of Parliament manifested to Lewis XI had drained the State of a million of Crowns since which time the Kings of France have sometimes omitted the rigor of this sanction and sometimes also exacted it according as their affairs with the Pope stood for which cause it was called Froenum pâ—…ntificum At last King Francis I. having conquered Millaine fell into this composition with his Holinesse namely that upon the salling of any Abbacy or Bishoprick the King should have 6 months time allowed him to present a fit man unto him whom the Pope should legally invest If the King neglected his time limited the Pope might take the benefit of the relapse and institute whom he pleased So is it also with the inferior Benefices between the Pope and the Patrons insomuch that any or every Lay-patron and Bishop together in England hath for ought I see at the least in this particular as great a spirituall Supremacy as the Pope in France Nay to proceed further and shew how meerly titular both his supremacies are as well the spirituall as the temporall you may plainly see in the case of the Jesuites which was thus In the year 1609 the Jesuites had obtained of Kâ—…ng Henâ—…y IV. licence to read again in their Colledges of Paris but when their Letters patents came to be verified in the Court of Parliament the Rector and University opposed them on the 17 of Dâ—…cember 1611. both parties came to have an hearing and the University got the day unlesse the Jesuites would subscribe unto these four points viz. 1. That a Councell was above the Pope 2. That the Pope had no temporall power over Kings and could not by Excommunication deprive them of their Realm and Estates 3. That Clergy men having heard of any attempt or conspiracy against the King or his Realm or any matter of treason in consession he was bound to reveal it And 4. That Clergy men were subject to the secular Prince or politick Magistrate It appeared by our former discourse what little or no power they had left the Pope over the Estates and preferments of the French By these Propositions to which the Jesuites in the end subscribed I know not with what mentall reservation it is more then evident that they have left him no command neither over their consciences nor their persons so that all things considered we may justly say of the Papall power in France what the Papists said falsly of Erasmus namely that it is Nomen sine rebus In one thing only his authority here is intire which is his immediate protection of all the orders of Fryers and also a superintendency or supreme eye over the Monks who acknowledge very small obedience if any at all to the French Bishops for though at the beginning every part and member of the Diocesse was directly under the care and command of the Bishop yet it so happened that at the building of Monasteries in the Western Church the Abbots being men of good parts and a sincere life grew much into the envie of their Dâ—…ocesan For this cause as also to be more at their own command they made suit to the Pope that they might be free from that subjection Utque in tuâ—…elam divi Petri admitteâ—…entur a proposition very plausible to his Holinesse ambition which by this means might the sooner be raised to its height and therefore without difficulty granted This gap opened first the severall orders of Fryers and after even the Deans and Chapters purchased to themselves the like exemptions In this the Popâ—… power was wonderfully strengthned as having such able and so main props to uphold his authority it being a true Maxime in State Quâ—…d qui privilegia obtinent ad eadem conservanda tenentur authoritatem concedentis tueri This continued till the Councell of Trent unquestioned Where the Bishops much complained of their want of authority and imputed all the Schismes and Vicâ—…s in the Church unto this that their hands were tyed hereupon the Popes Legaâ—…s thought it fit to restore their jurisdiction their Dâ—…ans and Chapters At that of the Monks and Monasteries there was more sticking till at the last Sebastian Pighinus one of the Popes officers found out for them this satisfaction that they should have an eye and inspection into the lives of the Monks not by any authority of their own Sâ—…d tanquam a sede Apostolica delegati But as for the Orders of Fryers the Pope would not by any means give way to it They are his Janizaries and the strongest bulwarke of his Empire and are therefore called in a good Author 〈◊〉 Romanae curiae instrumenta So that with them the Diocesan hath nothing to do each several religious house being as a Court of Peculiars subjects only to the great Metropolitan of Rome This meer dependence on his Holinesse maketh this generation a great deal more regardlesse of their behaviour then otherwise it would be though since the growth of the Reformation shame and fear hath much reformed them they have still howsoever a spice of their former wantonnesse and on occasions will permit themselves a little good fellowship and to say truth of them I think them to be the best companions in France for a journey but not for acquaintance They live very merrily and keep a competent table more I suppose then can stand with their vow and yet far short of that affluency whereof many of our books accuse them It was my chance to be in a house of the Franciscans in Paris where one of the Fryers upon the intreaty of our friends had us into the hall it being then the time of their refectory a favour not vulgar there saw we the Brothers sitting all of a side and every one a pretty distance from the other their severall commons being a dish of pottage a chop of Mutton a dish of cherries and a large glasse of water this provision together with a liberall allowance of ease and a little of study keepeth them exceeding plump and in a good liking and maketh them having little to take thought for as I said before passing good company As I travailed towards Orleans we had in our Coach with us 〈◊〉 of these mortified sinners two of the Order of St. Austin and one Franciscan the merryest crickets that ever chirpâ—…d nothing in them but mad tales and complements and for musick they would sing like hawkes When we came to a vein of good wine they would cheer up themselves and their neighbours with this comfortable Doctrine Vivamus ut bibamus bibamus ut vivamus And for courtship and toying with the wenches you would easily believe that it had been a trade with which they had not been a little acquainted of all men when I am marryed God keep my wife from them till then my neighbours On the other side the common Priests of France are so dull and blockish that you shal hardly meet with a more contemptible people The meanest of our Curates in
sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England The innocence and harmelesnesse of it amongst us The impostures of French Pandars in London with the scandall thence arising The peccancy of an old English Doctor More of the French Women Their Marriages and lives after wedlock c. An Elogie to the English Ladies p. 41. CHAP. III. France described The valley of Montmorancie and the Dukes of it Mont martre Burials in former times not pe mitted within the wals The prosâ—…cuting of this discourse by manner of a journall intermitted for a time The Town and Church of St. Denis The Legend of him and his head Of Dagobert and the Leâ—…er The reliques to be seen there Martyrs how esteemed in St. Augustine's time The Sepulchres of the French Kings and the treasury there The Kings house of Madrit The Qeen Mothers house at Ruall and fine devices in it St. Germains en lay another of the Kings houses The curious painting in it Gorramburie Window the Garden belonging to it and the excellency of the Water-works Boys St. Vincent de Vicennes and the Castle called Bisester p. 50. CHAP. IV. Paris the names and antiquity of it The situation and greatnesse The chief strength and Fortifications about it The streets and buildings King James his laud ble care in beautyfying London King Henry the fourths intent to fortifie the Town Why not actuated The Artifices and wealth of the Parisians The bravery of the Citizens described under the person of a Barber p. 64. CHAP. V. Paris divided into four parts Of the Fauxburgs in generall Of the Pest house The Fauxburg and Abbey of St. Gâ—…main The Queen Mothers house there Her purpose never to reside in it The Provost of Merchants and his authority The Armes of the Town The Town-house The Grand Chastellet The Arcenall The place Royall c. The Vicounty of Paris And the Provosts seven daughters p. 73. CHAP. VI. The University of Paris and Founders of it Of the Colledges in general Marriage when permitted to the Rectors of them The small maintenance allowed the Scholars in the Universities of France The great Colledge at Tholoza Of the Colledge of the Sorbonne in particular that and the House of Parliament the chief Bulwarks of the French liberty Of the Polity and Government of the University The Rector and his precedency the disordered life of the Scholars there being An Apologie for Oxford and Cambridge The priviledges of the Scholars their degrees c. p. 80. CHAP. VII The City of Paris seated in the place of old Lutetia The Bridges which joyn it to the Town and University King Henry's Statua Alexander's injurious policy The Church and revenues of Nostre Dame The Holy water there The original making and virtue of it The Lamp before the Altar The heathenishnesse of both customes Paris best seen from the top of this Church the great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder the baptizing of Bels the grand Hospital and decency of it The place Daulphin The holy Chappel and Reliques there What the Antients thought of Reliques The Exchange The little Chastelet A transition to the Parlament p. 90. CHAP. VIII The Parliament of France when begun of whom it consisteth The digniiy and esteem of it abroad made sedentarie at Paris appropriated to the long robe The Palais by whom built and converted to seats of Justice The seven Chambers of Parliament The great Chamber The number and dignity of the Presidents The Duke of Biron afraid of them The Kings seat in it The sitting of the Grand Signeur in the Divano The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds and over the affaires of the King This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France La Tournelle and the Judges of it The five Chambers of Enquestes severally instituted and by whom In what cause it is decisive The forme of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament The Chancellour of France 〈◊〉 his Authority The two Courts of Requests and Masters of them The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers p. 104. CHAP. IX The Kings Palace of the Louure by whom built The unsutablenesse of it The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother The long Gallery of Henry IV. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a quadrangle Henry IV. a great builder His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean La Salle des Antiques The French not studious of Antiquities Burbon house The Tuilleries c. p. 113. La BEAUSE OR THE THIRD BOOK CHAP. I. Our Journey towards Orleans the Town Castle and Battail of Mont l'hierrie Many things imputed to the English which they never did Lewis the 11. brought not the French Kings out of wardship The town of Chartroy and the mourning Church there The Countrey of La Beause and people of it Estampes The dancing there The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey Angerville Tury The saweiness of the French Fidlers Three kindes of Musick amongst the Antient. The French Musick p. 121. CHAP. II. The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester The Wine of Orleans Praesidial Towns in France what they are The sale of Offices in France The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle Defaced by the Hugonots Some things hated only for their name The Bishop of Orleans and his priviledge The Chappell and Pilgrims of St. Jacques The form of Masse in St. Croix 〈◊〉 an Heathenish custome The great siege of Orleanâ—… raisâ—…d by Joan the Virgin The valour of that woman that she was no witch An Elogie on her p. 131. CHAP. III. The study of the Civill Law revived in Europe The dead time of learning The Schools of Law in Orleans The oeconomie of them The Chancellour of Oxford antiently appointed by the Diocesan Their methode here and prodigality in bestowing degrees Orleans a great conflux of strangers The language there The Corporation of Germans there Their house and priviledges Dutch and Latine The difference between an Academie and an University p. 145. CHAP. IV. Orleans not an University till the comming of the Jesuites Their Colledge there by whom built The Jesuites no singers Their laudable and exact method of teaching Their policies in it Received not without great difficulty into Paris Their houses in that university Their strictnesse unto the rules of their order Much maliced by the other Priests and Fryers Why not sent into England with the Queen and of what order they were that came with her Our return to Paris p. 152. PICARDIE OR THE FOURTH BOOK CHAP. I. Our return towards England More of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses The town of Luzarch and St. Loupae The Country of Picardie and people Tho Picts of Britain not of this Countrey Mr. Lee Dignicoes Governour of Picardie The office of Constable what it is in France By whom the place supplyed in England The marble table
