committed so many outrages and such high injustice that Theramenes one of their own body one of the thirty professed his publique dislike of those proceedings Then was he accused as a Traitor to them and though it was a priviledge of the three thousand that none of them should suffer death by the sentence of the thirty but according to accustomed processe and tryall yet Critias wip't his name out of that number and so reduced him to their tryall Theramenes pleads for himselfe they ought to look upon his as a common case their names might as easily be blotted out he advises them to be very wary in making such a president which might ruine them and their posterity The issue was this Particular men being over-awed by their fears thought it their wisest way to hold their peace since if they should speak in his behalfe there was little hopes to redeeme him but great probability to ruine themselves So they chose rather to expose themselves to those future inconveniences which possibly might not come upon them then hazard a present danger By this advantage the Tyrants prevailed and condemned him to dye The things taken from the King at Hull were Armes which are of more danger then other kind of chattels By the same Law all that part of the Kingdom which is not confided in may be disarmed nay why may not their mony be taken too upon probable feare they may buy armes with it The Subject is in a miserable condition that is lyable to be undone as often as they please to be fearfull It is so farre from excusing it aggravates the fact to take away the Kings Armes that is the meanes whereby he may seize what ever else belongs unto His Majesty The Law of this Kingdom hath only intrusted the Prince with Armes so that the Subject ought not to be arraied trained and mustered but by His Commission But some determination must be supream and therefore either the Kings power and trust must be guided by the discretion of the Parliament or else the Parliament and all other Courts must be overruled by the Kings meer discretion No necessity of either For in cases of this nature which he confesses to be extraordinary if the King and Parliament dissent things must be at a stand and the Subject must be obedient to the ordinary Law The case of Ireland as it is laid down by His Majesty is unanswerable and therefore he is forced to extreme shifts being unable to say any thing materiall and yet unwilling to hold his peace England and Ireland are one and the same Dominion there is as true and intimate an union betwixt them as betwixt England and Wales If this were so Irish Barons would be English Peeres and English Peeres would have a right to vote in Irish Parliaments Besides all lawes here enacted would stand in full force in Ireland as they doe in the Kings dominion of Wales Though the major part should vote a thing yet if it be disliked here they would want authority to over-rule the thing so voted For the reason why the minor part in all suffrages subscribes to the major is that blood may not be shed for in probability the major part will prevaile This is a good reason for such a contract that the minor part should subscribe but after such agreement in States justice laies an obligation on them so to doe upon his grounds if the lesser part in Parliament though never so few can make it appeare the greater part of the Kingdom are of their opinion the major part ought to subscribe to the minor Nay if at any time the major part of Ireland joyning with the minor part of England make a major of the whole then the major part in our Parliament must sit downe He takes no notice of the other case suppose the malignant party should be a major part of both Houses which His Majesty shewes how very probably it might have been and were there a new election it is not impossible the Counties should send up the greater part of such men as he calls malignant would he think the King bound to consent to all such alterations as they should propose Some scattering reasons are laid down concerning the Militia which are but repetitions of what I have formerly answered A Faction is said to have prevailed upon a major part by cunning force absence or accident He argues thus against it if by cunning we must suppose the King's party in Parliament has lost all their Law policy and subtilty The reason why they are over-borne may be this not because they have lesse Law but more Honesty which will not permit them to maintain a good cause by ill meanes We all know in how great stead those piae fraudes holy falshoods and religious untruths stood the Church of Rome though there were such who laid down better reasons for the contrary opinions yet truth prevailed slowly and with a few only because the minds of most were craftily prepossest with prejudice against it begotten and nourished by fained stories The dispute proceeded upon very unequall termes for the Roman party gave themselves the liberty of taking all advantages whereas their adversaries were forced to betray a good cause out of meer ingenuity they had none of their side who could lye We ought to examine whether this policy work not at least in the beginning till a discovery of their falshoods is made and the people is undeceived the same effects in a civill State whether there are not such things as fraudes pretended to be reipublicae salutares which have so strong an influence on the understandings of many that they can submit to the votes of some who have insinuated themselves into their affections against the cleer reasons of others whom they have been taught causelesly to suspect