silence wee know them both this by a the eare and that by the eye but not by any formes of theirs but priuation of formes Let none then seeke to know that of mee which I know not my selfe vnlesse hee will learne not to know what hee must know that hee cannot know for the things that we know by priuation and not by forme are rather if you can conceit mee knowne by not knowing and in knowing them are still vnknowne For the bodyes eye coursing ouer bodyly obiects sees no darkenesse but when it ceaseth to see And so it belongs to the eare and to no other sence to know silence which notwithstanding is not knowne but by not hearing So our intellect doth speculate the intelligible formes but where they faile it learneth by not learning for who can vnderstand his faults This I know that Gods nature can neuer faile in time nor in part but all things that are made of nothing may decay which doe not-with-standing more good as they are more essentiall for then doe they some-thing when they haue efficient causes but in that they faile and fall off and doe euill they haue deficient causes and what doe they then but vanity L. VIVES BY the a eare Contraries are knowne both by one methode say the Philosophers and the primatiue is knowne onely by seperation of the knowledge of the Positiue Of the peruerse loue whereby the soule goeth from the vnchangeable to the changeable good CHAP. 8. I Know besides that wherein the vicious will is resident therein is that done which if the will would not should not bee done and therefore the punishment falls iustly vpon those acts which are wills and not necesâ—…ities It is not the a thing to which wee fall but our fall that is euill that is wee fall to no euill natures but against natures order from the highest to the lower and therefore euill Couetise is no vice in the gold but in him that peruersly leaueth iustice to loue gold whereas iustice ought alwayes to bee preferred before ritches Nor is lust the fault of sweete bautious bodies but the soules that runnes peruersly to bodily delights neglecting temperance which scornes all company with those prepares vs vnto far more excellent and spirituall pleasures Vaine-glory is not a vice proper to humaine praise but the soules that peruersely affecteth praise of men not respecting the consciences testimonie Nor is pride his vice that giueth the power but the soules peruersly louing that power contemning the iustice of the most mighty By this then he that peruersly affected a good of nature though he attaine it is euill himselfe in this good and wretched being depriued of a better L. VIVES THE a thing It is not the action but the quality and manner thereof that is vicious said Plato Whether he that made the Angels natures made their wills good also by the infusion of his loue into them through his holy spirit CHAP. 9. SEeing therefore there is no naturall nor a essentiall cause effecting the euill of will but that euill of mutability of spirit which depraueth the good of nature ariseth from it selfe being effected no way but by falling from God which falling also hath no cause If we say also that good wills haue no efficient cause we must beware least they bee not held vncreated and coeternall with God But seeing that the Angels them-selues were created how can their wills but bee so also Besides being created whether were they created with them or without them first if with them then doubtlesse hee that made one made both and b as soone as they were created they were ioyned to him in that loue wherein they were created And therein were they seuered from the other because they kept their good-wills still and the other were changed by falling in their euill will from that which was good whence they needed not haue fallen vnlesse they had listed But if the good Angels were at first with-out good wills and made those wills in them-selues without Gods working were they therefore made better of them-selues then by his creation God forbid For what were they without good wills but euill Or if they were not euill because they had no euill wills neither nor fell from that which they had not how-so-euer they were not as yet so good as when they had gotten good wills But now if they could not make them-selues better then God the best workeman of the world had made them then verily could they neuer haue had good wills but by the operation of the creator in them And these good wills effecting their conuersion not to them-selues who were inferiours but to the supreme God to adhere vnto him and bee blessed by fruition of him what doe they else but shew that the best will should haue remained poore in desire onely but that he who made a good nature of nothing capable of himselfe e made it better by perfecting it of himselfe first hauing made it more desirous of perfection for this must bee examined whether the good Angels created good will in them-selues by a good will or a badde or none if by none then none they created If by a badde how can a badde will produce a good if by a good then had they good wills already And who gaue them those but he that created them by a good will that is in that chast loue of their adherence to him both forming them nature and giuing them grace Beleeue it therefore the Angelles were neuer without good will that is Gods loue But those that were created good and yet became euill by their proper will which no good nature can do but in a voluntary defect from good that and not the good being the cause of euill either d receiued lesse grace from the diuine loue then they that persisted therein or if the had equall good at their creation the one fell by the euill wills and the other hauing further helpe attained that blisse from which they were sure neuer to fal as we shewed in our last booke Therefore to gods due praise wee must confesse that the diffusion of Gods loue is beâ—…owed as well vpon the Angells as the Saints by his holy spirit bestowed vpon them and that that Scripture It is good for me to adhere vnto God was peculiar at first to the holy Angells before man was made This good they all participate with him to whome they adhere and are a holy citty a liuing sacrifice and a liuing temple vnto that God Part whereof namely that which the Angells shall gather and take vp from this earthly pilgrimage vnto that society being now in the flesh vpon earth or dead and resting in the e secret receptacles of soules how it had first original must I now explaine as I did before of the Angels For of Gods worke The first man came all man kind as the scripture saith whose authority is iustly admired throughout the earth and those
Sarpedon from death the fates constrayning him to die and Neptune greeues that hee coulâ—… not hinder Vlisses his returne home and reuenge the blindnesse of his sonne Ciclops Fate hauing decreede the contrary and Iupiter in Ouid saith Tu sola insuperabile satum Nate mouere putas Daughter'tis onely thou Canst mooue relentlesse fate Saith he And a little after Quae â—…que conâ—…ursum caeli nec fulminiâ—… iram Nec â—…tuunt vllas tuta atque aeterna ruinas Which feare nor thunders gods nor powers infernall But stand vnaw'd vnmooued and eternall There were some that held nothing casuall but all fixed certaine and immutable Democritus Empedocles and Heraclitus were all of this opinion which many others maintained after them as others did the positions of Epicurus Lucane Phars lib. 2. declareth both the opinions in these words Siue parens rerum primùm informia regna Materiamque rudem flammâ cedente recepit Fiâ—…xit in aeternum causas quà cuncta coâ—… cet Se quoque lege tenens secula iussa â—…rentem Fatorum immoto diuisit limite mundum Siue nihil positum est sed sors incerta vagatur Fértque refertque vices habent mortalia casum c. Or natures God when first he bound the fire And wrought this maâ—…e into one forme intire Forged eternall causes all effecting Himâ—…elfe and all the worlds estate subiecting To destenies inchangeable directing Oâ—… bene our states in fortunes gouernance To rise or fall and all by onely chance Fortune is often vsed for destenie and the euents of things which when they fall out as wee desire that we call Felicitie if contrary Infelicitie Thus much here more else-where b The will of God Of this by and by c A power of the starrrs wherein the Stoickes Plato and almost all the other Philosophers do place Fate following the Chaldees and Aegiptians to whom all the Mathematitians also doe giue their voyces d Some do seperate Some say the operation of the starres is a distinct power from the will of God and in attributing this vniuersall power to them exclude Gods prouidence from humaine affaires Besides there are that affirme that although God doe looke to the state of the world yet the starres haue their peculiar dominion in vs neuerthelesse So hold Manilius and Firmicus and the Poets most commonly Others subiect them all vnto the will of GOD omnipotent as Plato and the Stoikes doe affirming all their operations to bee but the praescript lawes of him e But if the starres Origen vpon that place of Genesis Let them be for signes Chapt. 1. vers 14. Saith that the starres doe signifie but effect nothing They are saith he as a booke opened wherein may bee read all things to come which may bee prooued by this that they haue often signified things past But this booke cannot bee read by any witte of man Plotine was of Origens opinion also denying the starres any acte in those things but onely signification Seneca speaking of the Starres saith they either cause or signifie the effects of all things but if they doe cause them what auaileth it vs to know that we cannot alter and if they but signifie them what good doth it thee to fore-see that thou canst not auoide f Mars in such Mars is a starre bloudie fiery and violent Being in the seuenth house saith Firmicus lib. 3. in a partise aspect with the Horoscope that is in the West hee portendeth huge mischieues stayning the natiuities with murthers and many other villanies g To grant them Hee alludeth vnto Tullies Chrysippus de Fato that would teach the Mathematicians how to speake in their art Of the mutuall simpathie and dissimilitude of health of body and many other accidents in twins of one birth CHAP. 2. CIcero a saith that Hippocrates that excellent Phisitian wrote that two children that were brethren falling sicke and the sicknesse waxing and waning in both alike were here-vpon suspected to be twinnes b And Posidonius a Stoike and one much affected to Astrologie laboureth to prooue them to haue bin borne both vnder one constellation and c conceiued both vnder one So that which the Phisitian ascribeth to the similitude of their temperatures of body the Astrologian attributes to the power and position of the starrs in their natiuities But truly in this question the Phisitians coniecture standeth vpon more probabilitie because their parents temperature might bee easily transfused into them both alike at their conception and their first growth might participate equally of their mothers disposition of body then being nourished both in one house with one nourishment in one ayre countrie and other things correspondent this now might haue much power in the proportionating of both their natures alike as Physicke will testifie Besides vse of one exercise equally in both might forme their bodies into a similitude which might very well admit all alterations of health alike and equally in both But to drawe the figure of heauen and the starres vnto this purity of passions it being likely that a great companie of the greatest diuersitie of affects that could bee might haue originall in diuerse parts of the world at one and the same time were a presumption vnpardonable For d we haue knowne two twinnes that haue had both diuerse fortunes and different sicknesses both in time and nature whereof mee thinkes Hipocrates giueth a very good reason from the e diuersitie of nourishment and exercise which might bee cause of different health in them yet that diuersitie was effected by their wills and elections at first and not by their temperature of body But neither Posidonius nor any patron of this fate in the starres can tell what to say in this case and doe not illude the single and ignorant with a discourse of that they know not for that they talke of the space of time between that point which they call the f Horoscope in both the twinnes natiuities it is either not so significant as the diuersitie of will acte manners and fortune of the twinnes borne doth require or else it is more significant then their difference of honors state nobilitie or meannesse will permit both which diuersities they place onely in the figure of the natiuitie But if they should be both borne ere the Horoscope were fully varied then would I require an vnitie in each particular of their fortunes which g cannot be found in any two twinnes that euer yet were borne But if the Horoscope be changed ere both bee borne then for this diuersitie I will require a h difference of parents which twins cannot possibly haue L. VIVES CIcero a saith I cannot remember where I beleeue in his booke De fato which is wonderfully mutilate and defectiue as we haue it now and so shall any one finde that will obserue it b Whom Posidonius A Rhodian and a teacher of Rhodes Hee was also at Rome a follower of Panaetius Cicero c conceiued both for the conception is of as
Creator But the causes voluntary God Angels Men and diuers other creatures haue often in their wil and power i If we may call that power a will by which the brute beastes flye their owne hurt and desire their good by Natures instinct That there is a will in Angels I doe absolutely affirme be they good whom we call Gods Angells or euill whome we call the diuels Angels fiends or diuels them-selues So men good and bad haue all their wills and hereby it is apparant that the efficient causes of all effects are nothing but the decrees of that nature which is The spirit of life Aire or wind is called a Spirit But because it is a body it is not the spirit of life But the spirit of life that quickneth all things is the Creator of all bodies and all created spirits this is God a spirit from eternity vncreated in his wil there is that height of power which assisteth the wills of the good spirits iudgeth the bad disposeth of al giuing power to whom he pleaseth and holding it from whome he list For as he is a Creator of all natures so is hee of all powers but not the giuer of all wills for wicked wills are not of him beeing against that nature which is of him So the bodyes are all subiect vnto diuers wills some to our owne wills that is the wills rather of men then of beasts som to the Angels but all to the will of God vnto whom al wills are subiect because they haue no power but what hee giueth them The cause then that maketh all and is not made it selfe is God The other causes do both effect and are effected such are all created spirits chiefly the reasonable ones The corporal causes which are rather effects then otherwise are not to be counted as efficient causes because they came but to do that which the will of the spirit within them doth inioine thē how then can that set order of causes in Gods foreknowledge depriue our wils of power seeing they bear such a sway amongst the very causes them-selues But k let Cicero rangle his fellowes that say this order is fatall or rather fate it selfe which we abhor because of the word chieflly being vsed in a false beliefe but wheras he denieth that God knoweth assuredly the set order of those causes we detest his assertion worse then the Stoiks do for he either denieth God which he indeuoreth vnder a false person in his bookes De n◅t de Or if he do acknowledge him yet in denying him this fore-knowledge he saith but as the foole said in his heart There is no God for if God want the praescience of all future euents hee is not God And therefore l our wills are of as much power as God would haue them and knew before that they should be and the power that they haue is theirs free to do what they shall do truly and freely because he fore-knew that they should haue this power and do these acts whose fore-knowledge cannot be deceiued wherefore if I list to vse the m word fate in any thing I would rather say that it belonged to the weaker and that will belonged to the higher who hath the other in his power rather then grant that our liberty of will were taken away by that sette order which the Stoikes after a peculiar phraze of their owne call fate L. VIVES EIther a in God De diuinat lib 2. where in a disputation with his brother Quintus he indeauoureth to ouerthrow diuination for which Q. had stood in the booke before For he saith that There is nothing so contrary to reason and constancy as fortune is so that mee thinkes God him-selfe should haue no fore-knowledge of those casuall euents For if he haue it must come so to passe as he knoweth and then it is not casuall but casuall euents there are and therefore there is no fore-knowledge of them This in the said place and much more pertaining to the explaining of this chapter which it sufficeth vs to haue pointed out b A fate to the Stars They all doe so but some giue fate the originall from them excluding God c Lucilius Balbus In the end of the book thus he concludeth This said we departed Velleius holding Cotta's disputation for the truer and I being rather inclined to Balbus suit d Of him-selfe For in his 2. booke hee speaketh him-selfe and confuteth his brothers assertions for diuination e Stoikes Of this in the next chapter f Vnlesse fate Var. de Ling. lat l. 8. The destinies giue a fortune to the childe at the birth and this is called fate of fari to speake Lucan lib. 9. Non vocibus vllis Numen eget dixitquesem◅l nascentibus auctor Quicquid scire licet The Deities neuer need Much language fate but once no more doth read The fortune of each birth It seemes hee borrowed this out of the Psalme heere cited or out of Iob. chap. 33. v. 14. Hee hath spoke once and hath not repeated it againe Both which places demonstrat the constancy of Gods reuealed knowledge by that his once speaking as the common interpretation is the which followeth in the Psalme these two things c. some refer to them which followeth That power belongeth c. Others to the two testaments The Thargum of the Chaldees commeth neere this later opinion saying God hath spoken one law and wee haue heard it twise out of the mouth of Moyses the great scribe vertue is before our God and thou Lord that thou wouldst be bountifull vnto the iust g For Tullies In his booke de fato following Carneades he setteth down three kinds of causes naturall arising from nature as for a stone to fal downward for the fire to burne Voluntary consisting in the free wills of men wherein it is necessary there be no precedent causes but that they be left free and Casuall which are hidden and vnknown in diuers euents Herein he is of the N◅turalists opinion that will haue nothing come to passe without a cause h Naturall Fire hath no other cause of heate a stone of heauynesse a man of reason procreation of like c. then the will of natures Creator who had hee pleased might haue made the fire coole the stone mount vpwards the man a brute beast or dead or vnable to beget his like i If we may cal Arist de anima l. 3. Putteth will only in reasonable creatures and appetite being that instinct wherby they desire or refuse any thing in beastes Will in creatures of reason is led by reason and accompanied by election or rather is election it selfe k But Cicero With the Stoikes l Our wills are God created our wils free and that because it was his will so they may make choyce of contraries yet cannot go against Gods predestination not questionlesse euer would although they could for sure it is that much might bee done which neuer shal so
otâ—… iâ—…â—…uffeth vp that is filleth one with vaine glory So then In the diuels is thâ—…â—…owledge without charity and thence they are puffed so big so proud that thâ—… 〈◊〉 honours which they well know to be Gods due they haue euer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…em-selues and as far as they can doe so still Now what power the 〈◊〉 oâ—… Câ—…â—…hat came in forme of a seruant hath against this diuels pride as men deserued â—…ered in their hearts mens wretched minds beeing diueleshly as yet puffed vppe can by no meanes because of their proud tumor compâ—…hend or conceiue L. VIVES GReeke a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the old greeke was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to know Thence came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the author of the great Etymology All knowing And 〈◊〉 of the same minde for their knowledge In Cratylo Capella followeth him and so â—…ers Lactantius also lib. 2. giues them this name for their vnderstanding And so doth â—…lcidius vpon Plato his Timaeus In what manner the Lord would make him-selfe knowne to the Diuells CHAP. 21. FOâ—… the diuels hadde this knowledge they could say to the Lord in the flesh 〈◊〉 haue we to do with thee O Iesus of Nazareth Art thou come to destroy vs 〈◊〉 time Here is a plaine knowledge without charity they feare to be plaâ—…y him but loued not the iustice in him Their knowledge was bounded â—…is will and his will with conuenience But they knew him not as the Angels 〈◊〉 him that participate of his Deity in all eternity but vnto their terror out of 〈◊〉 clutches he quit those yâ— he had predestinated to his Kingdom of true eterâ—…y and eternall glorious truth The diuels therefore knew him not as hee 〈◊〉 life eternall the vnchangeable light illuminating all the godly who reâ—…hat light to the purification of their hearts by faith but they knew him by â—…mporall effects of his presence and secret signes of his vertue which the diâ—… angelicall sences might easilier obserue then mans naturall infirmity â—…gnes when he suppressed the Prince of diuels made question of his Deiâ—…empted him for the b tryall of his Deity trying how farre hee would â—…m-selfe to bee tempted in c adapting his humanity vnto our imitatiâ—… d after his temptation when the good and glorious Angels whome â—…els extremely feared came and ministred vnto him then the diuels gotte â—…nd more knowledge of him and not one of them durst resist his command 〈◊〉 hee seemed infirme and e contemptible in the flesh L. VIVES ANgelicall a sences Christs miracles were more admired of the Angells and Diuels then of men because they knowing the causes of thinges saw natures power conâ—… and transcended Now men though they saw them strange yet wanted there not 〈◊〉 to say hee cast out diuels by Beelzebub their Prince not so much beleeuing this indeed â—…g that the simple multitude should beleeue it And others of later time haue falseâ—…ged him with art Magicke against whome by GODS helpe I will deale at large 〈◊〉 bookes De sapientia Christiana b For tryall The Diuell generally tempts man to 〈◊〉 but here he aymed not so much at sinne for he knew his sanctity at least neare inexâ—…ble but his fetch was to see whether the Deity were in this humaine forme c Aâ—…g Because he would not seeme exempted by passing vntempted from humaine conâ—… Nor should his seruants after him thinke much to be tempted seeing that old 〈◊〉 â—…nemy of man didde not spare CHRIST him-selfe d After temptation This â—…mplary also For as none shall passe vntempted so if none yeeld to the temptation 〈◊〉 shall all inioy the solace and ministery of Angels as Hierome saith e Contemptible 〈◊〉 needy of meane birth and place farre from ostentation and hauing his society of such like as hee was The difference of the holy Angels knowledge and the Diuels CHAP. 22. VNto the good Angels the knowledge of all temporall things that puffes vp the Diuels is vile not that they want it but in that they wholy respect the loue of that God that sanctifieth them in comparison of which ineffable and vnchangeable glory with the a loue of with they are inflamed they contemne al that is vnder it that is b not it yea and euen them-selues that al their good may be imployed in inioying that onely good And so came they to a more sure knowledge of the world viewing in God the principall causes of the worlds creation which causes do confirme this frustrate that and dispose of all now the c diuels are fat from beholding those eternall and fundamentall causes in the wisedome of God only they can extract a notion from certaine secret signes which man is ignorant in haue more experience and therefore may oftener presage euents But they are often deceiued mary the Angels neuer For it is one thing to presage changes euents from changeable and casuall grounds and to confound them by as changeable a will as the diuels are permitted to do another thing to fore-see the changes of times and the wil of God in his eternall vnalterable decrees most d certain most powerful by the participatioÌ„ of his diuine spirit as the Angels ar vouchsafed by due gradation to do So are they eternal and blessed He is their God that made them for his participation and contemplation they do e continually inioy L. VIVES THe a loue Loue alwayes worketh on beauteous obiects Socrates in Plato's Phado saith that if corporall eyes could behold the face of honesty and wisedome they would hold it most deer and amiable What then if we could see Gods face whose fayrenesse saith the booke of wisedom appeares euen in this that our fayrest obiects are of his making Diotina in Plato's Conui as wee said aboue holds but one pulchritude worthy the loue of an honest man that desires beatitude b Is not all that is not God being vile in respect of God the Angels contemne both all and them-selues in respect of him which cogitation fastneth them so firme in Vnion with God that his beatitude sufficeth without all other appendances to make them eternally blessed c The diuels For they cannot behold the pole or foundation where-vpon all causes are grounded and turned nor the fount whence they arise but only by their pregnancy and wit surmounting ours as also by experence more then ours beeing immortall they haue a quicke conceipt of things present and a surer presage in things to come then we haue Whereby coniecturing euents not from the proper cause but their owne coniectures they are oftentimes deceiued ly when they think they speak most true boasting that they know al things Nor do the vnpure diuels faile herein onely but euen the gods them-selues saith Porphyry d Most certaine Gods will hath this certainty it effecteth what it pleaseth else were it not certaine as not being in his power but all effects
eldest holds them resolued into most pure ayre which S. Thomas dislikes for such bodies could neuer penetrate the fire nor the heauens But he is too Aristotelique thinking to binde incomprehensible effectes to the lawes of nature as if this were a worke of nature strictly taken and not at the liberty of GODS omnipotent power or that they had forced through fire and heauen by their condensed violence Some disliked the placing of an element aboue heauen and therefore held the Christalline heauens composed of waters of the same shew but of a farre other nature then the Elementary Both of them are transparent both cold but that is light and ours heauy Basill sayth those waters doe coole the heate of the heauens Our Astronomicall diuines say that Saturnes frigidity proceedeth from those waters ridiculous as though all the starres of the eighth spere are not cooler then Saturne These waters sayth Rede are lower then the spirituall heauens but higher then all corporeall creatures kept as some say to threaten a second deluge But as others hold better to coole the heate of the starres De nat◅rer But this is a weake coniecture Let vs conclude as Augustine doth vpon Genesis How or what they are we know not there they are we are sure for the scriptures authority weigheth downe mans witte c In stead of Another question tossed like the first How the elements are in our bodies In parcels and Atomes peculiar to each of the foure saith Anaxagoras Democritus Empedocles Plato Cicero and most of the Peripatetiques Arabians Auerroes and Auicen parcels enter not the bodies composition sayth another but natures only This is the schoole opinion with the leaders Scotus and Occam Aristole is doubtfull as hee is generally yet holdes the ingresse of elements into compoundes Of the Atomists some confound all making bodies of coherent remaynders Others destroy all substances Howsoeuer it is wee feele the Elementary powers heate and drought in our gall or choller of the fire heate and moysture ayry in the blood colde and moyst watery in the fleame Colde and dry earthly in the melancholly and in our bones solydity is earth in our brayne and marrow water in our blood ayre in our spirits cheefely of the heart fire And though wee haue lesse of one then another yet haue some of each f But there And thence is all our troublesome fleame deriued Fitly it is seated in the brayne whether all the heate aspyreth For were it belowe whither heate descendeth not so it would quickly growe dull and congeale Whereas now the heate keepes it in continuall acte vigor and vegetation Finis lib. II. THE CONTENTS OF THE twelfth booke of the Citty of God 1. Of the nature of good and euil Angells 2. That no essence is contrary to God though al the worlds frailty seeme to bee opposite vnto this immutable eternity 3. Of gods enemies not by nature but will which hurting them hurteth their good nature because there is no vice but hurteth nature 4. Of vselesse and reason-lesse natures whose order differeth not from the Decorum held in the whole vniuerse 5. That the Creator hath deserued praise in euery forme and kind of Nature 6. The cause of the good Angels blisse and the euills misery 7. That wee ought not to seeke out the cause of the vicious will 8. Of the peruerse loue wherby the soule goeth from the vnchangeable to the changeable good 9. Whether he that made the Angels natures made their wils good also by the infusion of his loue into them through his holy Spirit 10. Of the falsenes of that History that saith the world hath continued many thousand years 11. Of those that hold not the Eternity of the world but either a dissolution and generation of innumerable worlds or of this one at the expiration of certaine yeares 12. Of such as held Mans Creation too lately effected 13. Of the reuolution of Tymes at whose expiration some Phylosophers held that the Vniuerse should returne to the state it was in at first 14. Of Mans temporall estate made by God out of no newnesse or change of will 15. Whether to preserue Gods eternall domination we must suppose that he hath alwaies had creatures to rule ouer and how it may bee held alwaies created which is not coeternall with God 16. How wee must vnderstand that God promised Man life eternall before all eternity 17. The defence of Gods vnchanging will against those that fetch Gods works about frō eternity in circles from state to state 18. Against such as say thinges infinite are aboue Gods knowledge 19. Of the worlds without end or Ages of Ages 20. Of that impious assertion that soules truly blessed shall haue diuer s reuolutions into misery againe 21. Of the state of the first Man and Man-kinde in him 22. That God fore-knew that the first Man should sin and how many people he was to translate out of his kind into the Angels society 23. Of the nature of Mans soule being created according to the Image of God 24. Whether the Angels may bee called Creators of any the least creature 25. That no nature or forme of any thing liuing hath any other Creator but God 26. The Platonists opinion that held the Angels Gods creatures Man the Angels 27. That the fulnesse of Man-kind was created in the first Man in whome God fore-saw both who should bee saued and who should bee damned FINIS THE TVVELFTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of the nature of good and euill Angels CHAP. 1. BEfore I speake of the creation of man wherein in respect of mortall reasonable creatures the two Citties had their originall as we shewed in the last booke of the Angels to shew as well as wee can the congruity and conuenience of the society of Men with Angels and that there are not foure but rather two societies of Men and Angels qualitied alike and combined in eyther the one consisting both of good Angels and Men and the other of euill that the contrariety of desires betweene the Angels good and euill arose from their diuers natures and beginnings wee may at no hand beleeue God hauing beene alike good in both their creations and in all things beside them But this diuersity ariseth from their wils some of them persisting in God their common good and in his truth loue and eternity and other some delighting more in their owne power as though it were from them-selues fell from that common al-blessing good to dote vppon their owne and taking pride for eternity vayne deceit for firme truth and factious enuy for perfect loue became proud deceiptfull and enuious The cause of their beatitude was their adherence with GOD their must their miseries cause bee the direct contrary namely their not adherence with GOD. Wherefore if when wee are asked why they are blessed and wee answere well because they stucke fast vnto GOD and beeing asked why they
that end which the order of the vniuerse requireth so that that corruption which bringeth all natures mortall vnto dissolution cannot so dissolue that which was but it may become that afterwards which it was before or that which it should be which being so then God the highest being who made all things that are not him-selfe no creature being fitte for that equalitie being made of â—…othing and consequently being not able to haue beene but by him is not to be discommended through the taking offence at some faults but to bee honored vpon the due consideration of the perfection of all natures L. VIVES A a certaine Euery thing keeping harmonious agreement both with it selfe and others without corrupting discorde which made some ancient writers affirme that the world 〈◊〉 vpon loue The cause of the good Angells blisse and the euills misery CHAP. 6. THE true cause therefore of the good Angells blisse is their adherence to that most high essence and the iust cause of the bad Angels misery is their departure from that high essence to reside vpon them-selues that were not such which vice what is it else but a pride For pride is the roote of all sinne These would not therefore stick vnto him their strength and hauing power to bee more b perfect by adherence to this highest good they preferred them-selues that were his inferiours before him This was the first fall misery and vice of this nature which all were it not created to haue the highest being yet might it haue beatitude by fruition of the highest being but falling from him not bee â—…de nothing but yet lesse then it was and consequently miserable Seeke the câ—…e of this euill will and you shall finde iust none For what can cause the wills 〈◊〉 the will being sole cause of all euill The euill will therefore causeth euill workes but nothing causeth the euill will If there be then either it hath a will or â—…one If it haue it is either a good one or a bad if good what foole will say a good will is cause of an euill will It should if it caused sinne but this were extreame absurditie to affirme But if that it haue an euill will then I aâ—…ke what caused this euill will in it and to limite my questions I aske the cause of the first euill will For not that which an other euill will hath caused is the first euill will but that which none hath caused for still that which causeth is before the other caused If I bee answered that nothing caused it but it was from the beginning I aske then wheâ—…er it were in any nature If it were in none it had no being if it were in any it corrupted it hurt it and depriued it of all good and therefore this Vice could not be in an euill nature but in a good where it might doe hurt for if it could not hurt it was no vice and therefore no bad will and if it did hurt it was by priuation of good or diminishing of it Therfore a bad will could be from eternity in that wherein a good nature had beene before which the euill will destroied by hurt Well if it were not eternall who made it It must be answered something that had no euill will what was this inferior superior or equall vnto it If it were the superior it was better and why then had it not a will nay a better will This may also bee said of the equall for two good wills neuer make the one the other bad It remaines then that some inferior thing that had no will was cause of that vicious will in the Angels I but all things below them euen to the lowest earth being naturall is also good and hath the goodnesse of forme and kinde in all order how then can a good thing produce an euill will how can good be cause of euill for the will turning from the superior to the inferior becomes bad not because the thing where-vnto it turneth is bad but because the diuision is bad and peruerse No inferior thing then doth depraue the will but the will depraues it selfe by following inferior things inordinately For if two of like affect in body and minde should beholde one beautious personage and the one of them be stirred with a lustfull desire towards it and the others thoughts stand chaste what shall wee thinke was cause of the euill will in the one and not in the other Not the seene beauty for it transformed not the will in both and yet both saw it alike not the flesh of the beholders face why not both nor the minde we presupposed them both alike before in body and minde Shall we say the deuill secretly suggested it into one of them as though hee consented not to it in his owne proper will This consent therefore the cause of this assent of the will to vicious desire is that wee seeke For to take away one let more in the question if both were tempted and the one yeelded and the other did not why was this but because the one would continue chaste and the other would not whence then was this secret fall but from the proper will where there was such parity in body and minde a like sight and a like temptation So then hee that desires to know the cause of the vicious will in the one of them if hee maâ—…ke iâ—… well shall finde nothing For if wee say that hee caused it what was hee ere his vicious will but a creature of a good nature the worke of GOD that vnchangeable good Wherefore hee that saith that hee that consented to this lustfull desire which the other with-stood both beeing before alike affected and beholding the beautifull obiect alike was cause of his owne euill will whereas he was good before this vice of will Let him aske why he caused this whether from his nature or for that hee was made of nothing and he shall finde that his euill will arose not from his naâ—…ure but from his nothing for if wee shall make his nature the effecter of his vicious will what shall wee doe but affirme that good is the efficient cause of euill But how can it bee that nature though it bee mutable before it haue a vicious will should doe viciously namely in making the will vicious L. VIVES BVt a pride Scotus holds that the Angels offence was not pride I thinke onely because hee will oppose Saint Thomas who held with the Fathers the contrary b Perfect in essence and exellence That we ought not to seeke out the cause of the vicious will CHAP. 7. LEt none therefore seeke the efficient cause of an euill will for it is not efficient but deficient nor is there effect but defect namely falling from that highest essence vnto a lower this is to haue an euill will The causes whereof beeing not efficient but deficient if one endeuour to seeke it is as if hee should seeke to see the darknesse or to heare
