Vertue Folio 15. he affirms Lands are not risen in Purchase nor Rents improved since the Abatement of Interest That I shall say no more to it is matter of Fact and Gentlemen who are the Owners of Land are the best Iudges of this case only I would entreat them not to depend upon their Memories alone but to command particular accompts to be given them what sum or sums of Money were given 40 or 50 Years past for any intire Farms or Mannors they now know and I doubt not but they will find that most of them will yield double the said sums of Money now notwithstanding the present great pressures that Land lies under which ought maturely to be considered of when this judgment is made I rather desire the enquiry to be made upon the gross sum of Money paid then the Years purchase as being less fallible because many Farms have been of late Years so rackt up in Rents that it may be they will not yield more Years purchase now according to the present Rents then they would many years past and yet may yield double the Money they were then bought or sold for because the Rents were much less then Fol. 15. he impertinently quarrels at my instance of Ireland saying I quote it sometimes to prove the benefit of a low Interest pag. 8. And sometimes the mischief of high Interest pag. 9. Which seems to me to be an unfriendly way of prevaricating For pag. 8. I mention the late great improvement of Ireland only as an accidental cause why our Rents at that present fell and in this it appears I was not much mistaken for within a few Moneths after I first writ that Treatise the Parliament took notice of it Pag. 9. I mention that place among others that pay a high Interest and are consequently very poor if there be any contradiction in this let the Reader judge Pag. 16. the Gentleman puzleth himself about finding Mistakes in my Calculation of the encrease of Merchants Estates but discovers none but his own so I shall not trouble the Reader further about that all Merchants granting me as much as I design by it though some of them have not or care not to observe the Abatement of Interest to have been the principal cause thereof Fol. 17. Because he cannot answer that large and pregnant instance of the effects of a low Interest which I gave in the case of the Sugar-Bakers of London and those of Holland which was but one of a hundred which I could have mentioned he endeavours to set up another of a contrary effect which is a weak rediculous Instance and nothing to his purpose for that Commodity that I mentioned viz. Sugar is a solid bulky Commodity always in fashion not consequent to humor as is that of Silk-Stockings 1000 l. worth whereof may be with less charge carried to Italy then 30 l. worth of Barbadoes Sugar can be sent to Holland Besides the reason why we of late sent Silk-Stockings thither is accidental not natural only happening by means of an Engin wâ— have to weave them whereof they have not yet the use in Italy Besides wearing things being more esteemed through Fancy then Judgment the Italians may have the same Vanity which is too much amongst us to esteem that which is none of their own making as we do French Ribonds and the French-men English ones besides he is mistaken in saying we bring the Silk we make them of from Italy for the Silk of which we make that Commodity is Turky not Italian Silk Fol. 18. The Gentleman begins to be kind and finding me out of the way pretends to set me right viz. to instruct me as first what will bring down Interest 1st Multitude of People 2dly A full Trade 3dly Liberty of Conscience I Answer That I have I think proved that the Abatement of Interest will effect the two former
LICENSED November the 18th 1689. And Entered according to Order A DISCOURSE ABOUT TRADE Wherein the Reduction of Interest of Money to 4 l. per Centum is Recommended Methods for the Employment and Maintenance of the Poor are proposed Several weighty Points relating to Companies of MERCHANTS The Act of NAVIGATION NATURALIZATION of Strangers Our WOOLLEN MANUFACTURES The BALLANCE of TRADE And the Nature of Plantations and their Consequences in relation to the Kingdom are seriously Discussed And some Arguments for erecting a Court of Merchants for determining Controversies relating to Maritime Affairs and for a Law for Transferrance of Bills of Debts are humbly Offered Never before Printed Printed by A Sowle at the Crooked-Billet in Holloway-Lane And Sold at the Three Keys in Nags-head-Court Grace-Church-Street 1690. THE PUBLISHER TO THE READER THE following Sheets were wrote as the Reader will observe by the Contents soon after the dreadful Fire which happened in London in the Year 1666. they fell very accidentally into my Hands in Manuscript as they had ever since continued this last Summer and having in my Conversation in the world heard several of the Propositions therein discussed frequently contrasted I did set my self with some Curiosity to run them over and in doing it discerned as I thought much experimental Truth and Reason and a more then ordinary Life and Spirit for the Publick good in the whole Work I therefore made suite to the Judicious Worthy Author to permit me to the same end for which it appears to have been at the first wrote to hand it over to some of our best Patriots to which he being pleased to concede I began to transcribe it but finding that that would prove a tedious task and that that way would confine this excellent Treatise to too narrow bounds I have presumed thus to emit it to the World I may not divulge the Author's Name but this I may truely say He is no Trader neither pays any Use for Money but receives a great deal yearly and hath to my knowledge a considerable Estate in Lands and therefore the most invidious cannot conceive he had any private or selfish end in the following Discourses I have in my time been privy to and frequently concerned in the buying and selling of much Land and I find every thing he said at that time so true of the then low Rates of Land as was his Prediction of its rising in Purchase so soon as that lazy way of Usury by Bankeering should be broke that I am morally confident if the Parliament should be pleased to abate the Interest of Mony by a Law to 4 l. per Cent. We shall as certainly see Lands in England as generally sell at twenty five years Purchase within five years after such a Law as We did see them about the time the following Discourse was Wrote sell at seventeen years Purchase and as We do now see Lands currently sell at twenty years Purchase and upwards I took occasion in my discourse with the Author to observe to him that though Lands in general were risen in sale as he fore-saw to twenty years purchase or more that yet Marsh and Feeding Grounds were abated in Rent to the Tenants at least 20 or 30 l. per Cent. He granted me to be in the right herein and imputed the cause thereof partly to the Prohibition of Irish Cattle and partly to the late general practice of sowing Clover Saint-foyne Rye-Grass and other Grass-Seeds upon which I ask'd him Whether he thought it would not tend to the publick Good to prohibit by a Law the sowing of those Seeds He