How easy is it to deceive by giving in false informations of dangers from abroad If some more scrupulous then to be abused and led away by light reports inquire after the hand that they may judge of the probability of the intelligence according to the faith and credit of the relator they must be satisfied with this the informer desires his name should be concealed Pour l'eviterâ—le tiltre d'espion It cannot be by force because they have no army visible A thing is said in Law to be done by force not only when men actually suffer if they make use of their liberty and refuse to satisfy the passion and humor of some but then also when they have just grounds of feare for this works on the mind as strongly as the other on the body And therefore Seneca tells us stating this point of freedom vim majorem metum excipio quibus adhibitis electio perit and Cicero nec quicquam aequitati tam infestum est quà m convocati homines armati It remaines then we examine whether the names of many gentlemen were not openly read in tumults whether they were not posted with directions to
AN ANSWER TO A PRINTED BOOK INTITULED OBSERVATIONS UPON SOME OF HIS MAIESTIES LATE ANSWERS and Expresses Printed by His MAIESTIES Command AT OXFORD By LEONARD LICHFIELD Printer to the Vniversity 1642. AN ANSWER TO A PRINTED BOOKE INTITULED OBSERVATIONS Vpon some of His MAIESTIES late Answers and Expresses IN this discourse concerning Regall authority it is needlesse to wast time in declaring the originall since it is granted to be at least mediately from God Who intending the good of mankind which was not to be obtained without preservation of order hath therefore commanded all to be subject to the lawes of society not only for wrath but for conscience sake not only whil'st they enjoy the benefit of Governours but likewise whilst they doe suffer under some accidentall abuses The reason of which obligation may be this we cannot reap the constant fruits of an established policy unlesse by compact we submit our selves to some possible inconveniences Hence it follows after a people hath by solemne contract devested it selfe of that power which was primarily in them they cannot upon what pretence soever without manifest breach of divine ordinance and violation of publique faith resume that authority which they have placed in another to the end that being united in one it may thence receive strength be enabled to protect all as also to prevent those fatall divisions which attend multitudes endued with equall power where almost every one upon reall or fancyed injuries undertakes to right himselfe and although before positive constitution this is not absolutely unjust yet reason informes us it is most fit by some agreement to part with this native right in consideration of greater good and prevention of greater evills which will ensue and to restraine our selves from being judges in our own cause It followes moreover though the people should conceave they might live more happily if the Kings prerogative were more bounded his revenews diminished and it is no hard matter to perswade them to think so to effect this wants not so much rhetorique as malice since what is taken from the King turnes to their present profit though they oft-times dearely pay for it by disabling their King to provide for their security it were high sinne to entrench upon his rights For hereby they loosen the very sinewes of government by receding from that compact which crafty men out of their own private interests perswade them they might have made more advantagious It doth no way prejudice Regall authority that God is the author of Aristocraticall he may adde Democraticall power also If these were not lawfull formes of government their execution of judgement would be sinne and whilst they punish they would commit murder Yet in these kindes we may observe more or lesse perfection according to the aptnes they beare to those ends which States ayme at which are safety and plenty To haue riches and not be able to defend them is to expose our selves as a prey to be safe and poore is to be securely miserable Besides if we had leisure to look back to the Originall of Governments we might finde that God was the immediate donor of Regall power whereas other formes referre to him onely as confirming the peoples Act. This the Author cunningly dissembles and therefore treading in the steps of Mariana and Buchanan sworn enemies to Monarchy he presents us with J know not what rude multitudes living without lawes without government till such time as out of the sense of their sufferings which evidently proceeded from this want they were inforced to fly to such remedies However this fancy might passe for currant among such heathen Polititians as were ignorant of the originall of the world dreamed that the first men were bred as Insects out of the mud of the earth whence that frequent mention in their writings of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Aborigenes yet we who are satisfied with the history of the creation cannot imagine that Anarchy was before a regulated Government and that God who had digested one Chaos into order should leave the most noble creatures in a worse confusion unlesse we will deny to Adam either that power or providence which is naturall and ordinary in a father over his children and granted by this observer pag. 18. to be more then the King can challenge over his people We find in this infancy of the world upon the multiplying of mankinde Colonies were sent out and a City was built by Cain Those long lived Patriarchs had this advantage