and in my selfe avowed Moreouer as they tell that haue tryed you are open-handed hearted to such kind of presents then which scarse any may be more welcome to you For who should offer you gold filuer or gems garments horses or armoâ—… should power water into the sea and bring trees to the wood And truely as in all other thinges so in this you do most wisely to thinke that glory beseeming your vertue and deserts is purchased with al posterity by bookes monumeÌ„ts of learned men if not by mine or those like me yet surely by shewing your selfe affable and gratious to learned men you shall light vpon some one by whose stile as a most conning pencill the picture of that excellent and al-surmounting minde purtraied and polished may be commended to eternity not to bee couered with the rust of obliuion nor corrupted by iniury of after ages but that posterity an vncorrupted witnesse of vertues should not be silent of what is worthy to bee spoken of both to the glory of your selfe when you are restored to heauen though that be the best and best to be regarded and also which is principall and most to be aspired to the example of them that shall then liue Besides all this this worke is most agreeable to your disposition and studies wherein Saint AVGVSTINE hath collected as in a treasury the best part of those readings which hee had selected in the ancient authors as ready to dispute with sharpest wits best furnished with choisest eloquence and learning Whereby it is fallne out that he intending another point hath preserued the reliques of some the best things whose natiue seate and dwelling where they vsed to be fet and found was fouly ouerturned And therfore some great men of this later age haue bin much holpen by these writings of AVGVSTINE for VARRO SALVST LIVY and TVLLIE de republica as HERMOLAVS POLITIANVS BLONDVS BEROALDVS all which you shal so read not as they were new or vnheard-of but recognize them as of old Adde herevnto that you and Saint AVGVSTINES point and purpose in writing seeme almost to intend attaine the same end For as you wrote for that better Rome against Babylon so Saint AVGVSTINE against Babylon defended that ancient christian and holier Rome This worke not mine but Saint AVGVSTINES by whom I am protected is also sutable vnto your greatnesse whether the author bee respected or the matter of the worke The author is AVGVSTINE good GOD how holy how learned a man what a light what a leane to the christian common-wealth on whom onely it rested for many rites many statutes customes holy and venerable ceremonies and not without cause For in that man was most plentifull study most exact knowledge of holy writ a sharpe and cleare iudgement a wit admirably quick and piercing He was a most diligent defender of vndefiled piety of most sweet behauior composed and conformed to the charity of the Gospell renowned and honored for his integrity and holinesse of life all which a man might hardly prosecute in a full volume much lesse in an Epistle It is well I speake of a writer knowne of all and familiar to you Now the worke is not concerning the children of Niobe or the gates of Thebes or mending cloathes or preparing pleasures or manuring grounds which yet haue beene arguments presented euen to Kings but concerning both Citties of the World and GOD wherein Angells deuills and all men are contained how they were borne how bred how growne whether they tend and what they shall doe when they come to their worke which to vnfold hee hath omitted no prophane nor sacred learning which hee doth not both touch and explane as the exploites of the Romanes their gods and ceremonies the Philosophers opinions the originall of heauen and earth of Angells deuills and men from what grounds Gods people grew and how thence brought along to our LORD CHRIST Then are the Two Citties compared of GOD and the World and the Assyrian Sicyonian Argiue Attick Latine and Persian gouernments induced Next what the Prophets both Heathenish and Iewish did foretell of CHRIST Then speaking of true felicity he refuteth and refelleth the opinions of the ancient Philosophers concerning it Afterwards how CHRIST shall come the iudge of quick and dead to sentence good and euill Moreouer of the torments of the damned Lastly of the ioyes and eternally felicity of Godly men And all this with a wonderfull wit exceeding sharpenesse most neate learning a cleare and polisht stile such as became an author trauersed and exercised in all kinde of learning and writings and as beseemed those great and excellent matters and fitted those with whom hee disputed Him therefore shall you read most famous and best minded King at such houres as you with-draw from the mighty affaires and turmoiles of your kingdome to employ on learning and ornaments of the minde and withall take a taste of our Commentaries whereof let mee say as Ouid sayd of his bookes de Faestis when he presented them to GERMANICVS CaeSAR A learned Princes iudgement t' vnder goe As sent to reade to Phaebus our leaues goe Which if I shall finde they dislike not you I shall not feare the allowance of others for who will be so impudent as not to bee ashamed to dissent from so exact a iudgement which if any dare doe your euen silent authority shall yet protect me Farewell worthiest King and recon VIVES most deuoted to you in any place so he be reconed one of yours From Louaine the seauenth of Iuly M. D. XXII AN ADVERTISMENT OF IOANNES LODOVICVS VIVES Of Ualentia DECLARING VVHAT Manner of people the Gothes were and how they toooke Rome WHERE AS AVGVSTINE TOOKE OCcasion by the captiuity of the Romaines to write of the Cittie of GOD to answer them which iniuriouslie slaundered the Christian Religion as the cause of those enormities and miseries which befell them It shall not be lost labour for vs sounding the depth of the matter to relate from the Originall what kinde of people the Gothes were how they came into Italie and surprized the Cittie of Rome ¶ First it is cleare and euident that the former age named those Getes whome the succeeding age named Gothes because this age adulterated and corrupted many of the ancient wordes For those two Poets to wit RVTILVS and CLAVDIAN when-soeuer they speake of the Gothes doe alwaies name Getes OROSIVS also in his Historie sayth the Getes who now are named Goths departing out of their Countrie with bagge and baggage leauing their houses emptie entred safely into the Romaine Prouinces with all their forces being such a people as ALEXANDER said were to be auoided PYRRHVS abhorred and CaeSAR shunned HIEROME vpon Genesis testifieth that the Gothes were named Getes of the learned in former time Also they were Getes which inhabited about the Riuer Ister as STRABO MELA PLINIE and others auerre possessing the Region adiacent a great part of it lying waste and vnmanured being
vnlesse it be shored vppe by the worship of many gods whom the blinded Pagans haue beene accustomed to worship and adore auerring but their truth is meere false-hood that neglect and contempt of their vnworthy adoration hath beene the fountaine from whence these bitter waters of aduerse occurrences haue streamed abundantly and ouerflowed them But the other fiue following are not meale-mouthed but speake boldly against them which confesse that the spring of worldly euills is not exhausted nor shal euer be dried vp but the current flowing some-time more some-times lesse some-times swiftly some times slowly changing their state according to the circumstance of places times and persons yet fondly are they opinionated for verity hath not made them a warrant that the deuout adoration of many gods in which sacrifices are offered vnto their imaginary Deity is profitable for the life which wee hope for after death Therefore in these ten bookes the absurdity of these two vaine opinions both deadly foes vnto Christian religion is discouered and confuted But least some man may vpbraid mee that I am too forward to disproue the assertions of others and slow enough to proue mine owne the other part of this worke which is confined within the bounds of twelue bookes is directed to that purpose Although in the first ten where it is needfull wee are not behinde hand to confirme the truth of our owne opinions and also to infringe the authority of contrary oppositions in the twelue bookes ensewing Therefore the first foure of the twelue following containe the originall of two Citties of which one belongeth to GOD the other to this World The second foure containe their progresse The third foure which are the last conteine their due bounds Now though all the two and twenty bookes are compiled together of both Citties yet they haue taken their title from the better part and haue the name of the Citty of God printed on their fore-head In the tenth booke it ought not to bee set downe for a miracle that the fire falling from heauen ranne betweene the deuided sacrifices when ABRAHAM sacrificed because this was shewed vnto him in a vision In the seauenteenth booke where it is sayd of SAMVEL He was not of the sonnes of ARON it should rather haue beene sayd He was not the sonne of the Priest For it was a more lawfull custome that the sonnes of the Priests should succeed in the roome of the deceassed Priests For the Father of SAMVEL is found in the sonnes of ARON but hee was not a Priest yet not so in his sonnes as if ARON had begot him but in such sort as all of that people are said to bee the sonnes of ISRAEL This worke beginneth thus That most glorious society and celestiall Cittie of GOD c. THE CONTENTS OF THE first booke of the City of God 1. Of the aduersaries of the name of Christ spared by the Barbarians in the sacking of Rome onely for Christs sake 2. There neuer was warre wherein the Conquerors would spare them whome they conquered for the gods they worshipped 3. Of the Romaines fondnesse in thinking that those gods could helpe them which could not helpe Troy in her distresse 4. Of the Sanctuary of Iuno in Troy which freed not any that fled into it from the Greeks at the Citties sack whereas the Churches of the Apostles saued all commers from the Barbarians at the sack of Rome Caesars opinion touching the enemies custome in the sack of Citties 5. That the Romaines themselues neuer spared the Temples of those Citties which they conquered 6. That the cruell effects following the losses of warre did but follow the custome of war wherein they were moderated it was through the power of the name of Iesus Christ. 7. Of the commodities and discommodities commonly communicated both to good and ill 8. Of the causes of such corrections as fall both vpon the good and bad together 9. That the Saints in their losse of things temporall loose not any thing at all 10. Of the end of this transitory life whether it be long or short 11. Of buriall of the dead that it is not preiudiciall to the state of a Christian soule to be forbidden it 12. The reasons why wee should bury the bodies of the Saints 13. Of the captiuity of the Saints and that 〈◊〉 they neuer wanted spirituall comfort 14. Of Marcus Regulus who was a famous example to animate all men to the enduring of voluntary â—…tiuity for their religion which notwithstanding was vnprofitable vnto him by reason of his Paganisme 15. Whether the taxes that the holy Uirgins suffered against their wills in their captiuities could pollute the vertues of their minde 16. Of such as chose a voluntary death to avoide the feare of paine and dishonor 17. Of the violent lust of the souldiers executed vpon the bodies of the captiues against their consents 18. Of Lucrecia that stab'd her selfe because Tarquins sonne had rauished her 19. That their is no authority which allowes christians to bee their owne deaths in what cause so euer 20. Of some sort of killing men which notwithstanding are no murthers 21. That voluntary death can neuer bee any signe of magnanimity or greatnesse of spirit 22. Of Cato who killed himselfe being not able to endure Caesars victory 23. That the Christians excell Regulus in that vertue wherein he excelled most 24. That sinne is not to bee avoided by sinne 25. Of some vnlawfull acts done by the Saints and by what occasion they were done 26. Whether wee ought to flie sinne with voluntary death 27. How it was a Iudgement of GOD that the enemy was permitted to excercise his lust vpon the Christians bodies 28. What the seruants of Christ may answer the Infidells when they vpbraide them with Christs not deliuering them in their afliction from the fury of the enemies fury 29. That such as complaine of the Christian times desire nothing but to liue in filthy pleasures 30. By what degrees of corruption the Romans ambition grew to such a height 31. Of the first inducing of stage-plaies 32. Of some vices in the Romaines which their Citties ruine did neuer reforme 33. Of the clemency of GOD in moderating this calamity of Rome 34. Of such of GODS elect as liue secretly as yet amongst the Infidells and of such as are false Christians 35. What subiects are to be handled in the following discourse FINIS THE FIRST BOOKE OF SAINT AVGVSTINE Bishop of Hippo his Cittie of God vnto MARCELLINVS Of the aduersaries of the name of Christ spared by the Barbarians in the sacking of Rome onely for Christs sake CHAP. 1. THAT most glorious society and celestiall Citty of Gods faithfull which is partly seated in the course of these declining times wherein he that liueth a by faith is a Pilgrim amongst the wicked and partly in that solid estate of eternitie which as yet the other part doth paciently expect vntill b righteousnesse be turned into iudgment being then by the
Yet in the distributing of these temporall blessings God sheweth his prouident operation For if all sinne were presently punished there should bee nothing to do at the last iudgement and againe if no sinne were here openly punished the diuine prouidence would not bee beleeued And so in prosperity if God should not giue competency of worldly and apparant blessings to some that aske them we would say he hath nothing to do with them and should he giue them to all that aske them we should thinke he were not to bee serued but for them and so his seruice should not make vs godly but rather greedy This being thus what euer affliction good men and badde doe suffer together in this life it doth not proue the persons vndistinct because so they both do ioyntly indure like pains for as in one fire gold shineth and chaffe smoaketh and as vnder one f fâ—…yle the straw is bruised and the eare cleansed nor is the lees and the oyle confused because they are both pressed in one presse so likewise one and the same violence of affliction prooueth purifieth and g melteth the good and condeâ—…eth wasteth and casteth out the badde And thus in one and the same distresse do the wicked offend God by detestation and blasphemy and the good do glorifie him by praise and praier So great is the difference wherein we ponder not what but how a man suffers his affects For one and the same motion maketh the mud smell filthily and the vnguent swell most fragrantly L. VIVES SOme a say because the aforesaid wordes were spoken of the sonnes of Dauid that is the godly How should the mercy of God be extended vnto the wicked b Do lay vp or heap together For Thesaurus is a laying together of euill things as well as good and it is ordinary with the Greekes to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the treasure of Ills and Plautus hath Thesaurus stupri the treasure of whoredome c Willreward * commonly it is read Doth reward Augustin hath it in better formeâ—… for the Apostle speakes of the world to come and the greeke is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Reddet will reward d Vse both of that Terence in his Heautontimoreumenos saith such things as are called humane goods namely our parents country linage friendes and wealth all these are but as his mind is that possesseth them to him that can vse them well they are good to him that vseth them otherwise then well they are euil This Terence hath out of Plato in diuers places 〈◊〉 Is called aduerse Nâ—…mely of the vulgar and such as are ignorant of the true natures of things f Flaile Virgill in the first of his Georgikes reckons the Flaile amongst the instruments of husbandry Plinye in his eighteenth booke saith The haruest corne is thrashed forth vpon the floore sometime with flayles sometime with the feete of horses and sometime with staues So that this same Tribulum is an instrument where-with the corne being ripe is thrashed forth on the floore our fittest english is a flaile How this is done Varro teacheth in his first book De re rustica g Melteth the good Maketh them liquid it is a simily taken from gold to exclude further disputation hereof the scripture saith the good are melted with charity My soule melted as my beloued spoke saith the Canticles but if a man will follow this theame he shall neuer finde an end The fittest teacher in this kind is the holy scripture Of the causes of such corrections as fall both vpon the good and bad together CHAP. 8. BVt tell me now in all this desolation what one thing did the Christians endure which due and faithfull consideration might not turne vnto their edificaÌ„tion For first they might with feare obserue to what a masse iniquity was increased at which the iust God being displeased had sent these afflictions vpoÌ„ the world that though they them-selues were far froÌ„ the society of the wicked yet should they not hold them-selues so purely seperate from all faults that they should thinke them-selues too good to suffer a temporall correction for diuers faults that might be found in their conuersations for to omitte this that ther is no man how euer laudable in his conuersation that in some things a yeelds not vnto the concupiscence of the flesh and that though hee decline not vnto the gulfe of reprobate offence and habitation of all brutish filthinesse yet slips now and then into some enormities and those either seldome or so much more ordinary as then they are lesse momentary To omitte all this how hard a thing is it to find one that makes a true vse of their fellowship for whose horrible pride luxury auarice bestiall iniquity and irreligiousnesse the Lord as his b Prophets haue threatned doth lay his heauy hand vppon the whole world How few do wee finde that liue with them as good men ought to liue with them For either we keepe aloofe and forbeare to giue them due instructions admonitions or reprehensions or else wee holde their reformation too great a labour either we are affraid to offend them or else wee eschew their hate for our owne greater temporall preferment and feare their opposition either in those things which our greedinesse longeth to inioy or in those which our weakenesse is affraid to forgoe so that though the liues of the wicked be still disliked of the good and that thereby the one do auoid that damnation which in the world to come is the assured inheritance of the other yet because they winke at their damnable exorbitances by reason they feare by them to loose their owne vaine temporalities iustly do they partake with them in the punishments temporall though they shall not do so in the eternall Iustly do they in these diuine corrections tast the bitternesse of these transitory afflictions with them to whome when they deserued those afflictions they through the loue of this life forbare to shew them-selues better indeed he that forbeares to reprehend ill courses in some that follow them because he will take a more fit time or because he doubts his reprehention may rather tend to their ruine then their reformation or because he thinkes that others that are weake may by this correction be offended in their Godly endeauours or diuerted from the true faith In this case forbearance arises not from occasion of greedinesse but from the counsell of charity c But their's is the fault indeed who liue a life quite contrary wholy abhorring the courses of the wicked yet will ouerpasse to taxe the others sins wherof they ought to be most seuere reprehenders and correctors because they feare to offend them and so be hurt in their possession of those things whose vse is lawfull both vnto good and bad affecting temporalities in this kinde farre more greedily then is fit for such as are but pilgrimes in this world and such as expect d the hope of a celestiall inheritance for it is
vndoubted faith in our scriptures all which made choyce rather to endure the tirany of their enemies then bee their owne butchers But now we will prooue out of their owne records that Regulus was Cato's better in this glory For Cato neuer ouer-came Caesar vnto whom he scorned to be subiect and chose to murder himselfe rather then bee seruant vnto him But Regulus ouer-came the Africans and in his generallship returned with diuers noble victories vnto the Romanes neuer with any notable losse of his Citizens but alwaies of his foes and yet being afterwards conquered by them hee resolued rather to endure slauery vnder them then by death to free himselfe from them And therein hee both preserued his paciencie vnder the Carthaginians and his constancy vnto the Romanes neither depriuing the enemy of his conquered body nor his countrymen of his vnconquered minde Neither was it the loue of this life that kept him from death This hee gaue good proofe of when without dread hee returned back vnto his foes to whō he had giuen worse cause of offence in the Senate-house with his tongue then euer he had done before in the battaile with his force therefore this so great a conqueror and contemner of this life who had rather that his foes should take it from him by any torments then that hee should giue death to himselfe howsoeuer must needes hold that it was a foule guilt for man to bee his owne murderer Rome amongst all her worthies and eternized spirits cannot shew one better then hee was for hee for all his great victories continued b most poore nor could mishap amate him for with a fixt resolue and an vndanted courage returned he vnto his deadliest enemies Now if those magnanimous and heroicall defenders of their earthly habitacles and those true and sound seruants of their indeede false gods who had power to cut downe their conquered foes by lawe of armes seeing themselues afterwardes to bee conquered of their foes neuerthelesse would not be their owne butchers but although they feared not death at al yet would rather endure to bee slaues to their foes superiority then to bee their owne executioners How much more then should the Christians that adore the true God and ayme wholie at the eternall dwellings restraine themselues from this foule wickednesse whensoeuer it pleaseth God to expose them for a time to taste of temporall extremities either for their triall or for correction sake seeing that hee neuer forsaketh them in their humiliation for whom hee being most high humbled himselfe so low e especially beeing that they are persons whom no lawes of armes or military power can allowe to destroy the conquered enemies L. VIVES IN a his flesh For hee was afflicted with a sore kinde of vlcere b Most poore Liuy in his eighteene booke and Valerius in his examples of pouerty write this When Attilius knew that his generallship was prolonged another yeare more hee wrote to the Senate to haue them send one to supply his place His chiefe reason why hee would resigne his charge was because his seauen acres of ground beeing all the land hee had was spoyled by the hired souldiers which if it continued so his wife and children could not haue whereon to liue So the Senate giuing the charge of this vnto the Aediles looked better euer after vnto Attilius his patrimony c Especialy being that they He makes fighting as far from Christian piety as religious humanity is from barbarous inhumanity That sinne is not to be auoided by sinne CHAP. 24. VVHat a pernicious error then is heere crept into the world that a man should kill himselfe because either his enemy had iniured him or means to iniure him whereas hee may not kill his enemy whether hee haue offended him or bee about to offend him This is rather to bee feared indeede that the bodie beeing subiect vnto the enemies lust with touch of some enticing delight do not allure the will to consent to this impurity And therefore say they it is not because of anothers guilt but for feare of ones owne that such men ought to kill themselues before sinne be committed vpon them Nay the minde that is more truly subiect vnto God and his wisdome then vnto carnall concupiscence will neuer be brought to yeeld vnto the lust of the owne flesh be it neuer so prouoked by the lust of anothers But if it be a damnable fact and a detestable wickednesse to kill ones selfe at all as the truth in plaine tearmes saith it is what man will bee so fond as to say let vs sinne now least we sinne hereafter let vs commit murder now least wee fall into adultery hereafter If wickednesse be so predominant in such an one as hee or shee will not chuse rather to suffer in innocence than to escape by guilt is it not better to aduenture on the vncertainety of the future adultery then the certainety of the present murder is it not better to commit such a sinne as repentance may purge then such an one as leaues no place at all for repentance This I speake for such as for auoyding of guilt not in others but in themselues and fearing to consent to the lust in themselues which anothers lust inciteth doe imagine that they ought rather to endure the violence of death But farre bee it from a Christian soule that trusteth in his God that hopeth in him and resteth on him farre bee it I say from such to yeeld vnto the delights of the flesh in any consent vnto vncleanesse But if that a concupiscentiall disobedience which dwelleth as yet in our b dying flesh doe stirre it selfe by the owne licence against the law of our will how can it bee but faltlesse in the body of him or her that neuer consenteth when it stirres without guilt in the body that sleepeth L. VIVES COncupiscentiall a Disobedience The lust of the bodie is mooued of it selfe euen against all resistance and contradiction of the will and then the will being ouercome by the flesh from hence ariseth shame as we will shew more at large hereafter b Dying flesh Our members being subiect vnto death doe die euery day and yet seeme to haue in them a life distinct from the life of the soule if then the lustfull motions that betide vs in sleepe bee faltlesse because the will doth not consent but nature effects them without it how much more faltlesse shall those bee wherein the will is so so farre from resting onely that it resists and striues against them Of some vnlawfull acts done by the Saints and by what occasion they were done CHAP. 25. BVt there were a some holy women say they in these times of persecution who flying from the spoylers of their chastities threw themselues head-long into a swift riuer which drowned them and so they died and yet their martirdomes are continually honored with religious memorialls in the Catholike Church Well of these I dare not iudge rashly in any thing
man reade Liuy lib. 1. Dionysius and Plutarch of his whole life besides diuers others e all to insufficient This is plaine for they fetched lawes frō others f it is not reported Yes he fained that he conferred with Aegeria but she was rather a Nimph then a goddesse besides this is known to be a fable g the most learned Here I cannot choose but ad a very conceited saying out of Plautus his comedy called Persa Sagaristio the seruant askes a Virgin how strong dost thou think this towne is If the townsmen quoth shee againe bee well mannered I thinke it is very strong if treachery couetousnesse and extortion bee chased out and then enuie then ambition then detraction then periury then flattery then iniury then and lastly which is hardest of all to get out villanie if these be not all thrust forth an hundred walls are all too weake to keepe out ruine Of the rape of the Sabine women and diuers other wicked facts done in Romes most ancient and honorable times CHAP. 17. PErhaps the gods would not giue the Romaines any lawes because as Salust a saith Iustice and honestie preuailed as much with them by nature as by lawe very good b out of this iustice and honestie came it I thinke that the c Sabine virgins were rauished What iuster or honester part can be plaide then to force away other mens daughters with all violence possible rather then to receiue them at the hand of their parents But if it were vniustly done of the Sabines to deny the Romaines their daughters was it not farre more vniustly done of them to force them away after that deniall There were more equitie showne in making warres vpon those that would not giue their daughters to beget alliance with their neighbours and countrimen then with those that did but require back their owne which were iniuriously forced from them Therefore Mars should rather haue helped his warlike sonne in reuenging the iniury of this reiected proferre of marriage that so he might haue wonne the Virgin that he desired by force of armes For there might haue beene some pretence of warlike lawe for the conqueror iustly to beare away those whom the conquered had vniustly denied him before But he against all law of peace violently forced them from such as denied him them and then began an vniust warre with their parents to whom hee had giuen so iust a cause of anger d Herein indeed he had good and happy successe And albeit the e Circensian playes were continued to preserue the memory of this fraudulent acte yet neither the Cittie nor the Empire did approoue such a president and the Romaines were more willing to erre in making Romulus a deity after this deed of iniquitie then to allow by any law or practise this fact of his in forcing of women thus to stand as an example for others to follow Out of this iustice and honesty likewise proceeded this that g after Tarquin and his children were expulsed Rome because his sonne Sextus had rauished Lucresse Iunius Brutus being consull compelled h L. Tarquinius Collatine husband to that Lucresse his fellow officer a good man and wholy guiltlesse to giue ouer his place and abandon the Cittie which vile deed of his was done by the approbation or at least omission of the people who made Collatine Consul aswell as Brutus himself Out of this iustice and honesty came this also that h Marcus Camillus that most illustrious worthy of his time that with such ease sudued the warlike Veientes the greatest foes of the Romaines and tooke their cheefe citty from them after that they had held the Romains in ten yeares war and foiled their armies so often that Rome hir selfe began to tremble and suspected hir owne safety that this man by the mallice of his backe-biting enemies and the insupportable pride of the Tribunes being accused of guilt perceiuing the citty which he had preserued so vngrateful that he needs must be condemned was glad to betake him-selfe to willing banishment and yet i in his absence was fined at ten thousand Asses k Being soone after to be called home again to free his thankelesse country the second time from the Gaules It yrkes me to recapitulate the multitude of foule enormities which that citty hath giuen act vnto l The great ones seeking to bring the people vnder their subiection the people againe on the other side scorning to be subiect to them and the ring-leaders on both sides aiming wholy rather at superiority and conquest then euer giuing roome to a thought of iustice or honesty L. VIVES SAlust a saith In his warre of Catiline speaking of the ancient Romaines he saith thus The law is a ciuill equity either established in literall lawes or instilled into the manners by verball instructions Good is the fount moderatour and reformer of all lawe all which is done by the Iudges prudence adapting it selfe to the nature of the cause and laying the lawe to the cause not the cause to the lawe As Aristotle to this purpose speaketh of the Lesbian rule Ethic. 4. This is also termed right reason as Salust againe saith in his Iugurth Bomilchar is guilty rather by right and reason then any nationall lawe Crassus saith Tully in his Brutus spake much at that time against that writing and yet but in right and reason It is also called equitie ' That place saith Cicero for Caecinna you feare and flie and seeke as I may say to draw mee out of this plaine field of equitie into the straite of words and into all the literall corners in this notwithstanding saith Quintilian the iudges nature is to bee obserued whether it be rather opposed to the lawe then vnto equitie or no. Hereof wee haue spoken some-thing in our Temple of the lawes But the most copious and exact reading hereof is in Budaeus his notes vpon the Pandects explaining that place which the Lawyers did not so well vnderstand Ius est ars aequi boni This mans sharpenesse of witte quicknesse of iudgement fulnesse of diligence and greatnesse of learning no Frenchman euer paralleld nor in these times any Italian There is nothing extant in Greeke or Latine but he hath read it and read it ouer and discussed it throughly In both these toungs he is a like and that excellently perfect Hee speakes them both as familiarly as he doth French his naturall tongue nay I make doubt whether hee speake them no better hee will read out a Greeke booke in Latine words extempore and out of a Latine booke in Greeke And yet this which wee see so exactly and excellently written by him is nothing but his extemporall birthe Hee writes with lesse paines both Greeke and Latine then very good schollers in both these tongues can vnderstand them There is no cranke no secret in all these tongues but he hath searcht it out lookt into it and brought it forth like Cerberus from darknesse into
togither held they almost continuall warre with the Veientes Liuius lib. 5. Plutarche in Camillus his life This Camillus being said to haue dealt vniustly in sharing the Veientane spoils amongst the people L. Apuleius cited him to a day of hearing But hee to auoide their enuie though innocent of that he was charged with got him away to liue at Ardea in exile This fell out two years before the Galles tooke Rome i ten thousand Liuy saith he was fined in his absence at 15000. Assis grauis Plutarch at 15000. Assium Aes And Assis graue was al one as my Budeus proues k being soone after The Galles hauing taken Rome Camillus hauing gathered an army together of the remainder of the Allian ouerthrow was released of his exile in a counsell Curiaté made Dictator by them that were besieged in the Capitoll At first hee expelled the Galles out of the Cittie and afterwards in the roade way to Gabii eight miles from the Citty hee gaue them a sore ouer-throw Liu. lib. 5 Thus this worthy man choose rather to remember his countries affliction then his owne priuate wronge beeing therefore stiled another Romulus l the great ones These mischieues were still on foote for very neere fiue hundred yeares after the expelling of their kings the Patritians and the Plebeyans were in continuall seditions and hatreds one against another and both contending for soueraignty which ambition was kindeled in the people by a few turbulent Tribunes and in the nobles by a sort of ambitious Senatours and hereof doth Lucan sing that which followeth Et 〈◊〉 consulibuâ—… turbantes iura Tribuni Tribunes and Consulls troubling right at once What the history of Saluste reports of the Romains conditions both in their times of daunger and those of security CHAP. 18. THerefore I will keepe a meane and stand rather vnto the testimony of Salust himselfe who spoke this in the Romaines Praise whereof we but now discoursed that iustice and honesty preuailed as much with them by nature as by lawe extolling those times wherein the citty after the casting out of her kings grew vp to such a height in so small a space Notwithstanding al this this same author confesseth in a the very beginning of the first booke of his history that when the sway of the state was taken from the Kings and giuen to the Consuls b within a very little while after the citty grew to be greatly troubled with the oppressing power of the great ones and c the deuision of the people from the fathers vpon that cause and diuers other daungerous dissentions for hauing recorded how honestly and in what good concord the Romaines liued together d betwixt the second warre of Africa and the last and hauing showed that it was not the loue of goodnesse but the feare and distrust of the Carthaginians might and perâ—…ideousnesse that was cause of this good order and therfore that vpon this Nasica would haue Carthage stand stil vndemolished as a fit meane to debarre the entrance of iniquity into Rome and to keepe in integrity by feare he addeth presently vpon this these words e But discord auarice ambition and all such mischiefes as prosperity is midwife vnto grew vnto their full light after the destruction of Charthage intimating herein that they were sowne continued amongst the Romains before which he proues in his following reason For as for the violent offensiuenesse of the greater persons saith he and the diuision betwixt the Patricians and the Plebeians thence arising those were mischiefes amongst vs from the beginning nor was there any longer respect of equity or moderation amongst vs then whilest the kings were in expelling and the citty and state quit of Tarquin and the f great war of Hetruria Thus you see how that euen in that little space wherein after the expulsion of their Kings they embraced integrity it was onely feare that forced them to do so because they stood in dread of the warres which Tarquin vpon his expulsion being combined with the Hetrurians waged against them Now obserue what Salust addeth for after that quoth he the Senators bgan to make slaues of the people to iudge of heades g shoulders as bloudily imperiously h as the â—…ings did to chase men from their possessions only they of the whole crue of factions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…rial sway of al With which outrages chiefely with their extreame taxes and â—…tions the people being sore oppressed maintaining both soldiours in continuall armes and paying tribute also besides at length they stept out tooke vp armes and drew to 〈◊〉 head vpon Mount Auentine and Mount Sacer. And then they elected them 〈◊〉 and set downe other lawes but the second warre of Africa gaue end to these 〈◊〉 on both sides Thus you see in how little a while so soone after the expelling of their Kings the Romaines were become such as hee hath described them of whom notwithstanding he had affirmed that Iustice and honestie preuailed as much with them by nature as by lawe Now if those times were found to haue beene so depraued wherein the Romaine estate is reported to haue beene most vncorrupt and absolute what shall wee imagine may then bee spoken or thought of the succeeding ages which by a graduall alteration to vse the authors owne words of an honest and honorable citie became most dishonest and dishonorable namely after the dissolution of Carthage as hee himselfe relateth How he discourseth and describeth these times you may at full behold in his historie and what progresse this corruption of manners made through the midst of the Cities prosperitie euen k vntill the time of the ciuill warres But from that time forward as hee reporteth the manners of the better sort did no more fall to decay by little and little but ranne head-long to ruine like a swift torrent such excesse of luxurie and auarice entring vpon the manners of the youth that it was fitly said of Rome that she brought forth such l as would neither keepe goods them-selues nor suffer others to keepe theirs Then Salust proceeds in a discourse of Sylla's villanies and of other barbarous blemishes in the common-wealth and to his relation in this do all other writers agree in substance though m they bee all farre behinde him in phrase But here you see and so I hope doe all men that whosoeuer will obserue but this shall easilie discouer the large gulfe of damnable viciousnesse into which this Citty was fallen long before the comming of our heauenly King For these things came to passe not onely before that euer Christ our Sauiour taught in the flesh but euen before he was borne of the Virgin or tooke flesh at all Seeing therefore that they dare not impute vnto their owne gods those so many and so great mischiefes eyther the tolerable ones which they suffered before or the fouler ones which they incurred after the destruction of Carthage howsoeuer their gods are the engraffers of such maligne opinions in
that Phygian Troy namely of the Albians the Lauinians both which nations descended from the Troians that accompanied Aeneas d Homer reported at what time Rome was built or at what time Homer liued the auncient writers do not iustly and vniformely define though the first be lesse dubitable then the latter Plutarch in the life of Romulus saith that hee and Remus first founded the walles in the third yeare of the sixt Olimpiad on which day was an eclips of the moone Dionisius and Eusebius say the 1. yeare of the 7. Olympiade after the destruction of Troy CCCCXXXII yeares Solin in Polihist Cincius will haue it built in the twelth Olympiad Pictor in the eighth Nepos and Luctatius to whom Eratosthenes and Apollodorus agree the seauenth Olympiade the second yeare Pomponius Atticus and Tully the seauenth and the third yeare therefore by all correspondency of the Greeke computations to ours it was built in the beginning of the seauenth Olympiad CCCCXXXIII yeares after the ruine of Troy About Homers time of liuing his country and his parentage the Greeke writers keepe a great adoe Some say he was present at the warres of Troy Indeed he himselfe brings in his Phemius singing in the banquet of the wooers Odissi But whether he do it through an ambitious desire to grace his Mr. in beyond the reach of the time or no it is doubtful Others say he liued not vntil an hundred yeares after this warre of Phrigia and some there bee that ad fifty more vnto the number Aristarchus gives him to those times about which there was a Colonye planted in Ionia sixty yeares after the subuersion of the Heraclidae CXXX yeares after the Troians warrs Crates thinketh that there was not foure-score yeares betweene the demolishing of Troy and the birth of Homer Some affirme him to haue beene sonne to Telemachus Vlisses his sonne and Tolycasta daughter to Nestor In the cronicle of Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea we find this recorded We find saith he in the latine history that Agrippa reigning amongst the Latines Homer florished amongst the Greekes as Appollodorus the Grammarian and Euphorbeus the Historiographer do both testifie CXXIIII yeares before the building of Rome and as Cornelius Nepos saith before the fiâ—…st Olympiade an C. yeares Howsoeuer then it fall out Homer was before the building of Rome which Tully also doth beare witnesse of in his Quaestiones Tusculanae e Uirgill declareth Aeneid 5. Pelidae tunc ego fâ—…rti Congressum Aeneam nec diis nec viribus aequis Nube caua eripui cuperem cum vertere ab imo Structa meis maâ—…ibus periturae maenia Troiae c. Then in an hollow cloud I sau'd him when he combatted that Greeke Though hauing neither fate nor force alike Then when mine ownâ—… worke Troy I sought to raze c. f for thankes and thankelesse Gratis ingratis that an aduerbe this an adiectiue g Neptune Neptune after that Laomedon had thus cheated him was alwayes a heauy enemy of the Troyans But Apollo being more gentle and remisse was as good friends with them as before Virgill Aeneid 6. Phaebe graues Troiae semper miscrate labâ—…res Dardana qui Paridis direxti â—…ela manusque Corpus in Acacidae c. Phaebus that alwaies pitied Troies distresse And gâ—…ue the hand of Paris good successe Against Achilles life c. h the senators by the Semprnoian law which Caius Gracchus preferred the Gentlemen of Rome had the iudging all causes twenty yeares together without any note of infamy and then by the law Plautian were selected fifteene out of euery tribe by the suffrages of the people to be iudges for that yeare this was done in the second yeare of the Italian warre Cn. Pompeius sonne to Sextus and L. Cato being consuls Afterwards the law Cornelian which Silla instituted the authority was reduced to the senat who iudged ten yeares together most partially and most corruptedly When the greater sort iudged saith Tully against Verres there was great complaning of vniust indgements Last of all by the law Aurelian preferred by M Aurelius Cotta being praetor both senat and people combined had the hearing and censuring of causes i the people Lucane in his first booke Hinc raptifasces precio sectorque fauoris Ipse sui populus lethalisque ambitus vrbi Annua venali referens certamima campo Hence coyne Fought consulships through this deiection The people sold their voices this infection Fild Mars his field with strife at each election k But heapt vp for the iudges were sworne to iudge truly and the people before they gaue their voices were sworne at a sacrifice not to hold any reward or fauour of the worth of the commonwealths estate and safety That the gods could not iustly be offended at the adultry of Paris vsing it so freely and frequently themselues CHAP. 3. WHerefore there is no reason to say that these gods who supported the empire of Troy were offended with the Troians periury when the Greekes did preuaile against all their protections Nor is it as some say in their defence that the anger at Paris his a adultery made them giue ouer Troyes defence for it is their custome to practise sinne them-selues and not to punish it in others b The Troians saith Salust as I haue heard were the first founders inhabitants of Rome those were they that came away with Aeneas and wandered without any certaine abode If Paris his fact were then to be punished by the gods iudgements it was either to fall vpon the Troians or else vpon the Romaines because c Aeneas his mother was chiefe agent therein But how should they hate it in Paris when as they hated it not in Venus one of their company who to omit her other pranks committed adultery with Anchifes and by him was begotten d Aeneas Or why should his falt anger Menelus and hers e please Vulcane I do not thinke the gods such abasers of their wiues or of themselues as to vouchsafe mortall men to partake with them in their loues Some perhaps will say I scoffe at these fables and handle not so graue a cause with sufficient grauity why then if you please let vs not beleeue that Aeneas is sonne to Venus I am content so f that Romulus likewise be not held to be Mars his sonne g If the one be so why is not the other so also Is it lawfull for the gods to medle carnally with women and yet vnlawfull for the men to meddle carnallie with Goddesses a hard or rather an incredible condition that what was lawfull for Mars h by Venus her law should not be lawfull for Venus by her owne law But they are both confirmed by the Romain authority for i Caesar of late beleeued no lesse that k Venus was his grand-mother then l Romulus of old beleeued that Mars was his father L. VIVES PAris his a adultery This I thinke is knowne to all both blind men and barbers as they say that the warres of Troy arose about