Then in two inches of a sinking tree Had'st thou been cruell yet thy angry face Hath more love in it then the Seas imbrace Suppose thee poor his zeal and love the lesse Thus to forsake his Mother in distresse But thou art none of these no want in thee Only a needlesse curiositie Hath made him leap thy ditch O! let him have Thy blessing in his Voyage and hee 'l crave The Gods to thunder wrath on his neglect When he performs not thee all due respect That Nemeâ—…is her scourge on him would pluck When he forgets those breasts which gave him suck That Nature would dissolve and turn him earth If thou beest not remembred in his mirth May he be cast from mankind if he shame To make profession of his mothers name Rest then assur'd in this though sometimes hee Conceal perhaps his faith he will not thee CHAP. I. NORMANDY in generall the Name and bounds of it The condition of the Antient Normans and of the present Ortelius character of them examined In what they resemble the Inhabitants of Norfolk The commodities of it and the Government THe next ebb brought us in sight of the Sea-coast of Normandy a shore so evenly compassed and levelled that it seemeth the work of Art not Nature the Rock all the way of an equall height rising from the bottom to the top in a perpendicular and withall so smooth and polished that if you dare believe it the work of Nature you must also think that Nature wrought it by the line and shewed an art in it above the imitation of an Artist This wall is the Northern bound of this Province the South parts of it being confined with Le Mainde la Beausse and L' Isle de France on the East it is divided from Picardie by the River of Some and on the North it is bounded with the Ocean and the little River Crenon which severeth it from a corner of Britain It extendeth in length from the beginning of the 19 degree of longitude to the middle of the 23. viz. from the Cape of St. Saviour West to the Port-town of St Valerie East For breadth it lyeth partly in the 49 partly in the 50 degree of Latitude so that reckoning 60 miles to a degree we shall finde it to contain 270 English miles in length and 60 English miles in breadth where it is narrowest Amongst the Antients it was accounted a part of Gallia Geltica the name Nâ—…ustria This new title it got by receiving into it a new Nation A people which had so terribly spoyled the Maritine Coasts of England France and Belgium that A furore Normannorum was inserted into the Letanie Originally they were of Norway their name importeth it Anno 800 or thereabouts they began first to be accounted one of the Plagues of Europe 900 they seated themselves in France by the permission of Charles the Balde and the valor of Rollo their Captain Before this they had made themselves masters of Ireland though they long held it not and anno 1067 they added to the glory of their name by the conquest of England You would think them a people not only born to the warres but to victory But Ut frugum semina mutato solo degenerant sio illa genuina feritas eorum amâ—…nitate mollila est Florus spake it of the Gaules removed into Asia it is applyable to the Norwegians transplanted into Gallia yet fell they not suddenly and at once into that want of courage which now possesseth them During the time they continued English they attempted the Kingdom of Naples and Antioch with a fortune answerable to their valour Being once oppressed by the French and inslaved under that Monarchie they grew presently 〈◊〉 and at once lost both their spirits and their liberty The present Norman then is but the corruption of the Antient the heir of his name and perhaps his possessions but neither of his strength nor his manhood Bondage and a fruitfull soil hath so emasculated them that it is a lost labour to look for Normans even in Normandy There remaineth nothing almost in them of their 〈◊〉 but the remainders of two qualities and those also degenerated if not ballaâ—…ds a 〈◊〉 pride and an ungoâ—…erned doggednesse Neither oâ—… them become their fortune or their habite yet to these they are 〈◊〉 Finally view him in his rags and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and you would swear it impossible that these snakes should be the descendents of those 〈◊〉 Hâ—…s which so often triumphed over both Religions soiling the Sarâ—…cens and vanquishing the Chrisâ—… But perchance their courage is evaporated into wit and then the change is made for the better Ortelius would seem to perswade us to this conceit of them and well might he do it if his words were Oracles Le gens saith he speaking of this Nation sont des plus accorts subtils d' esprit de la Gaule A character for which the French will little thank him who if he speak truth must in matter of discretion give precedency to their Vassals But as Imbalt a French leader said of the Florentines in the fifth book of Guicciardine Non sapeva dove consistesse lingegne tanto celebrate de Fiorentini so may I of the Normans For my part I could never yet find where that great wit of theirs lay Certain it is that as the French in generall are termed the Kings Asses so may these men peculiarly be called the Asses of the French or the veriest Asses of the rest For what with the unproportionable rents they pay to their Lords on the one side and the â—…rable taxes laid upon them by the King on the other they are kept in such a perpetuated course of drudgery that there is no place for wit or wisdome lâ—…t amongst them Liberty is the Mother and the Nurse of those two qualities and therefore the Romans not unhappily expressed both the conditions of a Freeman and a discreet and modest personage by this own word Ingenuus Why the French King should lay a greater burden on the backs of this Nation then their fellowes I cannot determine Perhaps it is because they have been twice conquered by them once from King John and again from Henry VI. and therefore undergo a double servitude It may be to abate their naturall pride and stubbornnesse Likely also it is that being a revolting people and apt to an apostaâ—… from their allegiance they may by this meanes be kept impoverished and by consequence disabled from such practises This a French Gentleman of good understanding told me that it was generally conceited in France that the Normans would suddenly and unanimously betray their Countrey to the English were the King a Catholick But there is yet a further cause of their beggerlinesse and poverty which is their litigiousnesse and frequent going to law as we call it Ortelius however he failed in the first part of their character in the conclusion of it hath done them justice Mais en generall saith he ils
all the Episcopall habits except the Crosier-staffe and to bear himselfe as a Bishop within the liberties of his Chappell In the top of the upper Chappell it is built almost in forme of a Synagogue there hangeth the true proportion as they say of the Crown of thornes but of this more when we have gone over the Reliques I was there divers times to have seen them but it seemeth they were not vible to an Hugâ—…ots eyes though me thinketh they might have considered that my money was Catholique They are kept as I said in the lower Chappell and are thus 〈◊〉 in a Table hanging in the upper know then that you may believe that they can shew you the crown of thornes the bloud which ran from our Saviours brest his swadling cloutes a great part of the Crosse they also of Nostre dame have some of it the chaine by which the Jewes bound him no small peece of the stone of the Sepulchre Sanctam toelam tabulae insertam which I know not how to English Some of the Virgins milke for I would not have those of St. Denis think that the Virgin gave no other milk but to them the head of the Lance which pierced our Saviour the purple Robe the Sponge a piece of his Shroud the napkin wherewith he was girâ—…ed when he washed his Disciples feet the rod of Mosâ—…s the heads of St. Blase St. Clement and St. Simeon and part of the head of John Baptist. Immediately under this recitall of these Reliques and venerable ones I durst say they were could I be pâ—…rswaded there were no imposture in them there are set down a Prayer and an Anthem both in the same Table as followeth Oratio Quaesumus Omnipotens Deus ut qui sacra sanctissimae redemptionis nostrae insignia temporaliter veneramur per haec indesinenter muniti aeternitatis gloriam consequamur per dominum nostrum c. De sacrosanctis reliquiis Antiphona Christo plebs dedita Tot Christi donis praedita Jocunderis hodie Tota sis devota Erumpens in jubilum Depone mentis nubilum Tempus est laetitiae Cura sit summota Ecce crux et Lancea ferrum corona spinâ—… Arma regis gloriae Tibi offerantur Omnes terrae populi laudent actorem seculi Per quem tantis gratiae signis gloriantur Amen Pretty Divinity if one had time to examine it These Reliques as the Table 〈◊〉 us were given unto St. Lewis 〈◊〉 1247. by Baldwin the II. the last King of the Latines in Constantinople to which place the Christians of 〈◊〉 had brought them during the times that those parts were harryed by the Turks and Saraâ—…ns Certainly were they the same which they are given out to be I see no harme in it if we should honour them The very reverence due unto antiquity and a silver head could not but exâ—…ract some acknowledgment of respect even from an Heathen It was therefore commendably done by Pope Leo having received a parcell of the Crosse from the 〈◊〉 of Jerusalem that he entertained it with 〈◊〉 Particulam dominicae crucis saith he in his 72. Epistle cum Eulogiis 〈◊〉 tuae venera tur accepi To adore and worship that or any other Relick whatsoever with Prayers and Anthems as the Papists you see do never came within the minds of the Antients and therefore St. Ambrose calleth it Gentâ—…s error 〈◊〉 impioâ—…um This also was Sâ—… 〈◊〉 Religion as himself testifieth in his Epistâ—… to Riparius Nos saith he non diâ—… Martyrum reliquias sed ne Solem quidem Lunam non Angelos c. câ—…limus odoramus Thus were those two fathers mindâ—…d towards such Reliques as were known to be no others then what they seemed Before too many centuries of years had consumed the true ones and the impostures of the Priests had brought in false had they lived in our times and seen the supposed remnants of the Saints not honoured only but adored and worshipped by their blind and infatuated people what would they have said or rather what would they not have said Questionlesse the least they could do were to take up the complaint of Vigilantins the Papists reck on him for an Heretick saying Quid necesse est tâ—…nto honore non solum honorare sed etiam adorare illud nesâ—…io quid quod in vasculo transferendo coâ—…s Pâ—…esently without the Chappell is the Bâ—…se La Gallerie des Merchands a rank of shops in shew but not in substance like to those in the Exchange in London It reacheth from the Chappell unto the great hall of Parliament and is the common through-fare between them On the bottome of the staires and round about the severall houses consecrated to the execution of Justice are sundry shops of the same nature meanly furnished if compared with ouâ—…s yet I perswade my self the richest of this kind in Paris I should now go and take a view of the Parliament house but I will step a little out of the way to see the Place 〈◊〉 in and the little Chastelet this last serveth now only as the Gaole or Common-prison belonging to the Court of the Provost of Merchants and it deserveth no other imployment It is seated at the end of the Bridge called Petit Pont and was built by Hugh Aubriot once Provost of this Town to represse the fury and insolencies of the Scholars whose â—…udenesse and misdemeanors can no wayes be better bridled Omnes eos qui nomen ipsum Academiae vel serio vel joco nominossent haereticos pronunciavit saith Platina of Pope Paul the 〈◊〉 I dare say it of this wildernesse that whosoever will account it as an Academy is an Heretick to Learning and Civility The Place Daulphin is a beautifull heap of building situate nigh unto the new Bridge It was built at the encouragement of Henry IV. and entituled according to the title of his Son The houses are all of brick high built uniforme and indeed such as deserve and would exact a longer description were not the Parliament now ready to sit and my self sommoned to make my appearance CHAP. VIII The Parliament of France when begun of whom it consisted The dignity and esteem of it abroad made sedentarie at Paris appropriated to the long robe The Palais by whom built and converted to seats of Justice The seven Chambers of Parliament The great Chamber The number and dignity of the Presidents The Duke of Biron afraid of them The Kings seat in it The sitting of the Grand Signeur in the Divano The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds and over the affaires of the King This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France La Tournelle and the Judges of it The five Chambers of Enquestes severally instituted and by whom In what cause it is decisive The forme of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament The Chancellour of France and his Authority The two Courts of Requests and Masters of them The vain envy of the English Clergy against the