by begetting a numerous posterity they might people a Nation out of their own loynes and be saluted Patres patriae without a metaphor the same being their subjects and their children In relation to this it was properly said by the Ancients a Kingdome was but a larger family Aristotle tells us a Regall power belonged to the Paterfamilias and accordingly Homer I. 1. pol. c. 8. Odyssâ—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So that it was then no more possible in right for such a people to choose their rulers then to choose their Fathers Thus Regall power sprang first from Paternall and Trogus made a truer observation then this author when he said Principio rerum as well as gentium nationumque imperium penes reges erat And therefore may challenge more from God nature then other formes of government and certainly it hath received larger elogies from God in Scripture then any other can pretend to To say nothing of the Kings of Israel who are confest by the adversary to be of divine institution very heathen Monarchs are acknowledged by God himselfe to be no lesse Where he calls Nebuchadrezzar his servant Ier. 43.10 and Cyrus his annointed Es 45.1 Notwithstanding this to the end I may give the clearest satisfaction I have thought it fit not to take advantage from the excellency of Monarchy whether in regard to its antiquity as being not much younger then man himselfe or the severall commodities thereof For the truth is it were no excuse for such endeavours of innovation were it the most imperfect governement I shall therefore take into consideration this Authors grounds in the method they lye upon which he would overthrow so ancient and well founded a monarchye His first exception is The King attributeth the originall of his Royalty to God and the Law making no mention of the grant consent or trust of man therein A groundles cavill wheÌ„ God is first named under what notion can be apprehend Law but as an agreement of the people deriving their power and committing the Kingdom to his trust within few lines he confutes himselfe telling us that Law which the King mentioneth is not to be understood to be any speciall ordinance sent from heaven by the ministery of Angels or Prophets as amongst the Iewes it sometimes was It can be nothing else amongst Christians but the pactions and agreements of such and such politique corporations if so he might have spared this observation That Dominion which
French Pesant to his Prince There may be reasonable motives why a people should consent to slavery as if in danger of a potent enemy they could hire none on gentler conditions to undertake their defence or if reduced to extream want they had not wherewith to sustain themselves they may very probably like Esau passe away their birthright liberty We finde an example of each case in holy Scripture The Egyptians parted with all their mony and cattle and past away the right to their lands and became servants to Pharaoh Gen. 47. upon this condition that Joseph would afford them bread Jos 9. And the Gibeonites bought their lives of the children of Israel with the price of their liberty and thought they had a cheap purchase From the word trust used by his Majesty he gathers the King does admit his interest in the crown in part conditionate No ground for this collection for there may be a trust and that is so much the greater if free from condition But the thing is true de facto in some sense and his Majestie hath alwaies acknowledged He is bound to maintain the rights and liberty of the subject Yet we must not so understand it as if the right to His Kingdome were so conditionate that it were capable of forfeiture upon a not exact performance of covenant As for the word elegerit whether it be future or past it skills not much If he take notice of the conclusion deduced thence he may find as much difference between the Tenses as between Democracy Monarchy But the consuetudines which cannot refer to the future undeniably evinces it was meant of the time past and the oath in english is free from all ambiguity rendring consuetudines quas vulgus elegerit by rightfull customes which the commonalty of this your Kingdome have I may adde the different manner of the Kings answer as it is set down in their Remonstrance Where to other questions which respect the future the King answers in the future in this as referring to what is past He answers per verba de praesenti concedo permitto The King is bound to consent to new lawes if they be necessary as well as defend the old His Majestie never thought otherwise but He is not bound to an implicite faith to believe all necessary which is pretended to be so The word elegerit if it be in the preterperfecttense yet shewes that the peoples election had been the ground of ancient lawes and customes and why the peoples election in Parliament should not be now of as great moment as ever J cannot discover The election there spoken of is the election of the diffusive not of any representative body and that with the tacite consent of the Prince and so of much other authority and for the representative their ancient right is not denyed no law shall be abrogated none enacted without their assent But there is a mean between doing nothing and all The result of all is our Kings cannot be said to have so unconditionate and high a propriety in all the subjects lives liberties and possessions or in any thing else to the crown appertaining as subjects have in the Kings dignity The King pretends not to have any unconditionate proprietie in the subjects lives liberties and possessions