befieging Ardea when the people beganne this depriuation and when he came to the Citty Brutus that came into the campe another waie with-drew all his army from him o Tusculum It is more commonly beleeued that hee died at Cumae with King Aristodemus liuing neere at the age of 90. yeares I doe not denie his stay some yeares at Tusculum with Octauius Mamilius his sonne in law vntill at that memorable filed at Lake Regillus now called Lago di S. Prassede Mamilius was slaine by T. Herminius Legate of Rome Which perhaps is cause of Saint Augustines forgetfulnesse in a matter of so small a moment caring not whether it bee reported thus or thus p His owne daughters consent Nay furtherance it is sayd and continuall vrging her husband to the fact q There owne pride A pithy and elegant saying r twenty miles Eighteene saith Ruffus won by Ancus from Rome to Ostia by the sea Eutropius hath but sixteene s Getulians Getulia is a part of Affrike neere the inhabitable Zone as Mela saith Salust writeth thus of them The rude and barbarous Getulians dwelt at first in Africa the flesh of wild beastes grasse was their meate as beasts haue also their apparell Law had they none nor gouernment nor place of aboade This and more hath Salust of the Getulians Mela saith they are a great and populous country Of the first Romaine Consulls how the one expelled the other out of his country and hee himselfe after many bloudy murders fell by a wound giuen him by his wounded foe CHAP. 16. VNto these times adde the other wherein as Salust saith things were modestly and iustly caried vntill the feare of Tarquin and the Hetrurian warre were both ended For whilest the Hetrurians assisted Tarquins endeauours of re-instalment Rome quaked vnder so burthenous a warre And therefore saith Salust were things caried modestly and iustly feare beeing the cause here of by restraint not iustice by perswasion In which short space O how cruell a course had the yeare of the two first Consulls The time beeing yet vnexpired Brutus debased Collatine and banished him the Citty And soone after perished he himselfe hauing a enterchanged a many wounds with his foe b hauing first slaine his owne sonnes and his wiues brothers because he found them actors in a plot to recall Tarquin Which deed Virgill hauing laudably recited presently doth in gentle manner deplore it for hauing sayd Natosque Pater mala bella mouentes Ad panam pulcra pro libertate vocabit His sonnes conuict of turbulent transgression He kills to quit his country from oppression Presently in lamenting manner he addeth Infaelix vtcunque ferent ea fact a minores Haplesse how ere succeeding times shall ringe Howsoeuer his posterity shall ring of the praise of such an act yet haplesse is he that giues deathes summons to his owne sonnes But to giue some solace to his sorrowes he addeth after all Viâ—…t amor patriae laudumque immensa cupido Conquer'd by countries loue and lawds high thirst Now in Brutus his killing of his owne sonnes and c in beeing killed by Tarquins sonne whome hee had hurt and Tarquin himselfe suruiuing him is not d Collatines wrong well reuenged who beeing so good a cittizen was banished onely because his name was but Tarqâ—…n as well as Tarquin the tyrant e It was the name you say that was the cause of this well hee should haue beene made to change his name then and not to abandon his country Againe f this word would haue beene but little missed in his name if hee had beene called L. Collatine onely This therefore was no sufficient cause why hee beeing one of the first Consulls should bee forced to abiure both his honours and his Citie But is this vniustice being so detestable and so vse-lesse to the state fit to bee the foundation of Brutus his glory Did he these things being Conquâ—…r'a by our countries loues and laudes high thirst Tarquin beeing expelled Lucraetia's-husband was ioyned Consull with Iunius Brutus how iustly did the people respect the conditions of the man aâ—…d not the name But how vniustly did Brutus hauing powre to depriue him onely of the cause of the offence his name in depriuing him both of his country and place of honour Thus these euills thus these thwart effects fell out euen then when things were said to be carried so modestly and so iustly And g Lucraetius that had Brâ—…tus his place died ere this yeare ended So that P. Valerius that succeeded Collatine and M. Horatius that had Lucraetius his place ended that Hellish and murderous yeare which saw it selfe passe by fiue Consulls This was the yeare wherein Rome deuised her platforme of new gouernment their feares now beginning to surcease not because they had no warres but because those they had were but light ones But the time beeing expired wherein things were modestly and iustly carried then followed those which Salust doth thus breeflie deliniate Then bâ—…ganne the Patriots to oppresse the pâ—…ople with seruile conditions to iudge of life and death as Imperiously as the Kings had done before to thrust men from their possessions to put by all others and to sâ—…are all themselues with which outrages and chiefly with their extorted taxes the people beeing to much vexed beeing bound both to maintaine an armie and also to par contributions besidâ—…s they rusht vppe to armes and entrenched themselues vpon Mount Sacer and Auentine and there they made them Tribunes and diuers lawes but these discords and tumultuous contentions ended not till the second African warre L. VIVES HAuing a entâ—…rchanged With Arnus King Tarquinius sonneâ—… beeing slaine the matrons mourned a whole yeare for him and his Collâ—…ague Valerius made an oration in his praise the first of that kinde in Rome b Hauing first slaine The Viteâ—… Brutus his wiues brethren conspired with certaine secret messengers of Tarquin to bring him secretly in againe and made Titus and Tiberius Brutus the Consull sons priuy and pertakers in this affaire Brutus discouering the plot put them all to death c In beeing killed The manuscripts haue this diuersly wee haue it the best d Collatines wrong I noted before That those that depriued their fellowes in Consull-ship liued not a yeare after e For it is sayd Hee was sonne to M. Iunius and Tarquins sister f This name would Some hereof transpose the word if but erroneously g Lucraetius This first yeare had fiue Consulls first Brutus and Collatine then P. Valerius Poplicola in Collatines place Then Sp Lucraetius after the death of Brutus in warre had Brutus his place and hee dying ere the end of the yeare M. Horatius Puluillu succeeded him Of the Vexations of the Romaine estate after the first beginning of the the Consulls rule And of the little good that their gods all this while did them CHAP. 17. BVt why should I spend so much time in writing of these things or make others spend it in reading them How miserable the state
it from these there is no cause of despaire Who knowes the will of God herein L. VIVES THe a Medians By Arbaces praefect of Media who killed Sardanapalus as scorning that so many thousand men should obey a beast Iustin. Oros. Plutar. Euseb. c. b From them The Monarchy of Asia remained with the Medians from Arbaces to Cyrus Cambyses sonne CCCL yeares Astyages was the last King whose daughter Mandane Cambyses wife was mother to Cyrus Cyrus being borne his grand-sire through a dreame he had caused him to be cast out to the wild beasts in the woods But by chance he was saued And beeing become a lusty youth entring into Persepolis hee commanded the people to make ready their axes and cut downe a great wood next day he made them a delicate banquet and in the midst thereof asked them whether they liked this day better then the other They all replied this day well saith hee as long as you serue the Medians the world shal be as yesterday to you but bee your owne Lords your selues and it wil be this day Herevpon leauying an army he ouer-threw his vncle and transferred the Monarchy vnto Persia. c Persians Their Kingdome continued from Cyrus to Alexander Philips sonne CCXXX yeares Alexander ruled Asia VI. yeares his successors after him vnto Seleucus and Antiochus the two brethren that is from the 104 Olympiade vnto the 134. at which time Arsaces a meane but a valorous fellow set his country free by meanes of the two brethrens discord and raigned King himselfe Thence arose the Parthian Kingdome lasting vnto Alex. Seuerus Caesars time at which time Xerxes the Persian subdued them and annexed them to the Persian crowne and this Kingdome was during in Augustines time Whereof read Herodian in Antoninus d After those The text of some copies followes Eusebius but the old bookes doe leaue out et quadraginta So that Augustine did not set downe his opinion amongst this diuersity of accounts but onely the ouerplus to shew onely that it was more then MCC yeares but how much more he knoweth not surely it was not an C. e Though The name of it remaineth as yet in the ancient dignity but with no powre What precious gods those were by whose power the Romaines hela their Empire to bee enlarged and preserued seeing that they durst not trust them with the defence of meane and perticular matters CHAP. 8. LEt vs now make inquiry if you will which God or gods of all this swarme that Rome worshipped was it that did enlarge and protect this their Empire In a world of such worth and dignity they durst not secretly commit any dealing to the goddesse Cloacina a nor to the goddesse b Volupia the lady of pleasure nor to c Libentina the goddesse of lust nor to d Vaticanus the god of childrens crying nor to e Cunina the goddesse of their cradles But how can this one little booke possibly haue roome to containe the names of all their gods and goddesses when as their great volumes will not doe it seeing they haue a seuerall god to see to euery perticular act they take in hand Durst they trust one god with their lands thinke you No Rusina must looke to the country Iugatinus to the hill-toppes Collatina to the whole hills besides and Vallonia to the vallies Nor could f Segetia alone bee sufficient to protect the corne but while it was in the ground Seia must looke to it when it was vp and ready to mow Segetia when it was mowne and laid vp then g Tutilina tooke charge of it who did not like that Segetia alone should haue charge of it all the while before it came dried vnto her hand nor was it sufficient for those wretches that their poore seduced soules that scorned to embrace one true god should become prostitute vnto this meaner multitude of deuills they must haue more so they made h Proserpina goddesse of the cornes first leaues and buddes the i knots Nodotus looked vnto Volutina to the blades and when the eare began to looke out it was Patelena's charge when the eare began to be euen bearded because k Hostire was taken of old for to make euen Hostilinas worke came in when the flowres bloomed l Flora was called forth when they grew m white Lacturtia beeing ripe n Matuca beeing cut downe o Runcina O let them passe that which they shame not at I loath at These few I haue reckoned to shew that they durst at no hand affirme that these gods were the ordainers adorners augmenters or preseruers of the Empire of Rome hauing each one such peculiar charges assigned them as they had no leasure in the world to deale in any other matter How should Segetia guard the Empire that must not meddle but with the corne or Cunina looke to the warres that must deale with nought but childrens cradles or Nodotus giue his aide in the battaile that cannot helpe so much as the blade of the corne but is bound to looke to the knot onely Euery p house hath a porter to the dore and though he be but a single man yet hee is sufficient for that office but they must haue their three gods Forculus for the dore q Cardea for the hinge and Limentius for the threa-shold Be-like Forculus could not possibly keepe both dore hinges and threa-shold L. VIVES CLoacina a Some reade Cluacina and some Lauacina but Cloacina is the best her statue was found by Tatius who raigned with Romulus in a great Priuy or Iakes of Rome and knowing not whose it was named it after the place Cloacina of Cloaca Lactant. Cipriaâ—… calles it Cluacina but it is faulty I thinke There was Uenus surnamed Cluacina or the fighter for Cluo is to fight Her statue stood where the Romaines and Sabines agreed and ended the fight for the women Plin. lib. 15. b Uolupia She had a chappell at the Theater Nauall neare the gate Romanula Varro de Ling. Lat. lib. 3. Macrob. Saturn The 12. Cal. of Ianuary is Angeronia's feast kept by the Priests in Volupia's chappell Verrius Flaccus saith shee was so called for easing the angers and troubles of the minde Masurius saith her statue stood on Volupia's alter with the mouth sealed vp to shew that by the pacient suppressing of griefe is pleasure attained c Libentina Varro lib. 3. of Libet it lusteth there was Venus Libentina and Venus Libitina but Libithina is another d Vaticanus Not Uagitarius as some reade Gell. lib. 16. out of Varro As vnder whome saith hee the childes first cry is which is va the firstsyllable of Vaticanus whence Vagire also is deriued and in old bookes it is Uatiganus not Uagitanus e Cunina The cradle-keeper and wich-chaser f Segetia Or Segesta Plin. lib. 18. for those gods were then best knowne Seia to bee the goddesse of Sowing and Segetia of the corne their statues were in the Theater g Tutilina And Tutanus hee and she guarders
beastes from beeing part of him But what needes all this Lette vs go but vnto this reasonable creature man can there be a more damnable absurdity then to beleeue that part of Gods essence is beaten when an offending childis beaten To make the subsistence of almighty God be so lasciuious vniust wicked and damnable as diuers men are What man can indure to heare it but hee that is absolutely madde lastly how can God bee iustly angry with those that doe not worshippe him when as they are partes of his owne selfe that are guilty So then they are forced to say that euery particular godde hath his life and subsistence by him-selfe and that they are not peeces of one another but each one that is particularly knowne must haue his peculiar worshippe that is knowne I say because they cannot all bee knowne Ouer all whome Iupiter beeing King thence it comes as I imagine that they beleeue him to bee the sole erecter and protector of Romes Monarchy For if it were not hee that didde it whome should they thinke able to performe so great a worke each one hauing his peculiar taske already so distinctty assigned that one must by no meanes meddle with that which was vnder the charge of another So then the conclusion is it must needs bee onely the King of goddes that erected and preserued this Kingdome of men That the augmentations of Kingdomes are vnfitly ascribed to Ioue Victory whome they call a goddesse being sufficient of her selfe to giue a full dispatch to all such businesses CHAP. 14. NOw heree is a question why may not Soueraignty it selfe bee a God What should hinder it more then a hinders Victory Or what need men trouble Iâ—…e if Victory be but fauourable ynough and will stay with such as she meaneth to make conquerors If she be but propitious let Ioue mind his own businesse the nations shall come vnder b Yea but it may bee they are good men and loth to wrong their neighbours that wrong not them or to prouoke them to warre withoâ—…t a iuster cause then meere desire to inlarge their Kingdome Nay bee they of that minde I commend them with all mine heart L. VIVES THen a Victory Cato the elder built hir a little Temple by the Market place She had also a greater Temple by that little one which P Posth Megellus beeing Aedile built with the mulot-money hee hadde gathered and dedicated it in his Consulship with M. Attill Regulns in the Samnites warre Sylla ordained playes for her in the ciuill warres Ascon Pâ—…d Cicer. in Verr. Actio 1. She was daughter to Styx and Pallas Hesiod and had Zeale Power and Force to her bretheren which alwaies sitte by Ioue nor raigneth he nor any King without them b It may be There are some copyes that differ from vs heere but they are corrupted Whether an honest man ought to intertaine any desire to inlarge his Empire CHAP. 15. VVWherefore lette them obserue whether it befitte a good and vpright man to reioyce in the inlarging of his dominions For it was the badnesse of those against whome iust warres were whilome vnder-taken that hath aduanced earthly soueraignties to that port they now hold which would haue beene little still if no enemy had giuen cause nor prouocation to war by offring his neighbour wrong If men had alwaies beene thus conditioned the Kingdomes of the earth would haue continued little in quantity and peacefull in neighbourly agreement And then a many Kingdomes would haue beene in the world as a many families are now in a citty So that the waging warre and the augmentation of dominions by conquest may seeme to the badde as a great felicity but the good must needs hold it a meere necessity But because it would bee worse if the badde should gette all the Soueraignty and so ouer-rule the good therefore in that respect the honest men may esteem their owne soueraingty a felicity But doubtlesse hee is farre more happy that hath a good neighbour by him in quiet then hee that must bee forced to subdue an euil neighbour by contention It is an euill wish to wish for one that thou hatest or fearest or for one to trouble thee that thou mightst haue one to conquer VVherfore if the Romaines attained to so great an Empire by honest vpright iust wars why should they not reuerence their enemies iniquity take itfor their goddesses good For we see that Iniquity hath giuen good assistance to the increase of this Empire by setting on others vppon vniust prouocation to iust warre that so the Romaines might haue iust cause to subdue them and so consequently to inlarge their owne dominions And why should not Iniquity be a goddesse at least among forreyne Nations as well as Feare and Palenesse and Feuer was at Rome So that by these two Deities Iniquity and Victory the first beginning the warres and the latter ending them with the conquest Romes Empire was inlarged infinitely whilest Ioue kept holyday in the Capitoll For what hath Iupiter to doe heere whâ—…e those which they may say are but meerely his benefits are worshipped iâ—…ed and accoumpted for direct deities and partes of his essence Indeed 〈◊〉 should haue hadde a faire good hand in this businesse if that hee were called â—…eraignty as well as shee is called Victory But if that a Soueraignty bee but a meere guift of Ioues then why may not Victory bee so too Both would bee 〈◊〉 to bee so if the Romaines didde not worshippe a dead stone in the Capitoll bâ—… the true King of Kinges and Lord of all domination both in earth and Heauen L. VIVES Iâ—… a Kingdome So saith Homer in diuers places The reason why the Romaines in their appointments of seuerall Goddes for euery thing and euery action would needes place the Temple of Rest or Quiet with-out the Gates CHAP. 16. BVt I wonder much that the Romaines appointing particular goddes ouer euery thing and almost euery motion Agenoria that stirred men to action Stimula a that forced them forward b Murcia that neuer went out of her pace And as c Pomponius saith made men slouthfull and disabled them from action Strenua that made men resolute Vnto all which goddes and goddesses they offered publike sacrifices and kept sollemne feasts Beeing to dispose d of Quiet the goddesse of Rest her they onely vouchsafed a Temple without Port Collina but allowed hir no publike honors at all in the citty VVhether was this a signe of their vnquiet and turbulent spirits or that those who hadde such a rable of diuell-gods No worship and reuerence should neuer come to inioy that Rest where-vnto the true Phsition inuiteth vs Saying Learne of me that I am meeke Math. 11. 29. and lowly in heart and you shall find rest vnto your soules L. VIVES STimula a This may bee Horta that in her life-time was called Hersilia Romulus his wife called Horta of exhorting men to action Labeo Her Temple was neuer shutte to signifie
king domes to good and to bad not rashly nor casually but as the time is appointed which is well knowne to him though hidden for vs vnto which appointment not-with-standing hee doth not serue but as a Lord swayeth it neuer giuing true felicitie but to the good For this both a subiects and Kings may eyther haue or wante and yet bee as they are seruants and gouernours The fulnesse indeed of it shall bee in that life where b no man shall serue And therefore here on earth hee giueth kingdomes to the bad as well as to the good least his seruants that are but yet proselites should affect them as great maâ—…ters And this is the mysterie of his olde Testament wherein the new was included that c there all the gifts and promises were of this world and of the world to come also to those that vnderstood them though the eternall good that was meant by those temporall ones were not as yet manifested nor in whâ—… gifts of God the true felicitie was resident L. VIVES SUbiects a and Stoicisme A slaue wise is a free man a King foolish a 〈◊〉 b No man shall serue Some bookes wante the whole sentence which followeâ—… And therefore c. c There all The rewards promised to the kâ—…pers of the law in the old Testament were all temporall how be it they were misticall types of the Celestiall Of the Iewes kingdome which one God alone kept vnmoued as long as they kept the truth of religion CHAP. 34. TO shew therefore that all those temporall goods which those men gape after that can dreame of no better are in Gods hands alone and in none of their Idolls therefore multiplied he his people in Aegipt from a a very few and then deliuered them from thence by miraculous wounders Their women neuer called vpon Lucina when their children multiplied vpon them incredibly and when he preserued them from the b Aegiptians that persecuted them and would haue killed all their children They suckt without Ruminas helpe slept without Cunina eate and dranke without Educa and Potica and were brought vp without any of these puppy-gods helpes married without the Nuptiall gods begot children without Priapus crossed through the diuided sea without calling vpon Neptune and left al their foes drowned behind them They dedicated no Goddesse Mannia when heauen had rained Manna for them nor worshipped the Nymphes when the rocke was cleft and the waters flowed out they vsed no Mars nor Bellona in their warres and conquered not without Victory but without making Victory a goddesse They had corne oxen hony apples without Segetia Bobona Mella or Pomona And to conclude all things that the Romaines begged of so many false gods they receiued of one true God in far happier measure had they not persisted 〈◊〉 their impious curiosity in running after strange gods as if they had beene enchaunted and lastly in killing of Christ in the same kingdome had they liued happily still if not in a larger And that they are now dispersed ouer the whole earth is gods especiall prouidence that what Alters Groues Woods and Temples of the false gods he reproueth and what sacrifices he forbiddeth might all be discerned by their bookes as their fall it selfe was foretold them by their pâ—…phets And this least the Pagans reading them with ours might thinke wee had fâ—…igned them But now to our next booke to make an end of this tedious one L. VIVES FRom a very few The Sonnes of Israell that went into Aegipt were 70. Gen. 49. b Aegiptians Here is a diuersity of reading but all one sence and so is there often else-where which I forbeare to particularize or to note all such occurences Finis lib. 4. THE CONTENTS OF THE fifth booke of the City of God 1. That neither the Romaine Empire nor any other Kingdome had any establishment from the powre of Fortune nor from the starres chapter 1. 2. Of the mutuall Sympathie and dssimillitude of the health of body and many other accidents in twinnes of one birth 3. Of Nigidius the astrologians argument in this question of the twinnes drawne from the potters wheele 4. Of Esau and Iacob two twinnes and of the diuersity of their conditions and quallities 5. How the Mathematicians may bee conuicted of professing direct vanity 6. Of twinnes of different sexes 7. Of the election of daies of marriage of planting and of sowing 8. Of their opinion that giue not the name of Fate the position of the starres but vnto the dependance of causes vpon the will of God 9. Of Gods fore-knowledge and mans freedome of election against the opinon of Cicero 10. Whether Necessity haue any dominion ouer the will of man 11. Of Gods vniuersall prouidence ruling all and comprising all 12. How the ancient Romaines obtained this encrease of their Kingdome at the true Gods hand beeing that they neuer worshipped him 13. Of ambition which beeing a vice is notwithstanding herein held a vertue that it doth restraine vices of worse natures 14. That we are to auoide this desire of humaine honour the glory of the righteous beeing wholy in God 15. Of the tempor all rewardes that God bestowed vpon the Romaines vertues and good conditions 16. Of the reward of the eternall Cittizens of heauen to whome the examples of the Romaines vertues were of good vse 17. The fruites of the Romaines warres both to themselues and to those with whom they warred 18. How farre the Christians should bee from boasting of their deedes for their eternall country the Romaines hauing done so much for their temporall city and for humaine glory 19. The difference betweene the desire of glory and the desire of rule 20. That vertue is as much disgraced in seruing humaine glory as in obeying the pleasures of the body 21. That the true God in whose hand and prouidence all the state of the world consisteth did order and dispose of the Monarchy of the Romaines 22. That the Originalls and conclusions of warres are all at Gods dispose 23. Of the battaile wherein Radagaisus an idolatrous King of the Gothes was slaine with all his army 24. The state and truth of a christian Emperors felicity 25. Of the prosperous estate that God bestowed vpon Constantine a christian Emperor 26. Of the faith and deuotion of Theodosius Emperor 27. Augustines invectiue against such as wrote against the bookes already published FINIS THE FIFTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus That neither the Romaine Empire nor any other Kingdome had any establishment from the power of fortune or from the starres CHAP. 1. WHereas it is apparant to all mens discretion that felicity is the hope of al humane desires and that she is no goddesse but merely the gift of a god and consequently that there is no god worthy of worshippe but he in whose power it lieth to bestow this felicity vpon men so that if shee were a goddesse herselfe the worship of al the
rest should be intirely hers now let vs looke in to the reasons why that God that can giue those earthly goods aswel to the good as the euill and consequently to such as are not happy should vouchsafe the Romaine empire so large a dilatation and so long a contiunance for we haue already partly proued and hereafter in conuenient place will proue more fully that it was not their rable of false gods that kept it in the state it was in wherefore the cause of this was neither a Fortune nor Fate as they call them holding Fortune to be an euent of things beyond al reason and cause and Fate an euent from some necessity of order excluding the will of god and man But the god of Heauen by his onely prouidence disposeth of the kingdomes of Earth which if any man will say is swayd by fate and meane by that fate b the will of God he may hold his opinion still but yet he must amend his phrase of speach for why did hee not learne this of him that taught him what fate was The ordinary custome of this hath made men imagine fate to bee c a power of the starres so or so placed in natiuities or conceptions which d some do seperate from the determination of God and other some do affirme to depend wholy therevpon But those that hold that the starres do manage our actions or our passions good or ill without gods appointment are to be silenced and not to be heard be they of the true religion or bee they bondslaues to Idolatry of what sort soeuer for what doth this opinion but flattly exclude alll deity Against this error we professe not any disputation but onely against those that calumniat Christian religion in defence of their imaginary goddes As for those that make these operations of the starres in good or bad to depend vpon Gods will if they say that they haue this power giuen them from him to vse according to their owne wills they do Heauen much wronge in imagining that any wicked acts or iniuries are decreed in so glorious a senate and such as if any earthly city had but instituted the whole generation of man would haue conspired the subuersion of it And what part hath GOD left him in this disposing of humaine affaires if they be swayed by a necessity from the starres whereas he is Lord both of starres and men If they do not say that the starres are causes of these wicked arts through a power that god hath giuen them but that they effect them by his expresse commaund is this fit to be imagined for true of God that is vnworthy to be held true of the starres e But if the starres bee said to portend this onely And not to procure it and that their positions be but signes not causes of such effects for so hold many great schollers though the Astrologians vse not to say f Mars in such an house signifieth this or that no but maketh the child-borne an homicide to g grant them this error of speech which they must learâ—…e to reforme of the Philosophers in all their presages deriued from the starres positions how commeth it to passe that they could neuer shew the reason of that diuersity of life actions fortune profession arte honour and such humaine accidentes that hath befallne two twinnes nor of such a great difference both in those afore-said courses and in their death that in this case many strangers haue come nearer them in their courses of life then the one hath done the other beeing notwithstanding borne both within a little space of time the one of the other and conceiued both in one instant and from one acte of generation L. VIVES FOrtune a Nor fate Seeing Augustine disputeth at large in this place concerning fate will diue a littlle deeper into the diuersity of olde opinions herein to make the â—…est more plaine Plato affirmed there was one GOD the Prince and Father of all the rest at whose becke all the gods and the whole world were obedient that al the other gods celestial vertues were but ministers to this Creator of the vniuerse and that they gouerned the whole world in places and orders by his appointment that the lawes of this great God were vnalterable and ineuitable and called by the name of Necessities No force arte or reason can stoppe oâ—… hinder any of their effectes whereof the prouerbe ariseth The gods themselues must serue necessity But for the starres some of their effects may be auoided by wisdome labour or industry wherein fortune consisteth which if they followed certaine causes and were vnchangeable should bee called fate and yet inferre no necessity of election For it is in our powre to choose beginne or wish what wee will but hauing begunne fate manageth the rest that followeth It was free for Laius saith Euripides to haue begotten a sonne or not but hauing begotten him then Apollo's Oracle must haue the euents prooue true which it presaged Thâ—… and much more doth Plato dispute obscurely vpon in his last de repub For there hee puttes the three fatall sisters Necessities daughters in heauen and saith that Lachesis telleth the soules that are to come to liue on earth that the deuill shall not possesse them but they shal rather possesse the deuill But the blame lieth wholy vpon the choise if the choise bee naught GOD is acquit of all blame and then Lachesis casteth the lottes Epicurus derideth all this and affirmes all to bee casuall without any cause at all why it should bee thus or thus or if there bee any causes they are as easie to bee auoided as a mothe is to bee swept by The Platonists place Fortune in things ambiguous and such as may fall out diuersely also in obscure things whose true causes why they are so oâ—… otherwise are vnknowne so that Fortune dealeth not in things that follow their efficient cause but either such as may bee changed or are vndiscouered Now Aristotle Phys. 2. and all the Peripatetikes after him Alex. Aphrodisiensis beeing one is more plaine Those things saith hee are casuall whose acte is not premeditated by any agent as if any man digge his ground vppe to make it fatte finde a deale of treasure hidden this is Fortune for hee came not to digge for that treasure but to fatten his earth and in this the casuall euent followed the not casuáll intent So in things of fortune the agent intendeth not the end that they obtaine but it falleth out beyond expectation The vulgar call fortune blinde rash vncertaine madde and brutish as Pacuuius saith and ioyne Fate and Necessity together holding it to haue 〈◊〉 powre both ouer all the other gods and Ioue their King himselfe Which is verified by the Poet that said What must bee passeth Ioue to hold from beeing Quod fore paratum 〈◊〉 id summum exuperat Iouem For in Homer Ioue lamenteth that hee could not saue his sonne
destenies of dogs and giue answeres breeding great admiration Nay men are now growne to that grosenesse of braine that they thinke when a man is borne creation is tyed to such an order that not so much as a fly is brought forth in that region at that time for if they giue vs but birth-rome for a fly we will draw them by gradation till we come to an elephant Nor haue they wit to consider this that in their selected day of sowing corne it springeth and groweth vp altogether and being growne to the height iâ—…ipens altogether and yet the canker spoyleth one peece and the birds another and men cut vp the third of al this corne that neuerthelesse grew vp altogether How will they doe with the constellation of this that hath partaken so many kindes of ending Or doth it not repent them of electing daies for these things denying them to belong to heauens disposing and putting onely men vnder the starres to whome onely of all the creatures vpon earth God hath giuing free and vnconstrained wills These being considered it is no euill beleefe to thinke that the Astrologers d do presage many things wonderfully and truly but that is by a e secret instinct of euill spirits whose care it is to infect nousle and confirme mens minds in this false and dangerous opinion of fate in the starres and not by any art of discerning of the Horoscope for such is there none L. VIVES WHo can a endure The Astrologers Haly Abenragel Messahalach and others write of these elections Haly Ptolomies interpretor as Picus Mirandula writeth saith this part of Astrology is friuolous and fruitlesse b Where then If your natiuities destinie be against your enterprise it shall neuer haue good end as Ptolomy holdeth Picus writeth much against Astrologers lib. 2. and of this matter also But Augustine hath the summe of all here c Choose daies Hesiod was the first that distinguished the daies of the moone and the yeare for country businesses and him did all the writers of husbandry follow Greekes Latines and others Democritus and Virgill Cato Senior Uarro Columella Palladius Plinie c. d Do presage He that often shooteth must needes hit some-times few of the Mathematicians false answeres are obserued but all their true ones are as miraculous e Secret instinct The presages from the starres saith Augustine else where are as by bargaine from the deuills and instincts of theirs which the minds of men feele but perceiue not and he presageth best that is in greatest credit with his diuel Of their opinion that giue not the name of Fate the position of the starres but vnto the dependance of causes vpon the will of God CHAP. 8. AS for those that do not giue the position of the starres in natiuities and conceptions the name of fate but reserue it onely to that connexion of a causes whereby all things come to passe wee neede not vse many words to them because they conforme this coherence of causes to the will of God who is well and iustly beleeued both to fore-know al things before the euent and to leaue no euent vndisposed of ere it be an euent from whome are all powers though from him arise not all wills for that it is the will of that great and all-disposing God which they call Fate these verses b of Anneus Senecas I thinke will proue Duâ—… mâ—…summe pater â—…ltique dominator poli 〈◊〉 placuerit nulla parenda mora est 〈◊〉 impiger 〈◊〉 â—…olle comitabâ—…r gemens Malusque patiar facere quod licuit bono 〈◊〉 volâ—…ntem fatâ—… uolentem trâ—…unt Leâ—…d me Great Lord King of eternity Euen where thou wilt I le not resist thees Chang thou my will yet still I vow subiection Being led to that thaâ—…'s in the good election Fate leads the willing hales the obstinate Thus in the last verse hee directly calleth that Fate which in the former hee called the will of the great Lord to whome hee promiseth obedience and to be leâ—… willingly least hee bee drawne on by force because Fate leads the willing hales the obstinâ—…te And c Homers verses translated into Latine by Tully are as these are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hominum 〈◊〉 qualis â—…ater ipsâ—… â—…upiter aâ—…fferas 〈◊〉 lumâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the mindes of men as louâ—… the great Vouchsafe that fils the earth wiâ—…h light and 〈◊〉 Wee would not bring Poetique sentences for confirmation of this question but because that Tully saith that the Stoikes standing for this power of Fate vse to quote this place of Homer wee now alledge them not as his opinion but as theirs who by these verses of Fate shewed in their disputations what they thought of Fate because they call vppon Ioue whome they held to be that great God vppon whose directions these causes did depend L. VIVES COnnexion a of causes Cic. de diuin lib. 2. Reason therefore compels vs to confes that all things come to passe by fate by fate I mean the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is an order or course of things canses arising one from another that is the euerlasting truth flowing froÌ„ aâ—…eternity Chrysippus in Gellius saith that Fate is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. A natural composition of causes and things arising one from another from aeleternity being an immutable combination of them all b Anneas Senecas Epist. lib. 18. The verses were Cleanthes his Seneca but translated them they are all Senarian But the first of them is not perfectly read it were better to read it Duc me parens celsique dominator Poli Coleyne copy hath it Duc summe Pater altique dominator Poli. Indifferent well The said thing hath Seneca in his book de beneficijs speaking of God if you call him Fate saith he it is not amisse for he is the first cause whence all the rest haue originall and fate is nothing but a coherence of causes This is the common opinion of the Stoiâ—…s to hold one God calling him Fate and Mens and Iupiter and many other names These are the foure ancient opinions of Fate which Picus Contra Astrolog lib. 4. rehearseth The firstheld Fate to be nature so that the things which fell out by election or chance they excluded from Fate as Virgill saith of Dido that killed her-selfe and dyed not by Fate and Cicero If any thing had befalne me as many things hung ouer mans head besides nature and besides fate This opinion is Phsiologicall and imbraced by Alexander one of Aristotles interpreters The second held fate to be an eternall order and forme of causes as aforesaid Third put all in the stars The fourth held fate to be onely the execution of the will of God c Homers Odyss 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Such are the mindes of men c Vlisses speaketh them to Phemius affirming a mutablity of mens mindes and that they are not of power to keepe them-selues fixt but alter continually as it pleaseth the great Iupiter to