his hand and saith to him in Latine Tu jurabis observare omnes regias consuetudines he answereth 〈◊〉 and departeth At the Chamber door of the Court whereof he is now sworn an Advocate he payeth two crowns which is forth with put into the common treasury appointed for the relief of the 〈◊〉 widows of ruined Advocates and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 veniam peâ—…imusque damusque it may be their own cases and therefore it is paid willingly The highest preserment of which these Advocates are capable is that of Chancâ—…llor an office of great power and profit the present Chancellor is named Mr. d' 〈◊〉 by birth of Chartres He hath no settled Court wherein to exercise his authority but hath in all the Courts of France the Supream place whensoever he will vouchsaâ—…e to visite them He is also Pâ—…sident of the Councell of Estate by his place and on him dependeth the making of good and sacrâ—…d laws the adminâ—…stration of Justice the reformation of 〈◊〉 and abrogation of unprofitable Edicts c. He hath the keeping of the Kings great seal and by virtue of that either 〈◊〉 or putteth back such Letters pâ—…tents and 〈◊〉 as are exhibited to him He hath under him immediately for the better dispatch of his affaires four Masters of the Requests and their Courts Their office and manner of proceeding is the same which they also use in England in the persons there is thus much dâ—…fference for that in France two of them must be pâ—…rpetually of the Clergy One of their Courts is very antient and hath in it two Presidents which are two of the Mâ—…sters and 14 Counsellors The other is of a later erection as being â—…ounded anno 1580 and in that the two other of the 〈◊〉 and eight Counsellors give sentence Thus have I taken a view of the severall Chambers of the Parliament of Paris and of their particular jurisdictions as far as my information could conduct me One thing I notâ—…d further and in my mind the fairest ornament of the Palace which is the neatnesse and decency of the Lawyers in their apparell for besides the fashion of their habit which is I assure you exceeding pleasing and comely themselves by theiâ—… own care and love to handsomenesse add great lustre to their gaâ—…ments and more to their persons Richly drest they 〈◊〉 and well may be so as being the ablâ—…st and most powerâ—…ull men under the Princes and la Noblesse in all the Countrey an happinesse as I conjecture rather of the 〈◊〉 then the men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 been the fate and destinie of the Law to strengthen and inable its professors beyond any other Art or Science the pleaders in all Common-wealthâ—… â—…h for sway amongst the people and 〈◊〉 amongst the military men having alwayes had the preheminence Oâ—… this rank were Pericles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Dâ—…sthenes amongst the Athenians Antonius Cato Caesar and Tully at Rome men equally famous for Oratory and the Sword yet this I can confidently say that the severall states above mentioned were more indebted to Tully and Demosibenes bâ—…ing both meer gown-men then to the best of their Captains the one freeing Athens from the armies of Macedon thâ—… other delivering Rome from the conspiracy of Catiline O fortunatam natam te Consule Romam It is not then the fate of France only nor of England to see so much power in the hands of the Lawyers and the case being generall me thinks the envie should be the lesse and lesse it is indeed with them then with us The English Clergy though otherwise the most accomplisht in the world in this folly deserveth no Apologie being so strongly ill affected to the pleaders of their Nation that I fear it may be said of some of them Quod invidiam non ad causam sed per sonam ad voluntatem dirigunt a weaknesse not more unworthy of them then prejudiciall to them For by fostering between both gowns such an unnecessary emulation they do but exasperate that power which they cannot controul and betray themselves to much envie and discontentednesse a disease whose cure is more in my wishes then my hopes CHAP. IX The Kings Palace of the Louure by whom built The unsutablenesse of it The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother The long Gallery of Henry IV. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a quadrangle Henry IV. a great builder His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean La Salle des Antiques The French not studious of Antiquities Burbon house The Tuilleries c. WE have discharged the King of one Palace and must follow him to the other where we shall finde his residence It is seated at the West side of the Town or Ville of Paris hard by Portenufue and also by the new bridge A house of great fame and which the Kings of France have long kept their Court in It was first built by Philip Augustus anno 1214. and by him intended for a Castle it first serving to imprison the more potent of the Nobles and to lay up the Kings treasury For that cause it was well moated strengthned with wals and drawbridges very serviceable in those times It had the name of Louure quasi L'oeuure or the work the building by way of excellency An etymologie which draweth nigher to the ear then the understanding or the eye and yet the French writers would make it a miracle Du Chesne calleth it Superbe bastiment qui n'a son esgal en toute la Christientè and you shall hear it called in an other place Bestiment qui passe aujourd hui en excellence et en grandeur tous les autres Brave elogies if all were gold that glistered It hath now given up its charge of money and great prisoners to the Basâ—…ile and at this time serveth only to imprison the Court. In my life I never saw any thing more abused by a good report or that more belyeth the rumors that go of it The ordinary talk of vulgar travellers and the big words of the French had made me expect at the least some prodigie of architecture some such Majâ—…sticall house as the Sunne Don Phoebus is said to have dwelt in in Ovid. Regia Sâ—…lis erat sublimibus alta columnis Claramicante auro flamasque imitâ—…nte pyropo Cujus ebur nitidum c. Indâ—…ed I thought no fiction in Poetry had been able to have paralleld it and made no doubt but it would have put me into such a passion as to have cryed out with the young Gallant in the Comedy when he had seen his sweet-heart Hei mihi qualis erat talis erat qualem nunquam â—…di But I was much deceived in that hope and could finde nothing in it to admire much lesse to envie The Fable of the Mountaine which was with childe and brought forth a mouse is questionlesse a fable this house and the large â—…ame it hath in the world is the morall of it Never was there an house more unsutable to it self in the particular
and prudent woman HAving thus taken a survey of these four Provinces which we may call the Abstract and Epitome of the Realm of France and having seen in them the â—…emper humoâ—… and conditions of the people of it We will nâ—…xt take a generall view of the Gâ—…vernors and Government thereof with reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State First for the Court we must in reason in the first place begin with the person of the King withâ—…ut whose influence and presence the Court is but a dead carkasse void of life and Majesty For person he is of the middle â—…ture and rather well proportioned then large his face knoweth liâ—…le yet of a beard but that which is black and swarty his complexion also much of the same hew carrying in it a certain boisterousnesse and that in a farther measure then what a gracefull majesty can admit of so that one can hardly say of him without a spite of Courtship which Paterâ—…lus did of Tiberius Quod vâ—…us praetulâ—…rit principem that his countenance proclaimed him a King But qâ—…stionlesse lesse his greatâ—…st defect is want of utterance which is very unpleasing by reason of a desperate and uncurable stammering which defect is likely more and more to grow upon him At this time he is aged 24 years and as much as since the 27 day of last September which was his birth day an age which he beareth not very plausible want of beard and the swarthinesse of his complexion making him seem older At the age of 11 years he was affianced to the Lady Anna Infanta of Spain by whom as yet he hath no children It is thought by many and covertly spoken by divers in France that the principall câ—…use of the Qâ—…eens barrennesse proceedeth from Spain that people being loath to fall under the French obedience which may very well happen she being the eldest Sister of the King For this cause in the seventh Article of the marriage there is a clause that neither the said Infanta nor the children born by her to the King shall be capable to inherit any of the Estates of the King of Spain And in the eight Article she is bound to make an Act of Renunciation under her own hand-writing as soon as she cometh to be 12 years old which was accordingly performed But this being not sufficient to secure their fears it is thought that she was some way or other disabled from conception before ever she came into the Kings imbraces A great crime I conâ—…sse if true yet I cannot say with Tully in his defence of Ligarius Novum Crimen Caje Caear ante hoc tempus inauaitum Iaqueline Counâ—…sse of Holland was Cousen to Philip Duke of Burgundy her 〈◊〉 would have debarred hâ—…m â—…rom those Estates of Holland Z aland and Wâ—…st Friezland therefore though she had thâ—…ee husbands there was order taken she should never have child with her first two husbands the Duke would never suffer her to live and when she had stolen a wedding with Frane of Borselle one of her servants the Dukes Physitians gave hâ—…m such a potion that she might have as well marryed an Eunuch upon this injury the poor Lady dyed and the Duke succeeded in those Countries which by his Grand-childe Mary were conveyed over into the house of Austria together with the rest of his estates I dare not say that that Family hath inheâ—…ited his practises with his Lands and yet I have heard that the Infanta Isabella had the like or worse measure afforded her before she was bedded by the Arch-Duke Allertus A Diabolicall trick which the prostitutes of the Heathen used in the beginning of the Gospell and before of whom Octavius complaineth Quod originem futuri hominis extinguant paricidium saciunt antequam pariunt Better luck then the King hath his Sister beyond the Mountains I mean his eldest Sister Madam Eâ—…izabeth marryed to the King of Spain now living as being or having been the mother of two children His second Sister Madam Christian is marryed unto Amadeo Victor principe major or heir apparent to the Duke of Savoy to whom as yet she hath born no issue The youngest Madam Henrietta Maria is newly marryed to his most Excellent Majesty of England to whom may she prove of a most happy and fruitfull womb Et pulcra faciat te prole parentem Of these Alliances the first were very profitable to both Princes could there be made a marriage between the Kingdoms as well as the Kings But it is well known that the affections of each people are divided with more unconquerable mountains then their Dominions The French extreamly hating the proud humor and ambition of the Spaniard and the Spaniard as much loathing the vain and unconstant lightnesse of the French we may therefore account each of them in these inter marriages to have rather intended the perpetuity of their paâ—…ticular houses then the strength of their Empires and that they more desired a noble stâ—…ck wherein to graâ—… posterâ—… then 〈◊〉 The Alliance with Savâ—…y is more advantagious though lesse powerfull then that of Spain for if the King of France can keep this Prince on his party he need not fear the greatnesse of the other or of any of his faction The continuall fiding of this house with that of Austria having given great and many impediments to the fortune of the French It standeth so fitly to countenance the affaires of either King in Itâ—…ly or Germany to which it shall encline that it is just of the same nature with the state of Florence between Millaine and Venice of which 〈◊〉 faith that 〈◊〉 le cosâ—…d ' Italia bilanciate On this râ—…ason Henry IV. â—…nestly desired to mâ—…tch one of his children into this Coâ—…trey and left this desire as a Legacy wiâ—…h his Câ—…uncell But the Alliance of most use to the State of France is that of England as being the nighest and most able of all his neighbours an alliance which will make his estate invincible and encompassed about as it were with a wall of brasse As for the Kings bastard Bâ—…hren they are four in number and born of three severall beds The elder is Alexander made Knight of the Order of St. John or of Malta iâ—… the life time of his Fâ—…her He is now Grand Prior of France and it is much labouâ—…ed and hoped by the French that he shall be the next Mâ—…ster of the Oâ—…der a place of great credit and command The second and most loved of his fâ—…ther whose lively image and character he is said to be is Mr. Cesar made Dâ—…ke of Vendosme by his father and at this time Governâ—…ur of Britain a man of a brave spirit and one who swayeth much in the affaiâ—…s of state his fathâ—…r took a great care for his advâ—…ncement bâ—…fore his death and therefore marryed him to the daughter and heir of the Duke of Mâ—…rcuer a man of great possessions in Britain It is thought that the inheritance of
are yet in their Nurses armes or else under their Regents in Colledges nay more that the abuse goeth before their being Children being commonly designed to Bishopricks and Abbacies before they were born He made also another complaint that the Soveraign Courts by their decrees had attempted upon the authority which was committed to the Clergy even in that which meerly concerned Ecclesiasticall discipline and government of the Church To these complaints he gave them indeed a very gracious hearing but it was no further then an hearing being never followed by redresse The Court of Parliament knew too well the strength of their own authority and the King was loath to take from himself those excellent advantages of binding to himself his Nobility by the speedy preferring of their children and so the clergie departed with a great deal of envy and a little satisfaction Like enough it were that the Pope would in part redresse this injury especially in the point of jurisdiction if he were able But his wings are shrewdly clipped in this Câ—…untrey neither can he fly at all but as far as they please to suffer him For his temporall power they never could be induced to acknowledge it as we see in their stories anno 1610. the Divines of Paris in a Declaration of theiâ—…s tendred to the Queen Mother affirmed the supremacie of the Pope to be an Erroneous Doctrine and the ground of that hellish position of deposing and killing of Kings Anno 1517. when the Councell of Lateran had determined the Pope to be the head of the Church in causes also temporall the University of Paris testifieth against it in an Apology of theirs Dated the 12 of March the same year Leo decimus saith the Apology in quodamcoetu non tamen in Spiritu Domini congregato contra fidem Catholicam c. Sacrum Bisiliense concilium damnavit In which councell of Basil the Supremacy of the Pope was condemned Neither did the Kâ—…ngs of France forget to mâ—…intain their own authority And therefore when as Pope Boniface VIII had in a peremptory Letter written to Philip le Bell King of France styled himself Dominus totius mundi tam in tempâ—…ralibus quam in spiritualibus the King returned him an answer with an Epithite sutable to his arrogancy Sciat maxima tua fatuitas nos in temporalibus alâ—…ui nâ—…n subesse c. The like answer though in modester termes was sent to another of the Popes by St. Lewis a man of a most milde and sweet disposition yet unwilling to forgoe his royalties His spirituall power is alwayes as little in substance though more in shew for whereas the Councell of Trent hath been an especiall authorizer of the Popes spirituall supremacy the French Church would never receive it By this means the Bishops keep in their hands their own full authority whereof an obedience to the decrees of that Councell would deprive them It was truely said by St. Gregory and they well knew it Lib. 7. Epist. 