said by no means Honest Industry and Invention is never to be obstructed by Laws I queried then why Usury should be checkt by a Law He replyed that in the Trade of Vsury there was neither Industry not Invention but Idleness and Oppression and that all Christian Churches as well as most particular eminent Divines ever since our Saviour Christ's time had condemned Vsury as sinful The fore-going Discourse leads to another great Question Whether Foreign Commodities such as tend to nourish Vice and Luxury ought not for the publick Good to be prohibited by a Law or by loading them with a deep Custom such as VVines Brandy Sugar Tobacco c. And I am humbly of opinion with the most profound submission to all my Superiours whose proper Business it is to agree and constitute Laws that it is not for the publick Good to load even such Commodities with so great a Duty as doth or may ruin our Plantations or totally prevent the English from a possibility of supplying the Eastern and other parts of the World with these Commodities because by so doing We give away the most precious of all our Trades a great part of our Navigation to our wiser Neighbours the Dutch who had rather pay their Twentieth Penny twice a year than loose their Trade to the Baltick with Salt Wine Brandy Tobacco c. I might say too with Chesnuts and VValnuts as inconsiderable as their value is Every thing being to be prized above Gold that encreaseth the Navigation of any Country especially that of this Island of England I have been always an Advocate for Liberty and an Enemy to Persecution for matters of Religion and so I am confident was the Gentleman our worthy Author as the following Tract clearly evinces and by so doing gives the Reason why this admirable Work hath till now lain in obscurity the Policy and Councils of the late Reigns constantly discountenancing that excellent Principle And because Liberty of Conscience is frequently touch'd in this ensuing Discourse and declared to be a principal means to advance the publick Good of this Kingdom viz. Trade Which 't is evident is the real and only design of this Treatise I shall take the freedom to tell my thoughts very plainly in relation to it I remember that greatest Master of Historians Cornelius Tacitus says of the incomparable Roman Emperour Nerva that he did Reconcile Res olim insociabiles things never before adjusted the freedom of all Men with the sole Command of one Such a Prince I hope and verily believe God Almighty in abundant Mercy to this poor Nation hath sent us in his present Majesty our truly good and gracious Soveraign King William the Favourite of Heaven and Delight of Men under whom We may most undoubtedly be the Happiest People upon the Face of the whole Earth if We will but We shall never attain that Happiness and hand it over to Posterity except We all as well Dissenters as Church of England Men do sincerely and cordially endeavour to imitate the Wisdom and Goodness of that Memorable Prince Nerva to reconcile things formerly unsociable viz. Liberty of Conscience to all with the preservation of one entire Vniform National Church in the enjoyment of all the publick Revenues thereof these two things in my most unbiass'd retired thoughts are so far from contradictions that as our People in England are
was formerly that Money doubles once in seven Years at 10 per Cent according to which rule 100 l. in seventy Years amounts to 102400 l. One Hundred Pounds at Ten Pounds per Cent per Annum at Interest upon Interest encreaseth thus viz.  L. S. D. AT first 100 00 00 At 3 Months it is 102 10 00 At 6 Months 105 1 03 At 9 Months 107 13 9 At 12 Months 110 07 7 At 1 Year ¼ 113 02 9 At 1 Year ½ 115 19 4 At 1 Year ¾ 118 17 4 At 2 Years 121 16 9 At 2 Years ¼ 124 17 8 At 2 Years ½ 128 00 1 At 2 Years ¾ 131 4 1 At 3 Years 134 9 9 At 3 Years ¼ 137 17 0 At 3 Years ½ 141 5 10 At 3 Years ¾ 144 16 6 At 4 Years 148 8 11 At 4 Years ¼ 152 3 1 At 4 Years ½ 155 19 2 At 4 Years ¾ 159 17 2 At 5 Years 163 17 1 At 5 Years ¼ 167 19 0 At 5 Years ½ 172 3 0 At 5 Years ¼ 176 9 1 At 6 Years 180 17 3 At 6 Years ¼ 185 7 9 At 6 Years ½ 190 5 0 At 6 Years â— 4 194 15 5 At 7 Years 199 12 10 Supposing One Hundred Pounds to double in seven Years at Interest upon Interest as aforesaid the encrease is viz.  L. At first 100 At 7 Years 200 At 14 Years 400 At 21 Years 800 At 28 Years 1600 At 35 Years 3200 At 42 Years 6400 At 49 Years 12800 At 56 Years 25600 At 63 Years 51200 At 70 Years 102400 Pag. 13. he saith That I make use of the abuse of Interest which no man pleads for annexing a Discourse against Interest writ in 1621. when it was at 10 per Cent endeavouring thereby to impose a Belief that the Gentleman who writ that Discourse was of my mind whereas it may be supposed the Author of that Book was contented with 8 per Cent because within four Years after it was brought down to that Rate and that otherwise he would have writ further it being probable that he might live till after four Years I answer That through the Mercies of Almighty God and for the good of this Kingdom that Patriot of his Country Old Sr Thomas Culpepper who I have since been assured was the Author of that Treatise did live above twenty Years after the writing thereof and then published a second Treatise which was lately Re-printed by his worthy Son which second Treatise is now to be had at Mr Wilkinson's over against St Dunstan's Church in Fleet-street which I would advise my Opposer to read and then I hope he will be more modest hereafter then to mis-call the most Natural and Rational Conclusions IMPOSINGS But lest he should not meet with the said Treatise I shall here insert a few Lines out of it to the present purpose viz. Old Sr Thomas speaking of the certain good Effects of the Abatement of Interest from 10 to 8 per Cent pag. 19. of his second Treatise saith This good success doth call upon us not to rest here but that we bring the use for Money to a lower rate which now I suppose will find no Oppâ—sition for all Objections which before the Statute were made against it are now answered by the Success most certainly the benâ—fit will be much greater to the Common wealth by calling the Vse for Money down from 8 to 5 or 6 per Cent then it was from calling it down from 10 to 8 per Cent. I shall not Comment upon his Words but only declare that in truth I never heard of this Treatise noâ— of any other to the like effect when I write mine Pag. 13. the Gentle-man bâ—ings up his Battalia and like a stout Champion for the slie and timerous heard-of Usurers plants his main Battery against that part which I confessed to be weakest viz. that the difficulty of this Question is Whether the lowness of Interest be the cause or the Effect of Riches And he positively denies that the lowness of Interest is the Cause affirms it to be only the Effect thereof which he endeavours to prove by four Arguments which I shall particularly answer in a due place in the mean time use my own Method to prove That the Abatement of Interest by a Law in England will be a means to improve the Riches of this Kingdom And I prove it thus 1. Whatever doth Advance the value of Land in