inspire and transforme them The later of the latine verses in the text dotâ—… not expresse Homers mind But I suspect it to be wronged in copying Of Gods fore-knowledge and mans freedome of election againâ—…t the opinion of Cicero CHAP. 9. AGainst those men Tully thinketh he cannot hold argument vnlesse hee ouerthrow diuination therefore he laboureth to proue that there is no praescience nor fore-knowledge of things to come a either in God or man there is directly no such matter Thus denieth he Gods fore-knowledge idely seeketh to subuert the radiant lustre of true prophecies by propounding a sort of ambiguous and fallible oracles whose truth not-withstanding he doth not confute But those coniectures of the Mathematiques he layeth flat for indeed they are the ordinance to batter them-selues But for al that their opinion is more tollerable yâ— ascribe a fate b vnto the stars then his that reiects al fore-knowledge of things to come For to acknowledge a God yet to deny that is monstrous madnes which he obseruing went about to proue euen that with the foole hath said in his heart there is no God Mary not in his own person he saw the danger of mallice too well and therfore making Cotta dispute hand-smooth against the Stoikes vpon this theame in his books De natura Deorum there he seemes more willing to hold with c Lucilius Balbus that stood for the Stoikes then with Cotta that argued against the diuine essence But in his bookes Of diuination hee directly opposeth the fore-knowledge of thinges d of him-selfe and in his owne person all which it seemeth hee didde least hee should yeelde vnto fate and so loose the freedome of election For hee supposed that in yeelding to this fore-know-ledge fate would follow necessarily there-vpon without all deniall But how-soeuer the Phylosophers winde them-selues in webbes of disputations wee as wee confesse the great and true GOD so do we acknowledge his high will power and fore-knowledge Nor lette vs feare that wee doe not performe all our actions by our owne will because he whose fore-knowledge cannot erre knew before that we should do thus or thus which Tully feared and therfore denied fore-knowledge and the Stoiks that held not al things to be done by necessity thought that they were done by fate What then did Tully fe re in this praescience that he framed such detestable arguments against it Verily this that if all euents were knowne ere they came to passe they should come to passe according to that fore-knowledge And if they come so to passe then God knoweth the certain order of things before hand and consequently the certaine order of the causes and if he know a certaine order of causes in all euents then aâ—…e all euents disposed by fate which if it be so wee haue nothing left in our power nothing in our will which granted saith he the whole course of humanity is ouerturned law correction praise disgrace exhortation prohibition al are to no end nor is ther any iustice in punishing the bad and rewarding the good For auoiding of which inconueniences so absurd and so pernitious he vtterly reiecteâ—…h this fore-knowledge of things and draweth the religious minde into this strait that either there must be som-what in the power of our will or else that there is a fore-knowledge of things to come but the granting of the one is the subuersioÌ„ of the other choosing of the fore-knowledge we must loose the freedome of election and choosing this we must deny the other Now this learned and prouident man of the two maketh choyse of freedome of election and to confirme it denieth the fore-knowledge vtterly And so instead of making men free maketh them blasphemous But the religious mind chooseth them both confesseth confirmeth them both How saith he For granting this fore-knowledge there followeth so many consequents that they quite subuert all power of our will and holding thus by the same degrees we ascend till we find there is no praescience of future things at all for thus we retire through them If there be any freedome of the will all things do not follow destiny If all thinges follow not destiny then is there no set order in the causes of things Now if there bee 〈◊〉 set order in the causes of all things then is there no set order of the things them-selues in Gods fore-knowledge since they come from their causes If there bee not a sette order of all thinges in GODS fore-knowledge then all things fall not out according to the sayd knowledge Now if all thinges fall not out as hee hadde his fore-knowledge of them then is there in God no fore-knowledge of thinges to come To these sacriligious and wicked opposers thus wee reply GOD doth both know all thinges ere they come to passe and wee doe all thinges willingly which wee doe not feele our selues and knowe our selues directly inforced to Wee hold not that all thinges but rather that nothing followeth fate and whereas Fate vseth to be taken for a position of the stars in natiuities and conceptions we hold this a vaine and friuolous assumption wee neither deny an order of causes wherein the will of God is all in all nether do we cal it by the name of Fate g vnles Fate be deriued of fari to speak for we cannot deny that the scripture saith God spake oncâ—… these two things I haue heard that power belongeth vnto God to thee O Lord mercy for thou wilt reward euery man according to his workes For whereas hee saith God spake once it is meant that hee spake vnmooueably and vnchangeably that all thinges should fall out as hee spake and meant to haue them In this respect wee may deriue fate from fari to speake but we must needes say withall that it is vsed in another sence then we would haue men to thinke vppon But it doth not follow that nothing should bee left free to our will because God knoweth the certaine and sette order of all euents For Our very wills are in that order of causes which God knoweth so surely and hath in his praescience humain wils beeing the cause of humaine actions So that hee that keepeth a knowledge of the causes of all thinges cannot leaue mens wills out of that knowledge knowing them to bee the causes of their actions g For Tullies owne wordes Nothing commeth to passe without an efficient cause is sufficient alone to sway downe this matter quite against him-selfe for what auailes the subsequence Nothing is without a cause but euery cause is not fatall because there are causes of chance nature and will It is sufficient that nothing is done but by precedent cause For those causes that are casuall giuing originall to the name of Fortune wee deny them not wee say they are secret and ascribe them either to the will of the true God or of any other spirit The h naturall causes wee doe neuer diuide from his will who is natures
that the euents of things to come proceed not from Gods knowledge but this from them with not-withstanding in him are not to come but already present wherein a great many are deceiued wherfore he is not rightly said to fore-know but only in respect of ouâ—… actions but already to knowe see and discerne them But is it seen vnfit that this eternall knowledge should deriue from so transitory an obiect then we may say that Gods knowledge ariseth from his prouidence and will that his will decreeth what shall bee and his knowledge conceiueth what his will hath appointed That which is to come saith Origen vppon Genesis is the cause that God knoweth it shall come so it commeth not to passe because God knoweth it shall come so to passe but God fore-knoweth it because it shal come so to passe m Vse the word So do most of the latines Poets Chroniclers and Orators referring fate to men and will to God and the same difference that is here betweene fate will Boethius puts betweene fate and prouidence Apuleius saith that prouidence is the diuine thought preseruing hiâ—… for whose cause such a thing is vndertaken that fate is a diuine law fulfilling the vnchangable decrees of the great God so that if ought be done by prouidence it is done also by fate and if Fate performe ought Prouidence worketh with it But Fortuâ—… hath something to doe about vs whose causes we vtterly are ignorant of for the euents runne so vncertaine that they mixing them-selues with that which is premeditated and we thinke well consulted of neuer let it come to our expected end and when it endeth beyond our expectation so well and yet these impediments haue intermedled that wee call happynesse But when they peâ—…uert it vnto the worst it is called misfortune or vnhappynesse In Dogmata Platonis Whether necessity haue any dominion ouer the will of man CHAP. X. NOr need we feare that a Necessity which the Stoikes were so affraid off that in their distinctions of causes they put some vnder Necessity and some not vnder it and in those that did not subiect vnto it they gâ—… our wils also that they might bee free though they were vrged by necessity But if that bee necessity in vs which is not in our power but will be done do what wee can against it as the necessity of death then is it plaine that our wills are subiect to no such necessity vse we them howsoeuer well or badly For we do many things which wee could not do against our wils And first of all to will it selfe if we will a thing there is our will If we will not it is not For we cannot will against our wills Now if necessity be defined to be that whereby such a thing musts needes fall out thus or thus I see no reason we should feare that it could hinder the freedome of our wills in any thing b For we neither subiect Gods being nor his praesciences vnto necessity when wee say God must needes liue eternally and God must needes fore-know all thinges no more then his honour is diminished in saying hee cannot erre hee cannot die He cannot do this why because his power were lesse if he could doe it then now it is in that he cannot Iustly is he called almighty yet may hee not dye nor erre He is called almighty because he can do all that is in his will not because he can suffer what is not his will which if he could he were not almighty So that he cannot do some things because he can do all things So when wee say that if we will any thing of necessity we must will it with a freedome of will tisâ—… true yet put we not our wil vnder any such necessity as depriues it of the freedome So that our wils are ours willing whatâ—…vve will and if we will it not neither do they will it and if any man suffer any thing by the will of another against his own will his will hath the own power still his sufferance commeth rather froÌ„ the power of God then from his own will for if hee vvilled that it should be other wise and yet could not haue it so his will must needes bee hindered by a greater power yet his will should be free still not in any others power but his that willed it though he could not haue his will performeds wherfore what-soeuer a man suffereth against his wil he ought not attribute it vnto the wils of Angels Men or any other created spirits but euen to his who gaue their wils this power So then c our wils are not vse-les because that God fore-seeth what wil be in them he that fore-saw it what-euer it be fore-saw somwhat and if he did fore know somewhat then by his fore-knowledge there is som-thing in our vvils Wherfore vve are neither compelled to leaue our freedom of will by retayning Gods fore-knowledge nor by holding our willes freedome to denie GODS fore-knowledge GOD forbid vvee should vve beleeue and affirme them both constantly and truly the later as a part of our good faith the former as a rule for our good life and badly doth hee liue that beleeueth not aright of GOD. So God-forbid that wee should deny his fore-knowledge to be free by whose helpe wee either are or shall bee free d Therefore law correction praise disgrace exhortation and prohibition are not in vaine because hee fore-knew that there should bee such They haue that power which hee fore-knew they should haue and prayers are powerfulâ—…â—…o attaine those thinges which hee fore-knoweth that hee will giue to such as pray for them Good deedes hath hee predestinated to reward and euil to punishment e Nor doth man sinne because God fore-knew that he would sin nay therfore it is doubtlesse that he sinneth when he doth sin because that God whose knowledge cannot be mistaken fore-saw that neither fate nor fortune nor any thing else but the man himselfe would sin who if he had not bin willing he had not sinned but whether he should be vnwilling to sinne or no that also did God fore-know L. VIVES THaâ—… a a necessitie Me thinketh saith Tully that in the two opinions of the Philosophers thâ—… 〈◊〉 holding faâ—…e the doer of all things by a very law of necessity of which opinion Democritus Heraclitus Empedocles and Aristotle were and the other exempting the motions of the wil from this law Chrysippus professing to step into a meane as an honorable arbitrator betweene them inclineth rather to those that stand for the minds freedom De fato lib. Therfore did Oenomaus yâ— Cynike say that Democritus had made our mindes slaues and Chrysippus halfe slaues Euseb. de praep Euang. l. 6. Therin is a great disputation about Fate The Stoikes bringing all vnder fate yet binde not our mindes to any necessity nor let them compel vs to any action For all things come to passe in fate by causes precedent and subsequent
Obruit aduersas aciâ—…s reuolutáque tela Vertit in auctores turbine repulit hast as O nimium dilecte deo cui fundit ab antris Aeolus armatas hyemes cui miâ—…itat aether Et coniurati veniunt ad classica venti Swift victory needs not be sought Shee 's thine this fight thou and â—…hy father fought Their natiue strength nor did it boote the foe To man his fortes the trench and rockes fell flatte And left away for thee to enter at For thee the North-winde from the heights descended In whiâ—…le-windes raining all the darts they bended At thee on their owne brests in pointed showers O Gods belou'd to whom the stormy powers Raisd from the deepe in armes ethercall And windes are prest to helpe when thou doost call Tâ—… Claudiâ—…n hath it differing some-what from Augustines quotation It may be the versâ—…s were spred at first as Augustine hath them for he liued in Claudians time In the copie of Colâ—… it is râ—…d lust as it is in the text O nimium dilecte deo cui militet â—…ther c. And so in Orosius and 〈◊〉 e Footemen An office in court that was belonging to the speedy dispatch of the Princes message not much vnlike our Lackeys at this day Footmen they were called both of old by Tully and of late times by Martiall Suetonius mentioneth them in his Nero He neuer trauelled â—…r made a iourney saith he of Nero without a thousand Caroches their mules shodde all with silâ—…r his muletours all in silken raiments and all his coatch-men and foote-men in their bracâ—…lets and ritch coates And in his Titus Presently he sent his foote-men to the others mother who was a farre off to tell her very carefully that her sonne was well The Romaine Emperor remoouing into Greece gaue Greeke names to all the offices about them and amongst others these foot-men were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 runners Such they had of old also as Alexander the great had Philonides that ranne 1200. furlongs in one day Plinie f When they were They would not be quiet when the warres were finished but hauing no foes left to kill made them-selues some continually to practise murther vpon g Valens A chiefe Arrian hee did extreame harme to the Bishops and religious men in the Church and put many of them to death and sent Arian Bishops to the Gothes that desired to be instructed in the Christian faith h Humilitie The Thessalonicans cittizens of a towne of Macedonia so called hauing by a tumult begun in the Theater expelled the Magistrates out of the towne Theodosius being here-at greeuously offended intended to punish this iniurious act most seuerely yet by the Bishops intreaties pardoned them Not-with-standing the wronged parties hauing many friends in court that ceased not dayly to animate and vrge Theodosius to this reuenge at length being ouer-come by their intreaties hee sent an armie and put a many thousands of the citizens to death For which deed Ambrose Bishop of Millaine on good-Friday excommunicated him â—…arring him the Church vntill he had satisfied for his crime by a publick repentance He obeyed and prostrating himselfe humbly before the world as the old custome was professed himselfe repentant and sorry for his offence intreated pardon first of God and the whole hoast of heauen next of the Bishop and lastly of all the whole church and being thus purged was restored to the vse of Church and Sacraments Augustines inuectiue against such as wrote against the Bookes already published CHAP. 27. BVt now I see I must take those in hand that seeing they are conuicted by iust plaine arguments in this that these false gods haue no power in the distribution of temporall goods which fooles desire onely now goe to affirme that they are worshipped not for the helpes of this life present but of that which is to come For in these fiue bookes past wee haue sayd enough to such as like little babyes cry out that they would faine worship them for those earthly helpes but cannot be suffred The first three Bookes I had no sooner finished and let them passe abroade vnto some mens hands but I heard of some that prepared to make I know not what an answer to them or a reply vpon them Afterward I heard that they had written them and did but watch a a time when to publish it securely But I aduise them not to wish a thing so inexpedient b It is an easie thing for any man to seeme to haue made an answer that is not altogether silent but what is more talkatiue then vanitie which cannot haue the power of truth by reason it hath more tongue then truth But let these fellowes marke each thing well and if their impartiall iudgements tell them that their tongue-ripe Satyrisme may more easily disturbe the truth of this world then subuert it let them keepe in their trumperies and learne rather to bee reformed by the wise then applauded by the foolish For if they expect a time not for the freedome of truth but for the licensing of reproch God forbid that that should bee true of them which Tully spoake of a certaine man that was called happy in hauing free leaâ—…e to â—…ffend c O wretched hee that hath free libertie to offend And therefore what euer hee be that thinketh himselfe happy in his freedome of reproâ—…hing others I giue him to vnderstand that farre happyer should he be in the lacke of that licence seeing that as now hee may in forme of consultation contradict or oppose what hee will setting aside the affecting of vaine applause and heare what hee will and what is fit in honest graue free and friendly disputation L. VIVES WAtch a a time Many write against others and watch a time for the publication to the hurt of the aduersary and their owne profit Such men writing onely to doe mischiefe are to be hated as the execrable enemies of all good iudgments For who cannot doe iniurie And what a minde hath hee that thinketh his guifts and learning must serue him to vse vnto others ruine If they seeke to doe good by writing let them publish them then when they may doâ—… others the most good and their opponents the least hurt Let them set them forth whilâ—… 〈◊〉 aduersary liues is lusty and can reply vpon them and defend his owne cause Plâ—…â—…tes that Asinius Pollio had Orations against Plancus which hee meant to publish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 death least hee should come vpon him with a reply Plancus hearing of it tush saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is none but ghosts will contend with the dead which answer so cutte the combes of the â—…ions that all Schollers made ieasts and mockes of them b It is easye The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the voluntary censurer of the contentions betweene the greatest Schollers if 〈◊〉 silent presently condemne him and giue him for conquered without any other tryall and holding him the sufficient answerer that doth not hold his peace If both write
all nor some For as hee saith c If it were all the goddes nature that he wrote of hee would haue handled it before the mens But truth hold hee his peace cryeth out it should neuerthelesse haue the place of the Romaines particular though it bee but particular it selfe But it is rightly placed as it is the last of all therefore it is none at all His desire therefore was not to preferre Humanity before Diuinity but truth before falshood For in his processe of humanity hee followeth history but in his diuinity nothing but vaine relations and idle opinions This is the aime of his subtile intimation in preferring the first and giuing the reason why hee doth so Which hadde hee not giuen some other meanes perhaps might haue beene inuented for the defence of his methode But giuing it him-selfe hee neyther leaueth others place for other suspitions nor fayles to shew that hee doth but preferre men before mens institutions not mans nature before the Deities Heerin confessing that his bookes of Diuinity are not of the truth pertaining to their nature but of their falshood effecting others error which as we said in our 4. booke hee professed that hee would forme nearer to the rule of nature if hee were to build a Citty but finding one established already he could not choose but follow the grounded customes L. VIVES THat a some part There is no part of the goddes nature were it neuer so small but is to bee preferred before mans whole b Not all It is a wonder that our Commentators missed to make a large discourse of aequipalences in this place and of the Logicians axiomes and dignities out of their fellow Petrus Hispanus nor nothing of mobilities and immobilities Augustine in this place speaketh of the Logitians precepts of not all men dispute and some men doe not dispute which runne contrary But not all affirmeth nothing so that whether some men do not dispute or none dispute not all is truly said of either For if it bee true that no man do this then true it is that not all men do it because some doe it not if it be false to say al men do it These arise out of the repugnances of contraries contradictories for if it be true that no man is and false that some man is not such then shal it be true that al men are such all is beeing contradictory to some is not and so should all and none light true in one sence which cannot bee these precepts of inquiring truth and falshood Aristotle taught and the Greeke Logitians after him as likewise Apuleius Perihermenias Martian Capella and Seuerinus Boethius whome wee may call Latines c If it were Augustine taking away the adiunct taketh that also away to which it is an adiunct Our Logitians say that reiecting the conditionall conclusion the precedent is reiected so if he wrote of any nature of the gods it were to come before humaine affaires but that which he doth write is not to come before them Therefore hee writeth not of Gods nature Otherwise the consequence were were false if the antecedent were true and the consequent false For the repugnance of the consequent should concurre with the antecedent Now this discourse of mine were logicall if the termes were such that is schoole-termes filled with barbarisme and absurdity but because they are grammer that is some-thing nearer the latine though not fully latine yet they are Grâ—…rian not Logicall Of Varro his three kindes of diuinity fabulous naturall and politique CHAP. 5. AGaine what meaneth his three-fold distinction of the doctrine concerning the gods into mythicall Physicall ciuill and to giue him a latine tongue That is the first a fabulare but we will call it fabulous for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greeke it is a fable or tale The second Naturall as the vse of the word teacheth plaine The third hee nameth in latine Ciuill And then proceedeth Mythicall the Poets vse principally Physicall the Phylosophers Ciuill the vulgar For the firsâ—… 〈◊〉 hee it is fraught with fictions most disgracefull to the Deities As thiâ—… 〈◊〉 â—…his godde is borne of ones head that of ones thigh that of droppes oâ—… 〈◊〉 And this that the goddes were theeues adulterers and seruants to man And finally they attribute such thinges to the goddes as cannot bee residenâ—… 〈◊〉 in the most contemptible wretch of all mortality nor happen but vnto 〈◊〉 slauish natures Here now as farre as feare permitted hee makes a faire discouery of the iniury offered to the goddes by such vngodly fables And hâ—…e hee might seeing he speaketh not of the naturall nor ciuill phylosophy but of 〈◊〉 â—…bulous which hee thought hee might reprehend freely But now to the nexâ—… 〈◊〉 b second saith hee is that where-with the Phylosophers haue filled their voâ—…mes Wherein they dispute what whence and when the goddes weâ—…â—…her from eternity of fire as c Heraclitus held or of d numbers as 〈◊〉 â—…aught Or of e Atomes as Epicurus beleeued and such like as are far 〈◊〉 â—…able within the schooles then without in the place of orations Here 〈◊〉 â—…th nothing in this kinde but onely relates the controuersies which diâ—…em into sexes and factions Yet this kinde he excludeth from the peoples eâ—… but not the other which was so filthy and so friuolous O the religious 〈◊〉 of the people and euen with them of Rome The Phylosophers discourses oâ—…â—…ddes they cannot any way indure but the Poets fictions and the Players 〈◊〉 being so much dishonourable to the diuine essences and fitte to bee spokâ—… of none but the most abiect persons those they abide and behold with 〈◊〉 Nay with pleasure Nay these the gods them-selues do like and therefore â—…e them decreed as expiations I but say some wee make a difference of these two kindes the mythicall and the physicall from the Ciuill whereof you now 〈◊〉 to speake and so doth he distinguish them also Well lette vs see what â—…e saith to that I see good cause why the fabulous should bee seperate from 〈◊〉 because it is false foule and vnworthy But in diuiding the naturall and 〈◊〉 ciuill what doth hee but approoue that the ciuill is faulty also For iâ—… iâ—… be naturall why is it excluded And if it bee not naturall why is it adâ—…ted This is that that makes him handle the humaine things before the diâ—… because in the later hee followed that which men hadde ordained not 〈◊〉 â—…hich the truth exacted But let vs see his ciuill diuinity The third kinde sâ—…h hee is that which men of the Citty cheefely the priests ought to bee câ—…g in as which gods to worship in publike and with what peculiar sort of sâ—…s each one must bee serued But let vs go on with him The first of those kiâ—… saith hee was adapted to the Stage The 2. to the World The 3. to the Cittie VVho seeth not which he preferreth Euen his second Philosophicall kinde This belongeth hee saith to the VVorld f then which they
Ceres was also called libera b To norish Hereof Plin. lib. 7. It is the matter or substance fitted for generation the masculine seed congealing in it and so growing to perfection when it flowes in women with child their burthen is dead or corrupted Nigidius Then this bloud menstruall there cannot be a more filthy nor venemous thing which alone is inough to curbe and dash the proud heart of man c Wife and sister Uirgill It is common d How can This is all the Philosophers saying a man is the wonder of the world and the mind the wonder of the man e That had charge In Mineruas feasts the children caried new yeares-gifts to their maisters and made a play day of that to do seruice to Minerua that ruled the memory the store-house of discipline and the especiall signe of wit in little children as Quintilian saith shee ruleth the wit also and was called the birth of Ioues braine Ouid. fastor Pallada nunc puri tener 〈◊〉 ornate puellae Qui bene plâ—…arit Pallada doctus erit Now Pallas temple youthes and damsells fill He that can please her shall haue wit at will And so he proceedeth f Many wicked Plato in his Thaetetus saith that the cholericke person is the best memoried gessing doubtlesse by the hot and dry braine g Many father gods Ioue is aboue Saturne and he aboue Caelus whose parents are vnknowne though Phurnutus calls his father by the name of Aemon Iuno also is more famous then Ops and shee then her mother h More loues coyne Querenda Pecunia primum est vertus post nummos Haec Ianus summus ab imo Perdocet Haec recinunt iuuenes dictata senesque First coyne then vertue this doth Ianus sing And this through mouthes of youth and age doth ring Euripides presents one in a humor neglecting althings all reproches for wealth his reason is why what doe they aske how good one is how honest no how ritch each one is that which hee possesseth i Then to that which A difference of reading but it is reformed the Axiâ—… is Aristotles Poster 1. That whose end respecteth another is not so good as the end it respecteth and principles are both plainer and before their conclusions in precedency though here he speake not so much of the finall cause as of the efficient But in his Ethickes he teacheth that the things respected are better then the things respecting That the meaner gods being buried in silence were better vsed then the select whose falts were so shamefully traduced CHAP. 4. NOw any one that longed after honor might gratulate those selected gods and say their selection had bin good if it had not rather beene vsed to their disgrace then their honors for the basenesse of the meaner sort kept them from scornes Indeed we do laugh when wee see how fond opinion hath parted them into squadrons and set them to worke vpon trifles like a spittle men or the b gold-smith in the siluer-streete where the cup goeth through so many hands ere it 〈◊〉 done when as one good worke-man might do all himselfe But I thinke they had each such little shares to learne their worke the sooner least the whole should haue beene too long in learning But we can scasely finde one of the vnselected gods that is be come infamous by any foule act doing but scarcely one of the select but on the contrary The latter came downe belike to the base workes of the first but the first ascended not to the high crimes of the later In c deed of Iaâ—…s I finde nothing blame-worthy perhaps he liued honestly and out of the d ranke of villaines he receiued Saturne courteously being expelled his kingdome and shared his state with him and they built two cities the one Ianiculum the other Saturnia But those sencelesse adorers of Idolatry and filthinesse haue made him a very monster some-times with two faces some-times with foure Did they desire that since the other gods had lost all e honesty of face by their fowle actes his innocence should bee the more apparant by his many fore-heads L. VIVES I 〈◊〉 Spittle-men A diuerse reading ours is the best as I thinke Hee doth meane such 〈◊〉 as had the gathering of some abiect pence of little or no vse to the state some fragments of collections b Goldsmiths One carues one guildes one sets on an eare or a corner 〈◊〉 like though the plate sellers are not Gold-smiths but put their worke out to the gold-smiths them-selues or rather bankers or exchangers the workemen kept shops about the great market place Uitru l. 5. Liu. lib. 26. To get thee out of the market place is Plautus phrase in his 〈◊〉 Augustine vseth the Syluer-streete here for a place where the gold-smiths wrought c 〈◊〉 Hee was borne in Italy and raigned there with Cameses borne there also the 〈◊〉 as called Camesena the Cittie Ianiculum but he dying Ianus ruled all and entertained Saturne in his flight from Crete learned husbandry of him and shared his kingdome with 〈◊〉 giuing him Mount Tarpeius whereon there stood a tower and a little towne which he called Saturnia Aeneas would haue called it Aeneopolis afterwards but it kept the olde name Saturnia still there were some monuments of it remained long after the Saturnian gate called afterward Padana as the writing on the wall testifieth and the temple of Saturne in the entrance Tarquin the proud afterwards building Iunos temple and Saturne being as it were expelled from thence also by his sonne the whole Capitoll was dedicated in the name of Great omnipotent Iupiter Uirg Aeneid 8. Seru. ibid. Ouid. fast 1. Eutrop. Solin Macrob. Diony Pruâ—… There is a booke vnder Berosus the Chaldaeans name that saith Ianus was Noah I hold thâ—…â—…ke nothing but meere fables worthy of the Anian Commentaries Of Ianus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall heare more d Ranke of villaines Ouid. fast 6. saith hee rauished 〈◊〉 who was afterwards called Carna and made goddesse of hinges But Augustine either 〈◊〉 forgot it or else held it but a false fiction e Honesty of face the face and the foreâ—…â—…en for shame Hence is Plinies Perfricare faciem frontem in Quintilianum to 〈◊〉 ashamed Lucan Nec color imperii nec frons erit vlla senatus The Court will want all shame the state all shape And Persius Exclamet Melicerta perisse Frontem de rebus Let Melicerta crye All shame is fledde Of the Pagans more abstruse Physiologicall doctrine CHAP. 5. 〈◊〉 let vs rather heare their naturall expositions where-with they would 〈◊〉 â—…ne to cloake their pitious errors as in cloudy mysteries First Varro so â—…nds them that he saith the pictures shapes and vestures of the gods were 〈◊〉 of old for the deuoute therein to contemplate the worlds soule and the parts thereof that is the true Gods in their mindes whereof such as erected huâ—…e shapes seemed to compare the immortall essence vnto the soule in man and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vessell should bee put
Terminus is already heard But the causes that Ioue swayeth are not effects but efficients nor can the facts begun or ended be before them for the agent is alwayes before the acte Wherefore let Ianus haue sway in beginnings of acts Ioue yet hath dominion in things before his For nothing is either ended or begun without a precedent efficient cause Now as for this great natures maister and cause-disposing God if the vulgar call him Ioue and adore him with such horrible imputations of villanie as they doe they had better and with lesse sacriledge beleeue no God at all They had better call any one Ioue that were worthy of these horred and hatefull horrors or set a stocke before them and call it Ioue with intent to blaspheme him as Saturne had a stone laide him to deuoure in his sonnes stead then to call him both thunderer and letcher the worlds ruler and the womens rauisher the giuer of all good causes to nature and the receiuer of all bad in himselfe Againe if Iaâ—…s bee the world I aske where Ioues seate is is our author hath said that the true Gods are but parts of the worlds soule and the soule it selfe well then hee that is not such is no true God How then Is Ioue the worlds soule and Ianus the body this visible world If it be so Ianus is no god for the worlds body is none but the soule and his parts onely witnesse them-selues So Varro saith plainly hee holds that God is the worlds soule and this soule is god But as a wise man hath body and soule and yet his name of â—…ise is onely in respect of his soule So the world hath soule and body yet is called God onely in reference to the soule So then the worlds body alone is no god but the soule either seperate or combined with the body yet so that the god-head rest onely in it selfe if Iâ—… then be the world and a god how can Ioue be a part of Ianus onely and yet so great a god for they giue more to Ioue then Ianus Iouis omnia plena all is full of Ioâ—…e say they Therefore if Ioue be a god the king of gods they cannot make any but him to bee the world because hee must reigne ouer the rest as ouer his owne parts To this purpose Varro in his booke of the worship of the gods which he published seuerall from these other set downe a distich of Valerius c Sorâ—…nus his making it is this Iupiter omnipotens regum rex ipse deusque Progenitor genitrixque deum deus vâ—…us omnis High Ioue Kings King and Parent Generall To all the gods God onely and God all These verses Varro expâ—…undeth and calling the giuer of seed the male and the receiuer the female accounted Ioue the world that both giueth all seed it selfe and receiueth it into it selfe And therefore Soranus saith hee called Ioue Progenitor genitrixque father and mother Full Parent generall to all c. and by the same reason is it that he was called one and the same all for the f world is one and all things are in that one L. VIVES IOue a or Iupiter For they are both declinable nominatiues Genetiuo Iouis and Iupâ—…ris though wee vse the nominatiue onely of the later and the other cases of the first as the Greekes doe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b Uirgils Georgic 2. calling the inuestigators of causes happy as the Philosophers did of the Peripatetiques and Academikes Arist. Ethic. 10. Cicero de finib 5. c Soranus Mentioned by Cicero de Oratore 1. Plin. lib. 3. Solin Polihist Plut. Probl. Macrob. Saturn Seru. in Georg. 1. Hee was a learned Latine counted the best scholler of the Gowned professors Cic. de orat 1. Varro was so held also but Soranus before him as Ennius the best Poet before Uirgill Hee had honors at Rome and the tribuneship for one and because hee spoake the secret name of Rome which no man might vtter hee lost his life Pliâ—… Solin Macrob. and Plutarch though in Pompeyes life Plutarch saith that Q. Valeriâ—… the Philosopher which most vnderstood to be Soranus was put to death by Pompey But this is but at the second hand saith he from Oppius let vs beware how wee trust a friend to Caesar in a storiâ—… of Pompey Some say hee died suddenly Others that hee was crucified Seru. d Iupiter The old copies read Iupiter omnipotens regum rerumque deumque for the first verse e Gâ—…uer of seede Orph. Hymn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. God as a man begets as woman breedes f World is So held all the best Philosophers against Anaximander Anaximenes Aristarchus Xenophanâ—…s Diogenes Leucippus Democritus and Epicurus all which held many worlds Whether Ianus and Ioue be rightly distinguished or no. CHAP. 10. WHerefore Ianus being the world and Ioue the world also and yet the world but one why then are not Ianus and Ioue one Why haue the seuerall Temples seuerall altars rites and statues all seuerall Because the originall is one thing and the cause another and therefore their names and natures are distinct herein Why how can this bee If one man haue two authorities or two sciences because they are distinct is he therefore two officers or two tradesmen So then if one GOD haue two powers ouer causes and ouer originalls must hee needs therefore be two Gods because they are two things If this may bee faith then let Ioue be as many gods as he hath surnames for his seuerall authorities for all his powers whence they are deriued are truly distinct let vs looke in a few of them and see if this be not true Of Ioues surnames referred all vnto him as one god not as to many CHAP. 11. THey called him a Victor Inâ—…incible Helper Impulsor Stator b Hundred footeâ—… the Râ—…fter c the Nourisher Ruminus and inunmerable other names too long d to rehearse All the names they gaue one God for diuers respect and powers yet did they not make him a god for each peculiar because he conquered was vnconquered helped the needy had power to inforce to stay to establish to ouerturne because he bore vp the world like a e rafter because he nourished all and as it were gaue all the world suck Marke these powers conferred with the epithites Some are of worth some idle yet one gods worke they are f all as they say I thinke there is more neerenesse of nature betweene the causes and the beginnings of things for which they make one world two gods Ianus and Ioue who they say both contayneth all and yet giueth creatures sucke yet for these two works of such different qualities is not Ioue compelled to become two gods but playeth the one part as he is Tigillus The Rafter and the other as he in Ruminus the Dugg-bearer I will not say that it were fitter for Iuno to suckle the words creatures then Iupiter especially hauing power to make a