70. Si unus universalis est restat ut vos Episcopi non sitis Further the University of Paris in their Declaration anno 1610 above mentioned plainly affirme that it is directly opposite to the Doctrine of the Church which the University of Paris alwayes maintained that the Pope hath the power of a Monaâ—…ch in the spirituall government of the Church To look upon higher times when the Councell of Câ—…nstance had submitted the authority of the Pope unto that of a Councell John Gâ—…rson Theologus Parisiensis magni nominis as one calleth him defended that decree and intituâ—…eth them 〈◊〉 admodum esse adulatores qui 〈◊〉 istam in Ecclesiam 〈◊〉 quasi nullis legâ—…m teneatur vinculis quasi neque paâ—…ere â—…beat coâ—…lio Pontâ—…x nec ab eo judâ—…cari queat The Kâ—…ngs 〈◊〉 also befriend their Clergy in this cause and thâ—…ore not only protested against the Councell of Trent wherein this spirituall tyranny was generally consented to by the Catholick faction But Henry II. also wouâ—…d not acknowledge them to be a Councell calling them by another name then Convâ—…ntus Tridentinus An indignity which the 〈◊〉 took very offensively But the principall thing in which it behoveth them not to acknowledge his spirituall Supremacy is the collation of Benefices and Bishopricks and the Annats and first fruits thence arising The first and greatest controversie between the Pope and Princes of Christâ—…ndome wâ—…s about the bestowing the livings of the Church and giving the investure unto Bishops the Popes had long thirsted after that authority as being a great means to advance their fâ—…llowers and establish their own greatnesse for which cause in divers pâ—…tty Councels the receiving of any Ecclâ—…siasticall preferment of a Lay man was enacted to be Simony But this did little edifie with such patrâ—…ns as had good livings As soon as ever Hildebrande in the Catalogue of the Popes called Gregory VII came to the Throne of Rome he set himself entirely to effect this 〈◊〉 as well in Germany now he was Pope as he had dâ—…ne in Franâ—…e whilest he was Legat he commandeth therefore Henry III. Emperour Ne deinceps Episcpâ—…tus beneficia they are Platinas own words per â—…piditatem Simonaicam committat aliter se usuâ—…um in ipsum censuris Ecclâ—…siasticis To this injustice when the Emperour would not yeeld he called a solemn Câ—…uncell at the Lateran wherein the Emperour was pronounced to be Simoniacall and afterwards Excommunicated neither would this Tyrant ever leave persecuting of him till he had laid him in his grave After this there followed great strugling for this matter between the Popes and the Emperours but in the end the Popes got the victory In England here he that first beckoned about it was William Rusus the controversie being whether he or Pope Uâ—…ban should invest Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury Anselme would receive his investure from none but the Pope whereupon the King banished him the Realm into which he was not admitted till the Reign of Henry II. He to endeer himself with his Clergy relinquished his right to the Pope but afterwards repenting himselfe of it he revoked his grant neither did the English Kings wholly lose it till the reign of that unfortunate prince King John Edward the first again recoverâ—…d it and his 〈◊〉 kept it The Popes having with much violence and opposition wrested into their hands this priviledge of nominating Pâ—…iests and investing Bishops they spared not to lay on what taxes they pleased as on the Benefices first fruits pensions subsidies fifteenths tenths and on the Bishopricks for palles miters crofiers rings and I know not what bables By these means the Churches were so impoverished that upon complaint made to the Councell of Basil all these cheating tricks these aucupia expilâ—…di rationes were abolished This decree was called Pragmatica functio and was confirmed in France by Charles VII anno 1438. An act of singular improvement to the Church and Kingdome of France which yearly before as the Court
laâ—…entable and bloudy war which 〈◊〉 upon hem tâ—…ey not only endevoured not to avoid but invited during the reign of Henry IV. who would not see it and the troublesome minority of Lewis XIII who could not molest them they had made themselves masters of 99 Towns well fortâ—…yed and enabled for a fiege a strength too great for any one factiâ—…n to keep together under a King which desires to be himself and rule hiâ—… people In the opiniâ—…n of this thâ—…ir potency they call Assemblies Parliaments as it were when and as often as they pleased There they consulted of the common affairs of Religion made new Laws of government removed and rechanged their generall officers the Kings leave all this while never so much as formally demanded Had they only been guilty of too much power that crime alone had been sufficient to have raised a war against them it not standing with the safety and honour of a King not to be the absolute commander of his own Suâ—…s But in this their licentious calling of Assemblies they abused their power into a neglect and not dissolving them at his 〈◊〉 commandment they increased their neglect into into a 〈◊〉 The Assembly which principally occasioned the war and their ruine was that of Roehell called by the Protestants presenâ—…ly upon the Kings journey into Bearn This generall meeting the King prohibited by his especiall Edicts declaring all them to be guilty of treason which notwithstanding they would not 〈◊〉 to but very undutifully went on in their purposes It was said by a Gentleman of their party and one that â—…ad been imployed in many of their affairs That the fiery zeal of some who had the guiding of their consciences had thrust them into those desperate courses and I believe him Tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum Being assembled they sent the King a Remonstrance of their grievances to which the Duke Lesdiguiers in a Letter to them written gave them a very fair and plausible answer wherein also he intreateth them to obey the Kings Edict and break up the Assembly Upon the receipt of this Letter those of the Assembly published a Declaration wherein they verified their meeting to be lawfull and their purpose not to dismisse themselves till their desires were granted This affront done to the King made him gather together his Forces yet at the Duke of Lesdiguiers request he allowed them 24 dayes of respite before his Armies should march towards them he offered them also very fair and reasonable conditions such also as their Deputies had sâ—…licited but far better then those which they were glad to accept when all their Towns were taken from them Profecto ineluct abilis fatorum vis cujus fortunam muâ—…are constituit ejus corrumpit consilia It held very rightly in this people who turned a deaf eare to all good advice and were râ—…lved it seemeth Not to hear the voice of the Charmer charmed he never so sweetly In their Assemblie therefore they mâ—…ke Lawes and Orders to regulate their 〈◊〉 as That no peace should be made without the consent of the generall Convocation about paying of Souldiers wages fâ—…r the detaining of the Revenues of the King and Cleâ—…y and the like They also there divided France into seven cirâ—…es or parts assigning over every circle severall Generals and Lieutenants and prescribed Orders how those Generals should proceed in the wars Thus we see the Kings Army leavied upon no slight grâ—…nd his Regall authority was neglected his especiall Edicts violated his gracious profers slighted and his Revenues â—…orbidden him and his Realm divided before his face and allotted unto officers not of his own election Had the prosecution of his action been as fair as the cause was just and legall the Protestants had only deserved the infamy but hinc illae lachrymae The King so behaved himself in it that he suffered the sword to walk at randome as if his main design had been not to correct his people but to ruine them I will instance onely in that tyrannicall slaughter which he permitted at the taking of Nigrepetisse a Town of Quercu wherein indeed the Souldiers shewed the very â—…igour of severity which either a barbarous victor could inflict or a vaâ—…quished people suffer Nec ullum saevitiae genus â—…misit ira victoria as Tacitus of the angred Romans For they spared neither man nor woman nor childe all equally subject to the cruelty of the sword and the Conquerour The streets paved with dead carkasses the channels running with the bloud of Christians no noise in the streets but of such as were welcoming death or suing for life Their Churches which the Goths spared at the sack of Rome were at this place made the Theatres of lust and bloud neither priviledge of Sanctuary nor fear of God in whose holy house they were qualifying their outrage this in the common plâ—…ces At domus interior gemitu miseroque tumultu Misâ—…tur penitusque cavae plangoribus aedes Foemineis ululant As Virgil in the ruine of Trâ—…y But the calamities which besell the men were mercifull and sparing if compared to those which the women suffered when the 〈◊〉 had made them the objects of their lust they made them also the suâ—…jects of their fury in that only pittifull to that poor and distressed sex that they did not let them survive their honours Such of them who out of fear and faintness had made but little reâ—…ance had the favour to be stabbed but those whose virtue and courage maintaned their bodies valiantly from the rapes of those villains had the secrets of nature procul hino este castae misericordes aures filled with gun-powder and so blown into ashes Whither O you divine powers is humanity fled when it is not to be found in 〈◊〉 or where shall we look for the effects of a picifull nature when men are bâ—…come so unnaturall It is said that the King was ignorant of this barbarousnesse and 〈◊〉 at it Offâ—…nded I perswade my self he could not but be unlesse he had totally put off himself and degenerated into a Tyger But for his ignorance I dare not conceive it to be any other then that of Nero an ignorance rather in his eye then understanding Subduxit oculos Nero saith Tacitus jussitque sâ—…lera non spectavil Though the Protestants deserved â—…icti â—…or their disobedience yet this was an execution above the nature of a punishment a misery beyond the condition of the crime True it is and I shall never acquit them of it that in the time of their prosperity they had done the King many affronts and committed many acts of disobedience and insolency which justly occasioned the war against them for besides â—…hose already recited they themselves first broke those Edicts the due execution whereof seemed to have been their only petition The King by his Edâ—…ct of pacification had licenced the free exercise of both Religionâ—… and thereupon permitâ—…ed the Priests and Jesuits to preach in the
not the freedome of all A rare mixture of Government and such at this time is the Kingdome of England a Kingdome of a perfect and happy composition wherein the King hath his full Prerogative the Nobles all due respects and the People amongst other blessings perfect in this that they are masters of their own purposes and have a strong hand in the making of their own Laws On the otherside in the Regall government of France the Subject frameth his life meerly as the Kings variable Edicts shall please to enjoyn him is ravished of his money as the Kings taske-masters think fit and suffereth many other oppressions which in their proper place shall be specified This Aristotle in the third book of his Politicks calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the command of a Master and defineth it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such an Empire by which a Prince may command and do whatsoever shall seem good in his own eyes One of the Prerogatives Royall of the French Kings For though the Court of Parliament doth seem to challenge a perusall of his Edicts before they passe for Laws yet is 〈◊〉 but a meer formality It is the â—…rtel est nostre pâ—…aisir which maketh them currant which it seemeth these Princes learned of the Roman Emperors Jusâ—…inian in the book of Institutions maketh five grounds of the Civill Laws viz. Lex he meaneth the law of the 12 Tables Plebiseita Senatusconsulta 〈◊〉 Responsa Principum placita to this last he addeth this generall strength Quod principi plaâ—…uerit legis habet valorem the very foundation of the French Kings powerâ—…ulnesse True it is that the Courts of Parliament do use to demur sometimes upon his Patents and Decrees and to petition him for a reversall of them but their answer commonly is Stat pro ratione voluntas He knoweth his own power and granteth his Letters patents for new Offices and Monopolies abundantly If a monied man can make a friend in Court he may have an office found for him of six pence upon every Sword made in France a Livre upon the selling of every head of Cattell a brace of Sols for every paire of boots and the like It is the only study of some men to finde out such devices of enriching themselves and undoing the people The Patent for Innes granted to St. Giles Mompesson was just one of the French offices As for Monopolies they are here so common that the Subject taketh no notice of it not a scurvey petty book being Printed but it hath its priviledge affixed Ad imprimendum solum These being granted by the King are carryed to the Parliament by them formally perused and finally verified after which they are in force and virtue against all opposition It is said in France that Mr. Luynes had obtained a Patent of the King for a quart d' esâ—…u to be paid unto him upon the Christning of every child thoughout all the Kingdome A very unjust and unconscionable extortion Had he lived to have presented it to the Court I much doubt of their deniall though the only cause of bringing before them such Patents is onely intended that they should discusse the justice and convenience of them As the Parliament hath a formality of power left in them of verifying the Kings Edicts his grants of Offices and Monopolies So hath the Chamber of Accounts a superficiall survey also of his gifts and expences For his expences they are thought to be as great now as ever