Purchase must be a procurâ—ng cause of Riches 2. Whatever doth Improve the Rent of Farms must be a procurâ—ng cause of Riches 3. Whatever doth Encrease the bulk of Foreign Trade must be a procurâ—ng cause of Riches 4. Whatever doth Multiply domestick Artificers must be a procurâ—ng cause of Riches 5. Whatever doth Encline the Nation to Thriftiness must be a procurâ—ng cause of Riches 6. Whatever doth Employ the Poor must be a procurâ—ng cause of Riches 7. Whatever doth Encrease the Stock of People must be a procurâ—ng cause of Riches Now that the abatement of Interest will advance the value of Land I prove first by Experience for certainly Anno 1621. the currant price of our Lands in England was twelve Years purchase and so I have been assured by many antient Men whom I have queried particularly as to this Matter and I find it so by purchases made about that time by my own Relations and Acquaintance and I presume that any Nobleman or Gentleman of England by only commanding the Stewards of their Mannors to give them Lists out of the Records of any Mannors or Farms that their Grand-Fathers or Fathers bought or sold fifty Years past will find that the same Farms to be now sold would yield one with another at least treble the Mony and in some cases six times the Mony they were then bought and sold for which I submit still to the single and joynt Judgments of the honourable Members of both Houses of Parliament who being the greatest Owners of our Territory are in their private as well as in their politick Capacities the most proper and experimental Judges of this Case if the Antient of them will please to recollect their Memories and the Younger will please to be informed by their Elder Servants and if this be so it cannot be denied but the abatement of Interest by a Law hath greatly advanced Lands in purchase as well as improved Rents by meliorating the Lands themselves those improvements by marling limeing draining c. having been made since Money was at 8 and 6 per cent which 10 per cent could not bear And to prove that Lands were then at twelve Years purchase I have the written Testimony of that incomparable worthy Person Sr Thomas Culpepper Senior who page 11. of his first Treatise expresly affirms That Land was then at twelve Years Purchase who being himself a grave and antient Parliament Man and dedicating his Book to the then Parliament whereof he was then a Member cannot without horrible uncharitableness be presumed
to impose upon his Country And now that our Interest is at 6 per cent as the same worthy Author did wisely fore-see I appeal to the Judgment and Experience of my Country Men whether the genuine price of our Lands in England now would not be 20 Years Purchase were it not for accidental Pressures under which it labours at present such as these 1. Our late great Land Taxes 2. And principally the late great Improvement of Ireland mentioned in my former Treatise the consequence whereof is that that Country now supplieth Foreign Markets as well as our own Plantations in America with Beef Pork Hides Tallow Bread Beer Wool and Corn at cheaper Rates then we can afford to the beating us out of those Trades whereas formerly viz. presently after the late Irish War many Men got good Estates by Transporting English Cattle thither And that the Improvement of Ireland is the principal cause why our Lands in purchase rise not as naturally they should with the fall of our Interest appears evidently from the effect the fall of Interest hath had upon Houses in London where the growth of Ireland could have no such destructive influence which hath been so considerable that whosoever will please to inform themselves by old Scriveners or antient Deeds shall find that a House in London about fifty Years past that would sell but for 300 l. at most would readily sell within a short time afâ—er Interest was brought to 8 per cent at 5 or 600 l. and the same Houses to be sold sometime after Interest was brought to 6 per cent viz. before and after the late Dutch War would have yielded without scruple 1000 or 1200 l. The abatement of Interest having had a double effect upon Houses by encreasing Trade and consequently raising Rents as well as encreasing the number of Years purchase 3. A third reason why Land doth not at present bear an exact proportion to 6 per cent which should naturally be twenty Years is the late Plague which did much depopulate this Kingdom 4. The late Fire in London which hath engaged Men in Building in the City who otherwise would have been purchasing in the Country 5. The unusal plenty of Corn which hath been for these three or four Years past in most parts of Christendom the like whereof hath been seldom known it happening most commonly that when one Country hath had great plenty others have had great scarcity 6. The racking up of Rents in the Years 1651. and 1652. which was presently after the last abatement of Interest A seventh accidental Reason why Land doth not sell at present at the rate it naturally should in proportion to the legal Interest is that innovated practice of Bankers in London which hath more effects attending it then most I converse with have yet observed but I shall here take notice of that only which is to my present purpose viz. The Gentlemen that are Bankers having a large Interest from his Majesty for what they advance upon his Majesties Revenue can afford to give the full legal Interest to all Persons that put Money into their hands though for never so short or long a time which makes the trade of Usury so easie and hitherto safe that few after having found the sweetness of this lasie way of emprovement being by continuance and success grown to fancy themselves secure in it can be lead there being neither ease nor profit to invite them to lay out their Money in Land though at 15 Years purchase whereas before this way of private Bankering came up men that had Money were forced oft-times to let it lie dead by them until they could meet with Securities to their minds and if the like necessity were now of Money lying dead the loss of use for the dead time being deducted from the profit of 6 l. per Cent communibus annis would in effect take off 1 l. per Cent per Annum of the profit of Usury and consequently incline men more to purchase Lands in regard the difference between Usury and Purchasing would not in point of profit be so great as now it is this new invention of Cashciring having in my opinion clearly bettered the Vsurers trade 1 or 2 per Cent per Annum And that this way of leaving Money with Gold-Smiths hath had the aforesaid effect seems evident to me from the scarcity it makes of Money in the Country for the Trade of Bankers being only in London doth very much drain the ready Money from all other parts of the Kingdom The second point I am to prove is That it will advance the Rent of Farms To prove that it did so in fact depends on memory and for my own part I and most others I converse with do perfectly remember that Rents did generally rise after the late abatement of Interest viz. in the year 1651. and 1652. The reason why they did so was from the encouragement