likewise in artificiall things as a table a booke or so euery leafe is not a booke nor euery part of the table a table These parts are called Heterogenea or Of diuers kindes multigenae Agricola calles them The Symilar partes Anaxagoras held to bee in all things infinite either different as of wood bloud ayre fire bone and such or congruent as of water infinite parcells all of one nature and so of fire c for though bodies bee generate by this separation yet cannot these parts bee so distinguished but infinite will still remaine that euermore is best meanes for one thing to bee progenerate of another and nourished so that this communication continueth euerlastingly of nature place and nutriment But of the Heterogeneall parts hee did not put infinite in nature for hee did not hold that there were infinite men in the fire nor infinite bones in a man t Diogenes There were many of this name one of Synope called the Cynike one of Sicyon an Historiographer one a stoike fellow Embassador to Rome which Carneades borne at Seleucia but called the Babilonian or Tharsian one that writ of poeticall questions and Diogenes Laertius from whom wee haue this our Philosophy elder then them all one also called Apolloniata mentioned here by Augustine Our commentator like a good plaisterer daubed the Cynike and this into one as hee made one Thomas of Thomas Valois and Thomas Aquinas in his Commentaries vpon Boethius u Ayre Cic. de nat de What is that ayre that Diogenes Apolloniata calles God He affirmed also inumerable worlds in infinite spaces and that the ayre thickning it selfe into a globous body produceth a world x Archelaus Some say of Myletus some of Athens He first brought Physiologie from Ionia to Athens and therefore was called Physicus also because his scholler Socrates brought in the Morality y He also Plutarch saith he put the infinite ayre for the worlds generall principle and that the r◅ity and density thereof made fire and water z Consonance Eternity say the manuscripts a Socrates This is hee that none can sufficiently commend the wisest Pagan that euer was An Athenian begot by Sophroniscus a stone-cutter and Phanareta a mid-wife A man temperare chaste iust modest pacient scorning wealth pleasure and glory for he neuer wrote any thing he was the first that when others said he knew all affirmed himselfe hee knew nothing Of the Socratical◅ discipline CHAP. 3. SOcrates therefore was a the first that reduced Philosophy to the refor◅tion of manres for al before him aymed at naturall speculation rather then practise morality I cannot surely tel whether the tediousnesse b of these obscurities moued Socrates to apply his minde vnto some more set and certaine inuention for an assistance vnto beatitude which was the scope of all the other Phylosophers intents and labours or as some doe fauorably surmise hee c was vnwilling that mens mindes being suppressed with corrupt and earthly affects should ofter to crowd vnto the height of these Physicall causes whose totall and whose originall relyed soly as he held vpon the will of God omnipotent only and true wherefore he held that d no mind but a purified one could comprehend them and therfore first vrged a reformed course of life which effected the mind vnladen of terrestriall distractions might towre vp to eternity with the owne intelectuall purity sticke firme in contemplation of the nature of that incorporeal vnchanged and incomprehensible light which e conteyneth the causes of all creation Yet sure it is that in his morall disputations f he did with most elegant and acute vrbanity taxe and detect the ignorance of these ouer-weening fellowes that build Castles on their owne knowledge eyther in this confessing his owne ignorance or dissembling his vnderstanding g wher-vpon enuy taking hold he was wrackt by a h callumnious accusation and so put to death i Yet did Athens that condemned him afterward publikely lament for him and the wrath of the commonty fell so sore vpō his two accusers that one of them was troden to death by the multitude and another forced to auoid the like by a voluntary banishment This Socrates so famous in his life and death left many of his schollers behind him whose l study and emulation was about moralyty euer and that summum bonum that greatest good which no man wanting can attain beatitude m VVhich being not euident in Socrates his controuersiall questions each man followed his own opiniō and made that the finall good n The finall good is that which attained maketh man happy But Socrates his schollers were so diuided strange hauing all onemaister that some o Aristippus made pleasure this finall good others p Antisthenes vertue So q each of the rest had his choice too long to particularize L. VIVES WAs the a first Cicero Acad. Quest. I thinke and so do all that Socrates first called Phylosophy out of the mists of naturall speculations wherein all the Phylosophers before had beene busied and apllyed it to the institution of life and manners making it y◠meane to inquire out vertue and vice good and euill holding things celestiall too abstruse for natural powers to investigate far seperate from things natural which if they could be known were not vsefull in the reformation of life b Tediousnesse Xenophon Comment rer Socratic 1. writeth that Socrates was wont to wonder that these dayly and nightly inuestigators could neuer finde that their labour was stil rewarded with vncertainties and this he explaneth at large c Was vnwilling Lactantius his wordes in his first booke are these I deny not but that Socrates hath more witte then the rest that thought they could comprehend all natures courses wherein I thinke them not onely vnwise but impious also to dare to aduance their curious eyes to view the altitude of the diuine prouidence And after Much guiltter are they that lay their impious disputation vpon quest of the worlds secrets prophaning the celestial temple therby then either they that enter the Temples of Ceres Bona Dea Vesta d No minde Socrates disputeth this at large in Plato's P◅adon at his death Shewing that none can bee a true Phylosopher that is not abstracted in spirit from all the affects of the body which then is affected when in this life the soule is looseed from all perturbations and so truly contemplated the true good that is the true God And therefore Phylosophy is defined a meditation of death that is there is a seperation or diuorce betweene soule and body the soule auoyding the bodies impurities and so becomming pure of it selfe For it is sin for any impure thought to be present at the speculation of that most pure essence and therefore hee thought men attoned unto God haue far more knowledge then the impure that know him not In Plato's Cratylus hee saith good men are onely wise and that none can be skilfull in matters celestiall without Gods assistance In Epinomede There may
friuolous positions as b Epicurus held yea and euen the Stoikes c These men standing onely affected to the art of disputation called Logike thought it was to be deriued from the sences affirming that from them the minde doth receiue definable notions d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and thence the whole methode of learning and teaching hath the propagation Now e heere doe I wonder how these men f affirming a wise-man onely to bee beautifull hadde any notion of this beauty from their sence and how their carnall eyes could behold the faire forme of wisdome g But those whome wee doe worthyly preferrâ—… haue distinguished the conceites of the minde conceiued from the formes receiued by the sence Giuing them no more then their due nor taking ought of their due from them But h the light of the mind giuing power to conceiue all this they hold is God that created all L. VIVES THeir a Doctriâ—… Plato diuided speach into fiue parts 1. ciuill vsed in politike affaires counsels and such like 2. rethoricall which is demonstratiue or iudiciall contayning praise or dispraise accusation or defence 3. ordinary discourse of one man with another 4. worke-mens conference in matters mechanicall 5. Logicall consisting of dialogismes questions and answers This last is by some ascribed to bee Plato's inuention as Phauorinus others giâ—…e it to Alexamenes Teius Aristotle Some also to Zeno the Elean certaine it is that Plato gâ—…e much ornament vnto discourse replenishing it with all parts of learning grauity and elegance Wherein though the Logicall formes bee not expresly taught yet they are laid dowâ—… 〈◊〉 practise and their vse fully expressed And particularly demonstration is practiâ—…d 〈◊〉 his Timaus Sâ—…phismes in Euthydemus whence Aristotle had many of his fallacians 〈◊〉 â—…tes his induction is of most power of all and seemes to take the originall from him 〈◊〉 â—…ates vsed it more nimbly then any man liuing And from him Quintilian biddes his 〈◊〉 fetch it b Epicurus Hee held the Sunne to bee no bigger then it seemed And thâ—… if the sence once mistake one should neuer trust it after Cicero Plutarc Placit lib. 4. The Stoikes held the sences true but their obiects now true and now false But Epicuâ—… held sence an obiect all true mary opinion hee said erred sometimes and Cicero saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That vnto the formes receiued by our sences hee adioyned the assent of the minde wâ—…ch hee will haue fixed and voluntary in euery one of vs. Hee didde not affirme all that wee saw was true But onely such as brought with them certaine peculiar declarations 〈◊〉 which they pretended c These men The Stoikes for the Epicures reiected Logike 〈◊〉 and vnprofitable The Stoikes vsed it exceedingly And Chrysippus Cleanthes and 〈◊〉 â—…saisters of that sect wrote much in that kinde but all concerning the later part 〈◊〉 the first Inuention they commonly meddle not with as Cicero saith in his Toâ—…d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The first apprehensions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or vnderstanding of thinges These â—…th giuen man whence the knowledge of many great seueralties arise which moâ—…se from visible and palpable obiects producing eyther knowledge ignorance â—…n the meane betweene both Cicero calleth them begunne conceits and saith 〈◊〉 first named the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if one should say a premeditate apprehension of a thing 〈◊〉 without which we can neither vnderstand inquire nor dispute Mary the Stoikes 〈◊〉 vsed this word also which Tully translateth anticipationes And Chrysippus 〈◊〉 to bee a naturall vnderstanding of vniuersalities Laert. e Heere do I Hee proâ—… the affirmers of these positions rather trusted vnderstanding then sence f affirming 〈◊〉 A Stoicall Paradoxe g But those whome Plato so dealt that hee debarred the 〈◊〉 power to iudge the truth allowing that only to the mind prouing the authority of 〈◊〉 fitte to bee trusted because it beholdeth alone the simple truth vniforme and 〈◊〉 in that manner as it is h The light This sunne they held was the light 〈◊〉 and that the prince of the World was the light of the soule to vnderstanding â—…ge wisedome and iudgement and therefore hee is the father of all light For from 〈◊〉 inuisible the light visible hath his originall as I shewed before out of Plato The 〈◊〉 â—…noes teacheth In Doctrina Platonis That the Platonists are to be preferred in Morality also CHAP. 8 â—…ere remayneth the Morall in Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which inquireth after the greaâ—… good whereto all our actions haue reference and which is desired for it 〈◊〉 only for no other end but to make vs blessed in attaining it only and therfore 〈◊〉 it the end as referring all the rest vnto it But desiring it only for it 〈◊〉 This blesse-affording good some would deriue from the a bodie 〈◊〉 â—…om the b minde some c from both For seeing that a man conâ—… but of soule and body they beleeued that his cheefe good must 〈◊〉 originall from one of the two and therein subsist as the finall end standing 〈◊〉 the shot-marke of all their actions which being once attayned their labours 〈◊〉 crowned with perfection So that they d that added a third kinde of good to these two namely consisting of honour ritches and such goods of Fortune â—…wise called extrinsecal did not propose it as a finall good that is to be desiâ—… in respect of it selfe but referred it to another beeing of it selfe good to the 〈◊〉 and badde to the bad So this good then that some deriued from the body and some from the soule and some from both all deriued from the mans selfe But they that tooke the bodies part had the worse side the soule had the better mary they that tooke both expected this good from the whole man So then part or whole it is from man howsoeuer These three differences made aboue three seuerall sects of Phylosophers each man construing diuersly both of the bodies good and the soules good and both their goods But lette all those stand by and make them place that say that he is not happy that inioyes a body nor hee that inioyes a minde but hee that inioyes God Not as the soule inioyes the body or it selfe nor as one friend inioyes another but e as the eye inioyes the light If the rest can say any thing for the other similies or against this last what it is God willing wee shall in due season discouer L. VIVES FRom the a body So did Epicurus Aristippus and all their followers b The minde The Stoikes c From both As Calipho Polemon and Diodorus d That added This triple diuision of goods into the bodies the mindes and fortunes Augustine often vseth It is Aristotles and the Peripatetiques taken from diuers places of Plato as I will shew in the next booke e At the eye Plato saith that the knowledge of the truth is the greatest good which being hardly to be attained in this life giues vs cause to think that scarcely any one liuing
fourth the goods of the soule sciences artes and good opinions But in the first he putteth measure moderation and oportunity All which as hee writeth to Dionysius import that GOD is the proportion cause measure author and moderator of all goodnesse And in his 2. de Repub. hee calleth GOD the greatest good and the Idea of good And therefore Apuleius defineth GOD to bee the professor and bestower of Beatitude Dogm Plat. And Speusippus defineth him to be A liuing immortall and supernaturall essence sufficing to beatitude and cause of nature and all goodnesse The contemplation of this good didde Plato say made a man happy For in his Banquet Diotima a most wise woman biddeth Socrates to marke her speach well And then falling into a discourse that our loue concerned beauty at last shee drew to a deeper theame affirming a beauty that was eternall immutable and vndiminished nor increased nor fayre in one part and not in another nor beeing subiect to any vicissitude or alteration of times Nor beautyfull in one respect and not in all Whose beauty is neyther altered by place nor opinion nor is as a part or an accident of that essence wherein it is But it is euer existem in one and the same forme and from thence flowes all the Worldes beauty yet so as neyther the originall of any thing decreaseth it nor the decay augmenteth it or giueth any effect or change to it This holy and venerable beauty when a man beginneth to behold truly that is beeing dislinked from the loue of other beauties then is not hee farre from the toppe of his perfection For that is the way to thinges truly worth desiring Thus must wee bee truly ledde vnâ—… it when a man ascendeth by degrees from these inferior beauties vnto that supreme one transporting him-selfe from one fayre obiect vnto two and so vnto all the rest of all beautyfull desires where-vppon the like disciplines must needes follow of which the onely cheefe and cheefly to bee followed is the contemplation of that supreme beauty and from thence to draw this lesson thus must a man internally beauteous direct his life Saw you but this once cleare you would scorne ritches honours and exterior formes Tell me now saith shee how great a happynesse should hee giue thee that should shew thee this sincere this purest beauty not circumscript with a forme of mortality nor with coullors nor mettals or such like trash but in it selfe meerely diuine and one and the same to all eternity I pray thee wouldst thou not admire his life that should haue his wisnes so full as to behold and inioy this gloryous beauty O gloryous pertaker of vnchanged solid vertue Friend of the all powerfull God and aboue all other Diuine and immortall These are the wordes of wise Diotyma vnto Socrates to which hee replyeth that hee beleeued her and that hee laboureth to perswade man-kinde that there is no such meane to attaine the possession of this pulchritude as the loue of it and that no man should thinke it were ynough to dispute of it in wordes or to contemplate there-vppon with an vnpurged heart Which things is hard nay neere impossible saith Plato yet teacheth hee that beatitude is attained by imitation of GOD De leg 4. where speaking of GODS friendes and enemies hee saith That it must bee a wise mans continuall meditation how to follow God and make him the rule of his courses before all mortall men to whose likenesse his cheefe study must bee to â—…old him-selfe what it is to be like GOD hee sheweth in his Thaeatetus it is to bee iust wise and holy And in his Epistle to Hermeas and his fellowes hee saith That if any man bee a Phylosopher hee aymeth at the knowledge of God and his father as farre as happy men can attayne it And in his Epinomis speaking of GOD hee saith Him doth each man especially admire and consequently is inflamed with the power of humaine witte to labour for this beatitude in this life present and expecting a place after death with those that haue serued vertue This saith Plato who placed the greatest beatitude in the life to come For hee sayth in the same booke That none or very few can attayn happynesse in this life but great hope there is after this life to inioy the happynesse for which wee haue beene so carefull to keep and continue our courses in goodnesse and honesty And towards the end hee saith It is wickednes to neglect God the reason of all beeing so fully already discouered Hee that can make vse of all this I câ—…t him truly wise and firmely avow that when hee dyeth he shall not be any longer in the common fashion of this life but haue a certayne peculiar excellence alloted him to bee both most wise and most happie And liue a man so where he will in Iland or continent hee shall pertake this faelicity and so shall he that vseth these directions wheresoeuer in gouernment of others or in priuate estate referring all to God But as wee sayd before so say wee still very few attaine this perfection 〈◊〉 this life this life this is most true and no way rashly spoken Thus much out of his 〈◊〉 In the end of his De Repub. thus Behold now the rewards stable and glorious which 〈◊〉 shall receiue both of god and man besides the particular benefits that his iustice doth reâ—… 〈◊〉 But all these are nothing neither in number nor quantity in respect of those after death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phaedon wherefore saith Socrates while wee liue here on earth let vs haue as little 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…h the body as may be for so wee shall get to some knowledge and keeping a good watch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that God set vs free from it wee shall passe away pure from contagion to conuerse with 〈◊〉 â—…ies and by our selues haue full vnderstanding of that sincere and pure truth which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a going my way hath a great hope to bee there crowned with the fruition of 〈◊〉 â—…ch in his life he suffered so many afflictions And after If he be a true Philosopher that 〈◊〉 Gods must needs beare a great stroke with him namely that he cannot attaine the pure 〈◊〉 â—…ill after this life Thus much out of Plato in diuers places partly the words and 〈◊〉 â—…te which being assumed to shew his opinion out of his owne workes maketh 〈◊〉 â—…s to ad any quotations out of other Platonists b Euen those that loue I wounder 〈◊〉 his logike saith that their is no loue but delight the world controules him I 〈◊〉 â—…ent friend yet my delight departed with him But this is not the least nor the last 〈◊〉 â—…hat booke To enioy is to take delight of in any thing as Augustine writeth in his 〈◊〉 Wee enioy that wee take pleasure in of the vse and the fruit hereafter in the 〈◊〉 â—…ke c Whether the Ionian Though Plato had much from Pythagoras yet was 〈◊〉 Philosopher for hee followed Socrates more
great guilt shame and sinne both of the priests that present this and the people that behold it But wee may perhaps finde a fitter place for this thaeme e Found the graine of barley And wheate also saith Diodor. lib. 1. and therevpon some Citties present them both in her ceremonies But Osiris her husband first obserued their profit and taught the world it chiefly barley that maketh ale in such countries as want wine and is now vsed in the North parts But they made meate of it in old time Plin. lib. 18. out of an Athenian ceremony that Menander reporteth prouing it of elder inuention then wheate For had they found wheate sooner saith Pliny barly would haue bin out of request for bread as it was presently vpon the finding of wheate thence-forth becomming meate for beasts Finis lib. 8. THE CONTENTS OF THE ninth booke of the City of God 1. The scope of the aforepassed disputation and what is remaining to treate of chapter 1. 2. Whether amongst the spirits of the ayre that are vnder the gods there bee any good ones that can further a man in the attainement of true blessednesse 3. What qualities Apuleius ascribeth vnto the diuells to whom he giueth reason but no vertue 4. The opinions of the Stoikes and Peripatetiques concerning perturbatioÌ„s of the minde 5. That the Christians passions are causes of the practise of vertue not Inducers vnto vice 6. What passion the spirits that Apuleius maketh Mediators betweene the Gods Men are subiect vnto by his owne confession 7. That the Platonists doe but seeke contentions in saying the Poets defame the gods whereas their imputations pertaine to the diuells and not the gods 8. Apuleius his definition of the gods of heauen spirits of ayre and men of earth 9. Whether ayery spirits can procure a man the Gods friendships 10. Plotines opinion that men are lesse wretched in their mortality then the diuills are in their eternity 11. Of the Platonists that held mens soules to become Daemones after death 12. Of the three contraries whereby the Platonists distinguish the diuills natures from the Mens 13. How the diuills if they be neither blessed with the Gods nor wretched with Men may be in the meane betwixt both without participation of either 14. Whether mortall men may attaine true happinesse 15. Of the mediator of God and Man the Man Christ Iesus 16. Whether it bee probable that the Platonists say that the gods auoiding earthly contagion haue no commerce with men but by the meanes of the ayry spirits 17. That vnto that be atitude that consisteth in participation of the chiefest good wee must haue onely such a Mediator as Christ no such as the deuill 18. That the diuills vnder collour of their intercession seeke but to draw vs from God 19. That the word Daemon is not vsed as now of any Idolater in a good sence 20. Of the quality of the diuills knowledge whereof they are so proud 21. In what manner the Lord would make himselfe knowne to the diuills 22. The difference of the holy Angells knowledge and the diuills 23. That the Pagan Idols are falsely called gods yet the scripture allowes it to Saints and Angells FINIS THE NINTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD. Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus The scope of the afore-passed disputation and what is remayning to treat of CHAP. 1. IN these controuersies of the gods some haue held deities of both natures good and euill others of better mindes did the gods that honor to hold theÌ„ all good But those a that held the first held the ayery spirits to be gods also and called them gods as they called the gods spirits but not so ordinarily Indeed they confesse that Ioue the Prince of all the rest was by Homer b called a Daemon But such as affirmed all the gods were good ones and farre better then the best men are iustly mooued by the artes of the ayry spirits to hold firmely that the gods could doe no such matters and therefore of â—…ce â—…re must bee a difference betweene them and these spirits and that what euer â—…asant affect or bad act they see caused wherein these spirits doe shew thâ—… 〈◊〉 power that they hold is the diuills worke and not the gods But yet 〈◊〉 â—…ey place these spirits as mediators betweene their gods and men as if 〈◊〉 â—…an had no other meanes of commerce to carry and recarry praiers 〈◊〉 the one to the other this beeing the opinion of the most excellent â—…ers the Platonists with whom I choose to discusse this question wheâ—…â—…ration of many gods be helpfull to eternall felicity In the last booke 〈◊〉 how the deuils delighting in that which all wise and honest men abâ—… 〈◊〉 in the foule enormous irreligious fictions of the gods crimes not 〈◊〉 in the damnable practise of Magike can be so much nearer to the gods that 〈◊〉 must make them the meanes to attaine their fauors and wee found it â—…terly impossible So now this booke as I promised in the end of the other must 〈◊〉 â—…cerne the difference of the gods betwixt themselues if they make any 〈◊〉 â—…or the difference of the gods and spirits the one beeing farre distant from men as they say and the other in the midst betweene the gods and men but of the difference of these spirits amongst themselues This is the present question L. VIVES THese a that held Plato held all the gods to bee good but the Daemones to bee neither good not euill but neuters But Hermes hath his good angells and his bad And Porphery 〈◊〉 â—…s helpfull Daemones and his hurtfull as some of the Platonists hold also b Homer calâ—… Plâ—…arch de defect Oracul saith that Homer confounded the deities and Demones togeâ—…r â—…ng both names promiscually Hee calls Ioue a Daemon which word as one interpreteth it is sometimes vsed for good and sometimes bad And Iliad 1. hee saith Ioue with the other daeâ—… calling all the gods by that name vpon which place his interpretor saith Hee calleth 〈◊〉 Daemones either for their experience wisdome or gouernment of man So saith Iulius 〈◊〉 Homer called the Gods Daemones and Plato calleth the worlds Architect the great Daemon for Deity Daemon are both taken in one sence This Daemon Plato mentioneth De republ But it is a question whether he meane the Prince of al the world or the deuills Prince for they haue their Hierarchy also Euery spirit saith Proclus De anima et daemone in respect of that which is next vnder it is called a Daemon and so doth Iupiter in Orpheus call his father Saâ—… And Plato himselfe calls those gods that gouerne propagation and protect a man without mediation Daemones To declare saith he in Timaeus the generation and nature of the other Daemones were more then man can comprehend for each power that protecteth a man without anothers mediation is a daemon be it a God or lesse then a God Thus farre
Proclus Whether amongst the spirits of the ayre that are vnder the gods there be any good ones that can further a man in the attainement of true blessednesse CHAP. 2. FOr many vseto say there are some good deuills and some badde but whether this opinion bee Plato's or whose soeuer it is not to bee omitted because no man shal be deluded in honoring those spirits as if they were good or such as whilest hee thinketh should by their place bee a meane of reconciliation betwixt them and the gods and desireth their furtherance to bee with them after death doe inueigle him and drawe him in with deceipt quite from the true God with whom onely and in whom onely and from whom onely euery reasonable soule must expect and enioy beatitude What qualities Apuleius ascribeth to the deuills to whom he giueth reason but no vertue CHAP. 3. HOw is this difference of good and euil then extant when as Apuleius the Platonist disputing so much hereof and attributing so much to those ayry powers yet neuer speaketh a word of their vertues which hee would haue done if they had had any Hee shewes not the cause why they are happy but the signes of their misery he openeth at full confessing that though they haue reason they want vertue that doe not giue way to vnreasonable passions but as fooles vse to be they are often perturbed with tempestuous and vnquiet motions His words are these Of these Daemones the Poets not much amisse doe faigne some to be haters and some louers of some perticular men preferring some and deiecting others So that pitty anger ioy and all humaine effects are easily accidents vnto them and so is their minde exposed to the dominion of all perturbations which the gods whose mindes are quiet and retired are not Here you heare plainely that the deuills soules as wel as mortalls are subiect to all disturbance of passion and thereby not to bee compared vnto wise men who can curbe and suppresse those exorbitant affects howeuer accident vnto them by reason of their humanity giuing then no predominance to worke any vnreasonable effect opposite to iustice But they are more like not to say worse vnto fooles wicked persons not in bodies but qualities elder they are indeed and incurably tortured still floting in the sea of perturbation hauing no hold at all of verity or vertue which are the meanes to represse all outragious affections The opinions of the Stoikes and Peripatetiques concerning perturbations of the minde CHAP. 4. COncerning motions of the minde which the Greekes call 〈◊〉 and some of 〈◊〉 Tully Perturbations others Affects or affections and some more exâ—…â—…m the Greeke Passions there bee two opinions of the Philosophers 〈◊〉 that they may befall a wise man yet so as they are still awed by reaâ—… by the rule of the minde obliged to what conditions discretion imposâ—…â—…olders of this are Platonists or Aristotelians for Aristotle the first 〈◊〉 was Plato his scholler But others as the Stoikes exempt a wise man 〈◊〉 â—…ouch of those passions And a those Tully in his bookes De finibus 〈◊〉 to bee rather materially then formally opposite vnto the Platonists or â—…ques because the Stoikes b will not admit the externall helpes of the 〈◊〉 â—…ate to the name of goods reseruing that onely for vertue as the art 〈◊〉 â—…ixed in the minde But the c others following the common fashion 〈◊〉 goods mary of small value in respect of vertue So then howsoeuer 〈◊〉 in their name they concurre in their esteeme nor do the Stoikes shew 〈◊〉 in this controuersie but nouelty of phrase So that I hold directly that â—…estion d whether a wise-man may haue passions of minde or no their 〈◊〉 â—…sie is rather verball then reall for I am perswaded they are iust of the 〈◊〉 and Peripatetiques minde herein though their words pretend a diffeâ—… This proofe I will shew faire to avoide the tediousnesse of a longer disâ—… e A Gellius an f eloquent and excellent scholler writteth in his Noâ—… that hee was at sea in the company of a famous Stoike This Philosoâ—… â—…llius tells at large but I in briefe seeing the shippe in great perill by 〈◊〉 dangerous and dreadfull tempest was pale for very feare which some 〈◊〉 by beeing euen in the chaps of death so curiously obserueth whether 〈◊〉 â—…pher were preturbed or no did percieue the storme ending and feare 〈◊〉 tongues loose a ritch glutton g of Asia fell a scoffing the Stoike 〈◊〉 so terribly afraide of that brunt which himselfe had passed without aâ—… at all but hee h replied as Aristippus the Socratist did vpon the like 〈◊〉 the other hauing but the soule of a base knaue needed not care for it but hee â—…ll for the soule of Aristippus This answere packt away the ritch chuffe 〈◊〉 Gellius asked the Philosopher not desiring to offend but to learne 〈◊〉 the cause of his feare Who desiring to satisfie a man so desirous to 〈◊〉 pulleth out of his scrippe the booke of i Epictetus a Stoike contayâ—… Axiomes of Zeno and Chrysippus Stoicismes founders wherein Gellius 〈◊〉 shewed him this position That the k mindes apprehensions they call 〈◊〉 â—…ies arising from fearefull and terrifying obiects can neither bee hindred 〈◊〉 â—…ing a wise man nor from moouing his minde when they doe befall that hee 〈◊〉 or bee sadde a little by these passions too hasty intrusion vpon his reason Yet 〈◊〉 farre that they leaue an opinion or consent of the minde vnto their effect beâ—… for this they keepe free as the difference betweene the foole and the wise 〈◊〉 consenteth to his passions the wise man though hee suffer them yet keepes 〈◊〉 and his reprobation of them all firme and free Thus much from A. 〈◊〉 â—…o better but briefer then his owne relation of that with himselfe reade â—…etus from the positiue doctrine of the Stoikes Which beeing true 〈◊〉 small difference betweene them and other Philosophers in this point of 〈◊〉 For both doe quit mans reason from beeing ouer-ruled by passion 〈◊〉 â—…haps therefore the Stoikes denie a wise man to feale them because they 〈◊〉 not nor hurt his wisdome But they m befall him not moouing his 〈◊〉 in the respects of the commodities or discommodities of this life 〈◊〉 notwithstandig hee will not call goods or euills For if the Philosopher had not eâ—…ed that which hee doubted to loose by that ship-wracke namely his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bodylie safety hee would neuer haue beene pale for the matter 〈◊〉 his minde stand fixt for all that externall pallor and hee still hold firme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…d bodily safety which their hee feared to loose were not of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 make their possessors good as vertue doth But in that they say they 〈◊〉 not to bee called goods at all but onely commodities in this their minde is â—…re vpon the word then the matter For what care is there of their name when as their losse leaues both Stoike and Peripatetique alike affected prouing
thereby their equall esteeme of them call them what they list If the daunger of these goods or commodities should draw either of them to mischiefes or els to bee lost they both ioyne in this rather to abiure the vse of bodily benefits then to transgresse the rules of iustice Thus is the minde still fixed holding stedfastly that no passion though it insult vpon the soules meaner parts can domineere oâ—… but reason ouer them excercising vertues soueraignty ouer them by opposition nor by consent For such an one doth Virgil say Eneas was Mens immota manet Lachrymae voluuntur inanes His minde stood fixt yet fruitlesse teares must out L. VIVES THâ—…se a Tully De finib lib. 3. Cato Minor is for the Stoikes in the question of the highest good all whose arguments Tully himselfe lib. 4 refuteth proouing their controuersie with the Plâ—…ists and Peripatetiques to bee onely verball whose principall founder Zeno was b Will not Cic. de finib calls them esteemables and Acad quest lib. 1. saith thus Zeno placed all the 〈◊〉 of beatitude in vertue onely nor reckned ought good but what was honest that being the â—…ple and onely good The rest though not bad yet some are naturall some against â—…re 〈◊〉 meane betweene both The naturall he holds are to bee held in some esteeme and contrary of the contrariety The meane hee leaues as neuters not to be held at any esteem make degrees of esteeme in the naturall also the more esteemable hee called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 preferred the lesse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reiected and these words Tully vseth de finib lib. 3. c Others Plato de lâ—…g lib. 4. maketh goods triplet corporall mentall externall the first and last being secluded from vertue he maketh vselesse hurtfull and dangerous the midlemost are diuine and happy adiuncts of the wise man onely making man happy of themselues alone the other properly 〈◊〉 not goods but respectiuely nor vnto all but the iust onely to whom that which the vulgar calleth euill is a truer good then these are to the wicked seruing them onely as instruments of more mischiefe This is common in Plato who gaue originall to almost al the Stoikes rare and admired paradoxes as that honest things are only good only a wise man is ritch free the good man it happy the bad miserable to beare a wrong is more felicity then to offer one Yet did Plato call those corporall and external benefits goods because as Apuleius saith Dog Pla. their vse is necessary in common life yet so are they goods as vertue must better them and aâ—…pt them to the fit prosecution of happinesse So good they are saith Plato when they are verâ—… 〈◊〉 and serue in her ministery when otherwise they are direct plagues destructiâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristotle also held d Whether a wise Of affects Tully discourseth at lage Tusc. quaest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what they are that a wise man must not be exposed vnto in Stoicisme But the Plaâ—…â—…d â—…d their most generall followers the Peripatetiques say that they are naturally ingrafted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…remoouable and onely to bee repressed e A. Gellius He liued in Adrians time and 〈◊〉 wrote his Noctes Atticae Hee was very familiar with Phauorinus and Taurus both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with Apollinaris and Probus Grammarians of his learning and wit take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom the most nay rather all the Grammarians doe second perhaps because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of their profession sufficeth it to say thus though by Augustines leâ—… I thinke him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But of this else-where The place here quoted is lib. 19. cap. 1. f Elâ—… Or of quick â—…tion g Of Asia Which word addeth to his luxury for from Asia it first arose h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristippus Who had the like chance in sayling to Corinth Laertâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…opolis seruant to Epaphâ—…s Nero's chamberlaine 〈◊〉 vnto the Antonines of him was made this disticke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Borne was I slaue and Epictete my name Belou'd of God as Irus poore and lame 〈◊〉 he was indeed Sustine abstine was much in his mouth which Gellius saith often 〈◊〉 not much nothing of his was extant in Suidas times His Manuell was his scholâ—… 〈◊〉 not his The booke that this Philosopher puld out of his sâ—…rip was the fift of his 〈◊〉 k Minds Phantasies of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to imagine Tully translates it a thing seene it is 〈◊〉 that the mind frames it selfe after any obiect arising of the external impulsioÌ„ which 〈◊〉 by consent or resistance so begetting opinion But the opinions condemned by 〈◊〉 seeme rather to bee the affections that wee doe procure our selues from our owne 〈◊〉 â—…dgements and opinion sorrow they called an opinion of a great euil present ioy 〈◊〉 good desire an opinion of a great future good feare of an euill Thence doe they 〈◊〉 opinion troubleth vs more then reall causes and we are oftener feared then hurt 〈◊〉 toucht already They held further that an vngrounded opinion or weake assent 〈◊〉 consideration doth not befall a wise man l Not so farre Arrianus in his Enâ—…â—…ddes a wise man as soone as any terrible obiect presents it selfe vnto him to conâ—…â—…s but a phantasme and not such as it appeareth m Befall Plato saith that afâ—… 〈◊〉 man as like nerues or little strings whereby nature drawes vs forwarde into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 themselues are contraries but hee that hath giuen his reason once dominion oâ—…â—…all finde their force of no effect worth esteeming â—…at the Christians passions are causes of the the practise of vertue not inducers vnto vice CHAP. 5. 〈◊〉 is no need to stand vpoÌ„ a large discouery what the christians scriptures 〈◊〉 in this point of affects It doth subiect the whole minde to Gods goâ—… 〈◊〉 and assistance and all the passions vnto it in that manner that they are 〈◊〉 seeme the increase of iustice finally our doctrine inquires not so much 〈◊〉 be angry but wherefore Why he is sad not whether he be sad and 〈◊〉 For anger with an offender to reforme him pitty vpon one afflicted 〈◊〉 him feare for one in daunger to deliuer him these no man not mad can 〈◊〉 The Stoikes a indeed vse to reprehend pitty But that Stoike might â—…estly haue pittied another mans daunger then haue feared his owne 〈◊〉 farre more humanity and piety sayd Tully b in Caesars praise Of all thy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 none more admired nor applauded then thy mercy What is mercy but a 〈◊〉 â—…on in our owne heart of anothers misfortunes vrging vs as farre as our 〈◊〉 â—…tcheth to releoue him This affect serues reason when our pitty offendâ—…â—…stice either in releeuing the poore or forgiuing the penitent This c 〈◊〉 â—…ent Cicero stuck not to call a vertue which the Stoikes recken with the 〈◊〉 doth Epictetus out of the doctrines of Zeno and Chrysippus the first paâ—… this sect allow these passions vnto a man whom nathelesse they must 〈◊〉 keepe from