by reason of the severall retinues of himself his Mother his Queen and the Monsâ—…iur neither are his gifts lâ—…ssened The late Wars which he managed against the Protestants cost him deer he being fain to bind unto him most of his Princes by money and pensions As the expenses of the King are brought unto this Court to be examined so are also the Gifts and Pensions by him granted to be ratified The titulary power given unto this Chamber is to cut off all those of the Kings grants which have no good ground and foundation the officers being solemnly at the least formally sworn not to suffer any thing to passe them to the detriment of the Kingdome whatsoever Letters of command thay have to the contrary But this Oath they oftentimes dispense with To this Court also belongeth the Enfranchisement or Naturalization of Aliens anciently certain Lords officers of the Crown and of the prime counsell were appointed to look unto the accounts Now it is made an ordinary and soveraigne Court consisting of two Presidents and divers Auditors and other under Officers The Chamber wherein it is kept called La Chambre des comptes is the beautifullest peece of the whole Palais the great Chamber it self not being worthy to be named in the same day with it It was built by Charles VIII anno 1485. afterwards adorned and beautified by Lewis XII whose Statua is there standing in his royall robes and the Scepter in his hand He is accompianed by the four Cardinall vertues expressed by way of Hieroglyphicks very properly and cunningly each of them having its particular Motto to declare its being The Kings portraiture also as if he were the fifth virtue had its word under written and contained in a couple of Verses which let all that love the Muses skip them in the reading and are these Quatuor has comites soveo Coelestia dona 〈◊〉 pacis prospera 〈◊〉 gerens From the King descend we to the Subjects ab equis quod aiunt ad 〈◊〉 and the phrase is not much improper the French commonalty being called the Kings asses These are divided into three ranks or Classes the Clergy the Nobles the Paisants â—…ut of which certain delegates or Committees chosen upon occasion and sent to the King did antiently concur to the making of the Supreme Court for Justice in France It was called the Assembly of the three Estates or the Conventus ordinum and was just like the Parliament of England But these meetings are now forgotten or out of use neither indeed as this time goeth can they any way advantage the State for whereas there are three principall if not sole causes of these conventions which are the desposing of the Regency during the nonage or sicknesse of a King the granting Aides and Subsidies and the redressing of Grievances there is now another course taken in them The Parliament of Paris which speaketh as it is prompted by power and greatnesse appointeth the Regent the Kings themselves with their officers determine of the Taxes and as concerning their Grievances the Kings eare is open to private Petitions Thus is that little of a Common-wealth which went to the making up of this Monarchie escheated or rather devoured by the King that name alone containing in it both Clergy Princes and People So that some of the French Counsellors may say with Tully in his Oration for Marcellus unto Caesar Doleoque cum respub immortalis esse debeat eam unius mortalis anima consistere Yet I cannot
in France and causes there handled Clermount and the Castle there The war raised up by the Princes against D' Ancre What his designes might tend to c. p. 162. CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens and greatnesse of it The English feastâ—… within it and the error of that action the Town how built seated and fortified The Citadell of it thought to be impregnable Not permitted to be viewed The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength The watch and form of Government in the Town Amiens a Visdamate to whom it pertaineth What that honour is in France And how many there enjoy it c. p. 169. CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens The principall Churches in most Cities called by her name More honour performed to her then to her Saviour The surpassing beauty of this Church on the outside The front of it King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster The curiousnesse of this Church within By what means it became to be so The sumptuous masking closets in it The excellency of perspective works Indulgences by whom first founded The estate of the Bishoprick p. 175. CHAP. IV. Our Journey down the Some and Company The Town and Castle of Piquigni for what famous Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies A farewell to the Church of Amiens The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie Abbeville how seated and the Garrison there No Governour in it but the Major or Provoâ—… The Authors imprudent curiosity and the curtesie of the Provost to him The French Post-horses how base and tyred My preferment to the Trunk-horse The horse of Philip de Comines The Town and strength of Monstreuille The importance of these three Towns to the French border c. p. 183. CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized The present of Salt butter Boulogne divided into two Towns Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague The forme of it Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church The high Town Garrisoned The old man of Boulogne and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens The fraternity De la Charite and inconveniency of it The costly Journey of Henry VIII to Boulogne Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England Boulogne yeilded back to the French and on what conditions The â—…rtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow p. 192. FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of King Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisters all marryed and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull Brother The title of Monsieur in France Monsieur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 month King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monsieur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omâ—…regency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen Mother a wise and prudent woman p. 204. CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca The comparison between them two and those in the general A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France in Policie Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular The pragmatick sanction Maxima tua fatuitas and Conventui Tridentino severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell The tedious quarrell about Investitures Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites The French B shops not to medle with Fryers their lives and land The ignorance of the French Priests The Chanoins Latine in Orleans The French not hard to be converted if plausibly humoured p. 216 CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England An English Catholicks conceit of it His Holinesse Nuncio in Paris A learned Argument to prove the Popes Universality A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau. The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns Their present estate and strength The last War against them justly undertaken not fairly managed Their insolencies and disobedience to the Kings command Their purpose to have themselves a free estate The war not a war of Religion King James in justice could not assist them more then he did First for saken by their own party Their happinesse before the war The Court of the edict A view of them in their Churches The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England Their Discipline and Ministers c. p. 229 CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common wealth in generall A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall A mixt forme of Government most commendable The Kings Patents for Offices Minopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes The Kings gifts and expences The Chamber of Accounts France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France The Kings power how much respected by the Princes The powerablenesse of that rank The formall execution done on them The multitude and confusion of Nobility King James defended A censure of the French Heralds The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants Their priviledges gibbets and other Regalia They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons p. 246. CHAP. V. The base and low estate of the French Paisant The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State The wisdome of Henry VII The Forces all in the Cavallerie The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King No demain in France Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England The Gabell of Salt The Popes licence for wenching The Gabell of whom refused and why The Gascoines impatient of Tâ—…xes The taille and tâ—…illion The Panâ—…arke or Aides The vain resistance of those of Paris The Court of Aides The manner of gathering the Kings moneys â—…he Kings revenue The corruption of the French publicans King Lewis why called the just The monies currant in France The gold of
competent ditch and at every gate a draw-bridge They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox and in the night times to secure their houses from any forain burglary Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France but the English were then within it At last on honorable termes it yeelded and was entred by Charles VII the second of August anno 1449. The Town is for building and bignesse somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse a Town well fortifyed as being a borderer and one of the strongest bulwarks against France It hath in it two fair Abbies of Maubuissâ—…n and St. Martin and six Churches Parochiall whereof that of 〈◊〉 dame in the Suburbs is the most beautifull The name it derives from a bridge built over the river of Oyse on which it is situate and by which on that side it is well defended the bridge being strengthned with a strong gate and two draw-bridges It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill and is famous for the siege laid before it by Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battail with 6000 only the French Army consisting of double the number he retired or fled rather unto St. Denis but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight began to practise against him he speedily returned to Pontoyse and maketh himself master of it by assault Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town and all Normandy the French by that door making their entrie unto this Province out of which at last they thrust the English anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward This Countrey had once before been in possession of the English and that by a firmer title then the sword William the Conqueror had conveied it over the Seas into England and it continued an Appendix of that Crown from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time John called Sans terre third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France upon Aâ—…thur heir of Bretagne and son unto Geofry his elder brother was warred on by Philip Augustus King of France who sided with the said Arthur In the end Arthur was taken and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practise of his Uncle as the French say or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape as the English report is not yet determined For my part considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King I dare be of that opinion that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement Certainly he that rebelled against his Father and practised the eternall imprisonment and ruine of his Brother would not much stick this being so speedy a way to settle his affaires at the murder of a Nephew Upon the first bruit of this murder Constance mother to the young Prince complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France not the Court which now is in force consisting of men only of the long robe but the Court of the Paiâ—…rie or 12 Peeres whereof King John himself was one as Duke of Normandy I see not how in justice Philip could do lesse then summon him an homager being slain and a homager being accused To this summons John refused to yeeld himself a Counsell rather magnanimous then wise and such as had more in it of a English King then a French Subject Edward III. a Prince of finer metall then this John obeyed the like warrant and performed a personall homage to Philip of Valoys and it is not reckoned amongst his disparagements He committed yet a further errour or solecisine in State not so much as sending any of his people to supply his place or plead his cause Upon this non-appearance the Peers proceed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Il fut â—…ar Arrest dâ—…la dite cour saith Du Chesne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 da crime de parrâ—…e de felonie Parrie de for killing his own Nephew and Felony for committing an act so execrable on the person of a French Vassill and in France John du Serres addeth a third cause which was contempt in disobeying the Kings commandment Upon this â—…rdict the Court awarded Que toutes les terres qu'il 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acquâ—…ses confiâ—…es a la Couronne c. A proceeding so fair and orderly that I should sooner accuse King John of indiscretion then the French of injustice When my life or estate is in danger let me have no more sinister a tryall The English thus outed of Normandy by the weaknesse of John recovered it again by the puissance of Henry but being held only by the sword it was after 30 years recovered again as I have told you And now being passed over the Oyse I have at once freed the English and my self of Normandy here ending this Book but not that dayes journey The End of the First Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE specially so called OR THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. France in what sense so called The bounds of it All old Gallia not possessed by the French Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate though the Inhabitants are changed The quality of the French in private at the Church and at the table Their language complements discourse c. JUly the third which was the day we set out of St. Claire having passed through Pontoyse and crossed the river we were entred into France France as it is understood in its limited sense and as a part only of the whole for when Meroveus the Grandchild of Pharamond first King of the Franci or Frenchmen had taken an opportunity to passe the Rhine having also during the wars between the Romans and the Gothes taken Paris he resolved there to set up his rest and to make that the head City of his Empire The Country round about it which was of no large extent he commanded to be called Francia or Terra Francorum after the name of his Frankes whom he governed In this bounded and restrained sense we now take it being confined with Normandy on the North Champagne on the East and on the West and South with the Province of La Beausse It is incircled in a manner with the Oyle on the Northwards the Eure on the West the Velle on the East and a veine riveret of the Seine towards the South but the principall environings are