which that abatement of Interest gave to Landlords and Tenants to improve by Draining Marling Limeing c. excellently made out by the aforesaid two worthy Authors so that I do I think with good Reason conclude that the present fall of Rents is not natural but accidental and to be ascribed principally to the fore-going Reasons given for the present abatement of Land in purchase and especially to the late Improvement of Ireland The third thing I am to prove is That the abatement of Interest will encrease the bulk of foreign Trade which I do thus By evidence of fact it hath been so in England the encrease of our Trade hath always followed the abatement of our Interest by Law I say not preceded but followed it and the Cause doth always go before the Effect which I think I have evidently demonstrated in my former Treatise If any doubt of this and will be at the pains to examin the Custom-house Books they may soon be resolved 2. By Authority not only of that antient Gentleman Sr Thomas Culpepper in his second Treatise and therein of the judgment of the French King and Court in an Edict there recited but likewise of a Parliament of England King Lords Commons in the Act for reducing it to 6 per Cent in the Preamble whereof are these Words viz. Forasmuch as the Abatement of Interest from 10 in the Hundred in former times hath been found by notable Experience beneficial to the Advancement of Trade and Improvement of Lands by good Husbandry with many other considerable Advantages to this Nation especially the reducing of it to a nearer proportion with foreign States with whom we traffick And whereas in fresh memory the like fall from 8 to 6 in the Hundred by a late constant Practice hath found the like success to the general contentment of this Nation as is visible by several Improvements c. 3. By necessary consequence when Interest is abated they who call in their Money must either buy Land or trade with it If they buy Land the many
as it is called as in former dayes when our greatest Expence was upon our Bellies the most destructive Consumption that can happen to a Nation and tending only to nourish Idleness Luxury and Beggary whereas that other kind of Expence which follows Trade encourageth Labour Arts and Invention To which give me leave to add that The abatement of Interest conjoynt with Excises upon our home consumption if the later could be hit upon without disturbance to Trade or danger of continuation are two of the most comprehensive and effectual Sumptuary Laws that ever were established in any Nation and most necessitating and engaging any People to thriftiness the high Road to Riches as well for Nations as private Families The frugal Italians of Old and the provident Dutch of latter times I think have given the World a sufficient proof of this Theorim and if any shall tell me it is the nature of those People to be thrifty I answer all men by nature are alike it is only Laws Custom and Education that differ men their Nature and Disposition and the disposition of all People in the World proceed from their Laws the French Peasantry are a slavish cowardly People because the Laws of their Country have made them Slaves the French Gentry a noble valiant People because free by Law Birth and Education In England we are all free Subjects by our Laws and therefore our People prove generally couragious the Dutch and Italians are both frugal Nations though their Climates and Governments differ as much as any because the Laws of both Nations encline them to Thriftiness other Nations I could name are generally vain prodigal not by Nature nor for want of a good Country but because their Laws c. dispose them so to be The sixth proof of the Proposition is that It employes the Poor which is a ne-necessary Consequence likewise of the encrease of Trade in Cities and Emprovement of Land in the Country which is well and truly demonstrated from Experience by the Elder and Younger Sr Thomas Culpepper to whom to avoid Prolixity I must refer the Reader Seventhly It encreaseth the People of a Nation this also necessarily followeth the encrease of Trade and Emprovement of Lands not that it causeth married men to get more Children But 1 st a trading Country affording comfortable Subsistances to more Families then a Country destitute of Trade is the reason that many do marry who otherwise must be forc'd to live single which may be one reason why fewer People of either Sex are to be seen unmarried in Holland at 25 years of age then may be found in England at 40 years old 2 dly Where there is much Employment and good Pay if we want Hands of our own we shall draw them from others as hath been said 3 dly We shall keep our own People at home which otherwise for want of Employment would be forcd to leave us and serve other Nations as too many of our Sea-men Ship-wrights and others have done 4 thly Our Lands and Trade being improved will render us capable not only of employing but feeding a far greater number of People as is manifest in that instance of the Land of Palestine And if these will be the effects of abating Interest then I think it is out of doubt that the Abatement of Interest is the cause of the encrease of the Riches of any Kingdom for quicquid efficit tale est magis tale Now to answer his four recited Reasons viz. First he saith If a low stated Interest by Law be the cause of Riches no Country would be poor all desiring Riches rather then Poverty and all having it in their power to state their Interest as low as they please by Law I answer first Whatever Nation doth it gradually for so it must be done as it hath been hitherto in England 2 per Cent being enough to abate at one time will find those effects I have mentioned but it is a work of Ages and cannot be done at once For Nec natura aut lex operantur per saltum Secondly It is great Imprudence to imagine that any Country understanding their true Interest so well as by degrees to abate Use-Money will not likewise by the same Wisdom be led to the instituting of many other good Laws for the encouragement of Trade as our Parliaments have still proceeded to do as Interest hath been abated His second Reason is That if the lowness of Interest were not the effect of Riches in Holland they might take as much Vse-Money as they could get there being no Law against it I answer There were formerly Laws in Holland that reduced Interest to 8 and 6 and afterwards to 5 per Cent Anno 1640. and since in the Year 1655. to 4 per Cent the Placart for which I have seen and have been told and do believe they have since reduced it by Placart to 3 per Cent as to their Cantors and all publick Receipts which in Holland is as much in effect as if they had made a general Law for it because the most of their Receipts and Payments are made in and out of the aforesaid publick Offices or else into and out of their Banks for which no Use-Money is allowed which several gradual and succesful Abatements of Interest did occasion their Riches at first and brought their People to that consistency of Wealth that they have since wrought themselves into such an abundance that there are more Lenders now