beeing in his hand it is most certaine That is nothing can fall out but he willeth it because he willeth nothing but must fall so out And therefore they that obserue his will obserue the sure cause of all effectes because all effects haue production from his will so that rightly doth Augustine call his will most certaine and most powerfull his power being the cause of his wils certainty This will the Angels and Saints beholding know as much as the proportion of their beatitude permitteth For al of them haue noâ—… the same knowledge but gradually as they haue beatitude as hee saith e Continually Continual is their speculation of God least the least intermission should make them wretched yet doth not the feare of that cause them continue the other but that beatitude doth wholly transport them from the cogitation and desire of all other thinges they inioying all goodnesse in him that is the fountaine of them all That the Pagan Idols are falsely called goddes yet the scripture allowes it to Saints and Angels CHAP. 23. NOw if the Platonists had rather cal these gods theÌ„ Daemones and roâ—…on them amongst those whome the father created as their Maister Platâ—… writâ—…ch let theÌ„ do so we wil haue no verball controuersie with them If they call them immortall and yet Gods creatures made immortall by adherence with him not by themselues they hold with vs call them what they will And the best Platonists if not all haue left records that thus they beleeued for whereas they call such an immortall creature a god wee b contend not with them our scriptures saying The God of gods euen the Lord hath spoken againe Praise yea the God of Gods Againe A great King aboue all gods And in that it is written He is to be feared aboue al gods The sequell explaines it For all the gods of the people are Idols but the Lord made the beaâ—…ens He calleth him ouer al gods to wit the peoples those that the Nations called their gods being Idols therfore is he to be feared aboue them all and in this feare they cryed Art thou come to destroy vs before our time But whereas it is written The God of gods this is not to be vnderstood the God of Idols or diuels and God forbid we should say A great King aboue all Gods in reference to his kingdome ouer diuels but the scripture calleth the men of Gods familie gods I haue said you are gods and al children of the most High of these must the God of gods be vnderstood and ouer these gods is King The great King aboue al gods But now one question If men being of Gods family whom he speaketh vnto by men or Angels be called gods how much more are they to be so called that are immortall inioy that beatitude which men by Gods seruice do aime at We answer that the scripture rather calleth men by the name of gods then those immortall blessed creatures whose likenesse was promised after death because our vnfaithfull infirmity should not be seduced by reason of their super eminence to make vs gods of them which inconuenience in man is soon auoyded And yâ— men of Gods family are the rather called gods to assure them that he is their God that is the God of gods for though the blessed Angels bee called goddes yet they are not called the Gods of Gods yâ— is of those seruants of God of whom it is said You are gods al children of the most High Here-vpon the Apostle saith though ther be that are called gods whether in heauen or in earth as there be many gods and many Lords yet vnto vs there is but one God which is the father of whome are all things and we in him and one Lord Iesus Christ by whome are al things and we by him No matter for the name theÌ„ the matter being thus past all scruple But whereas we say from those immortall quires Angels are sent with Gods command vnto men this they dislike as beleeuing that this businesse belongs not to those blessed creatures whom they cal goddes but vnto the Daemones whome they dare not affirme blessed but only immortall or so immortall and blessed as good Daemones are but not as those high gods whom they place so high and so farre from mans infection But though this seeme a verball controuersie the name of a Daemon is so detestable that we may by no meanes attribute it vnto our blessed Angels Thus then let vs end this book Know al that those blessed immortals how euer called yâ— are creatures are no meanes to bring miserable man to beatitude being from them c doubly different Secondly those that pertake immortality with them and miserable for reward of their mallice with vs can rather enuy vs this happines then obtaine it vs therfore the fautors of those Daemones can bring no proofe why wee should honour them as God but rather that we must auoyd them as deceiuers As for those whome they say are good immmortall and blessed calling them goddes and allotâ—…ing them sacrifices for the attainment of beatitude eternall In the next booke by Gods helpe wee will proue that their desire was to giue this honour not to them but vnto that one God through whose power they were created and in whose participation they are blessed LVIVES And a recken Plato saith that that great God the father created all the rest In Timaeo b VVe contend not No man denieth saith Cypryan that there are many gods by participations Boethius calles euery happy man a god but one onely so by nature 〈◊〉 the rest by participation And to vs hath Christ giuen power to be made the sons of God 〈◊〉 Doubtly By from our misery and mortality which two wordes some copies adde vnto the tâ—…xt The sence is all one implied in the one and expressed in the other Finis lib. 9. THE CONTENTS OF THE tenth booke of the City of God 1 That the Platonists themselues held that One oâ—…ly God was the giuer of all beatitude â—…to Men and Angels but the controuersie is whether they that they hold are to be worshipped for this end would haue sacrifices offered to them-selues or resigne all vnto God 2. The opinion of Plotine the Platonist concerâ—…ing the supernaturall illumination 3. Of the true worship of God wherein the Platoâ—…ts failed in worshipping good or euill Angels though they knew the worlds Creator 4. That sacrifice is due onely to the true God 5. Of the sacrifices which God requireth â—…ot and what be requireth in their signification 6. Of the true and perfect sacrifice 7. That the good Angels doe so loue vs that thy desire wee should worship God onely and â—…ot them 8. Of the miracles whereby God hath confirâ—…d his promises in the mindes of the faithfull by the ministry of his holy Angels 9. Of vnlawfull Arts concerning the Deuils worship whereof Porphery approoueth some and dâ—…eth others 10. Of Theurgy that falsely
seuerall kindes of Daemones CHAP. 11. TRuly Porphyry shewed more witte in his Epistle to a Anebuns of Egipt where betweene learning and instructing hee both opens and subuertes all these sacriledges Therein hee reprooueth all the Daemones that because of their foolishnesse doe draw as hee sayth the b humid vapours vppe vnto them and therefore are not in the skie but in the ayre vnder the Moone and in the Moones bodie Yet dares hee not ascribe all the vanities to all the deuills that stucke in his minde For some of them hee as others doe calls good whereas before hee had called them all fooles And much is his wonder why the gods should loue sacrifices and bee compelled to grant mens sutes And if the gods and Daemones bee distinguished by corporall and vncorporall why should the Sunne Moone and other Starres visible in Heauen whom hee auoutcheth to bee bodies bee called gods and if they bee gods how can some bee good and some euill Or beeing bodies how can they bee ioyned with the gods that haue no bodies Furthermore hee maketh doubts whether the soule of a diuiâ—…r or a worker of strange things or an externall spirit cause the effect But hee coniectureth on the spirites side the rather of the two because that they may bee bound or loosed by c hearbes and stones in this or that strange operation And some therefore hee saith doe d hold a kinde of spirits that properly heare vs of a suttle nature and a changeable forme counterfeyting both gods Daemones and dead soules and those are agents in all good or badde effects But they neuer further man in good action as not knowing them but they doe entangle and hinder the progresse of vertue by all meanes they are rash and proud louers of fumigations taken easily by flattery and so forth of those spirits that come externally into the soule and delude mans sences sleeping and waking yet all this hee doth not affirme but coniectures or doubts or saith that others affirme for it was hard for so great a Philosopher to know all the deuills vilenesse fully and to accuse it freely which knowledge no Christian Idiot euer seeketh but fully detesteth Perhaps hee was afraide to offend Anebuns to whome hee wrote as a greâ—… Priest of such Sacrifices and the other e admirers of those things as appurtenances of the diuine honors Yet maketh hee as it were an inquisitiue proceeding in those things which beeing well pondered will prooue attributes to none but malignant spirits Hee asketh f why the best gods beeing inuoâ—…ed are commanded as the worst to fullfill mens pleasures and why they will not heare ones praiers that is stayned with venery when as they haue such 〈◊〉 contracts amongst themselues as examples to others Why they forbidde their priests the vse of liuing creatures least they should bee polluted by their smells when as they are inuoked and inuited with continuall fuffumigations and smells of sacrifices And the sooth-saver g is forbidden to touch the carcasse when as their religion lies wholy vpon carcasses Why the charmer threatneth not the gods or Daemorâ—…s or dead mens soules but h the Sunne or the Moone or such celestiall bodies fetching the truth out by this so false a terour They will threaten to knocke downe the skie and such impossibilities that the gods beeing like foolish babes afraide of this ridiculous terrour may doe as they are charged Hee sayth farther that one Chaeremon one of the sacred or rather sacrilegious priests hath written that that same Egiptian report of i Isis or her husband Osyris is most powerfull in compelling of the gods to doe mens pleasures when the inuoker threatens to reueale them or to cast abroad the members of Osyris if hee doe not dispatch it quickly That these idle fond threates of man yea vnto the gods and heauenly bodies the Sunne the Moone c. should haue that violent effect to force them to performe what men desire Porphyry doth iustly wonder at nay rather vnder colour of one admiring and inquiring hee sheweth these to bee the actions of those â—…its whome hee described vnder shadowe of relating others opinions to bee such deceitfull counterfeiters of the other gods mary they are deuills themselues without dissembling As for the Herbes Stones Creatures Sounds Wordes Characters and k constellations vsed in drawing the powers of those effects all these hee ascribes to the deuills delight in deluding and abusing the soules that serue and obserue them So that Porphyry either in a true doubt describeth such of those actes as can haue no reference to those powers by which wee must ayme at eternity but conuince them selues the false deuills peculiars or els hee desireth by his humility in inquiring not by his contentious opposing to drawe this Anebuns that was a great Priest in those ceremonies and thought hee knewe much vnto a due speculation of these things and to detect their detestable absurdity vnto him Finally in the end of his Epistle hee desireth to bee informed what doctrine of beatitude the Egiptians held But yet hee affirmes that such as conuerse with the gods and trouble the deity about fetching againe of theeues buying of landes marriages bargaines or such like seeme all in a wrong way to wisdome And the gods they vse herein though they tell them true yet teaching them nothing concerning beatitude are neither gods nor good Daemones but either the false ones or all is but a figment of man But because these artes effect many things beyond all humaine capacity what remaineth but firmely to beleeue and credibly to affirme that such wonders in worde or deedes as haue no reference to the confirmation of their worship of that one God to whom to adhere as the Platonists affirme is the onely beatitude are onely seducements of the deceiptfull fiendes to hinder mans progresse to vertue and soly to bee auoided and discouered by true zeale and piety L. VIVES TO a Anebuns Or Anebon b Humid vapors Hee saith they loue fumes and smells of flesh which fatten their spirituall bodies which liue vpon vapors and fumigations and 〈◊〉 diuersly strengthed by their diueâ—…sity Iamblichus the truer Daemonist seeing him put 〈◊〉 as an expression of the deuills nature denies it all For Porphyry directly affirmed that all such spirits as delighted in slaughtered offrings were euill Daemones and liers and consequently 〈◊〉 were all his gods to whom he diuideth sacrifices in his Responsa mentioned in our Coâ—… vpon the ninth chapter of this booke Thus was he tost betweene truth and inueterate 〈◊〉 daring neiâ—…her affirme them al good nor al euill for feare of his schollers his disciplines authority and the deuill himselfe c Herbes Porphyry maruells that men haue the gods so obsqous as to giue presages in a little meale This admiration and question Iamblichus as hee vseth answers with a goodly front of words which any one may reade but neither the Egiptians nor he himselfe can probably declare what they meane The gods
that it was good CHAP. 20. 〈◊〉 may we ouerslip yâ— these words of God Let there be light there was light 〈◊〉 immediatly seconded by these And God saw the light that it was good not 〈◊〉 â—…ad seperated the light and darknes and named them day and night least â—…d haue seemed to haue shewne his liking of the darknes as wel as yâ— light â—…ras the darknes which the conspicuous lights of heauen diuide from the 〈◊〉 inculpable therfore it was said after it was not before And God saw that 〈◊〉 And God saith he Set them in the firmament of heauen to shine vpon the â—…d to rule in the day and night and to seperate the light from the darknes and 〈◊〉 that it was good Both those he liked for both were sin-les but hauing sayd 〈◊〉 be light and there was so hee adioines immediatly And God saw the light 〈◊〉 good And then followeth God seperated the light from the darknes and 〈◊〉 the light day and the darknesse night but heere he addeth not And God 〈◊〉 it was good least hee should seeme to allow well of both the one beeing â—…turally but voluntary euill Therfore the light onely pleased the Creator the Angelicall darknesses though they were to bee ordained were not to bee approued L. VIVES IMmediately a seconded The Scripture speaking of the spirituall light the Angels before yâ— part of this light that is part of the Angels became dark God approued the light that is all the Angels whom he had made good light but speaking of our visible light made the fourth day God approueth both light and darknes for that darknes God created and it was not euil as yâ— Angels that became dark were therfore were not approued as the fourth daies darknesse was Of Gods eternal vnchanging will and knowledge wherein he pleased to create al things in forme as they were created CHAP. 21. VVHat meanes that saying that goeth through all and God saw that it was good but the approbation of the worke made according to the work-mans art Gods wisedome God doth not see it is good beeing made as if he saw it not so ere it was made But in seeing that it is good being made which could not haue beene made so but that hee fore-saw it hee teacheth but learneth not that it is good Plato a durst go further and say That God had great ioy in the beauty of the Vniuerse He was not so fond to thinke the newnesse of the worke increased Gods ioy but hee shewed that that pleased him beeing effected which had pleased his wisedome to fore-know should be so effected not that Gods knowledge varyeth or apprehends diuersly of thinges past present and future He doth not foresee thinges to come as we do nor beholds things present or remembers thinges past as wee doe But in a maner farre different from our imagination Hee seeth them not by change in thought but immutably bee they past or not past to come or not to come all these hath he eternall present nor thus in his eye and thus in his minde he consisteth not of body and soule nor thus now and otherwise hereafter or heretofore his knowledge is not as our is admitting alteration by circumstance of time but b exempted from all change and all variation of moments For his intention runnes not from thought to thought all thinges hee knowes are in his vnbodily presence Hee hath no temporall notions of the time nor moued he the time by any temporall motions in him-selfe Therfore hee saw that which hee had made was good because he fore-saw that he should make it good Nor doubted his knowledge in seeing it made or augmented it as if it had beene lesse ere he made it he could not do his works in such absolute perfection but out of his most perfect knowledge VVherfore if one vrge vs with who made this light It sufficeth to answer God if wee be asked by what meanes sufficeth this God said let there be light and there was light God making it by his very word But because there are three necessary questions of euery creature who made it how hee made it and wherefore hee made it God sayd quoth Moyses let there bee light and there was light and God saw the light that it was good Who made it God How God sayd but let it be and it was wherfore It was good No better author can there bee then God no better art then his Word no better cause why then that a good God should make a good creature And this c Plato praysed as the iustest cause of the worlds creation whether he had read it or heard it or got it by speculation of the creatures or learned it of those that had this speculation L. VIVES PLato a durst not In his Timaeus The father of the vniuerse seeing the beauty of it and the formes of the eternall goddes approued it and reioyced b Expelled from all Iames 1. 17. in whom is no variablenes nor shadowing by turning Hierome contra Iouin reades it in whome is no difference or shadowing by moment Augustine vseth moment also whether referring it to time or quality I know not For neyther retyres at all from his light to a shadow nor is any the least shadow intermixt with his light Momentum is also a turning a conuersion or a changeable motion comming of moueo to moue it is also an inclination as in balances This place may meane that God entertaines no vicissitude or passe from contrary to contrary as we doe c Plato Let vs see saith hee What made the Worldes Creator go about so huge a worke Truly hee excelled in honesty and honesty enuyeth not any mâ—…an and therefore hee made all things like him-selfe beeing the iustest cause of their originall Concerning those that disliked some of the good Creators creatures and thought some things naturaly euil CHAP. 22. YEt this good cause of the creation Gods goodnesse this iust fit cause which being well considered would giue end to all further inuestigation in this kind some heretikes could not discerne because many thinges by not agreeing with this poore fray le mortall flesh beeing now our iust punishment doe offend and hurt it as fire cold wilde beastes c. These do not obserue in what place of nature they liue and are placed nor how much they grace the vniuerse like a fayre state with their stations nor what commodity redounds to vs froÌ„ them if we can know how to vse them in so much that poyson a thing one way pernicious being conueniently ministred procureth health and contrary wise our meat drinke nay the very light immoderately vsed is hurtfull Hence doth Gods prouidence advize vs not to dispraise any thing rashly but to seeke out the vse of it warily and where our wittte and weakenesse failes there to beleeue the rest that is hidden as wee doe in other thinges past our reach for the obscurity of the vse
eyther excerciseth the humility or beates downe the pride nothing a at all in nature being euill euill being but a priuation of good but euery thing from earth to heauen ascending in a degree of goodnesse and so from the visible vnto the inuisible vnto which all are vnequall And in the greatest is God the great workeman yet b no lesser in the lesse which little thinges are not to be measured to their owne greatnesse beeing neare to nothing but by their makers wisedome as in a mans shape shane his eye-brow a very nothing to the body yet how much doth it deforme him his beauty consisting more of proportion and parilyty of parts then magnitude Nor is it a wonder that c those that hold some nature bad and produced from a bad beginning do not receiue GODS goodnesse for the cause of the creation but rather thinke that hee was compelled by this rebellious euill of meere necessity to fall a creating and mixing of his owne good nature with euill in the suppression and reforming thereof by which it was so foyled and so toyled that he had much adoe to re-create and mundifie it nor can yet cleanse it all but that which hee could cleanse serues as the future prison of the captiued enemy This was not the Maniches foolishnes but their madnesse which they should abandon would they like Christians beleeue that Gods nature is vnchangeable incorruptible impassible and that the soule which may be changed by the will vnto worse and by the corruption of sinne be depriued of that vnchangeable light is no part of God nor Gods nature but by him created of a farre inferiour mould L. VIVES NOthing a at all This Augustine repeats often and herein do al writers of our religion besides Plato Aristotle Tully and many other Philosophers agree with him Plato in his Timaeus holds it wicked to imagine any thing that God made euill he being so good a God him-selfe for his honesty enuied nothing but made all like him-selfe And in his 2. de rep he saith The good was author of no euill but only of things good blaming Hesiod and Homer for making Ioue the author of mischiefe confessing God to be the Creator of this vniuerse therby shewing nothing to be euill in nature I will say briefly what I thinke That is good as Aristotle saith iâ—…â—…s â—…etorik which we desire either for it selfe or for another vse And the iust contrary is euil wâ—…efore in the world some things are vsefull and good some auoideble bad Some 〈◊〉 and indifferent and to some men one thing is good and to others bad yea vnto one man at seuerall times seuerall good bad or neuter vpon seueral causes This opinioÌ„ the weaknesse of our iudgements respects of profit do produce But only that is the diuine iudgement which so disposeth all things that each one is of vse in the worlds gouernment And hee knoweth all without error that seeth all things to bee good and vsefull in their due seasons which the wise man intimates when hee saith That God made all things good each in the due time Therefore did hee blesse all with increase and multiplication If any thing were alwayes vnprofitable it should bee rooted out of the creation b No lesse Nature is in the least creatures pismires gnats bees spiders as potent as in horses oxâ—…n whales or elephants and as admirable Pliny lib. 11. c Those This heresie of the Manichees Augustine declareth De heres ad Quod vult deum Contra Faust. Manich. De Genes ad liter Of the error that Origen incurreth CHAP. 23. Bvt the great wonder is that some hold one beginning with vs of all thinges and that God created all thinges that are not of his essence otherwise they could neuer haue had beeing And yet wil not hold that plaine good beleefe of the Worlds simple and good course of creation that the good God made all thinges good They hold that all that is not GOD after him and yet that all is not good which none but God could make But the a soules they say not part but creatures of God sinned in falling from the maker being cast according to their deserts into diuers degrees down from heauen got certaine bodies for their prisons And ther-upon the world was made say they not for increase of good but restrrint of bad and this is the World Herein is Origen iustly culpable for in his Periarchion or booke of beginnings he affirmes this wherein I haue much maruaile that a man so read indiuine scriptures should not obserue first how contrary this was to the testimony of scripture that confirmeth all Gods workes with this And God saw that it was good And at the conclusion God saw all that hee made and loe it was very good Auerring no cause for this creation but onely that the good God should produce good things where if no man had sinned the world should haue beene adorned and filled b onely with good natures But sin being commited it did not follow that all should be filled with badnes the far greater part remaining still good keeping the course of their nature in heauen nor could the euil willers in breaking the lawes of nature auoyd the iust lawes of the al-disposed God For as a picture sheweth well though it haue black colors in diuers places so the Vniuerse is most faire for all these staines of sins which notwithstaÌ„ding being waighed by themselues do disgrace the lustre of it Besides Origen should haue seene and all wise men with him that if the world were made onely for a penall prison for the transgressing powers to bee imbodyed in each one according to the guilt the lesse offenders the higher and lighter and the greater ones the baser and heauier that then the Diuels the worst preuaricators should rather haue bin thurst into the basest that is earthly bodies then the worst men But that we might know that the spirits merits are not repaid by the bodies qualitie the worst diuell hath an c ayry body and man though he be bad yet of farre lesse malice and guilt hath an earthly body yea had ere his fall And what can be more fond then to thinke that the Sunne was rather made for a soule to be punished in as a prison rather then by the prouidence of God to bee one in one world as a light to the beauty and a comfort to the creatures Otherwise two ten or en hundred soules sinning all a like the world should haue so many Sunnes To auoyd which we must rather beleeue that there was but one soule sinned in that kind deseruing such a body rather then that the Makers miraculous prouidence did so dispose of the Sunne for the light comfort of things created It is not the soules whereof speake they know not what but it is their owne soules that are so farre from truth that they must needes be attanted and restraned Therefore these three I
commended before as fitt questians of euery creature viz who made it how and why the answeare to which is GOD by his word because hee is good whether the holy Trinity the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost doe imitate this vnto vs from their misticall body or there be some places of Scripture that doth prohibite vs to answeare thus is a great questian and not fit to bee opened in one volume L. VIVES THe a soules Origen in his first booke Periarchion holds that GOD first created all things incorpore all and that they were called by the names of heauen and earth which afterward were giuen vnto bodies Amongst which spirituals or soules Mentes were created who declining to vse Ruffinus his translation from the state and dignity became soules as their name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 declareth by waxing cold in their higher state of being mentes The mind fryling of the diuine heate takes the name and state of a soule which if it arise and ascend vnto againe it gaines the former state of a minde Which were it true I should thinke that the mindes of men vnequally from God some more and some lesse some should rather bee soules then other some some retaining much of their mentall vigor and some little or none But these soules saith he being for their soule fals to bee put into grosser bodies the world was made as a place large enough to exercise them all in as was appointed And from the diuersity and in-equality of their fall from him did God collect the diuersity of things here created This is Origens opinion Hierom reciteth it ad auitum b which good We should haue beene Gods freely without any trouble c Any ayry body Of this here-after Of the diuine Trinity notifying it selfe in some part in all the workes thereof CHAP. 24. VVE beleeue a faithfully affirme that God the Father begot the world his wisdom by which al was made his only Son one with one coeternal most good and most equall And that the holy spirit is both of the Father and the 〈◊〉 consubstantiall coeternall with them both this is both a Trinity in respect of the persons and but one God in the inseperable diuinity one omnipotent in the vnseperable power yet so as euery one of the three be held to bee God omnipotent and yet altogether are not three Gods omnipotents but one God omnipotent such is the inseperable unity of three persons and so must it bee taâ—… off But whether the spirit beeing the good Fathers and the good Sonnes may â—…e sayd to be both their goodnesses c heere I dare not rashly determine I durst rather call it the sanctity of them both not as their quality but their substance and the third person in Trinity For to that this probability leadeth mee that the Father is holy and the Son holy and yet the Spirit is properly called holy as beeing the substantiall and consubstantiall holynesse of them both But if the diuine goodnesse be nothing else but holynesse then is it but diligent reason and no bold presumption to thinke for exercise of our intentions sake that in these three questions of each worke of God who made it how and why the holy Trinity is secretly intimated vnto vs for it was the Father of the word that sayd Let it be made and that which was made when hee spake doubtlesse was made by the word and in that where it is sayd And God saw that it was good it is playne that neyther necessity nor vse but onely his meere will moued God to make what was made that is Because it was good which was sayd after it was done to shew the correspondence of the good creature to the Creator by reason of whose goodnesse it was made If this goodnes be now the holy spirit then is al the whole Trinity intimate to vs in euery creature hence is the originall forme and perfection of that holy Citty wherof the Angells are inhabitants Aske whence it is God made it how hath it wisedome God enlightned it How is it happy God whom it enioyes hath framed the existence and illustrated the contemplation and sweetned the inherence thereof in him-selfe that is it seeth loueth reioyceth in Gods eternity shines in his truth and ioyeth in his goodnesse L. VIVES VVâ—… a beleeue Lette vs beleeue then and bee silent hold and not inquire preach faithfully and not dispute contentiously b Begotte What can I do heere but fall to adoration What can I say but recite that saying of Paul in admiration O the deepnesse of the ritches both of the wisedome and knowledge of God! c Heere I dare not Nor I though many diuines call the spirit the Fathers goodnesse and the Sonne his wisedome Who dare affirme ought directly in those deepe misteries d Because it or because it was equally good Of the tripartite diuision of All Phylosophicall discipline CHAP. 25. HEnce was it as far as we conceiue that Phylosophy got three parts or rather that the Phylosophers obserued the three parts They did not inuent them but they obserued the naturall rationall and morrall from hence These are the Latine names ordinarily vsed as wee shewed in our eighth booke not that it followeth that herein they conceiued a whit of the Trinity though Plato were the first that is sayd to finde out and record this diuision and that vnto him none but God seemed the author of all nature or the giuer of reason or the inspirer of honesty But whereas in these poynts of nature inquisition of truth and the finall good there are many diuers opinions yet al their controuersie lieth in those three great and generall questions euery one maketh a discrepant opinion from another in all three and yet all doe hold that nature hath some cause knowledge 〈◊〉 and life some direction and summe For three things are sought out in 〈◊〉 nature skill and practise his nature to bee iudged off by witte 〈◊〉 â—…y knowledge and his practise a by the vse b I know well that â—…elongs to fruition properly and vse to the vser And that they seeme to â—…ently vsed fruition of a thing which beeing desired for it selfe onely deâ—… vs and vse of that which we seeke for another respect in which sence we â—…her vse then inioy temporalityes to deserue the fruition of eternity â—…e wicked inioyes money and vseth GOD spending not money for 〈◊〉 â—…ut honouring him for money Yet in common phraze of speech wee 〈◊〉 â—…ruition and inioy vse For fruites properly are the fieldes increase 〈◊〉 â—…ppon wee liue So then thus I take vse in three obseruations of an arâ—… nature skill and vse From which the Phylosophers inuented the seueâ—…â—…lines tending all to beatitude The naturall for nature the rationall 〈◊〉 â—…e the morall for vse So that if our nature were of it selfe wee should 〈◊〉 owne wisedome and neuer go about to know it by learning ab exterâ—… if our loue had
should be saued and who should be damned CHAP. 27. BVt now because we must end this booke let this bee our position that in the first man the fore-said two societies or cities had originall yet not euidentlie but vnto Gods prescience for from him were the rest of men to come some to be made fellow cittizens with the Angels in ioy and some with the Deuils in torment by the secret but iust iudgment of God For seeing that it is written All the wayes of the Lord bee mercy and truth his grace can neither bee vniust nor his iustice cruell Finis lib. 12. THE CONTENTS OF THE thirteenth booke of the City of God 1. Of the first Mans fall and the procurement of mortality 2. Of the death that may befall the immortal soule and of the bodies death 3. Whether death propagated vnto all men from the first bee punishment of sinne to the Saints 4. Why the first death is not with-held from the regenerate from sinne by grace 5. As the wicked vse the good law euill so the good vse death which is euill well 6. The generall euill of that death that seuereth soule and body 7. Of the death that such as are not regenerate doe suffer for Christ. 8. That the Saints in suffering the first death for the truth are quit from the second 9. Whether a man at the houre of his death may be said to be among the dead or the dying 10. Whether this mortall life be rather to bee called death then life 11. Whether one may bee liuing and dead both together 12. Of the death that God threatned to punish the first man withall if he transgressed 13. What punishment was first laid on mans preuarication 14. In what state God made Man and into what state he fell by his voluntary choyce 15. That Adam forsooke God ere God forsooke him and that the soules first death was the departure from God 16. Of the Philosophers that held corporall death not to bee penall whereas Plato brings in the Creator promising the lesser Gods that they should neuer leaue their bodies 17. Against the opinion that earthly bodies cannot be corruptible nor eternall 18. Of the terrene bodies which the Philosophers hold cannot bee in heauen but must fall to earth by their naturall weight 19 Against those that hold that Man should not haue beene immortall if hee had not sinned 20. That the bodies of the Saints now resting in hope shall become better then our first fathers was 21. Of the Paradice when our first parents were placed and that it may be taken spiritually also with-out any wrong to the truth of the historie as touching the reall place 22. That the Saints bodies after resurrection shall bee spirituall and yet not changed into spirits 23. Of bodies animate and spirituall these dying in Adam and those beeing quickned in Christ. 24. How Gods breathing a life into Adam and Christs breathing vpon his Apostles when hee said Receiue the holy spirit are to bee vnderstood FINIS THE THIRTEENTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of the first Mans fall and the procurement of mortalitie CHAP. 1. HAuing gotten through the intricate questions of the worlds originall and man-kindes our methode now calleth vs to discourse of the first mans fall nay the first fall of both in that kind and consequently of the originall and propagation of our mortality for God made not man as he did Angels that though they sinned yet could not dye but so as hauing a performed their course in obedience death could not preuent them from partaking for euer of blessed and Angelicall immortality but hauing left this course death should take them into iust damnation as we said in the last booke L. VIVES HAuing a performed Euery man should haue liued a set time vpon earth and then being confirmed in nature by tasting of the tree of life haue beene immortally translated into heauen Here are many questions made first by Augustine and then by Lombard dist 2. What mans estate should haue beene had he not sinned but these are modest and timerous inquirers professing they cannot finde what they seeke But our later coments vpon Lumbard flie directly to affirmatiue positions vpon very coniectures or grounds of nature I heare them reason but I see them grauelled and in darknesse where yet they will not feele before them ere they goe but rush on despight of all break-neck play What man hath now wee all know to our cost what he should haue had it is a question whether Adam knew and what shall we then seeke why should we vse coniectures in a things so transcendent that it seemes miraculous to the heauens as if this must follow natures lawes which would haue amazed nature had it had existence then What light Augustine giues I will take and as my power and duty is explaine the rest I will not meddle with Of the death that may befall the immortall soule and of the bodyes death CHAP. 2. BVt I see I must open this kinde of death a little plainer For mans soule though it be immortall dyeth a kinde of death a It is called immortall because it can neuer leaue to bee liuing and sensitiue and the body is mortall because it may be destitute of life and left quite dead in it selfe But the death of the soule is when God leaueth it the death of the body is when the soule leaueth it so that the death of both is when the soule being left of God leaueth the body And this death is seconded by that which the Scripture calles the b second death This our Sauiour signified when hee said feare him which is able to destroy both body and soule in hell which comming not to passe before the body is ioyned to the soule neuer to be seperated it is strange that the body can be sayd to die by that death which seuereth not the soule from it but torments them both together For that â—…all paine of which wee will speake here-after is fitly called the soules deaâ—… because it liueth not with God but how is it the bodies which liueth with the soule for otherwise it could not feele the corporall paines that expect it after the resurrection is it because all life how-so-euer is good and all paine euill that the body is said to dye wherein the soule is cause of sorrow rather then life Therefore the soule liueth by God when it liueth well for it cannot liue without God working good in it and the body liueth by the soule when the soule liueth in the body whether it liue by God or no. For the wicked haue liâ—…â—…body but none of soule their soules being dead that is forsaken of God lâ—…g power as long as their immortall proper life failes not to afforde them 〈◊〉 but in the last damnation though man bee not insensitiue yet this sence of 〈◊〉 â—…ing neither pleasing nor peacefull but sore and
saith and dwelling in our members when it doth not reigne in our mortall body obeying the desires of it and when wee doe not giue vp our members as instruments of iniquity to serue it it is conuerted into a minde consenting not vnto it in any euill by Gods gouernment and man that hath it some-what quietly here shall haue it afterwards most perfectly setled sinlesse and in eternall peace L. VIVES BEare a yee The Greeke is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b The spirit of meekenesse Because of that which followeth Considering thy selfe least thou also bee tempted It is fitte that one that corrects sinne should consider that hee might sinne him-selfe least if hee growe proud because hee is more perfect then his brother reuenge bee at hand and make him fall worse c The seruants Our Sauiour treating of brotherly remission reciteth this Parable Math. 18. d Not disposing Ecclesiastes the 7. 15. Behold the worke of God who can make streight that which hee hath made crooked And hence it is that a few rules serue to guide some in honestie and none other-some If the minde bee not inwardly mooued to good the outward words doe but little good e Being in vs for the pronenesse to badnesse that is in vs all is the punishment of the first mans sinne by which without great resistance wee are harried into all enormity Besides there is no sinne but vexeth him in whome it is The first reuenge saith Iuuenall is that no guilty man is quitte by his owne conscience But this place is diuersly read But the true sence is If that originall promise to sinne which wee haue all from Adam bee not predominant ouer the whole man nor reigne not as the Apostle saith in our members but bee subiected â—…o the minde and the minde vnto God the gouernour not consenting to that wicked procliuitie but rather peaceably restraining it and comming vnto the curing of GOD that good Phisitian then that crazed affect becommeth sound perfection and with the whole man attaineth immortality For this aptnesse or inclination to sinne which the schoole-diuines call fomes is sinne in vs. Of the cause and obstinacie of Cains wickednesse which was not repressed by Gods owne words CHAP. 7. BVt that same speaking of God vnto Caine in the forme of some of his creatures as wee haue shewed that hee vsed to doe with the first men what good did it doe him did hee not fulfill his wicked intent to murther his brother after GOD had warned him who hauing distinguished both their sacrifices reiecting the one and receiuing the other no b doubt by some visible signe and that because the one wrought euill and the other good Caine grew exceeding wroth and his looke was deiected And God said vnto him Why is thy looke deiected c â—…f thou offer well and diuidest not well d hast thou not sinned be quiet e vnto thee shall his desire be subiect and thou shalt rule ouer him In this admonition of God vnto Caine because the first words If thou offer well and diuidest noâ—… 〈◊〉 hast thou not sinned are of doubtfull vnderstanding the translators haue â—…ne it vnto diuers sences each one seeking to lay it downe by the line 〈◊〉 â—…h A sacrifice that is offred to the true God to whome onely such are 〈◊〉 well offered But the diuision may be euill made vpon a bad distinction of 〈◊〉 â—…es place offring offrers or of him to whome it is offred or of them to 〈◊〉 the offring is distributed meaning here by diuision a discerning beâ—… offring at due times in due places due offrings due distributions and the 〈◊〉 of all these As if we offer where when and what wee should not or 〈◊〉 better to our selues then we offer to God or distribute the offring to the â—…ctified herein prophaning the sacrifice In which of these Caine offended 〈◊〉 we cannot easily finde But as the Apostle Iohn said of these two bretheren 〈◊〉 Caine who was of the wicked and slew his brother and wherefore slew he him 〈◊〉 his owne workes were euill and his brothers good This proueth that God resâ—…d not his guifts for that hee diuided euill f giuing God onely some of â—…ll and giuing him-selfe to him-selfe as all do that leaue Gods will to 〈◊〉 their owne and liuing in peruersnesse of heart offer guifts vnto God as 〈◊〉 to buy him not to cure their vicious affects but to fulfill them This is the â—…ty of the earthly Citty to worshippe one or many Gods for victory and â—…striall peace neuer for charitable instruction but all for lust of soueraigneâ—… The good vse this world to the enioying of God but the wicked iust conâ—… wise would vse God to enioy the world g such I meane as hold God to 〈◊〉 to haue to doe in humanity for there are that are farre worse and beleeue 〈◊〉 So then Caine knowing that God respected his brothers sacrifice and 〈◊〉 ought to haue changed him-selfe and fallen to imitation of his good broâ—… not to haue swollen vp in enuy against him But because hee was sad and 〈◊〉 cast downe this greefe at anothers good chiefely his brothers God 〈◊〉 â—…nde great falt with for there-vpon hee asked him saying Why art thou sad 〈◊〉 is thy countenance cast downe His enuy to his brother God saw and reâ—…ded Man that knoweth not the heart might well haue doubted wheâ—…â—…ee was sad for his owne badnesse that displeased God or for his brothers 〈◊〉 for which God accepted his sacrifice But God giuing a reason why 〈◊〉 â—…ould not accept his that hee might haue iuster cause to dislike him-selfe 〈◊〉 his brother hauing not diuided that is not liued well and being not worâ—… to haue his sacrifice accepted doth shew that hee was farre more vniust 〈◊〉 that he hated his iust brother for no cause yet hee sendeth him not away 〈◊〉 a good and holy command Bee quiet quoth hee for vnto thee shall his 〈◊〉 â—…ee subiect and thou shalt rule ouer him What ouer his brother God forâ—… no but ouer sinne for hee had said before hast thou not sinned and now â—…ddeth bee quiet for vnto thee c. Some may take it thus that sinne shall â—…ned vpon man so that hee that sinneth shall haue none to blame for it 〈◊〉 him-selfe for this is the wholesome medicine of repentance and the fit plea â—…rdon that these words of God be vnsterstood as a percept and not as a proâ—… for then shall euery man rule ouer sin when he doth not support it by â—…ce but subdue it by repentance otherwise hee that becomes the protecâ—… it shall sure become prisoner to it But if wee vnderstand this sinne to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 carnall concupiscense whereof the Apostle saith The flesh coueteth aâ—… the spirit amongst whose workes enuy is reckened for one which inâ—… Cayne to his brothers murder then wee may well take these words 〈◊〉 It shal bee turned vnto thee and thou shalt rule ouer it for the carnall part being moued which