is of opinion 12 miles Others judge it at 10. For my part I dare not guesse it to be above 8 and yet I was told by a French man that it was in compasse no lesse then 14 leagues within the wals an untruth bigger then the Town For figure it is circular that being according to Geometricians of all figures the most caâ—…acious And questionlesse if it be true that Urbs non in moenibus sed in civibus posita est Paris may challenge as great a circuit as the most of Europe it being little inferiour to the biggest for the multitudes of her inhabitants Joyne the compasse and the populousnesse together and you shall hear the wisest of the French men say that Que ce qu'est l' ame a la raison el la prunelle a l' oeil cela mesme est Paris a la France Add to this the verdict of Charles V. who being demanded which he thought to be the biggest City of France answered Râ—…ven and being then asked what he thought of Paris made answer Unpais that it was a whole Countrey The Emperour did well to flatter Francis the first who asked him these questions and in whose power he then was otherwise he might have given men good cause to suspect his judgement The truth is that Paris is a fair and goodly Town yet withall it is nothing like the miracle that some men make it Were the figure of London altered and all the houses of it cast into a Ring I dare able it a larger and more goodly Town then Paris and that in the comparison it may give it at the least half a mile oddes For matter of strength and resistance certain it is that this City is exceeding well seated were it as well fortifyed It lyeth in a plain flat levell and hath no hils nigh unto it from which it can any way be annoyed and for the casting and making of rowling-trenches I think the soil is hardly serviceable If Art were no more wanting to the strength of it then Nature in mine opinion it might be made almost impregnable Henry IV. seeing the present weaknesse of it had once a purpose as it is said to have strengthned it according to the modern art of Fortifications But it went no further then the purpose He was a great builder and had many projects of Masonry in his head which were little for his profit and this would have proved lesse then any For besides the infinite sums of mony which would have beâ—…n eâ—…ployed in so immense a work whâ—…t had this been in effect but to put a sword into the hand of a mad man The mutinies and sedition of this people have made it little inferiour to Leige or Gaunt the two most revolting Towâ—…s of Europe And again the Bariâ—…adoes against the person of King Henry III. and the large resistance it made to himself being weak were sufficient to instruct him what might be expected from it by his successors when it should be strengthned and inabled to rebellion The present strength of the Town then is not great the wals being very weak and ruinous and those other few helps which it hath being little availeable for defence The beautiful lest part of the whole resistance is the ditch deep precipitate and broad and to say no more of it an excellent ward were there any thing else correspondent to it As for the Fort next unto St. Antonies gate called the Bastille it is in my conceit too little to protect the Town and too low to command it When Swords only and Pick-axes were in use and afterwards in the infancie of guns it did some service in the nature of a Fortresse now it serveth principally as a prison for those of the greater sort who will permit themselves to be â—…aken It is said to be built by the English when they were Lords of Paris and the vulgar are all of this opinion Others of the more learned sort make it to be the work of one of the Provosts of the City Du Chesne calleth him Hugues Aubriot in the time of Charles V. when as yet the English had nothing to do here The word Bastille in generall signifieth a Fortresse the article la prefixed before it maketh it a name and appropriateth it unto this building There are also two little turrets just against the gallery of the Louure on both sides of the Seine intended for the defence of the River though now they are little able to answer that intention they also are fathered on the English but how true I know not An other place I marked designed perhaps for a Rampart but imployed at this time only by windmils It is a goodly mount of earth high and capacious situate close unto the gate called St. Martins the most defensible part if wel manned of all Paris Thus is the strength of this Town as you see but small and if Henry IV. lay so long before it with his Army it was not because he could not take it but because he would not He was loath as Biron advised him to receive the bird naked which he expected with all its feathers and this answer he gave the Lord Willougbie who undertook to force an entry into it For the streets they are many of them of a lawfull and competent breadth well pitched under the foot with fair and large peble This paving of it was the work of Philip Augustus anno 〈◊〉 or there abouts before which time it could not but be miserably dirty if not unpassable As it now is the least rain maketh it very slippery and troublesome and as little a continuance of warme weather â—…inking and poisonous But whether this noisomenesse proceed from the nature of the ground or the sluttishnesse of the people in their houses or the neglect of the Magistrates in not providing a sufficiency of Scavengers or all I am not to determine This I am confident of that the nastiest lane in London is Frankincense and Juniper to the sweetest street in this City The antient by-word was and there is good reason for it I l â—…staint comme la fange de Paâ—…is had I the power of making proverbs I would only change il destaint into il puit and make the by-word ten times more Orthodox I have spoken somewhat already of the Fortificatons of this Town but they are but trifles the only venome of the street is a strength unto it more powerfull then the ditches or the bulwark of St. Martins Morrison in his Itinerarie relateth how the Citizens of Prague in Bohemia were repairing the wals of their Town for fear of the Turkes but with all he addeth that if the stink of the streets kept him not thence there was no assurance to be looked for of the wals I know now not how true it is of that City I am sure it may be justly verified of this It was therefore not unjudiciously said of an English Gentleman that he thought Paris was the
salubritate ubertate 〈◊〉 non concedant But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 betwixt the Towns is more happy Both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the second river of note in their several Countreys 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 much unlike in their several couâ—…s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the wals of 〈◊〉 â—…d passing nigh unto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on a little 〈◊〉 and its homager divideth the 〈◊〉 Britains from the rest of the English The Loyre 〈◊〉 by the City of Tours and passing nigh to Augâ—…ire â—…ted also up the land on a little river and one of its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the modern Bâ—…etagnes from the râ—…st of the French Posâ—… est in loco 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad flumen quâ—…d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conjungitur muro satis firmo munita saith Mr. Camden of Worcester Orleans is seated on the like declivity of an hill hath its bridge well fortified with turrets and its wals of an equall ability of resistance Sed deâ—…us est ab incolis qui sunt numâ—… si humani ab aedificiorum nâ—…tore a templorum numero maxime a sede episcopali saith he of ours in general we shall see it fitly applyed to this in each particular The people of this town are not of the fewest no Town in France the capacity of it considered bâ—…ing more populous for standing in so delicate an air and on so commodious a river it inviteth the Gentry oâ—… Nobles of the Countrey about it to inhabit there and they accept it Concerning their behaviour and humanity certainly they much exceed the Parisians I was about to say all the French men and indeed I need not grudge them that Elogie which Caesar giveth unto those of Kent and verifie that they are omnium incolarum longe humanissimi my self here observing more courtesie and affability in one day then I could meet withall in Paris during all my abode The buildings of it are very suitable to themselves and the rest of France the streets large and well kept not yeelding the least offence to the most curious nosethrill Parish Churches it hath in it 26 of different and unequall being as it useth to be in other places Besides these it contains the Episcopal Church of St. Croix and divers other houses of religious persons amongst which St. Jacques of both which I shall speak in their due order Thus much for the resemblance of the Towns the difference betwixt them is this That Orleans is the bigger and Worcester the richer Orleans consisteth much of the Nobles and of sojourners Worcester of Citizens only and home dwellers And for the manner of life in them so it is that Worcester hath the handsomer women in it Orleans the finer and in mine opinion the lovliest of all France Worcester thriveth much on Clothing Orleans on their Vine-presses And questionless the Vine of Orleans is the greatest riches not of the Town only but of the Countrey also about it For this cause Andre du Chesne calleth it the prime cellar of Paris Est une pais saith he si heureuse si fecunde sur tâ—ut en vine qui on la dire l' un de premiers celiers de Paris These Vines wherein he maketh it to be so happy deserve no less a commendation then he hath given them as yeelding the best wines in all the Kingdome Such as it much griev'd me to mingle with water they being so delicious to the palat and the epicurism of the taste I have heard of a Dutch Gentleman who being in Italy was brought acquainted with a kinde of Wine which they there call Lachrymae Christi No sooner had he tasted it but he fell into a deep melancholy and after some seven sighs besides the addition of two grones he brake out into this pathetical ejaculation Dii boni quare non Christus lachrymatus esset in nostris regionibus This Dutch man and I were for a time of one minde insomuch that I could almost have picked a quarrell with nature for giving us none of this liquor in England at last we grew friends again when I had perceived how offensive it was to the brain if not well qualified for which cause it is said that King Lewis hath banished it his Cellar no doubt to the great grief of his drinking Courtiers who may therefore say with Martiall Quid tantum fecere boni tibi pessima vina Aut quid fecerunt optima vina mali This Town called Genabum by Caesar was reedified by Aurelian the Emperour anno 276. and called by his name Aureâ—…anum which it still retaineth amongst the Latines It hath been famous heretofore for four Councels here celebrated and for being the siege royal of the Kings of Orleans though as now I could not hear any thing of the ruines of the Palace The fame of it at this time consisteth in the University and its seat of justice this Town being one of them which they call Seiges presidiaux Now these Seiges Presidiaux Seats or Courts of Justice were established in diverse Ciâ—…ies of the Realm for the ease of the people anno 1551 or thereabouts In them all civil causes not exceeding 250 livâ—…es in money or 10 livres in rents are heard and determined soveraignly and without appeal If the sum exceed those proportions the appeal holdeth good and shall be examined in that Court of Parliament under whose jurisdiction thâ—…y aâ—…e This Court here consisteth of a Bailly whose name is Mr. Digion of 12 Counsellors two Lieutenants one civil and the other criminal and a publick notary When Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul who is Governor or Lieutenant Generall of the Province cometh into their Court he giveth precedency to the Bailly in other places he receiveth it This institution of these Presidentiall Couâ—…s was at first a very profitable ordinance and much eaâ—…d the people but now it is grown burthen some the râ—…ason is that the offices are made salable and purchased by thâ—…m with a great deal of money which afterwards they wrest again out of the purses of the pesants the sale of offices drawing necessarily after it the â—…ale of justice a misâ—… wâ—…ich is spread so far that there is not the poorest under fficer in all the Realm who may not safâ—…ly say with the Captain in the 22 of the Acts and the 28. vers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a great sum of moâ—…y obtained I this freedome Twenty years purchase is 〈◊〉 to be no extraordinary rate and I have read that only by the sale of 〈◊〉 one of the Kings had raised in 20 yeâ—…rs 139 millions which amounteth to the proportion of seven millions yearly or thereabouts of all waiâ—…s to thrift and treasure the most unkingly In the year 1614 the King motioned the abolishing of the sales of this 〈◊〉 but it was upon a condition more prejudicial to the people then the 〈◊〉 for he desiâ—…d in lieu of it to have a greater imposition laid upon Sâ—…lt and on the Aides which those who were Commissioners for the Commonalty would not admit of because then a common misery