than Borrowers and so I doubt not but it will be with us in a few Years after the next Abatement of Interest is made by Law which I have good reason to conclude not only from the visible operations of nature in all other things and places but from Fact and Experience in this very case being certain that the Gold-Smiths in London could have what Money they would upon their Servants Notes only at 4 l. and 4 l. 10 s. per Cent before the late Emergencies of State which I could demonstrate have very much obstructed the natural fall of Interest with us something more I have said in answer to this in the addition to my former Treatise and this may serve likewise for an answer to his third Reason Fourthly he saith That which I must prove to make good my Assertion is that any Country in the World from a poor and low condition while Interest was at 6 per Cent was made rich by bringing it to 4 per Cent or 3 per Cent by a Law I answer If the instance of Holland and Italy were not sufficient to satisfie him in this point yet that having proved which he cannot deny that our own Kingdom hath been enriched consequently constantly and proportionably to and after our several Abatements of Interest by Law from an unlimitted rate to 10 from 10 to â— and from 8 to 6 per Cent I think it may rationally be concluded that another Abatement of Interest in England would cause a further encrease of
Ireland advantagious by encrease of Trade and Shiping and consequently the power of this Kingdom Object 2. The second Ojection to part of the Act of Navigation is usually made by the Eastland and Norway Merchants who affirm that in effect their Trade is much declined since the passing the Act of Navigation and the Danes Sweeds Holsteners and all Easterlings who by the said Act may Import Timbâ—r and other Eastern Commodities have encreased in the number of their Shiping imployed in this Trade since our Act of Navigation at least two third parts and the English have proportionably declined in the number of theirs imployed in that Trade I answer That I believe the matter of Fact asserted is true as well as the cause assigned viz. the Act of Navigation and yet this should not make us out of love with that excellent Law rather let it put us upon contriving the Amendment of this seeming Defect or Inconvenience the Cure whereof I hope upon mature consideration will not be found difficult for which I humbly propound to the Wisdom of Parliament viz. That a Law be made to impose a Custom of at least 50 l. per Cent on all Eastland Commodities Timber Boards Pipe-Staves and Salt imported into England and Ireland upon any Ships but English built Ships or at least such only as are sailed with an English Master and at least three fourths English Marriners And that for these Reasons Reas. First If this be not done the Danes Sweedes and Easterlings will certainly in a few Years carry the whole Trade by reason of the difference of the charge of building a Ship fit for that Trade there or here viz. a Fly-boat of 300 Tuns new built and set to Sea for such a Voyage may cost there 13 or 1400 l. which here would cost from 22 to 2400 l. which is so vast a disproportion that it is impossible for an English man to coape with a Dane in that Navigation under such a discouragement to ballance which there is nothing but the Strangers duty which the Dane now pays which may come to 5 or 6 l per Ship per Voyage at most one with another which is incompitable with the difference of Price between the first cost of the Ships in either Nation And this is so evident to those who are conversant in those Trades that besides the decrease of our Shiping and encrease of theirs that hath already happened ours in probability had been wholly beaten out of the Trade and only Danes and Easterlings freighted had we been necessitated to build English Ships and had not been recruited on moderate Prices by Fly-boats being Ships proper for this Trade taken in the late Dutch War and by a further supply of Scotch Prizes likewise through his Majesties permission and indulgence Reas. 2. Because the number of Strangers Ships imployed in the aforesaid Trade yearly I estimtae to be about two hundred Sail which if such a Law were made must unavoidably be all excluded and the Employment fall wholly into English Hands which would be an excellent Nursery and give constant Maintenance to a brave number of English Sea-men more then we can or do employ at present Reas. 3. The Act of Navigation is now of seventeen or eighteen Years standing in England and yet in all these Years not one English Ship hath been built fit for this Trade the reason whereof is that before mentioned viz. that it is cheaper freighting of Danes and Easterlins and it being so and all men naturally led by their Profit it seems to me in vain to expect that ever this Law will procure the building of one English Ship fit for that employment till those Strangers are excluded this Trade for England and much more improbable it is that any should now be built than it was formerly when the Act was first made because Timber is now at almost double the price in England it was then The consequence whereof is That if timely Provision be not made by some additional Law when our old Stock of Flemish Prizes is worn out as many of them are already we shall have very few or no Ships in this Trade The Objections which I have heard made to this Proposition are viz. Object 1. If such an Imposition be laid on those gross Commodities imported by Strangers Ships that will amount to the excluding all Strangers from this Trade we shall want Ships in England to carry on the Trade and so the Commodity will not be had or else will come very dear to us I answer â—f the Commodity should be somewhat dearer for the present it would be no loss to the Nation in general because all Freight would be paid to English men whereas the freight paid to Strangers which upon thâ—se Commodities is commonly as much or more then the value of Goods is all clear loss to the Nation 2 dly If there should be a present want of Shiping and the Parliament shall please to enjoyn us to build English Ships for this Trade This extraordinary good Effect will follow viz. It will engage us to do that we never yet did viz. To fall to building of Fly-boats gâ—eat Ships of burthen of no force and small charge in sailing which would be the most profitable undertaking that ever English men were engaged in and that which is absolutely necessary to be don if ever we intend to board the Dutch in their Trade and Navigation these Fly-boats being the Milch-Cows of â—olland from which they have suckâ—d manifoldlâ— greater Profit than from all their Ships of force though both I know are necessary But if at first the Parliament shall think fit to enjoyn us only to Ships sailed with an Enlish Master and three fourths English Marriners the Danes and Easterlins being by this means put out of so great an Employment for their Shiping we shall buy Ships proper for this Trade on easie terms of them perhaps for half their cost which under value in purchase will be a present clear profit to England Object 2. If this be done in England may not other Princes account it hard and unreasonable and consequently Retaliate the like upon us To answer this Objection its necesary to enquire what Kingdom and Counâ—ry will be concerned in this Law 1 st Then Italy Spain and Portugal will be wholly unconcerned 2 dly So will France who if they were concerned can take no offence while they lay an Imposition of 50 or 60 per Cent upon our Drapery 3 dly The Dutch and Hamburgers would not by such additional Law be more excluded then now they are and the latter would have an advantage by it in case the Danes should as it may be supposed they will lay a Tax upon our Shiping there for the consequence thereof would be that much of those kind of Commodities we should fetch from Hambrough where they are plentifully to be had though at a little dearer Rate and yet not so dear but that the Dutch fetch Yearly thence 350