Now adde but one difference to wit society of life and the whole number is doubled because whosoeuer followeth any one of these twelue sects either doth follow it as respecting him-selfe or his fellow to whome he ought to wish aswell as himselfe So there may bee twelue men that hold those twelue positions each one for their owne respect and other twelue that hold them in respect of others whose good they desire as much as their owne Now bring in but your e new Academikes and these twenty foure sects become fourty eight for euery one of these positions may bee either maintained Stoically to bee certaine as that of vertue that it is the sole good or Accademically as vncertaine and not so assuredly true as likely to bee true Thus are there twenty foure affirming the certaine truth of those positions and twenty foure standing wholly for their vncertainty Againe each of these positions may be defended either in the habite of any other Philopher or f of a Cynike and this of fourty eight maketh the whole ninety sixe Againe these may either be disputed of by such as professe meere Philosophy no way entermedling with affaires of state or by such as loue argumentation and yet neuerthelesse keepe a place in politique directions and employments of the weale publike or by such as professe both and by a certaine vicissitude do now play the meere Philosophers and now the meere polititians and thus is the number trebled amounting to two hundred eighty and eight Thus much as briefely as I could out of Varro laying downe his doctrine in mine owne formes But to shew how he confesseth all the rest but one g and chooseth that as peculiar to the old Academikes of Platos institution continuing to defend certaine Aphorismes from him to h Polemon the forth that succeded him who are quite different from the new nought-affirming Academikes instituted by i Archesilas Polemons successe to shew Varros opinion in this that the old Academikes were free both of vncertenty and errour It is too tedious to make a full relation of it yet may we lawfully nay and must necessarily take a view of it in some part first therfore he remouâ—…th al the differences procuring this multitude of sects his reason is they ayme not at the perfection of goodnesse For hee holdeth not that worthy the name of a sect in Philosophy k which differeth not from all others in the maine ends of good and euill the end of all Philosophy being onely beatitude which is the maine end and perfection of all goodnesse This then is the aime of all Philosophers and such as do not leuell at this are vnworthy that name Wherefore in that question of society in life whether a wise man should respect the perfection of goodnesse in his friend as much as in himselfe or do all that he doth for his owne beatitudes sake this now doth no way concerne the good it selfe but the assuming or not assuming of a companion into the participation of it not for ones owne sake but for his sake that is admitted whose good the other affecteth as hee doth his owne And likewise in these new Academicismes whether all these assertions be to be held as vncertaine or with that assurance that other Philosophers defended them the question medleth not with the nature of that which we are to attaine as the end of all good but it asketh whether there be such a thing or no auerring a doubt hereof rather then an affirmation that is to be more plaine the controuersie is whether the follower of this perfection may affirme his finall good to be certaine or onely that it seemeth so but may be vncertaine and yet both these intend one good And likewise againe for the Cynicall habite the reality of the good is not called in question but whether it be to be followed in such a fashion of life and conuersation or no. Finally there haue beene Philosophers that haue affirmed diuersly of the finall good some placing it in vertue and some in pleasure and yet haue all obserued one Cynicall habite and forme of cariage so that the cause of their being enstiled so had no manner of reference to the perfection that they studied to attaine For if it had then should that end bee peculiar to that habite and not bee communicated with any other L VIVES ANd a is learned The old Philosophers haue a great adoe about vertues in man whether it be by laborious acquisition or naturall infusion Some hold the later and some the first Plato is variable Assuredly vertue is not perfited in any one with-out both nature exercise Three things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nature reason and practise are as necessary in the attaining of artes and all good habites as a fatte soyle a good seed and a painfull husband-man are vnto the obteining of a fruitfull haruest Plutarch hath a little worke proouing vertue to bee ex industria b Which Epicurus Hee called both sensible delight and rest-full quiet by one onely name Pleasure For so doth Tully make Torquatus an Epicure auouch in his first booke De finibus c The vniuersall These are most frequent and peculiarly vsed by the Stoikes Cicero vseth them in many places d Unto twelue Omit but vertue in some of those references and the number will arise to a farre greater sum comparing pleasure with rest then with natures first positiues and then compare rest with them but indeed there was neuer Philosopher so impudent as to exclude vertue from the seate of felicitie though he gaue the preheminence vnto pleasure e New Academicks Herein he obserueth the vulgar opinion For Varro in Tully saith that he thinketh that Socrates instituted that Academy of Archesilas that it was the elder and that Plato confirmed it recorded the positions Eusebius addeth a third Academy of Carneades his institution called the middle Academy Praep. euang lib. 14. But Laertius maketh Plato the founder of the old one Archesilas of the middle one and Lacydâ—… his scholler of the new one f Of a Cynicke Antisthexes Scholler to Socrates an earnest hater of pleasure founded this sect Such were most of the Cynikes after him yet some were great voluptuaries where-vpon Origen compareth the dogge-flye vnto their sect who to draw others vnto the same damnation with them auouch lust and carnall 〈◊〉 to be the true beatitude In Exod. Now it were strange that this should bee meant of all the old Cynikes hauing this prouerbe continually in their mouthes I had rather runne mâ—…e then enioy delight It may bee that Hierome followeth Origen in calling Aristippus and the Cynikes the proclamers of voluptuousnesse In Ecclesiast But wee haue put Cyrenaikes for Cynikes for that makes the better sence Note that Laertius saith the Cynickes are a true and â—…ust sect of Philosophers not molifyed nor deniable vpon any respect g And chooseth that Which Tully also approoueth aboue all as almost pure Aristotelian De fin
much latine spoken in their Prouinces in so much that Spaine and France did wholy forget their owne languages and spake all latine Nor might any Embassage bee preferred to the Senate but in latine Their endeauour was most glorious and vsefull herein whatsoeuer their end was c Yea but Here hee disputeth against the Gentiles out of their owne positions That true friendship cannot bee secure amongst the incessant perills of this present life CHAP. 8. BVt admit that a man bee not so grossely deceiued as many in this wretched life are as to take his foe for his friend nor contrariwise his friend for his foe what comfort haue wee then remayning in this vale of mortall miseries but the vnfained faith and affection of sure friends whom the a more they are or the further of vs the more we feare least they bee endamaged by some of these infinite casualties attending on all mens fortunes We stand not onely in feare to see them afflicted by famine warre sicknesse imprisonment or so but our farre greater feare is least they should fal away through treachery malice or deprauation And when this commeth to passe and wee heare of it as they more friends wee haue and the farther off withal the likelier are such newes to be brought vs then who can decypher our sorrowes but he that hath felt the like we had rather heare of their death though that wee could not heare of neither but vnto our griefe For seeing wee enioyed the comfort of their friendships in their life how can wee but bee touched with sorrowes affects at their death hee that forbiddeth vs that may as well forbid all conference of friend and friend all sociall curtesie nay euen all humane affect and thrust them all out of mans conuersation or else prescribe their vses no pleasurable ends But as that is impossible so is it likewise for vs not to bewaile him dead whom wee loued being aliue For the b sorrow thereof is as a wound or vlcer in our heart vnto which bewaylements doe serue in the stead of fomentations and plaisters For though that the sounder ones vnderstanding be the sooner this cure is effected yet it proues not but that there is a malady that requireth one application or other Therefore in al our bewayling more or lesse of the deaths of our dearest friēds or companions wee doe yet reserue this loue to them that wee had rather haue them dead in body then in soule and had rather haue them fall in essence then in manners for the last is the most dangerous infection vpon earth and therfore it was written Is not mans life a b temptation vpon earth Wherevpon our Sauiour said Woe bee to the world because of offences and againe Because iniquity shal be increased the loue of many shal be cold This maketh vs giue thankes for the death of our good friends and though it make vs sad a while yet it giueth vs more assurance of comfort euer after because they haue now escaped all those mischieues which oftentimes seize vpon the best either oppressing or peruerting them endangering them how-soeuer L. VIVES THe a more they are Aristotles argument against the multitude of friends b Temptation The vulgar readeth it Is there not an appointed time to man vpō earth Hierom hath it a warfare for we are in continuall warre with a suttle foxe whom wee must set a continuall watch against least he inuade vs vnprouided The friendship of holy Angells with men vndiscernable in this life by reason of the deuills whom all the Infidells tooke to be good powers and gaue them diuine honours CHAP. 9. NOw the society of Angells with men those whom the Philosophers called the gods guardians Lars and a number more names they set in the fourth place comming as it were from earth to the whole vniuerse and here including heauen Now for those friends the Angels we need not feare to be affected with sorrow for any death or deprauation of theirs they are impassible But this friendship betweene them and vs is not visibly apparant as that of mans is which addes vnto our terrestriall misery and againe the deuill as wee reade often transformes himselfe into an Angell of light to tempt men some for their instruction and some for their ruine and here is need of the great mercy of God least when wee thinke wee haue the loue and fellowship of good Angells they prooue at length pernicious deuills fained friends and suttle foes as great in power as in deceipt And where needeth this great mercy of GOD but in this worldly misery which is so enveloped in ignorance and subiect to be deluded As for the Philosophers of the reprobate citty who sayd they had gods to their friends most sure it was they had deuills indeed whom they tooke for deities all the whole state wherein they liued is the deuills monarchy and shall haue the like reward with his vnto all eternity For their sacrifices or rather sacriledges where-with they were honored and the obscaene plaies which they themselues exacted were manifest testimonies of their diabolicall natures Thereward that the Saints are to receiue after the passing of this worlds afflictions CHAP. 10. YEa the holy and faithfull seruants of the true GOD are in danger of the deuills manifold ambushes for as long as they liue in this fraile and foule browed world they must be so and it is for their good making them more attentiue in the quest of that security where their peace is without end and without want There shall the Creator bestowe all the guifts of nature vpon them and giue them not onely as goods but as eternall goods not onely to the soule by reforming it with wisdome but also to the body by restoring it in the resurrection There the vertues shall not haue any more conflicts with the vices but shall rest with the victory of eternall peace which none shall euer disturbe For it is the finall beatitude hauing now attained a consummation to all eternity Wee are sayd to bee happy here on earth when wee haue that little peace that goodnesse can afford vs but compare this happinesse with that other and this shall be held but plaine misery Therefore if wee liue well vpon earth our vertue vseth the benefits of the transitory peace vnto good ends if we haue it if not yet still our vertue vseth the euills that the want thereof produceth vnto a good end also But then is our vertue in full power and perfection when it referreth it selfe and all the good effects that it can giue being vnto either vpon good or euill causes vnto that onely end wherein our peace shall haue no end nor any thing superior vnto it in goodnesse or perfection The beatitude of eternall peace and that true perfection wherein the Saints are installed CHAP. 11. WEE may therefore say that peace is our finall good as we sayd of life eternall because the psalme saith vnto that citty whereof we write this
them as deceitfull deuills both in their good words and in their bad But seeing this God this goddesse cannot agree about Christ truly men haue no reason to beleeue or obey them in forbidding christianity Truly either Porphyry or Hecate in these commendations of Christ affirming that he destinied the christians to error yet goeth about to shew the causes of this error which before I relate I will aske him this one question If Christ did predestinate all christians vnto error whether did hee this wittingly or against his will If hee did it wittingly how then can hee bee iust if it were against his will how can hee then bee happy But now to the causes of this errour There are some spirits of the earth saith hee which are vnder the rule of the euill Daemones These the Hebrewes wise men whereof IESVS was one as the diuine Oracle declared before doth testifie forbad the religious persons to meddle with-all aduising them to attend the celestiall powers and especially God the Father with all the reuerence they possibly could And this saith hee the Gods also doe command vs as wee haue already shewen how they admonish vs to reuerence GOD in all places But the ignorant and wicked hauing no diuine guift nor any knowledge of that great and immortall Ioue nor following the precepts of the gods or good men haue cast all the deities at their heeles choosing not onely to respect but euen to reuerence those depraued Daemones And where-as they professe the seruice of GOD they doe nothing belonging to his seruice For GOD is the father of all things and stands not in neede of anything and it is well for vs to exhibite him his worship in chastitie iustice and the other vertues making our whole life a continuall prayer vnto him by our search and imitation of him c For our search of him quoth hee purifieth vs and our imitation of him deifieth the effects in our selues Thus well hath hee taught God the Father vnto vs and vs how to offer our seruice vnto him The Hebrew Prophets are full of such holy precepts concerning both the commendation and reformation of the Saints liues But as concerning Christianity there hee erreth and slandereth as farre as his deuills pleasure is whome hee holdeth deities as though it were so hard a matter out of the obscenities practised and published in their Temples and the true worship and doctrine presented be fore GOD in our Churches to discerne where manners were reformed and where they were ruined Who but the deuill him-selfe could inspire him with so shamelesse a falsification as to say that the Christians doe rather honour then detest the Deuills whose adoration was forbidden by the Hebrewes No that God whome the Hebrewes adored will not allow any sacrifice vnto his holiest Angels whome wee that are pilgrims on earth doe not-with-standing loue and reuerence as most sanctified members of the Citty of heauen but forbiddeth it directly in this thundring threate Hee that sacrificeth vnto Gods shall be rooted 〈◊〉 and least it should be thought hee meant onely of the earthly spirits whome this fellow calles the lesser powers d and whome the scripture also calleth gods not of the Hebrews but the Heathens as is euident in that one place Psal. 96. verse 5. For all the Gods of the Heathen are Diuels least any should imagine that the fore-said prohibition extended no further then these deuills or that it concerned not the offring to the celestiall spirits he addeth but vnto the Lord alone but vnto one God onely Some may take the words nisi domino soli to bee vnto the Lord the sunne and so vnderstand the place to bee meant of Apollo but the oriâ—…â—…nd the e Greeke translations doe subuert all such misprision So then the Hebrew God so highly commended by this Philosopher gaue the Hebrewes a â—…awe in their owne language not obscure or vncertaine but already dispersed through-out all the world wherein this clause was literally conteined Hee that sacrificeth vnto Gods shall bee rooted out but vnto the Lord alone What neede wee make any further search into the law and the Prophets concerning this nay what need wee search at all they are so plaine and so manifold that what neede I stand aggrauating my disputation with any multitudes of those places that exclude all powers of heauen and earth from perticipating of the honors due vnto God alone Behold this one place spoaken in briefe but in powerfull manner by the mouth of that GOD whome the wisest Ethnicks doe so highly extoll let vs marke it feare it and obserue it least our eradication ensue Hee that sacrificeth vnto more gods then that true and onely LORD shall bee rooted out yet God him-selfe is farre from needing any of our seruices but f all that wee doe herein is for the good of our owne soules Here-vpon the Hebrewes say in their holy Psalmes I haue sayd vnto the Lord thou art my GOD my well-dooing â—…th not vnto thee No wee our selues are the best and most excellent sacrifice that hee can haue offered him It is his Citty whose mystery wee celebrate 〈◊〉 â—…ch oblations as the faithfull doe full well vnderstand as I sayd once already For the ceasing of all the typicall offrings that were exhibited by the Iewes aâ—…d the ordeyning of one sacrifice to bee offered through the whole world from East to West as now wee see it is was prophecied long before from GOD by the mouthes of holy Hebrewes whome wee haue cited as much as needed in conuenient places of this our worke Therefore to conclude where there is not this iustice that GOD ruleth all alone ouer the society that obeyeth him by grace and yeeldeth to his proâ—…tion of sacrifice vnto all but him-selfe and where in euery member belongâ—… to this heauenly society the soule is lord ouer the body and all the bad afâ—… thereof in the obedience of GOD and an orderly forme so that all the 〈◊〉 as well as one liue according to faith g which worketh by loue in â—…ch a man loueth GOD as hee should and his neighbour as him-selfe 〈◊〉 this iustice is not is no societie of men combined in one vniformity of 〈◊〉 and profite consequently no true state popular if that definition holde â—…ch and finally no common-wealth for where the people haue no certaine 〈◊〉 the generall hath no exact forme L. VIVES 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is of Oraculous Phisosophy in which worke hee recites Apollos Orracles and others part whereof wee haue cited before b Photinus Hee was condemned by the counsell of Syrmium being confuted by Sabinus Bishoppe of Ancyra Cassiod Hist tripart He followed the positions of Samosatenus so that many accompted of both these heresies all as one c For our search Search is here a mentall inquisition whereby the mind is illustrate and purged from darke ignorance and after it hath found God studieth how to grow purâ—… and diuine like him d And whome the scripture
oppressed and such like as these Oh who can stand to collect or recount them These now albeit they kept this seemingly absurd order continually that in 〈◊〉 whole life wherein as the Prophet saith in the Psalme Man is like to 〈◊〉 and his daies like a shadow that vanisheth the wicked alone should posâ—… those temporall goods and the good onelie suffer euills yet might this 〈◊〉 referred to GODS iust iudgements yea euen to his mercies that such 〈◊〉 â—…ught not for eternall felicitie might either for their malice bee iustly 〈◊〉 by this transitory happinesse or by GODS mercie bee a comfort vnto the good and that they beeing not to loose the blisse eternall might for 〈◊〉 while bee excercised by crosses temporall either for the correction of 〈◊〉 or a augmentation of their vertues 〈◊〉 now seeing that not onely the good are afflicted and the badde exâ—… which seemes iniustice but the good also often enioy good and the 〈◊〉 euill this prooues GODS iudgements more inscrutable and his 〈◊〉 more vnsearcheable Although then wee see no cause why GOD â—…ld doe thus or thus hee in whome is all wisdome and iustice and no â—…nesse nor rashnesse nor iniustice yet heere wee learne that wee may 〈◊〉 esteeme much of those goods or misfortunes which wee see the badde share with the righteous But to seeke the good peculiar to the one and to aâ—… the euill reserued for the other And when we come to that great iudgement properly called the day of doome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consummation of time there we shall not onely see all things apparant but â—…ledge all the iudgements of GOD from the first to the last to bee firmeâ—…â—…ded vpon iustice And there wee shall learne and know this also why 〈◊〉 iudgements are generally incomprehensible vnto vs and how iust his â—…nts are in that point also although already indeede it is manifest vnto â—…full that wee are iustly as yet ignorant in them all or at least in the 〈◊〉 them L. VIVES 〈◊〉 augmentation That vertue might haue meanes to exercise her powers for shee 〈◊〉 â—…ction and leauing that shee languisheth nay euen perisheth as fire doth which 〈◊〉 â—…ell to worke vpon dieth But practise her vpon obiects of aduerse fortune and she 〈◊〉 out her owne perfection Salomons disputation in Ecclesiastes concerning those goods which both the iust and the vniust doe share in CHAP. 3. 〈◊〉 the wisest King that euer reigned ouer Israel beginneth his booke calâ—… a Ecclesiastes which the Iewes themselues hold for Canonicall in this 〈◊〉 b Vanity of Vanities all is vanity What remaineth vnto man of all â—…uells which hee suffereth vnder the Sunne Vnto which hee annexâ—… tormentes and tribulations of this declining worlde and the short â—…ift courses of time wherein nothing is firme nothing constant 〈◊〉 vanitie of althings vnder the Sunne hee bewayleth this also 〈◊〉 that seeing c There is more profitte in wisdome then in follie 〈◊〉 light is more excellent then darkenesse and seeing the wise-mans eyes are in his head when the foole wallketh in darkenesse yet that one condition one estate should befall them both as touching this vaine and transitory life meaning hereby that they were both a like exposed to those euills that good men and bad do some-times both a like endure Hee saith further that the good shall suffer as the bad do and the bad shall enioy goods as the good do in these words There is a vanity which is done vpon the earth that there bee righteous men to whome it commeth according to the worke of the wicked and there bee wicked men to whome it commeth according to the worke of the iust I thought also that this is vanity In discouery of this vanity the wise man wrote al this whole worke for no other cause but that wee might discerne that life which is not vanity vnder the sunne but truth vnder him that made the sunne But as d touching this worldly vanity is it not Gods iust iudgement that man being made like it should vanish also like it yet in these his daies of vanity there is much betweene the obeying and the opposing of truth and betweene partaking and neglecting of Godlinesse and goodnesse but this is not in respect of attayning or auoyding any terrestriall goods or euills but of the great future iudgment which shall distribute goods to the good and euils to the euil to remaine with them for euer Finally the said wise King concludeth his booke thus feare God and keepe his commandements for this is the whole duty of man for GOD will bring euery worke vnto iudgment e of euery dispisedman be it good or be it euill how can wee haue an instruction more briefe more true or more wholesome feare God saith he and keepe his commandements for this is the whole duty of man for he that doth this is full man and he that doth it not is in accompt nothing because he is not reformed according to the Image of truth but sticketh still in the shape of vanity for God will bring euery worke that is euery act of man in this life vnto iudgement be it good or euill yea the workes of euery dispised man of euery contemptible person that seemeth not tâ—… be noted at all God seeth him and despiseth him not neither ouer-passeth him in his iudgement L. VIVES ECclesiastes a Or the Preacher Many of the Hebrewes say that Salomon wrot this in the time of his repentance for the wicked course that he had runne Others say that he fore-saw the diuision of his kingdome vnder his sonne Rehoboam and therefore wrote it in contempt of the worlds vnstable vanity b Uanity of So the seauenty read it but other read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 smoke of fumes Hierome c There is more Wisdome and folly are as much opposed as light and darkenesse d Touching this But that GOD instructeth our vnderstanding in this vanity it would vanish away and come to nought conceyuing falshood for truth and lying all consumed with putrifiing sinne at length like a fume it would exhale a way vnto che second death e Of euery despised man Our translations read it with euery secret thing Hierome hath it Pro omni errato The authors resolution in this discourse of the iudgement to produce the testimonies of the New-Testament first and then of the old CHAP. 4. THe testimonies of holy Scriptures by which I meane to proue this last iudgement of God must bee first of all taken out of the New-Testament and then out of the Old For though the later bee the more ancient yet the former are more worthie as beeing the true contents of the later The former then shall proceed first and they shal be backt by the later These that is the old ones the law and the prophets afford vs the former the new ones the Gospells and the writings of the Apostles Now the Apostle saith By the law commeth the knowledge of sinne But now
not the for bidden meates rehearsing the gratiousnesse of the New Testament from CHRISTS first comming euen vnto this Iudgement we haue now in hand For first he tells how GOD saith that hee commeth to gather the nations and how they shall come to see his glorie For all haue sinned saith the Apostle and are depriued of the glorie of GOD. Hee sayth also that hee will leaue signes amongst them to induce them to beleeue in him and that hee will send his elect into many nations and farre Islands that neuer heard of his name to preach his glory to the Gentiles and to bring their bretheren that is the bretheren of the elect Israell of whome hee spake into his presence to bring them for an offering vnto GOD in chariots and vpon horses that is by the ministerie of men or angells vnto holie Ierusalem that is now spread through-out the earth in her faithfull Cittizens For these when GOD assisteth them beleeue and when they beleeue they come vnto him Now GOD in a simily compares them to the children of Israel that offered vnto him his sacrifices with psalmes in the Temple as the church doth now in all places and hee promiseth to take of them for priests and for leuites which now wee see hee doth For hee hath not obserued fleshly kindred in his choise now as hee did in the time of Aurons priest-hood but according to the New Testament where CHRIST is priest after the order of Melchisedech hee selecteth each of his priests according to the merit which GODS grace hath stored his soule with as wee now behold and these b Priests are not to bee reckned of for their places for those the vnworthie doe often hold but for their sanctities which are not common both to good and bad Now the prophet hauing thus opened Gods mercies to the church addeth the seueral ends that shall befall both the good and bad in the last iudgement in these w◅ds As the new heauens and the new earth which I shall make shall remaine before mee saith the LORD euen so shall your seede and your name And from month to moneth and from Sabbath to Sabbath shall all flesh come to worshippe before mee saith the LORD And they shall goe forth and looke vpon the members of the men that haue transgressed against mee for their women shall not die neither shall their fire bee quenshed and they shal be an abhorring vnto all flesh Thus endeth the Prophet his booke with the end of the world Some in this place for members read c carkasse hereby intimating the bodies euident punishment though indeed a carkasse is properly nothing but dead flesh but those bodies shal be lyuing otherwise how should they bee sensible of paine vnlesse wee say they are dead bodies that is their soules are fallen into the second death and so wee may fitly call them carkasses And thus is the Prophets former words also to bee taken The land of the wicked shall fall Cadauer a carkasse all knowes commeth of Cado to fall Now the translators by saying the carkasses of the men doe not exclude women from this damnation but they speake as by the better sexe beeing that woman was taken out of man But note especially that where the Prophet speaking of the blessed sayth all flesh shall come to worshippe Hee meaneth not all men for the greater number shal be in torments but some shall come out of all nations to adore him in the Heauenly Ierusalem But as I was a saying since here is mention of the good by flesh and of the bad by carkasses Verelie after the resurrection of the flesh our faith whereof these words doe confirme that which shall confine both the good and bad vnto their last limits shal be the iudgement to come L. VIVES AGainst a the vnfaithfull Hierome out of the hebrew and the seauenty readeth it Against his enemies b Priests are not to be It is not priest-hood nor orders that maketh a man any whit respected of GOD for these dignities both the Godly and vngodly doe share in but it is purity of conscience good life and honest cariage which haue resemblance of that immense that incorruptible nature of GOD those winne vs fauour with him c Carkasses So doth Hierome reade it But marke Saint Augustines vprightnesse rather to giue a fauorable exposition of a translation to which hee stood not affected then any way to cauill at it How the Saints shall goe forth to see the paines of the wicked CHAP. 22. BVt how shall the good goe forth to see the bad plagued Shall they leaue their blessed habitations and goe corporally to hell to see them face to face God forbid no they shall goe in knowledge For this implieth that the damned shal be without and for this cause the Lord calleth their place vtter darkenesse opposite vnto that ingresse allowed the good seruāt in these words Enter into thy Maisters ioye and least the wicked should be thought to goe in to bee seene rather then the good should goe out by knowledge to see them being to know that which is without for the tormented shall neuer know what is done in the Lords Ioye but they that are in that Ioye shall know what is done in the vtter darkenesse Therefore saith the Prophet they shall goe forth in that they shall know what is without for if the Prophets through that small part of diuine inspiration could know these things before they came to passe how then shall not these immortalls know them being passed seeing that in them the Lord is al in all Thus shall the Saints bee blessed both in seed and name In seed as Saint Iohn saith And his seed remaineth in him In name as Isaias saith So shall your name continue from moneth to moneth and from Sabbath to Sabbath shall they haue rest vpon rest passing thus from old and temporall types to new and euerlasting truthes But the paines of the wicked that eternall worme and that neuer dying fire is diuersly expounded either in reference to the bodie onelie or to the soule onely or the fire to belong to the bodie reallie and the worme to the soule figuratiuely and this last is the likeliest of the three But heere is no place to discusse peculiars Wee must end this volume as wee promised with the iudgement the seperation of good from badde and the rewards and punishments accordingly distributed Daniels prophecy of Antichrist of the iudgement and of the Kingdome of the Saints CHAP. 23. OF this Iudgement Daniel prophecieth saying that Antichrist shall fore-run it and so hee proceedeth to the eternall Kingdome of the Saints for hauing in a vision beheld the foure beasts types of the foure Monarchies and the fourth ouer-throwne by a King which all confesse to bee Antichrist and then seeing the eternall Empire of the Sonne of man CHRIST to follow Daniell saith hee Was troubled in spirit in the middest of my body and the visions of mine head made mee
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for so â—…ight the richest man for his a ten â—…ence a day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for al his fornications homicides and other sins whatsoâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beyond comparison to affirm this then questionles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 works are that are worthy of pardon for sin and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spake saying Bring forth therfore fruits worthy of amendmeÌ„t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that such as 〈◊〉 their owne soules by continuall sin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meant of in this place first because they do take vioâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thâ—…n they bestow charitably on the poore and yet in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…eed Christ b and 〈◊〉 liberâ—…y of sinning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vpon their damnation 〈◊〉 if they should giue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnto the poore members of Christ to redeem one only 〈◊〉 yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 euil did 〈◊〉 â—…straine them from any more such 〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉 â—…by 〈◊〉 good at all he therfore that will cleare his sins by his works must begin first at him-self for it is vnfit to do that to our neighbour which we wil not do to our selfe Christ himselfe saying thou shalt loue neighbour as thy selfe and againe Loue thine owne soule if thou wilt please God he therefore that doth not this worke of mercy that is the pleasing of God to his owne soule how can hee bee said to do workes of mercy sufficient to redeeme his sinnes for it is written Hee that is wicked to him-selfe to whome will hee bee good for almesdeedes do lift vp the prayers of men to God What saith the Scriptures My sonne hast thou sinned do so no more but pray for thy sinnes past that they may bee forgiuen thee for this cause therefore must wee do almesdeeds that when we pray our prayer may bee heard that wee may leaue our former vices and obtayne refreshment for our selues by those workes of mercy Now Christ saith that hee will impute the doing and omission of almesdeeds vnto those of the iudgement to shew how powerfull they are to expiate offences past not to protect the continuers in sinne for those that will not abiure the courses of impiety cannot bee sayd to performe any workes of mercy And these words of Christ In as much as you did it not vnto one of these you did it not vnto me imply that they did no such workes as they imagined for if they gaue bread vnto the hungred Christian as if it were vnto Christ him-selfe for GOD careth not to whome you giue but with what intent you giue Hee therefore that loueth Christ in his members giueth almes with intent to ioyne him-selfe to Christ not that hee may haue leaue to leaue him without being punished for the more one loueth what Christ reproueth the farther of doth he depart from Christ for what profiteth Baptisme vnlesse iustification follow it doth not hee that sayd Vnlesse a man bee borne againe of water and of the spirit hee shall not enter into the Kingdome of GOD say also vnlesse your righteousnesse exceed the righteousnesse of the Scribes and Pharises yee shall not enter into the Kingdome of heauen why do men runne to Baptisme for feare of the first and do not draw neare to righteousnesse for feare of the later Therefore as hee that checketh his brothers sinne in charity by telling him hee is a foole notwithstanding all this is not guilty of Hell fire so on the other side hee that loueth not Christ in his members giueth no almes to a Christian as vnto a Christian though he stretch forth his hand vnto one of Christs poore members and hee that refuâ—…eth to bee iustified in Christ doth not loue Christ in any respect But if one call his brother foole in reprochfull contempt rather then with intent to reforme his imperfection all the almesdeeds this man can do will neuer benefit him vnlesse hee bee reconciled to him whome he hath iniured for it followeth in the same place If then thou bringest thy guift vnto the altar and tâ—…re remembrest that thy brother hath ought against thee leaue there thine offring and go thy way first be reconcyled to thy brother and then come and offer thy guift So that it is nothing worth to do workes of mercy to expiate any sinne and yet to continue in the sinne still As for the Lords prayer it doth indeed blot out our dayly sinnes it being dayly said And forgiue vs our trespasses if withall the following clause bee not onely said but performed also As wee forgiue them that â—…respasse against vs. But indeed wee say this prayer because wee do sinne not that wee might 〈◊〉 for Our 〈◊〉 sheweth vs in this that liue wee neuer so carefull of shunning corruption yet do wee euery day fall intâ—… some sinnes for the remission of which we ought both to pray and to pardon such aâ—… haue offended vs that wee may be pardoned our selues Wherefore Christ saith not this If yee forgiue men their trespasses your heauenly father wil also forgiue you yours to giue hope to any man to perseuer in daily crimes whether we be borne out by authority or commit them by sleight and suttlety but to instruct vs that we are not without sinne though wee may bee without crime as God aduised the priests in the Old-Testament first to offer for their owne sinnes and then for the peoples Let vs marke these words of our great Lord and maister with attention and diligence He doth not say your heauenly father will forgiue you any sinne whatsoeuer but he will forgiue you yours for in this place he taught his disciples being already iustified their daily prayer what meaneth he then by this same yours but such sinnes as the righteous themselues cannot be without wherefore whereas they that would hereby take occasion to continue in sin affirme that Christ meant the greatest sins because he said not your smaller sinnes but your in generall wee on the contrary side considering vnto whome he spake do vnderstand his words to concerne small sinnes onely in that they to whome they were spoken were now cleared of their greater Nor are those great sinnes indeed which euery one ought to reforme him-selfe and avoyde euer forgiuen vnlesse the guilty do fulfill the foresaid clause As we forgiue them that trespasse against vs for if the least sinnes wherevnto the righteous them-selues are prone cannot bee remitted but vpon that condition then muchlesse shall the great and Criminous ones haue this pardon though they that vsed them do cease ther further practise if they continue inexorable in forgiuing such as haue offended them for the Lord saith If yee do not forgiue men their trespasses no more will your Heauenly father forgiue you your trespasses And Saint Iames his words are to the same purpose there shal be iudgment mercilesse to him that sheweth no mercy Remember but the seruant whome his maister pardoned of a debt of 10000.