he would onely be allowd it in his own And what he can mean by subjects having an unconditionate and high propriety in the Kings dignity surpasses my understanding It may seem to speak this wicked doctrine that subjects may dispose of the Soveraignty as they please for this right an absolute propriety gives If the King had such high right as subjects it were not lawfull or naturall for him to expose his life and fortune for his country How is it lawfull for subjects then to doe so The people have as great nay greater obligation of exposing their lives for the King This appeares by the Protestation as also by the ancient oath of fealty at the Coronation Je deviene vostre Liege de vie de biens c. Sir Hen Spelman gives us a form of sacramentum ligiantiae still in use Tu I. S. jurabis quòd ab ista die in antea eris sidelis legalis leaux domino nostro Regi suis haeredibus fidelitatem legalitatem Leaultie ei portabis de vita de membro de terreno honore quòd tu eorum malum aut damnum nec noveris nec audiveris quod non defendes i.e. prohibebis pro posse tuo ita Deus te adjuvet I cannot imagine any possible colour for such an inference I would sooner make a rope of sand hang together may not a tyrant expose his life in defence of his slave without breach of any law He doth but defend his owne goods â—xod 21.1 for the Scripture calls his slave his money His owne instance confutes him bonus pastor ponit vitam pro ovibus suis for it is evident this good pastor was our Saviour absolute Lord of his flock Parliaments have the same efficient cause as Monarchyes if not higher What higher then the law of God and of the whole land yes for in truth the whole Kingdome is not so properly the author as the essence itselfe of Parliaments just as a Proctour is the essence of him for whom he appeares or an Ambassador is essentially the King But suppose it true this declares the materiall cause proves no greater dignity in the efficient But the reason is to come by the former rule he had no good fortune with that before 't is magis tale because we see ipsum quid quod efficit tale what magis tale in essences or can a thing be magis tale then it selfe This I conceave is beyond the sense of the house However this confession and the rule quod efficit tale est magis tale subjects the Parliament to the people as well as the same rule would doe the King and proves as well that the Parliament is vniversis minus though it be singulis majus Parliaments have also the same finall cause as Monarchyes if not greater what greater then salus populi nay then to promote the Subject to all kind of Politicall happines which he told us was the end and duty of a King His reason is publique safety and liberty could not be so effectually provided for by Monarchs till Parliaments were constituted This proves not the end higher but shewes they are good helpes in government which is readily granted Two things especially are aimed at in Parliaments not to be attained to by other meanes Not so easily attained indeed but certainly many Kingdomes have enjoyed a most high degree of civill happines under arbitrary Monarchs who knew no Parliaments Such as have abundantly satisfied the inter est of the people in all weighty affaires advised with the ablest counsellors Two other ends might have been named as essentiall as those which are to supply his Majesties
We knew how to obey when such seditious fellowes out of their Pulpits did dare to strike even at the highest and with more boldnesse because with lesse danger as meaning to fight with other mens hands If the King could be more wisely or faithfully advised by any other Court or if His single judgment were to be preferd before all advice whatsoever it were not onely vaine but extreamly inconvenient that the whole Kingdome should be troubled to make elections and that the parties elected should attend the publike businesse There are other Ends besides this for which they are called together yet this is one main end as appears by the Kings writ and therefore He never refused to advise with them The usuall but not the onely forme of the Kings Answers to such Bills as they were not willing to passe which I beleeve was never objected to any Prince before to His Majesty le Roy s' avisera proves that after the advice of this His great Councell He is yet at liberty to advise further with persons or occasions as His owne wisdome shall think meet But this Author will by no meanes take notice that the use of Counsell is to perswade not to compell as if a man in a businesse of great concernment might not very prudently consult with many friends and yet at last follow the advice perhaps of one if it appeare more proportionable to the end he aymes at Not so because the many eyes of so many choise Gentlemen out of all parts see more then fewer This Argument I beleeve will conclude too much and therefore nothing at all For the same reason which denyes a liberty of dissenting to the King that is such a number who see more because they are more may deny it to the House of Pears in comparison of the House of Commons and to that House too in comparison of the People and so both King and Lords and Commons are voted out of Parliament Besides experience shews this rule is not generally true for I dare say if we ask almost any Parliament man he will tell us upon the reading of a Bill sometimes one man in the House hath found more faults and urged more just exceptions then three hundred would have been able to espy There have been Parliaments wherein Acts have been made to remedy former mistakes Nay whole Parliaments