in the out-parts of London Upon this point of Naturalization many men make a great doubt whether it be for publick good to permit the Iews to be Naturalized in common with other Strangers Those that are against their admission who for the most part are Merchants urge these Reasons 1. They say the Iews are a subtil People prying into all kind of Trades and thereby depriving the English Merchant of that Profit he would otherwise gain 2. They are a penurious People living miserably and therefore can and do afford to trade for less profit then the English to the prejudice of the English Merchant 3. They bring no Estates with them but set up with their Pens and Ink only and if after some few Years they thrive and grow rich they carry away their Riches with them to some other Country being a People that cannot mix with us which Riches being carried away is a publick loss to this Kingdom Those that are for the admission of the Iews say in answer to the aforesaid Reasons viz. 1 st The subtiller the Iews are and the more Trades they pry into while they live here the more they are like to encrease Trade and the more they do that the better it is for the Kingdom in general though the worse for the English Merchant who comparitively to the rest of the People of England is not one of a thousand 2 dly The thriftier they live the better Example to our people there being nothing in the World more conducing to enrich a Kingdom then thriftiness 3 dly It is denyed that they bring over nothing with them for many have brought hither very good Estates and hundreds more would do the like and settle here for their Lives and their Posterities after them if they had the same Freedom and Security here as they have in Holland and Italy where the grand Duke of Tuscanâ—y and other Princes allow them not only perfect Liberty and Security but give them the priviledge of making Laws among themselves and that they would reside with us is proved from the known Principles of Nature viz. Principle 1. All men by Nature are alike as I have before demonstrated and Mr Hobbs hath truly asserted how Erroneous soever he may be in other things Princip 2. Fear is the cause of Hatred and hatred of separation from as well as evil Deeds to the Parties or Government hated when opportunity is offered This by the way shews the difference between a bare connivence at Dissenters in matters of Religion and a toleration by Law the former keeps them continually in Fear and consequently apt to Sedition and Rebellion when any probable occasion of success presents The latter disarms cunning ambitious minded men who wanting a popular discontented Party to work upon can effect little or nothing to the prejudice of the Government And this methinks discovers clearly the Cause why the Lutherans in Germany Protestants in France Greeks in Turkey and Sectaries in Holland are such quiet peaceable-minded-men while our Non-Conformists in England are said to be enclinable to Strife War and Bloodshed Take away the Cause and the Effect will cease While the Laws are in Force against men they think the Sword hangs over their Heads and are always in fear though the Execution be suspended not knowing how soon Councils or Counsellors Times or Persons may change it is only Perfect Love that casts out Fear and all men are in love with Liberty and Security It cannot be denyed that the industrious Bees have Stings though Drones have not yet Bees sting not except those that hurt them or disturb their Hives It is said the Iews cannot Intermarry with us and therefore it cannot be supposed they will reside long amongst us although they were treated never so kindly why not reside here as well as in Italy Poland or Holland they have now no Country of their own to go to and therefore that is their Country and must needs be so esteemed by them where they are best used and have the greatest Security CHAP. VIII Concerning Wool and Woollen Manufactures THat Wool is eminently the Foundation of the English Riches I have not heard denyed by any and that therefore all possible means ought to be used to keep it within our own Kingdom is generally confessed and to this purpose most of our modern Parliaments have strenuously endeavoured the contriving of severe Laws to prevent its Exportation and the last Act made it Felony to Ship out Wool Woolfels c. Notwithstanding which we see that English and Irish Wool goes over so plentifully that it is within a very small matter as cheap in Holland as in England The means to prevent this Evil by additional Penal Laws and alterations of some of those now in being were long under debate by his Majesties command in the Couâ—cil of Trade who according to their duty took great pains therein and since I have been informed the same things were under consideration in Parliament so that I doubt not but in due time we shall see some more effectual Laws enacted to this purpose as well in relation to Ireland from whence the greatest of this mischief proceeds as in England then ever yet have been yet I do utterly despair of ever seeing this Disease perfectly cured till the Causes thereof be removed which I take to be 1st Heighth of Interest in England which an Abatement by Law to 4 per Cent would cure 2dly Want of Hands which an Act of Naturalization would cure 3dly Compulsion in matters of Religion which some relaxation of the Ecclesiastical Laws I hope would effectually cure For while our Neighbours through the cheap valuation of their Stocks can afford to trade and disburse their Monies for less profit then we as hath been I think sufficiently demonstrated by the fore-going Discourse and have more Hands to employ then we by reason of the large Immunities and Priviledges they give both to Natives and Foreigners there is no question but they will be able to give a better Price for our Wool than we can afford our selves and they that can give the best price for a Commodity shall never fail to have it by one means or other notwithstanding the opposition of any Laws or interposition of any Power by Sea or Land of such force subtilty and violence is the general course of Trade Object But some may say and take it as well from what I have writ elsewhere as from their own Observations Will not the well-making of our Woollen-Manufactures contribute much to the keeping of our Wool naturally within our own Kingdom I answer Doubtless it will have a great tendency thereunto but can never effect it till the aforesaid Radical Causes of this Disease be removed which brings me to the next Question viz. What will improve our Woollen-Manufactures in quality and quantity This is a very great Question and requires very deliberate and serious Consideration but I shall write my present Thoughts concerning it