upon its liberty and priviledges to which this order was imagined to be an hindrance it being lawfull for them to take any degree in their own houses without reference to any publick exercise or examination In the year 1554. at what time they first began to set foot in France the Colledge of the Sorbonists made a long decree against them in the end whereof are these words and they are worth the reading Uidetur haec societas in nâ—…gotio fidei periculosa pacis Ecclesiae perturbativa monasticae religionis eversiva magis ad destructionsm quam ad aedificationem a censure too full of vineger and bitternesse Afterwards in the year 1564. they preferred a Petition to the University that the Colledge which the Bishop of Clermont had built for them might be incorporated into the University and enjoy the immunities of it Upon the Universities deniall of their desire there arose a suit between them and the University in the high Court of Parliament Peter Versoris pleading for the Jesuits and Stephen Pasquier for the other party In the end they were admitted though upon terms of wondrous strictnesse Anno 1594. John Castell a novice of this order having wounded King Henry IV. in the mouth occasioned the banishment of this Society out of all France into which they were not again received till the year 1604. and then also upon limitations more strict then ever Into Paris they were not readmitted untill anno 1606. neither had the liberty of reading Lectures and instructing the youth confirmed unto them till anno 1611. which also was compassed not without great trouble and vexation Per varios casus tot discrimina rerum As Aenâ—…as and his companions came into Latium In this University they have at this instant three houses one of the Novices a second of Institutors which they call the Colledge and a third of professed Jesuites which they style their Monastery or the professed house of St. Lewis In their house of Novices they train up all those whom they have culled out of their Schooles to be of their order and therein initiate them in the arts of Jesuitism and their mysteries of iniquity They there teach them not Grammaticall constructions or composition but instruct them in the paths of virtue courage and obedience according to such examples as their Authors afford them This they say of themselves and their friends for them But he that made the funerall Oration for Henry IV. anno 1610. reporteth it otherwise Latini sermonis obtentu saith he impurissime Gallicae juventutis mores ingenuos foedant Bonarum litterarum praetextu pessimas edocent artes Dum ingenia excolunt animas perdunt c. In their Colledge they have the same method of teaching which the others of their company use in Orleans A Colledge first given unto them by Mr. William Pratt Bishop of Clermount whose house it was but much beautifyed by themselves after his decease For with the mony which he gave unto them by his will which amounted as it was thought to 60000 crowns they added to it the Court called De Langres in St. James street anno 1582. Their Monastery or house of profession is that unto which they retire themselves after they have discharged their duties in the Colledge by reading and studying publickly in their severall Classes When they are here their studies both for time and quality is ad 〈◊〉 though generally their only studie in it is Policy and the advantage of their cause And indeed out of this Trojan horse it is that those firebrands and incendiaries are let out to disturb and set in combustion the affaires of Christendom out of this forge come all those stratagems and tricks of Machiavillianism which tend to the ruine of the Protestants and the desolation of their Countries I speak not this of their house of Profession here in Paris either only or principally wheresoever they settle they have a house of this nature out of which they issue to overthrow the Gospell Being sent once by their Superiors a necessity is layed upon them of obâ—…dience be the imployment never so dangerous And certainly this Nation doth most strictly obey the rules of their order of any whatsoever not excepting the Capouchins nor the Carthusians This I am witnesse to that whereas the Divinity Lecture is to end at the tilling of a Bell one of the Society in the Colledge of Clermont reading about the fall of the Angels ended his Lecture with these words Denique in quibuscunque for then was the warning given and he durst not so far trespasse upon his rule as to speak out his sentence But it is not the fate of these Jesuits to have great persons only and Universities only to oppose their fortunes they have also the most accomplisht malice that either the secular Priests or Fryers amongst whom they live can fasten upon them Some envie them for the greatnesse of their possessions some because of the excellency of their learning some hate them for their power some for the shrewdnesse of their brains all together making good that saying of Paterculus that Semper eminentis fortunae comes est invidia True indeed it is that the Jesuits have in a manner deserved all this clamor and stomach by their own insolencies for they have not only drawn into their own hands all the principall affairs of Câ—…urt and state but upon occasions cast all the scorn and contempt they can upon those of the other Orders The Janizaries of the Turke never more neglectfully speak of the Asapi then those doe of the rest of the Clergy A great crime in those men who desire to be accounted such excellent Masters of their own affections Neither is the affection born to them abroad greater then that at home amongst those I mean of the opposite party who being so often troubled and crumped by them have little cause to afford them a liking and much lesse a welcome Upon this reason they were not sent into England with the Queen although at first they were destinate to that service It was well known how odious that name was amongst us and what little countenance the Court or Countrey would have afforded them They therefore who had the Governance of that businesse sent hither in their places the Oratorians or the Fratres congregationis Oratorii a race of men never as yet offensive to the English further then the generall defence of the Romish cause and so lesse subject to envie and exception They were first instituted by Philip Nerius not long after the Jesuits and advanced and dignified by Pope Sixtus V. principally to this end that by their incessant Sermons to the people of the lives of Saints and other Ecclesiasticall Antiquities they might get a new reputation and so divert a little the torrent of the peoples affections from the Jesuites Baronius that great and excellent Historian and Bozius that deadly enemie to the Soveraignity of Princeâ—… were of the first foundation of this
Order I have now done with Orleans and the Jesuits and must prepare for my return to Paris Which journey I begun the 23 of July and ended the day following We went back the same way that we came though we were not so fortunate as to enjoy the same company we came in for in stâ—…ad of the good and acceptable society of one of the French Nobles some Gentlemen of Germany and two Fryers of the Order of St. Austin we had the perpetuall vexation of four tradesmen of Paris two filles de joye and an old woman the Artizans so slovenly attired and greasie in their apparell that a most modest apprehension could have conceived no better of them then that they had been newly raked out of the scullery One of them by an Inkehorne that hung at his girdle would have made us believe that he had been a Nâ—…arie but by the thread of his discourse we found out that he was a Sumner so full of ribaldrie was it and so rankly did it â—…avour of the French bawdie-courts The râ—…st of them talked according to their skill concerning the price of commodities and who was the most likely man of all the City to be made one of the next years Esâ—…evins Of the two wencâ—…s oâ—…e so extreamly impudent that even any immodest ear would have abhorred her language and of such a shamelesse deportment that her very behaviour would have frighted lust out of the most incontinent man living Since I first knew mankinde and the world I never observed so much iâ—…udence in the generall as I did then in her particular and I hope shall never be so miserable as to suffer two dayes more the torment and hell of her conversation In a word she was a wench born to shame all the 〈◊〉 with whom she had traficked for she would not be casta and could not be cauta and so I leave her a creature extreamly bold because extreamly faulty And yet having no good property to redâ—…em both these and other unlovely qualities but as Sir Philip Sydney said of the Strumpet Bâ—…ha in the Aâ—…adia a little counterfeit beauty disgraced with wandring eyes and unwayed speeches The other of the younger females for as yet I am doubtfull whether I may call any of them women was of the same profession also but not half so rampant as her companion Haec habitu câ—…sto cum non sit casta videtur as Ausonius giveth it one of the two wanton sisters By her carriage a charitable stranger would have thought her honest and to that favourable opinion had my self been inclinable if a French Moâ—…sieur had not given me her 〈◊〉 at Orleans besides there was an 〈◊〉 twinkling of her eye which spoyled the composednesse of her countenance otherwise she might have passâ—…d for currant So that I may safely say of her in respect of her fellow Harlot what Tacitus doth of Pompey in reference to Caesar viz Secretior Pompeius Caesare non melior They were both equally guilty of the sin though this last had the more cunning to dissemble it and avoid the infamie and censure â—…e unto it And so I come to the old woman which was the last of our goodly companions A woman so old that I am not at this day fully resolved whether she were ever young or no. 'T was well I had read the Scriptures otherwise I might have been very prone to have thought her one of the first pieces of the creation and that by some mischance or other she had escaped the flood her face was for all the world like unto that of Sibylla Erythraea in an old print or that of Solomons two harlots in the painted cloth you could not at the least but have imagined her one of the Relicks of the first age after the building of Babel for her very complexion was a confusion more dreadfull then that of languages As yet I am uncertain whether the Poem of our arch-poet Spencer entituled The Ruines of time was not purposely intended on her sure I am it is very applyable in the title But I might have saved all this labour Ovid in his description of Fames hath most exactly given us her portraicture and out of him and the eight book of his Metamorphosis you may take this view of her Nullus erat crinis cava lumina pallor in ore Labra incana situ scabri rubigine dentes Dura cutis per quam sâ—…ctari visâ—…era possent Ventris erat pro ventre locus pendere putares Pectus et a spinae tantummodo crate teneri Unhair'd pale-fac'd her eyes sunk in her head Lips hoary-white and teeth most rustie-red Through her course skin her guts you might espie In what estate and posture they did lie Belly she had none only there was seen The place whereas her belly should have been And with her hips her body did agree As if 't was fastned by Geometrie But of this our companion as also of the rest of the Coachfull Sunday-night and our arrivall at Paris hath at the last delivered us A blessing for which I can never be sufficiently thankfull and thus Dedit Deus his quoque fi nem The End of the Third Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE PICARDIE OR THE FOURTH BOOK CHAP. I. Our return towards England More of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses The town of Luzarch and St. Loupae The Country of Picardie and people The Picts of Bâ—…itain not of this Country Mr. Lee Dignicoes Governor of Picardie The offâ—…ce of Constable what it is in France By whom the place supplyed in England The marble table in France and causes there handled Clermount and the Castle there The war raised up by the Princes against D'Ancre What his designes might tend to c. JUly the 27. having dispatched that businesse which brought us into France and surveyed as much of the Countrey as that opportunity would permit we bâ—…gan our journey towards England in a Coach of Amiens Better accompaned we were then when we came from Orleans for here we had Gentlemen of the choicest fashion very ingenious and in my opinion of finer condition then any I had met withall in all my acquaintance with that Nation We had no vexation with us in the shapâ—… of a French woman which appeared unto me somewhat miraculous to torment our ears with her discourse or punish our eyes with her complexion Thus associated we began to jog towards St. Loup where that night we were to be lodged The Countrey such as already I have described it in the Isle of France save that beyond St. Denis it began to be somewhat more hilly By the way I observed those little crossets erected in the memorie of St. Denis as being vainly supposed to be his resting places when he ran from Mont-martre with his head in his hand which the zealous madnesse of the Hugonots had thrown down and were now reedified by King Lewis It could not but call to mind the hate of that Nation