have been repeal'd and declared Null by succeeding Parliaments so 21. Rich. 2. cap. 12. does voyd and disanull all the Statutes made in a former Parliament held 11. Rich. 2. so 1. Hen. 4. cap. 3. repeales this whole Parliament of 21. Rich. 2. So 39. Hen. 6. In a Statute made at Westminster We find a totall repeal of a Parliament held at Coventry the yeare before as made against all good faith and conscience c the Acts and Statutes laboured by the conspiracy procurement and excitation of some ill disposed Persons for the introduction and accomplishment of their rancour and inordinate Covetise So 49. Hen. 6. A Parliament held at Westminster is made Null in regard diverse matters had there been treated and wrought by the laboured exhortation of Persons not fearing God nor willing to be under the rule of any earthly Prince but inclined of sensuall appetite to have the whole governance of the Realme under their owne power and domination These are the testimonies that one great Councell bestowes upon another I could urge the same Arguments in the very same words onely â—â—anging a Lay-councell into an Ecclesiasticall Councell and upon equall necessity require the King to assent to what ever they shall vote I make no doubt the Author will in this case give him leave to make his conscience his guide and if he doe he will think his Arguments deserve no further answer The few private ends they can have to deprave them must needs render their counsells more faithfull impartiall and religious then any other Certainly they may have as many as any other private Subject and that this Kingdome hath seldome heretofore suffered under the prosecution of private interest is to be imputed to the excellent policy which he endeavours to overthrow They are strangely transported with the love of a popular state who can so overrule their understandings as to force themselves to think the members of it may not be extreamly subject to ambition which would easily prompt them to alter the good old wayes of bestowing Offices and collating Honours to covetousnesse which would tempt them to draw the determination of causes out of the ordinary Courts of Iustice to hatred which would make them prosecute their enimies with bitter violence and upon the least suspition of a fault to punish them first by imprisonments and to prove them guilty at leasure to affection which would make them shield their friends from being questioned though their corruptions were notorious to all the world The Bishop of Durham his case speaks home to the businesse we are told in the 3. c. of the 2. Parliament held 1. Mar. how the Bishoprick of Durham was dissolved in a former Parliament 7. Edw. 6. which was compassed and brought to passe by the sinister labour great malice and corrupt means of certain ambitious persons then being in Authority rather for to enrich themselves and their friends with a great part of the possessions of the said Bishoprick then upon just occasion or Godly zeale Let the world judge whether this Age may not be subject to the same temptation and whether a desire to share the means of the Church may not have as strong operations as formerly Nothing more common in the Roman story then the bribing of the Senate This made Jugurtha cry out who by his guifts governed their Parliament O Vrbem venalem maturè perituram si emptorem invenerit Had it been our unhappinesse to have lived in a popular state except they are altered from what Histories deliver them we should have found injustice a trade and that the most compendious way to wealth was to buy no land but of the Judges Tacitus gives us a full character of what we might well feare When the government of Rome was changed into a Monarchy under Augustus the Provinces were very well contented Suspecto Senatûs populique imperio obcertamen Potentium avaritiam Magistratuum invalido legum auxilio quae vi ambitu postremò pecuniâ turbabantur They must evidently have more private ends then the King who may be mislead upon wantonnesse but they must struggle with solid temptations desire of riches desire of honours there being an emptinesse in them whereas He is full and satisfied Si violandum est Jus regni causâ violandum est the greatest motive that can be a hope to share in Soveraignty the Parliament to rule the King and they to rule the Parliament We have ever found enmity and antipathy betwixt the Court and the Country but never any till now betwixt the representatives and the body of the Kingdom represented How
betwixt them and those many that intrusted them are not they satisfied with their carriage If this were never till now it may seem to be upon some causes which never were till now Except Mr Hollis his rich Widdow I never heard that promotion came to any man by serving in Parliament What service commended Mr Hollis to the rich Widdow I cannot judge this I know if the ninteen propositions had past it would have been no newes to heare of many promoted and they might easily have redeemed the time that they have lost and challenged so much greater honours because they could not have them sooner It would have been rare to have heard of any advanced out of Parliament this would have bred good stirring blood in the Countrey the Gentry would have justled to get in at the common gate of Offices and Honours The Lords and Commons ought not to be deserted unlesse we will allow that the King may chuse whether He will admit of any Councell at all or no in the disposing of our Lives Lands and Liberties By Law He cannot He will not refuse to hearken to His great Councell neither