English Cloth and from whose Territories we receive great quantities of Currance purchased with our ready Money It seems to me advantagious for England that that Importation as well as the Importation of wrought-Glasse drinking-Glasses and other Manufactures from thence should be discouraged it being supposed we can now make them as well our selves in England The Trade for Cannary-Wines I take to be a most pernitious Trade to England because those Islands consume very little of our Manufactures Fish or other English Commodities neither do they furnish us with any Commodities to be further Manufactured here or re-Exported the Wines we bring from thence being for the most part purchased with ready Money so that to my apprehension something is necessary to be done to compel those Islanders to spend more of our English Commodities and to sell their Wines cheaper which every Year they advance in Price or else to lessen the Consumption of them in England I have in this last Discourse of the Ballance of Trade as well as in my former confined my self to write only general Heads and Principles that râ—late unto Trade in general not this or that particular Trade because the several Trades to several Countries may require distinct and particular considerations respecting the time place competitors with us and other circumstances to find out wherein our advantages or disadvantages lie and how to improve the former and prevent the latter but as this would be too great a Work for one Man so I fear it would make this too great a Book to be well read and considered But in the Preface to this Treatise I have briefly mentioned many particular Trades that we have lost and are loosing and by what means and many Trades that we yet retain and are encreasing and how it happens to be so which may give some Light to a clearer Discovery and Inspection into particular Trades unto which Ingenious Men that have Hearts to serve their Country in this so necessary Work at this time may add and further improve by the advantage of Abilities to express their Sentiments in a more Intelligible and Pausible Stile but when I and others have said all we can A low Interest is as the Soul to the Body of Trade it is the Sine qua non to the Prosperity and Advancement to the Lands and Trade of England CHAP. X. Concerning PLANTATIONS THE Trade of our English Plantations in America being now of as great Bulk and â—mploying as much Shiping as most of the Trades of this Kingdom it seems not unnecessary to Discourse more at large concerning the Nature of â—lantations and the good or evil consequences of tâ—em in relation to this and other Kingdoms and the rather because some Gentlemen of no mean Capacities are of Opinion that his Majestie 's Plantations abroad have very much prejudiced this Kingdom by draining us of our People for the confirmation of which Opinion they urge the Example of Spain which they say is almost ruined by the Depopulation which the West-Indies hath occasioned to the end therefore a more particular Scrutiny may be made into this maâ—ter I shall humbly offer my Opinion in the following Propositions and then give those Reasons of Probability which presently occur to my Memory in confirmation of each Proposition 1. First I agree That Lands though excellent without Hands proportionable will not enrich any Kingdom 2. That whatever tends to the Dâ—populating of a Kingdom tends to the â—mpoverishment of it 3. Tâ—at most Nations in the civilized Parts of the World are more or less Rich or Poor proportionably to the Paucity or Plenty of their People and not to the Sterility or Fruitfulness of their Landâ— 4. I do not agree that our People in England are in any considerable measure abated by reason of our Foreign Plantations but propose to prove the contrary 5. I am of Opinion that we â—ad immediately before the late Plague many more People in England then we had before the Inhabiting of Virginia New-England â—â—rbadoes and the rest of our American Plantations 6. That all Colonies or Plantations do endamage their Mother-Kingdoms whereof the Trades of such Plantations are not confined by severe Laws and good executions of those Laws to the Mother-Kingdom 7. That the Dutch will reap the greatest advantage by all Colonies issuing from any Kingdom of Europe whereof the Trades are not so strictly confined to the proper Mother-Kingdoms 8. That the Dutch though they thrive so exceedingly in Trade will in probability never endamage this Kingdom by the growth of their Plantations 9. That neither the French Spaniard nor Portugeez are much to be feared on that account not for the same but for other causes 10. That it is more for the advantage of England that New-found-Land should remain Vnplanted then that Colonies should be sent or permitted to go thither to Inhabit with a Governour Laws c. 11. That New-England is the most prejudicial Plantation to the Kingdom of England I. That Lands though in their Nature excellently good without Hands proportionable will not enrich any Kingdom This first Proposition I suppose will readily be assented to by all judicious persons and therefore for the proof of it I shall only alledge matter of Fact The Land of Palestine once the Richest Country in the Vniverse since it came under the Turks Domâ—nion and consequently unpeopled is now become the Poorest Andaluzia and Granada formerly wonderful Rich and full of good Towns since dis-peopled by the Spaniard by Expultion of the Moors many of their Towns and brave Country Houses are fallen into Rubbish and their whole Country into miserable Poverty though their Lands naturally are prodigiously Fertil A Hundred other Instances of Fact might be given to the like purpose II. Whatever tends to the populating of a Kingdom tends to the emprovement of it The former Proposition being granted I suppose this will not be denyed and of the means viz. good Laws whereby any Kingdom may be populated and consequently enriched is in effect the substance and design of all my foregoing Discourse to which for avoiding repitition I must pray the Reader 's retrospection III. That most Nations in the civilized parts of the World are more or less Rich or Poor propoâ—tionable to the paucity or plenty of their People This third is a consequent of the two former Propositions and the whole World is a witness to the Truth of it The seven united Provinces are certainly the most populous tract of Land in Christendom and for their bigness undoubtedly the richest England for its bigness except our Forrests Wastes and Commons which by our own Laws and Customs are bared from Improvement I hope is yet a more populous Country than France and consequently richer I say in proportion to its bigness Itaâ—y in like proportion more populous than France and richer and France more populous and rich than Spain c. IV. I do not agree that our People in England are in any considerable