bodilesse for euer or else all soules shall haue their bodies againe and consequently they whose bodies perished before the time of perfection Which soeuer of these two be receiued for truth that which we will now by and by affirme concerning Infants is to be vnderstood of Ab-ortiues also if they haue any part in the resurrection Whether Infants shall rise againe in the stature that they died in CHAP. 14. NOw as touching infants I say they shall not rise againe with that littlenesse of bodie in which they died the sudden and strange power of GOD shall giue them a stature of full growth For Our Sauiours words There shall not one heire of our heads perish doe onely promise them all that they had before not excluding an addition of what they had not before The infant wanted the perfection of his bodies quantity as euery a perfect infant wanteth that is it was not come to the full height and bignesse which all are borne to haue and haue at their birth potentially not actually as all the members of man are potentially in the generatiue sperme though the child may want some of them as namely the teeth when it is borne In which hability of substance that which is not apparant vntill afterwards lieth as one would say wound vppe before from the first originall of the sayd substance And in this hability or possibility the infant may bee sayd to bee tall or low already because hee shall prooue such hereafter Which may secure vs from all losse of body or part of body in the resurrection for if wee should be made all a like neuer so tall or giantlike yet such as were reduced from a taller stature vnto that should loose no part of their bodie for Christ hath sayd they should not loose an haire And as for the meanes of addition how can that wondrous worke-man of the world want fit substance to ad where he thinketh good L. VIVES EUery a perfect infant Euery thing hath a set quantity which it cannot exceed and hath a power to attaine to it from the generatiue causes whereof the thing it selfe is produced by which power if it be not hindered it dilateth it selfe gradually in time till it come to the fulnesse where it either resteth or declineth againe as it grew vppe This manner of augmentation proceedeth from the qualities that nature hath infused into euery thing and neither from matter nor forme Whether all of the resurrection shal be of the stature of Christ. CHAP. 15. BVt Christ himselfe arose in the same stature wherein hee died nor may wee say that at the resurrection hee shall put on any other height or quantity then that wherein he appeared vnto his disciples after hee was risen againe or become as tall as any man euer was Now if wee say that all shall bee made equall vnto his stature then must many that were taller loose part of their bodies against the expresse wordes of CHRIST Euery one therefore shall arise in that stature which hee either had at his full mans state or should haue had if hee had not died before As for Saint Pauls words of the measure of the fulnesse of CHRIST they either imply that all his members as then beeing ioyned with him their head should make vp the times consummation or if they tend to the resurrection the meaning is that all should arise neither younger nor elder but iust of that age whereat CHRIST himself suffered and rose againe For the learned authors of this world say that about thirty yeares man is in his full state and from that time hee declineth to an age of more grauity and decay wherefore the Apostle saith not vnto the measure of the body nor vnto the measure of the stature but vnto the measure of the age of the fulnesse of CHRIST What is meant by the conformation of the Saints vnto the Image of the Sonne of GOD. CHAP. 16. ANd whereas he saith that the predestinate shal be made like to the Image of the Sonne of GOD this may be vnderstood of the inward man for he saith else-where fashion not your selues like vnto this world but bee yee changed by the renewing of your minde So then when wee are changed from being like the world wee are made like vnto the Image of the Sonne of God Besides wee may take it thus that as hee was made like vs in mortality so wee should bee made like him in immortality and thus it is pertinent to the resurrection But if that it concerne the forme of our rysing againe then it speaketh as the other place doth onely of the age of our bodies not of their quantities Wherefore all men shall arise in the stature that they either were of or should haue beene of in their fulnesse of mans state although indeed it is no matter what bodies they haue of old men or of infants the soule and bodie beeing both absolute and without all infirmity So that if any one say that euery man shall rise againe in the same stature wherein hee died it is not an opinion that requireth much opposition Whether that women shall retaine their proper sexe in the resurrection CHAP. 17. THere are some who out of these words of Saint Paul Till wee all meete together in the vnity of faith and knowledge of the Sonne of GOD vnto a perfect man and vnto the measure of the age of the fulnesse of IESVS CHRIST would proue that no woman shall retaine her sexe in the resurrection but all shall become men for GOD say they made man onely of earth and woman of man But I am rather of their minde that hold a resurrection in both sexes For there shall be none of that lust which caused mans confusion For our first parents before their fall were both naked and were not ashamed So at the later day the sinne shal be taken away and yet nature still preserued The sexe in woman is no corruption it is naturall and as then shal be free both from child-birth nor shall the female parts be any more powerfull to stirre vp the lusts of the beholders for all lust shall then be extinguished but praise and glory shal be bee giuen to GOD for creating what was not and for freeing that from corruption which hee had created For In the beginning when a rib was taken from Adam being a sleepe to make Eâ—…e this was a plaine prophecy a of Christ and the Church Adams sleepe was CHRISTS death from whose side beeing opened with a speare as hee hung vpon the crosse came bloud and water the two Sacraments whereby the church is built vp For the word of the text is not formauit nor finxit but Aedificâ—…it eam in mulierem hee built her vppe into a woman So the Apostle calleth the church the aedification of the body of CHRIST The â—…man therefore was GODS creature as well as man but made of man b for vnity sake And in the manner thereof
was a plaine figure of Christ and his Church Hee therefore that made both sexes will raise them both to life And IESVS himselfe beeing questioned by the Sadduces that deny the resurrection which of the seauen bretheren should haue her to wife at the resurrection whom they had all had before answered them saying Yee are deceiued not knowing the Scriptures nor the power of GOD. And whereas he might haue sayd if it had beene so shee whom you inquire of shal be a man at that day and not a woman he sayd no such matter but onely this In the resurrection they neither marry wiues nor wiues are bestowed in marriage but are as the Angells of GOD in Heauen That is they are like them in felicity not in flesh nor in their resurrection which the Angells need not because they cannot die So that CHRIST doth not deny that there shal be women at the resurrection but onely mariage whereas if there should haue beene none of the female sexe hee might haue answered the Sadduces more easily by sauing so but hee affirmed that there should bee both sexes in these wordes They neither marry wiues that is men doe not nor wiues are bestowed in marriage that is women are not So that there shal be there both such as vse to marry and such as vse to be married here in this world L. VIVES PRophecy a of Christ Ephes. 5. b For vnity sake That their concord might bee the more the one knowing that hee brought forth the other and the other that she came of him So should man and wife thinke themselues but one thing nothing should diuide them and this is the preseruation of peace in their family Of CHRIST the perfect man and the Church his body and fulnesse CHAP. 18. NOw touching Saint Pauls words Till wee all meete together c. vnto a perfect man were to obserue the circumstances of the whole speech which is this Hee that descended is euen the same that ascended farre aboue all heauens that hee might fill all things Hee therefore gaue some to bee Apostles and some Prophets and some Euangelists and some Pastors and teachers for the gathering together of the Saints and for the worke of their ministery and for the edification of the body of CHRIST till we all meete together in the vnity of faith and knowledge of the Sonne of GOD vnto a perfect man and vnto the measure of the age of the fulnesse of CHRIST that we may hence-forth bee no more childeren wauering and caried about with euery winde of doctrine by the deceipt of men and with craftinesse whereby they lie in waite to deceiue But let vs follow the truth in loue and in althings growe vppe into him which is the head that is CHRIST by whome all the bodie beeing coupled and knit together by euery ioynt for the furniture thereof according to the effectuall power which is in the measure of euery part receiueth increase of the body vnto the edifying of it selfe in loue Behold heere the perfect man head and bodie consisting of all members which shal be complete in due time But as yet the bodie increaseth daily in members as the church enlargeth to which it is sayd yee are the bodie of CHRIST and members for your part and againe for his bodies sake which is the Church and in another place For wee beeing many are one bread and one body Of the edification whereof you heare what Saint Paul saith heere for the gathering together of the Saints and for the worke of the ministery and for the edification of the bodie of CHRIST And then hee addeth that which all this concerneth Till wee all meete together c. vnto the measure of the age of the fulnesse of Christ. Which measure vnto what bodie it pertaineth hee sheweth saying Let vs in all things growe vppe into him which is the head that is CHRIST by whome all the bodie c. So that both the measure of the whole bodie and of each part therein is this measure of fulnesse whereof the Apostle speaketh here and also else-where saying of Christ Hee hath giuen him to bee the head ouer all the Church which is his bodie his fulnesse who filleth all in all But if this belong to the forme of the resurrection why may wee not imagine woman to be included by man as in that place Blessed is the man that feareth the LORD giueh the same blessing also to such women as feare him That our bodies in the resurrection shall haue no imperfection at all whatsoeuer they haue had during this life but shall be perfect both in quantity and quality CHAP. 19. NOw what shall I say concerning mans haire and nayles vnderstand but that then no part of body shall perish yet so as no deformity shall abide and it includeth that such parts as doe procure those deformities shal be resident only in the whole lumpe not vpon any part where they may offend the eye As for example make a pot of clay marre it and make it againe it is not necessary that the clay which was in the handle before should bee in the handle now againe and so of the bottome and the parts sufficeth that it is the same clay it was before Wherefore the cut haire and nayles shall not returne to deforme their places yet shall they not perrish if they returne but haue their congruent places in the same flesh from whence they had their beeing Although that our Sauiours words may rather bee vnderstood of the number of our haires then the length wherevpon hee saith else-where All the haires of your head are numbered I say not this to imply that any essentiall part of the body shall perish but that which ariseth out of deformity and sheweth the wretched estate of mortality shall so returne that the substance shall bee there and the deformity gone For if a statuary hauing for some purpose made a deformed statue can mold or cast it new and comely with the same substance of matter and yet without all the former miss-shapednesse neither cutting away any of the exorbitant parts that deformed the whole noâ—… vsing any other meanes but onely the new casting of his mettall or molding of his matter what shall wee thinke of the Almighty Molder of the whole world Cannot hee then take away mens deformities of body common or extraordinary beeing onely notes of our present misery and farre excluded from our future blisse as well as a common statuary can reforme a mis-shapen statue of stone wood clay or mettall Wherefore the fatte or the leane neede neuer feare to bee such hereafter as if they could choose they would not be now For all bodily beauty a is a good congruence in the members ioyned with a pleasing collour And where that is not there is euer-more dislike either by reason of superfluity or defect Wherefore there shal be no cause of dislike through incongruence of parts where the deformed ones are
alwaies good but Fortune not so Fortune Plutus lame and sound Fortunes Image did speake by the diuels meanes Fortuna Muliebris Faith Vertues Parts Habuc 3. Vertues Temple Mens a Goddesse Faith Scaeuola Curtius Decius Chastities Chappels Virtue what it is Vertue Hee louanists like not this but leaue it Arte whence Cato Mens her temple The nuptiall gods Peitho Hymenaeus Siluer when first coined Gold coine first Rubigo The sorts of the Nymphes Pittie The Capitol Summanus Lucullus Picus Faunuâ—… Tiberinus â—…la Feares and Pallors temple Pieties chappell Terminus Batylus Iuuentas Thunders of how many sorts Honours temple Ioues adulteries Titus Latinus history Mercurie The reâ—…all of the Romain Empires 〈◊〉 Rom. 1. Hadrian Iulian. Iouian Tullies dislike of images and fables of the gods The gods warâ—…es An accadeâ—… The Titanâ—… Religious Superstitioâ—… God no soule but the soules maker The Teletâ—… Who first brought Images to Rome Gen 46. The dipeâ—…sion of the Iewes Fortune Fate what What the vulger hold fate The Astrologianâ—… necessity of the starres Fate what it is The destenies 3. Epicurus Fortunes Casualties what they are as Aphrodyseâ—… thinketh The Starrs dominion Plotine Seneca Mars a Staâ—… Possidonius Horoscope what Nigidius Figulus The stars out run ouâ—… slacke thoughtes Gen. 25. Hipocrates his guesse The Angles of heauen Man is not conceiued after the first conception vntill the birth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Creatures superfaetanâ—… that is breediâ—…g vpon blood Twinnes both be gotten and borne The tide of the sea What male female is Astrologers how true presagers Hesiod â—…riters of husbandry Sup Gen ad lit et 2. de doct Chr. Godâ—… fore-knowledge The Stoiks fate Foure opinions of Fate God the changer of the Will Psal. 14. 1 Fâ—…te of no fâ—…rce Voluntary causes Genes 1. Spirit of life Euill willes not from God Our wills causes Deny gods praeâ—…cience and deny God 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 kindâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 God 〈◊〉 God almighty indeed â—…raescience freedom of will also How man sâ—…neth Democritus Chrysippus Pluto Goâ—… pâ—…science no câ—… oâ—… 〈◊〉 Loue of glory Kings Consuls Vertues and honors temples Glory 2. Cor. 1. Galat. 6. True vertue Lib. 2. Cap. 18. Consulls 〈◊〉 Phthia Larissa Micaenae Argos Glory Cato of vtica Epist lib. 〈◊〉 Car. lib. 2 Glory a Princes nourishment Philosophy to be well read The loue of iustice should excell the loue of glory â—…o 5. 43. â—…o 12. 43. Mâ—…t 10. 33 Luc. 12. 9 Mat. 6. 1. Mat. 5. 16. True pietie Latria The eternall city Rom. 8. Mat. 5. 2. Cor. 5. Remission of sinnes Romulus his sanctuary All the Romaine subiects made free of the citty Barbarians who they are Rhines bankes God the mindeâ—…â—…rue wealth Torquatus Camillus Scaenola Curtius Mat. 10. 28 The Decii Reguluâ—… The praise of voluntary pouerty Valerius Poplicola Q. â—…incinatus Fabricius Act 4 Rom. 8. veâ—… 18. The dictatorship Fabricius a scorner of ritches Corn. Silla Desire of rule without loue of glory Desire of rule vvithout loue of glory Contempt of glory Gods prouidence is it that raisâ—…h the vvicked Pro. 8 15. Iob 34. True vertue serueth not glory Tyrannus Aneaâ—… The picture of pleasure Zoroafter Two kinds of soules in Plato's world Pythagoras his numbers The Manichees Vespasian Domitian Iulian. Warres soone ended Warres hardly ended Euentus Christian Emperors dying vnfortunately Constantine Pyzance Constantinople The Romaine world Iouinian Gratian. Pompey Theodosiuâ—… Iohn an Hermit and a Prophet A great wind ayded Theodosius 〈◊〉 hâ—…s humiâ—…y Iohn the Anchorite Claudian Fooâ—… Valens The massacrâ—… 〈◊〉 Thessalonica Thâ—…odosius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more 〈◊〉 â—…hen truth In prâ—…at hâ—…stor nat Psam 40. 4. Life eternal in vaiâ—… asked of the gods Varro while he liued had his Seaâ—…e â—…p Terentianus Laurentina Hercules whoâ—…e deified Euemerus Adonis his death Venus her statue on mount Libanus Gingâ—…e what it iâ—… Thiâ—…le wiâ—… to â—…atinus a Mimike actor Saturne a deuourer of his sons * It signifies the enabling of the woman to bring â—…th a childe Bacchus Maenades Pilumnus Para 〈◊〉 Priapus Nâ—… Seneca's reprehension of the gods altars Iohannes and â—…eas Scraneus Strato 〈◊〉 Eternall life Diuinity wherefore to bee sought Mergarides perhaps our English potatoes A good minde better then memory Ianus Aeneas would haue Saturnia called Aeneopolis Berosus the Chaldean The nimph Crane Iohn 10. Sacrifices of men Falshood ouerthrowes it selfe Saturne The golden age Proserpina Ceres sacrifices Triptolemus The filthinesse of the 〈◊〉 sacirfices Perephatte 〈◊〉 Orgieâ—… Cerealia Politian Bacchus his sacrifices Phallus Philagogia Ithyphallâ—… Plostelum Lauinium Venilia Salacia Hel. Varro his degrees of soules The intellect The soules two parts Dis Proserpina Romulus called Altellus Earths surnames Libers sacriâ—…ces Cybeles sacrifyces Scapus Why the Gallâ—… geld themselues Plato hiâ—…â—…iddle The Louanists omit this Ganimede The Samothracian gods Cabeiri Platos Idea Pluto The workes of the â—…ue God Angels All things fulfilled in Christ. How the Prophets vnderstood the prophecy both Heathen others Who were the Gntiles gods Numa founder of the Romaine religion The reâ—…rence of Sepulchers Hydrâ—…mancie Necromancie Gods proâ—…dence Tâ—… religiâ—… 〈◊〉 the deâ—… Thâ—… kinds of Dâ—… Wisdome 7. 10. Heb. 1. Philosophy The Italian Philosophy The IoÌ„nike Philosophy Ionia Phythagoras Thales of Miletus The 7. Greeke Sages Anaximaâ—…der Anaximenes Anaxagoras Diogenes Archelâ—… the Naturalist The final good The Socratists of diuers opinions Socrates The true Phylosopher The Louanists leaue this Socrates his statue Aristippus Antisthenes The stuâ—…y of wisedom and what â—…t concernes Plato Effecting disciplines Plato This note the Louanists haue left out wholy Plato And this also for company All the phylosophers short ofâ—…lato The Stoikes sire The corporcal world The gods of the higher house Scoikes Epâ—…s Pyâ—… God onely hath true essence al the rest depend vppon him Things sensible and intelligible Mutable what Rom 1. 19. 20. God is no body Dieâ—…s the Diuine Cieâ—…r Acad Quest. lib. 1. The Phylosophers coÌ„â—…tion about the greatest good Knowledge of the truth Platosâ—… Phylosopher a louer of God Coloâ—… 28. Rom. 1. 19. 20. Act. 17. 18. Rom. 1. 21. 22. 23. Plato's opinion of the greatest good Valla. Loue. Delight Toenioy Atlantikes Atlas Egiptians Brachmans Persians Chaldees Scithians Druides Spaine Psal. 19. 1. This is no good doctrine inthe Louanists opinion for it is left out as distastefull to the schoolemen though not to the direct truth Plato heard not Hieremy Gen 1. 1. 2 Platos growndâ—… out of diuinity Exod. 3. 14. Rom. 1. 19 20. Hiâ—…emy Plato an Attike Moyses Plato held heauen fire One God Epicharmus Plaâ—…onists Aristotle Plato and Aristotle compared Speusippus Xenocrates Academy what and â—…ence The schâ—…les of Athens Plotine Iamblichus Porphyry Desires Labeo Why the euill gods are worshipped The supernall gods haue no creatures liuing offered to them The deuills community with gods and men The orders of the gods Mans hope aboue the deuils despaire The deuills bodies The serpents renouation Lib. 8. Apul de Doâ—… Socratis Olympus Plato's deuills Immortality worse then mortality Mat.
5. 44. Abbot Agatho Ancid 4. Virg. Aâ—…g log 8. Apuleius accused of Magick Magike forbidden The elements chaiâ—…ed The deuills habâ—…ion Rom 1. 21. 22. 23. Isay 19 1 Luc. 1. Luc. 1. Mat 16. â—…6 Mat 8. 29 Spirits and deuills called into Images Psal. 96. 1. Cor. 1. 8. 4. How man doth make the deuill god The deuills benefâ—…es hurtfull De Philosoph Orac. Malice The Martires memory succeeded the Idols Mercuries tombe The Necia plaâ—…es Three Aesculapiâ—… The Crocodile The Mercury Hermopolis Trismegistus Cypâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Martires not to be adored Plaies of the passion of Iesus Christ vnlawfull The Louanists want this Isis. Ceres Wheate put barley out of credit In coÌ„uiuio Daemones Dâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pasâ—… An history of a Philosopher thaâ—… was in a stoâ—… at sea 〈◊〉 of 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Paâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phantasie Opinion Affects how 〈◊〉 man Pyey 〈◊〉 Angells why called after the affect that their offices releâ—…e Tâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 subâ—…s â—…o pasâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Circian colours Apuleâ—… his description of maâ—… The deuills miserable immortality Plotine Eudemonâ—… Genâ—… Lareâ—… 〈◊〉 The golden 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Daemon Lâ—…res Lemures Maâ—…s The diâ—… eternally miserable Enuy. Phil 2. God not polluted by being present vnto wise men God incoÌ„prehensible God is to be partly knoâ—…ne of his creatures God assumed man All this commenâ—…ary the Lovanists do lâ—…aue quite out Daemon vsed alway in the scripture on the worst part 〈◊〉 â—…t it is 〈…〉 Daemâ—… Maâ—… 1. â—…4 Math 4. Christs miracles Temptation The diuels knowledge The diuels oâ—…en decemed Loue of fâ—…e obiâ—…s The certâ—…y of Gods wâ—… â—…s 50. 1. Pâ—… 130. 2. â—…s 95 3. â—…s 96 4 5. Mar. 1. 24. Ps. 82. 6. Men called Gods Why. Cor 1. 8. ver 5. 6 The diuelâ—… not to be worshipped 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gods seruants Laâ—… Dulâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hier. 17 Mat. 5. 14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psa. 116. 12 13. Râ—…ligon The sum of â—…lle eligion Neighbors who bee they Our friend our second selfe Psal. 15. 2 Psa. 51 16 17. 〈◊〉 Psal. 50 1â—… 13. Ver. 14 15 Mich. 6 6 7. 8 Heb. 13. 16 Mercy â—…el 30. 23 Rom. 12 1 Verse 2. Psam â—…3 28 The christâ—…ans sacrifice The sacrament of the altar Psal. 87. 2 Gen. 17 1â—… Gen. 21 Genâ—…s Geâ—… 9 Exod. 14 Exod. 15 â—…od 23 The Teletae Goetia Magike Pharmacy Theurgy Plato's law Platos gods Psellus his Daemones Porphyries gods The deuills apparitions 2. Cor. 11. 14 Proâ—… Lib. 2. Chaeremon Porphyryes 〈◊〉 of the gods that loue sacrifices Isis. Osyris Man a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 All time 〈◊〉 to God 〈◊〉 33 〈◊〉 Whether the Fathers â—…aw God or no. Heb 2. 2. Io 5 37. Exo. 33. 20 veâ—…se 23. Lycurgus Mâ—… 6. 2â—… 29. 30. Godâ—… proâ—… Periurgikes Tâ—… 〈◊〉 excell the Pagans The angels 〈◊〉 god Procurare Actius Naeuius Augur The 〈◊〉 â—…pent Claudia a Vestall Iuglerâ—… Illusionâ—… Aâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tâ—…e 〈◊〉 Exod. 13. â—…os 4. Ios. 6. 1 Kingâ—… 5. The diuels vvorke vvonders for their vvorship Ps. 72. Offices The Angels refuse honours Apoc. 19. Acts. 〈◊〉 The church a sacrifice Hovv The Martâ—…rs the diuels conquerers Heroes and Semigods 〈◊〉 Heâ—… Rapâ—… Proseâ—…p lib. 2. Scipio African Sin onely â—…euers man from God Exorcisme Porphyry his opinion of the Trinity Heed must bee had of discourse of the Trinity The Sabellian Heretikes Whether the Phylosophers kneâ—… the â—…inity Serapis his answere Plotine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 24. Pride 〈◊〉 one from light of the mistery of redemption Io. 1. 14. Io. 6. 60. Io. 8. 25. The 〈◊〉 â—…s 73. 28. Ps. 83. The flesh is cleansed by the heart Rom. 8. 24. Christ 〈◊〉 vpon hâ—…m whole mâ—…n Virgil. Eâ—… 4. The Theurgikes cannot purge or cleanse 〈◊〉 spâ—… 1. Cor. Abd. 1. Esay 33. The wisdome of the word foolishnesse Amelita Plato's opinion of thâ—… worlds creaâ—…on The Kings lâ—…gh way Genes 22 Psalm 60 Iohn 14 Esay 2 Luk. 24 A recâ—…pitulation of the former ten bookâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…7 2 〈◊〉 4â—… 1 〈◊〉 â—…6 How God speaketh vnto man No Godhead of the sonnes waisted in his assumption of man Faith concernes things inuisible Sensâ—… To see Whether the world be created Mâ—…odorus 〈◊〉 Time Eternity Gal. 4. 26. Knowledge of a creature Gods rest not personall but efficient Iob. 38. 7â—… Vnitie in 〈◊〉 Religious phrases God â—…ly 〈◊〉 〈…〉 A pure conscience Ioh. 8. 44. 〈◊〉 1. 3. 8. Thâ—… 〈◊〉 Iohn 8. 44 Psâ—… 17. 16. 〈◊〉 â—…4 12 〈◊〉 28. 13. 〈◊〉 15. Iob. 40. Psal. 104 Good 〈◊〉 better 〈◊〉 bad Angells Iob. 40 〈◊〉 â—…ill Câ—… 1 6 7 8 9 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Louvaine copie defectiue Gen 1. 4. 5. Darknes Gen. 1. Plato The iust cause of the worlds creation Nothing â—…aturaly â—…ell Questons in the consideration of nature The holy spirit 〈◊〉 persoâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Louâ—…aine copy defectiue The parts of a vvorke man Vse Fruit. Fruitiâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wâ—… 1â—… The number of sixe Pro. 24. 16. The number of â—…auen Ps. 104. Mat. 18. 10. A beginning Iohn 13. Ps. 104. 30. Eph. 5. 8. Iameâ—… 4. Gen. 1. Ps. 95. Waters aboue heauen Elements how commixtures The seat of the brayne God the onely immutable good To adhere vâ—…o God Exod. 3. Essence Apoâ—…a Gods enemies Vice and 〈◊〉 Exod. 8 Natures absolute excellence euen in things that punish man Punishment of malefactor in the sunne The goodnesse of fire Salamander Eccl. 10. Psal. 19. The diuine essence neuer can faile Tâ—… inordinate loue of things bad not the things â—…selues The fall from good the cause of euill Psal. 73. The creation of the Angells Eze. 28. 12 The dgreeâ—… of grace The Egiptian yeares The Greeke histories 〈◊〉 thâ—…n the Egiptianâ—… in the computation of the Monarchies The liberty that the old wriâ—…ers vsed in computation of time The monthly years Nothing coâ—…uall that hath an extreame Ecc. 1. 9. 10 Rom 6. 〈◊〉 Thess. 4. Psal. 12. 7. Reuolution of times Isâ—… 65. 17. God eternall Psal. 11. Rom. 11. 14 Wisâ—… 3. Times 〈◊〉 12 〈◊〉 2 The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what they are Arguments against the creation of things in time 2. Cor. 10 1â—… Gods vvorking his resting 〈◊〉 Number 〈◊〉 Wâ—… 11 17 Mâ—… 10 30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Genes 〈◊〉 Psal. 148 Secula 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 True felicity Our life 〈◊〉 to death Rom. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The goodnesse of obedience Disâ—… amongst men vvorâ—… Gen. 2. Breathing in his face 1. Cor. 11. Angells the creators of nothing Angells Gods deputies and â—…rs Gen. 1. 〈◊〉 Cor. 37. 1. Cor. 1538 Hier. 1. Pliâ—…ib 8. A child like a dâ—…uill Iohn Lamuza Womens longing that are with child Alexandria Psal. 46. 8. In Timaeo Mariage commended in the creation Psa. 25. 10 The Louaynists are deafe on this side but not blind they can see to leaue out all this The forsaking of God â—…e death of the soule Maâ—… 10. 28 Death by sinne Psal 49 â—…0 Infants weaker theâ—… the young of any other creature Why death remaineth after baptisâ—… Gen. 2.
ones sorrow is an opinion of a present euill and feare of a future and of these affects come all the rest Enuy Emulation Detraction Pitty Vexation Mourning Sadnesse Lamentation Care Doubt Troublesomnesse Affliction Desperation all these come of sorrow and Sloath Shame Error Timorousnesse Amazement Disturbance and Anxiety from feare And then Exultation Delight and Boasting of Ioy with Wrath Fury Hatred Emnity Discorde Need and Affectation all of Desire Cic. Tusc. quest lib. 4. c Cannot call him Of this hereafter What it is to liue according to Man and to liue according to God CHAP. 4. THerefore a man liuing according to man and not according to God is like the deuill because an Angell indeed should not liue according to an Angel but according to God to remaine in the truth and speake truth from him and not lies from himselfe For the Apostle speakes thus of man If the truth of GOD hath abounded through my lying calling lying his the truth of God Therefore he that liues according to the truth liues according vnto God not according to himself For God said I am the truth But he yâ— liueth not so but according to himself liueth according to lying not that man whom God that neuer createdlie did create is the author of lying but because man was created vpright to liue according to his creator and not himselfe that is to doe his will rather then his owne But not to liue as hee was made to liue this is a lie For hee a would bee blessed and yet will not liue in a course possible to attaine it b What can there bee more lying then such a will And therefore it is not vnfitly sayd euery sinne is a lie For wee neuer sinne but with a will to doe our selues good or noâ—… to doe our selues hurt Therefore is it a lie when as that we thinke shall doe vs good turnes vnto our hurt or that which we thinke to better our selues by makes vs worse whence is this but because that man can haue his good but onely from God whome hee forsaketh in sinning and none from himselfe in liuing according to whom hee sinneth Whereas therefore wee sayd that the contrariety of the two citties arose herevpon because some liued according to the flesh and others according to the spirit we may likewise say it is because some liue according vnto Man and other some vnto God For Paul saith plainely to the Corinthians Seeing there is emulation and contention amongst you are you not carnall and walke accordâ—…ng to man To walke therefore according to man is carnall man beeing vnderstood in his inferior part flesh For those which hee calles carnall here he calleth naturall before saying c What man knoweth the things of a man but the spirit of a man which is in him euen so no man knoweth the things of God but the Spirit of God Now we haue not receiued the spirit of the Word but the Spirit which is of God that wee might know the things that God hath giuen vs which things also we speake not in the words which mans wisdome teacheth but d being taught by the spirit comparing spiriâ—…ll things with spirituall things But the naturall man perceiueth not the things of the spirit of God e for they are foolishnesse vnto him Vnto those naturall men hee spake this a little afterwards I could not speake vnto you brethren as vnto spirituall men but as vnto carnall And here is that figure in speech that vseth the part for the whole to bee vnderstood for the whole man may either bee ment by the soule or by the flesh both which are his parts and so a naturall man and a carnall man are not seuerall but all one namely one that liueth according to man according as those places afore-cited doe intend By the workes of the lavv f shall no flesh bee iustified and that where it is said that g Seuenty fiue soules vâ—…ent dovvne vvith Iacob into Egipt in the former by flesh is ment man and in the later by 75. soules are meant 75. persons And in this not in the words which mans wisdome teacheth he might haue sayd which carnall wisdome teacheth as also according to the flesh for according vnto man if hee had pleased And it was more apparant in the subsequence for when one saith I am Pauls and another I am Apollo's are you not men That which he had called naturall and carnall before he now more expressly calleth man meaning you liue according to Man and not according to God whom if you followed in your liues you should bee made gods of men L. VIVES HEE a would No man liueth so wickedly but hee desireth beatitude though his course lead him quite another way directly vnto misery b What can There is nothing more deceiptfull then the wicked For it deludeth him extreamely in whom it ruleth c What man This place is cited otherwise more expresly in the latine text of the first booke d Taught by the spâ—…it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But some reade by the Doctrine of the spirit e For they are The spirituall things of GOD seeme fooleries vnto carnall and vnsettled men as the Pagans â—…dome and vertues were scorned of the ritch gnoffes that held shades for substances and vertues for meere vanities Thence hath Plato his caue wherein men were vsed to shapes â—…d appearing shadowes that they thought their had beene no other bodies Derep. lib. 7. f shall no flesh Some read it in the present tense but erroneously the greeke is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 abitur g Seuenty fiue soules Soule for man is an Hebraicall phrase for life a greeke phrase vsed also by the latine Nonius Marcellus saith Uirgil vseth it for bodies there where he saith Intereasocios inhumataque corpora terrae Mandemus qui solus honos Acheronte sub imo est Ite ait egregias animas quae sanguine nobis Hanc patriam peperere suo Meane while th' vnburied bodies of our mates Giue we to Graue sole honor after Fates Goe honor those braue soules with their last dues Who with their blood purchas'd this land for vs. Whether it be so or no let him looke to it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indeed in the Greeke is sometimes vsed for the whole creature That the Platonists teach the natures of soule and body better then the Manichees yet they erre in ascribing sinne vnto the nature of the flesh CHAP. 5. WE should not therfore iniure our creator in imputing our vices to our flesh the flesh is good but to leaue the creator and liue according to this created good is the mischiefe whether a man do choose to liue according to the body or the soule or both which make full man who therfore may be called by either of them For he that maketh the soules nature the greatest good and the bodies the greatest euill doth both carnally affect the soule and carnally auoid the flesh conceiuing of
both as humaine vanity not as diuine verity teacheth him indeed the a Plotonists are not so mad as the Manichees that hate the carnal body as the naturall cause of all mischiefe and yet make God the creator of all the elements parts and qualities that this visible world is composed of Yet the Platonists hold that these our mortall members do produce the affects of feare desire ioy and sorrow in our bodies from which foure perturbations as Tully calles them or passions as other translators giue them the whole inundation of mans enormities haue their source and spring If this be so why doth Aeneas in Virgill hearing by his father that the soules were to returne backe into bodies wunder at this opinion and cry out O pater anne aliquas ad caelum hinc ire putandum est Sublimes animas iterumque ad tarda reuerti Corpora quae lucis miseris tam dira cupido What father do you thinke the soules are taine To heauen and thence to this dull flesh returne What dire affect should vrge them to their paine Is this same dire affect as yet remayning in the soule being now quit from the carnall burden in such a commended purity doth hee not say they are purged from all bodily infection when as they desire to returne into the body againe if it were so then as it is most vaine to hold so that there were an eternall reuolution of the pollution and the purgation then can it not bee truely said that all vicious affects are the effects of the flesh for as this b noble speaker saith that dire affect which doth compell the soule being purged from all earthly c contagion 〈◊〉 desire the body againe is not of the body And therefore they confesse that all the soules ill affects arise not from the flesh as desire feare ioy and d sorrow but it may haue those passions of it selfe L. VIVES THe a Maniches They held all flesh the worke of the deuill not of GOD and therefore they forbad their hearers to kill any creatures least they should offend the Princes of darkenesse from whom they sayd all flesh had originall and if they vsed their wiues yet must they auoide generation least the diuine substance which goeth into them by their nourishment should bebound in the fleshly bonds of the child begotten Aug ad Quod vult deum The Prisciâ—…ianists held thus also b Noble speâ—…ker So he called Tully before and Virgil now c contagion Or habitacle d Sorrow Tullie calls it egritudo Tusc. 3. Of the quality of mans will vnto with all affections good and bad are subiect CHAP. 6. BVt the quality of mans will is of some moment for if it be bad so are all those motions if good they are both blamelesse and praise-worthy for there is a a will in them all nay they are all direct wills what is desire and ioy but a will b consenting to that which wee affect and what is feare and sorrow but a will contrary vnto what we like But when we consent to the desire of any thing that is desire and when wee consent in enioying any thing this is delight â—…o when wee dislike a thing and would not haue it come to passe this will is feare when we dislike it being come to passe this is griefe or sorrow And this according to the variety of the things desired and avoided as the will consents or dislikes so are our diuersity of passions Whereof a Man that maketh GOD aâ—…d noâ—… Man the steeres-man of his life ought to loue good and consequently to hate euill and because none is euill by nature but all by vice hee that liueth after Gods loue oweth his c full hate vnto the Euill not to hate the man for his vice nor to loue the vice for the man but hate the vice and loue the man for the vice being cured hee shall finde no obiect of his hate but all for his loue L. VIVES a A Will The Stoickes hold that onely to bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Tully translates will when a thing is firmely and constantly desired therefore it is defined a desire of any thing with reason which is in a wise man only but that which is against reason is called a lust or an inordinate desire beeing resident in all fooles The Peripatetiques call both these wills the one good and the other badde the controuersie as I said else-where is but verball For the Stoickes call affects wills also nor skilleth it whether Will follow Naâ—…e or Reason for it is euer-more Will though that be properly called Will wherein is that freedome of election and is harbour to Vice or Vertue b Consenting To beleeue a thing to bee or not to bee is no consent or dissent but Knowledge Faith or Opinion Arist. in Analyt Posterior but to will or not to will in any thing that belongs to the will which perteineth to the minde and as it were appoints and decrees what is to be done or not done c Full hate Explayning that of the Psalme 139. 22. I hate them with a perfect hatred That amor and dilectio are of indifferent vse in the scriptures both for good and euill CHAP. 7. FOr hee that is resolued to loue GOD and his neighbor according vnto God and not Man for this loue is called a Man of a good will and this is called more commonly charity in the scriptures though some-times it bee called loue therein also For the Apostle will haue his magistrate to bee a louer of good And our LORD asking Peter thus Symon the sonne of Ionah louest thou me a more then these hee answered Lord b thou knowest that I loue thee hee asked him so againe and hee answered so againe then they asked him the third time by 〈◊〉 amo whereas he had vsed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diligo in the other two onely to shew that diligere and amare were both one to loue as Peter had vsed the one in all the three questions This I thought worth recitall but some say c dilectio charity is one thing and amor loue another and that the first is d vsed in the good and the later in the badde But sure it is that the profane authors neuer vsed them so But let the Philosophers looke to their distinctions For their bookes vse amor loue in good senses and in reference to GOD most frequently But wee were to e shew that our scriptures whome wee place farre aboue their authorities doe not vse amor and dilectio with any such distinct difference for wee haue shewne that they vse amor in a good sence If any one thinke it is vsed both in good respect and bad and dilectio onely in the good let him looke in that of the Psalme Hee that loueth diligit iniquity hateth his owne soule here is diligo vpon a badde subiect And here the Apostle Iohn If any man loue Dilexerit the vvorld the loue dilectio of the Father is not