doth He challenge to Himselfe any right of disposing of your Lives Lands and Liberties but will protect you and them according to the established Lawes He only sayes He is not bound to renounce his own understanding or to contradict His own conscience for any Counsellors sake whatsoever He must satisfy that before their desires nor must that which they call policy give Law to that which He knowes to be religion T is granted in things visible and certain that judge which is a sole judge and has competent power to see his own judgement executed ought not to determine against the light of nature or evidence of fact Sole judge or not alters not the case neither is there any restraint only to visible and certain things in the discharging of a trust the conscience must be guided by a morall certainty or high probability The sinne of Pilate was that when he might have saved our Saviour from an unjust death yet upon acousations contradictory in themselves contrary to strange revelations from Heaven he would suffer Innocence to fall and passe sentence of death meerly to satisfy a blood-thirsty multitude The sinne of Pilate all confesse hainous yet if examined according to his rule of justice he must either condemne his own judgement or absolve his For first concerning strange revelations to the contrary all that I meet with is this his wife sent unto him saying Mat. 27.19 have thou nothing to doe with that just man for I have suffered many things this day in a dream because of him What was revelation to her was but a single tradition to him she was obliged to beleeve God speaking to her he was not bound to believe a woman speaking to him he might think she might be willing to deceive out of naturall compassion strong in that sexe or might be deceived her selfe calling that inspiration which was fancy That it was true de facto makes nothing against him for a Iudge he knew was to be guided by proofes he that will passe sentence according to what any shall pretend to have from Heaven may well deserve to goe to Hell for it 2ly Concerning accurations contradictory in themselves he saw that plainly and therefore professes their testimonies invalid Ioh. 19.6 I find no fault in him Mat. 27.18 But it may be objected he knew that for envy they had delivered him That indeed was his private opinion which the Iewes perswade him was to be overruled by their authority and unanimous consent This therefore seems to be the case Pilate thinks it not enough that all the chief Priests and Elders of the people cry out against him as a malefactor and enemy to the state he requires some proofes Ioh. 18.29 they returned this answer v. 30. if he were not a malefactor we would not have delivered him unto thee Populisalus the Common-wealth was in danger not did it stand with the honour of that Assembly to give more particular reasons At length he is resolved to passe his assent and yeelds to their votes upon these grounds His single judgement was not to be preferred before all advice then many eyes of all the choycest of the people see more then his and many spy faults which he could not find besides there was a Maxime and it was grounded upon nature and which the Author saies was never 'till this Parliament withstood therefore then in full force that a community can have no private ends to mislead it J shall only adde the case can no way be varyed though they had not a joynt judiciall power for if he thought him innocent and knew he had such a right that except he passed sentence against him he was not condemned and ought not to suffer it had been as high a fault to concurre with them in their injustice Not so because if one Iudge on the Bench dissent from three or one Iuror at the barre from eleven they may submit to the major number though perhaps lesse skilfull then themselves without imputation of guilt The Oath of the Iurors is this as we find in Mr Lamberd Se virum aliquem innocentem haud condemnaturos sontenâ—ve absoluturos Laying their hands upon the holy Gospell every man swears he will not condemne the innocent nor absolve the guilty The words of their Oath now in use speak the same sense They sweare that they will doe right betwixt party and party according to evidence given in wherefore they ought to consult information by witnesses not their fellowes votes How his casuists will satisfy a mans conscience when he violates this Oath I know not 'T is true in many cases there may be a legall submission but then the law doth not require a personall act contrary to conscience but provides for the preservation of the innocency of the dissenting parties by making the act of the major part have the force of the whole according to that Refertur ad vniversos quod publicè fit per majorem partem Jf so in Law much more in State where the very satisfying a multitude some times in things not otherwise expedient may prove not only expedient but necessary for the setling of peace and ceasing of strife True if in Law not otherwise a Governour must not displease God to please the people The second thing must be ordered according to the Rulers prudence For many times granting an unreasonable request doth not satisfy but encrease their desires And whereas the more he gives he becomes the lesse able so the more they receive they become the more craving That the Militia and Magazine of Hull c. should be intrusted into such hands as were in the peoples good esteeme conscience and understanding could plead nothing against it Understanding and consequently conscience very much if the King had more distrust of some and more confidence