yet retain a sufficient number to defend the Kingdom and cultivate our Lands at home I answer first The bigness of Armies is not alwayes a certain Indication of the numerousness of a Nation but sometimes rather of the nature of the Government and Distrubation of the Lands as for instance Where the Prince and Lords are owners of the whole Territory although the People be thin the Armies upon occasion may be very great as in East-India Turkey and the Kingdoms of Fesse and Morocco where Taffelet was lately said to have an Army of one hundred and fifty or two hundred thousand men although every body knows that Country hath as great a scarcety of people as any in the World But since Free-holders are so much encreased in England the servile Tenures altered doubtless it is more difficult as well as more chargeable to draw great numbers of men into foreign Wars 2. Since the Introduction of the new Artillery of Powder Shot and Fire-Arms in the World all War is become as much rather an expence of Money as Men and success attends those that can most longest spend Money rather than men and consequently Princes Armies in Europe are become more proportionable to their Purses then to the Numbers of their People VI. That all Colonies and foreign Plantations do endamage their Mother-Kingdoms whereof the Trades of such Plantations are noâ— confined to their said Mother Kingdoms by good Laws and severe Execution of those Laws 1. The practice of all the Governments of Europe witness to the truth of this Proposition The Danes keep the Trade of Izland to themselves The Dutch Surrenham and all their Settlements in East-India The French St Christophers and their other Plantations in the West-Indies The Portugeeze Brazil and all the Coasts thereof The Spaniards all their vast Terriories upon the Main in the West Indies and many Islands there and our own Laws seem to design the like as to all our Plantations in New-England Virginia Barbadoes c. although we have not yet arrived to a compleat and effectual Execution of those Laws 2. Plantations being at first furnished and afterwards successively supplied with People from their Mother Kingdoms and people being Riches that loss of people to the Mother Kingdoms be it more or less is certainly a damage except the employment of those People abroad do cause the employment of so many more at home in their Mother Kingdoms and that can never be except the Trade be restrained to their Mother Kingdom which will not be doubted by any that understands the next Proposition viz. VII That the Dutch will reap the greatest advantage by all Colonies issuing from any Kingdom in Europe whereof the Trades are not so strictly confined to their proper Mother Kingdoms This Proposition will readily be assented unto by any that understand the nature of low Interest and low Customs where the Market is free they shall be sure to have the Trade that can sell the best penny-worths that buy dearest and sell cheapest which Nationally speaking none can do but those that Money at the lowest rate of Interest and pay the least Customs which are the Dutch and this is the true cause why before the Act of Navigation there went ten Dutch Ships to Barbadoes for one English VIII That the Dutch though they thrive so exceedingly in Trade will in probability never endamage this Kingdom by the growth of their Plantations 1. In fact the Dutch never did much thrive in planting for I do remember they had about twenty Years past Tabago a most fruitful Island in the West-Indies apt for the production of Sugars and all other Commodities that are propagated in Barbadoes and as I have heard Planters aâ—firm better accomodated with Rivers for Water-Mills which are of great use for grinding of the Canes this Island is still in their possession and Corasoa and some others and about sixteen or seventeen Years past they were so eager upon the Improvement of it that besides what they did in Holland they set up Bills upon the Exchange in London proffering great Priveledges to any that would Transport themselves thither Notwithstanding all which to this day that Island is not the tenth part so well improved as Iamaica hath been by the English within these five Years neither have the Dutch at any other time or in any other parts of the World made any emprovement by Planting what they do in the East-Indies being only by War Trade and Building of Fortified Towns and Castles upon the Sea-Coasts to secure the sole Commerce of the Places and with the people which they Conquer not by clearing breaking up of the Ground and Planting as the English have done This I take to be a strong Argument of Fact to my present purpose 2. The second Argument to prove this Proposition is from Reason I have before-mentioned the several Accidents and Methods by which our Foreign Plantations have from time to time come to be peopled and emproved Now the Dutch being void of those Accidents are destitute of the occasions to emprove Foreign Plantations by diging and delving as the English have done For 1 st In Holland their Interest and Custom being low together with their other Encouragements to Trade mentioned in the former part of this Treatise gives Employment to all their people born and bred amongst them and also to multitudes of Foreigners 2. Their giving Liberty or at least Connivance to all Religions as well Jews and Roman-Catholicks or Sectaries gives security to all their Inhabitants at home and expels none nor puts a necessity upon any to Banish themselves upon that account 3. Their careful and wonderful providing for and employing their Poor at home puts all their People utterly out of danger of Starving or necessity of Stealing and consequently out of fear of Hanging I might add to this that they have not for a long time had any Civil War among them and from the whole conclude that the Dutch as they did never so they never can or will thrive by planting and that our English Plantations abroad are a good effect proceeding from many evil causes IX That neither the French Spaniards or Portugeeze are much to be feared on the account of Planting not for the same but for other Reasons That the French have had footing in the West-Indies almost as long as the English is certain and that they have made no considerable Progress in Planting is as certain and finding it so in fact I have been often exercising my thoughts about enquiry into the reason thereof which I attribute especially to two First because France being an absolute Government hath not until very lately given any countenance or encouragement to Navigation and Trade Secondly and principally because the French Settlements in the West-Indies have not been upon Free-Holders as the English are but in subjection to the French West-India Company which Company being under the French King as Lord Proprietor of the places they settle