Qâ—…een seeing that it is as his late Majâ—…sty hath excellently noted in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A thing monstrous to see a man love the childe and bate the Parents and therefore he earnestly enjoyneth his son Henry To represse the insolence of such as under pretence to taxe a vice in the person seek craftily to stain the race Presently after this taking of Boulogne the French again endevoured their gaining of it even during the life of the Conquerour but he was strong enough to keep his gettings After his death the English being engaged in a war against the Scots and Ket having raised a rebellion in Norfolke they began to hope a Conquest of it and that more violently then ever Upon news of their preparations an Embassador was dispatched to Charles the fiâ—…h to desire succor of him and to lay before him the infancy and severall necessities of the young King who was then about the age of ten years This desiâ—…e when the Emperour had refused to hearken to they beâ—…ought him that he wâ—…uld at the least be pleased to take into his hands and keeping the Town of Boulogns and that for no longer time then untill King Edward could make an end of the troubles of his Subjects at home An easie request Yet did he not only deny to satisfie the King in this except he would restore the Catholick religion but he also expresly commanded that neither his men or munition should go to the assistance of the English An ingratitude for which I cannot finde a fitting epithite considering what fast friends the Kings of England had alwayes been to the united houses of Burgundie and Austria what moneys they have helped them with and what sundry Warres they have made for them both in Belgium to maintain their Authority and in France to augment their potencie From the marriage of Maximillan of the family of Austria with the Lady Mary of Burgundy which happened in the yeere 1478. unto the death of Henry the eighth which fell in the yeere 1548. are just 70 yeeres In which time only it is thought by men of knowledge and experience that it cost the Kings of England at the least six millions of pounds in the meer quarrels and defence of the Princes of those houses An expence which might seem to have earned a greater requitall then that now demanded Upon this deniall of the unmindfull Emperour a Treaty followed betwixt England and France The effect of it was that Boulogne and all the Countrey of it should be restored to the French they paying unto the English at two dayes of payment 800000 Crownes Other Articles there were but this the principall And so the fortune of young Edward in his beginning was like that of Julius Caesar towards his end Dum clementiam quam praestiterat expectat incautus ab ingratis occupatus est I am now at the point of leaving Boulogne but must first reckon with mine Host to whom we were growne into arrears since our first coming thither Our stock was grown so low when we came from Paris that had not a French Gentleman whom we met at Amiens disbursed for us it would not have brought us to this Town so that our Host was fain to furnish us with some menies to make even with him After which staying there from Sunday noon to Wednesday morning and being then fain to make use of his credit also to provide of a Boat for England which alone stood us in three pound our engagements grew greater thâ—…n he had any just reason to adventure on us But being an ingenuous man and seeing that we fared well spent freely and for the most part entertained him and his family at our table he was the lesse diffident of payment as he told me afterwards Having stayed three dayes for Company and none appearing we were fain to hire a boat expresse for my companion and my self to passe over in In order whereunto I told him of our present condition assured him that we had friends in Dover who would supply us with all things necessary as indeed we had that having summed up what we owed him and what he had contracted for our passage over he should have a note under our hands for the payment of it and that one of us should remain prisoner in the Boat till the other raised money to redeem him To which he answered that we had carryed our selves like Gentlemen which gave him no distrust of a reall payment that he would take if we pleased a Bill of our hands for the money to be paid in Dover and desired that we would give him leave to send over a servant in our Boat with a basket of poultery who should receive the money of us and give back our Bond. This being agreed upon the nâ—xt morning we took boat â—or England the Mariners knowing nothing else but that the servant went over only to sell his Poultery that being an opportunity frequently indulged by them unto those of the Town though we knew well enough he went on another errand and as we could not but commend my Host for his courtesie and his care taken of our credit so we had reason to esteem our selves in a kinde of custody in that he would not let us stir without a Keeper Nor did my Host lose any thing by his kindnesse to us For we not only paid him honestly all his full demands but bestowed a reward upon hiâ—… servant and sent a present of Gloves and Knives commoditâ—… much prized in France to his Wife and Daughters that he might see we knew as well how to requiâ—…e as receive a curtesie Which said I must step back into France agâ—…n that having taken a brief view already of the Principall Provinces I may render some accompt of the Government also in reference to the Courts the Church and the Civill Statâ—… The End of the Fourth Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill Sate CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of Kiâ—…g Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisâ—…ers all married and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull brother The title of Monseiur in France Monseiur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 moneth King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monseiur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omniregency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen mother a wise
infinitely more Souldiers of its native forces then its neighbour Nations For in the fourth year of his Reign there passed an Act of Parliament pretensively against the depopulation of Villages and decay of tillage but purposedly to inable his subjects for the wars The Act was That all houses of husbandry which had been used with twenty acres of ground and upwards should be maintained and kept up for together with a competent proportion of Land to be used and occupied with them c. By this means the houses being kept up did of necessity enforce a dweller and that dweller becaâ—…se of the proportion of Land not to be a begger but a man of some substancâ—… able to keep Hinds and Servants and to set the plough a going An order which did wonderfully concerne the might and manhood of the Kingdome these Farmes being sufficient to maintaine an able body out of penury and by consequence to prepare them for service and encourage them to higher honours for Haud facile emergent quorum virtutibus obstat Res angusta domi As the Poet hath it But this O dinance is not thought oâ—… such use in France where all the hopes of their Armies consist in the Cavallery or the horse which perhaps is the cause why our Ancestors have won so many battailes upon them As sor the French foot they are quite out of all reputation and are accounted to be the basest and unworthyest company in the world Besides should the French people be enfranchised as it were from the tyranny of their Lords and estated in freeholds and other tenures after the manner of England it would much trouble the Councell of Fraâ—…ce to find out a new way of raising his revenues which are now meerly sucked out of the bloud and sweat of the Subject Antiâ—…ntly the Kings of France had rich and plentifull demeans such as was sufficient to maintain their greatnesse and Majesty without being burden some unto the Countrey Pride in matters of sumptuousnesse and the tedious Civill wars which have lasted in this Countrey almost ever fince the death of Henâ—…y II. have been the occasion that most of the Crown lands have been sold and morgaged in so much that the people are now become the Demaine and the Subject only is the Revenue of the Crown By the sweat of their browes is the Court sed and the Souldier paid and by their labours are the Princes maintained in idlenesse What impositions soever it pleaseth the King to put upon them it is almost a point of treason not only to deny but to question Apud illos vere regnatur nefasque quantum regi liceat dubitare as one of them The Kings hand lyeth hard upon them and hath almost thrust them into an Egyptian bondage the poor Paisant being constrained to make up dayly his full tale of bricks and yet have no straw allowed them Upon a sight of the miseries and poverties of this people Sir John Fortescue Chancellour of England in his book intituled De Laudibus legum Angliae concludeth them to be un fit men for Jurors or Judges 〈◊〉 the custome of the Countrey admit of such tryals For having proved there unto the Prince he was son to Henry VI. that the manner of tryall according to the Common Law by 12 Juâ—…ates was more commendable then the practise of the Civill or Emperiall Lâ—…wes by the deposition only of two wiâ—…esses or the forced confession of the persons arrained the Prince seemed to 〈◊〉 Cur ea lex Angliae quae tam fâ—…ugi optabilis est non sit toti mundo câ—…mmunis To this he maketh answer by shewing the â—…ree condition of the English Subjects who alone are used at these indictments men of a fair and large estate such as dwell nigh the place of the deed committed men that are of ingenuous education such as scorn to be suborned or corrupted and afraid of infamie Then he sheweâ—…h how in other places all things are contrary the Husbandman an absolute begger easie to be bribed by reason of his poverty the Gentlemen living far asunder and so taking no notice of the fact the Paisant also neither fearing infamie nor the losse of goods if he be found faulty because he hath them not In the end he concludeth thus Ne mireris igitur princeps si lex per quam in Anglia veritas inquiâ—…itur alias non pervagetur nationes ipsae namque ut Anglia nequerunt facere sufficientes consimilesque Juratas The last part of the latine savoureth somewhat of the Lawyâ—…r the word Juratas being put there to fignifie a Jury To go over all those impositions which this miserable people are afflicted withal were almost as wretched as the payment of them I will therefore speak only of the principall And here I meet in the first place with the Gabell or Imposition on Salt This Gabelle de sel this Impost on Salt was first begun by Philip the Long who took for it a double which is half a Sol upon the pound After whom Philip of Valoys anno 1328. doubled that Charles the VII raised it unto three doubles and Lewis the XI unto fix Since that time it hath been altered from so much upon the pound to a certain rate on the Mine which containeth some 30 bushels English the rates rising and falling at the Kings pleasure This one commodity were veâ—…y advantagious to the Exchequer were it all in the Kings hands but at this time a great part of it is morgaged It is thought to be worth unto the King three millions of Crowns yearly that only of Paris and the Provosts seven Daughters being farmed at 1700000 Crowns the year The late Kings since anno 1581. being intangled in wars have been constrained to let it out to others in so much that about anno 1599. the King lost above 800000 Crowns yearly and no longer agone then anno 1621. the King taking up 600000 pounds of the Provost of Merchands and the Eschevines gave unto them a rent charge of 40000 l. yearly to be issuing out of his Customes of Salt till their money were repaid them This Gabell is indeed a Monopoly and that one of the unjustest and unreasonablest in the World For no man in the Kingdom those Countries hereafter mentioned excepted can eat any Salt but he must buy of the King and at his price which is most unconscionable that being sold at Paris and elsewhere for five Livres which in the exempted places is sold for one Therefore that the Kings profits might not be diminished there is diligent watch and ward that no forain Salt be brought into the Land upon pain of forfeiture and imprisoment A search which is made so strictly that we had much ado at Dieppe to be pardoned the searching of our trunks and port-mantles and that not but upon solemn protestation that we had none of that commodity This Salt is of a brown colour being only such as we in England call Bay-salt and imposed on the
of the whole crop the Farmer in the counting of his sheafes casting aside the 10 for the King and the 12 which is the Champart for the Lord. Now here in Guernzey for those of the other Isle have no such custome there is a double Champart that namely Du Roy belonging to the King whereof the Clergy have the tithe and that of St. Michael en leval not titheable The reasâ—…n is because at the suppression of the Priorie of St. Michael which was the only Religious house in these Islands which subsisted of it self the Tenants made no tendry of this Champart and so it lay amongst concealments At the last Sir Thomas Leighton the Governour here recovered it unto the Crown by course of Law and at his own charges whereupon the Queen licenced him to make sale of it to his best advantage which accordingly he did For the Religion in these Islands it haâ—…h been generally such as that professed with us in England and as much varied When the Priors Aliens were banished England by King Henry V. they also were exiled from hence Upon the demolition of our Abbeys the Priory of St. Michael and that little Oratory of our Lady of Lehu became a ruine The Masse was here also trodden down whilest King Edward stood and raised again at the exaltation of Queen Mary Nay even that fiery tryall which so many of Gods servants underwent in the short Reign of that misguided Lady extended even unto these poor Islanders and that as I conceive in a more fearfull tragedy then any all that time presented on the Stage of England The story in the brief is this Katharine Gowches a poor widow of St. Pâ—…ters in Guernzey was noted to be much absent from the Church and her two daughters guilty of the same neglect Upon this they were presented before Jaques Amy then Dean of the Island who finding in them that they held opinions contrary unto those then allowed about the Sacrament of the Altar pronounced them Heretiâ—… and condemned them to the fire The poor women on the other side pleaded for themselves that that Doctrine had been taught them in the time of King Edward but if the Queen was otherwise disposed they were content to be of her Religion This was fair but this would not serve for by the Dean they were delivered unto Elier Gosselin the then Bailiffe and by him unto the fire July 18. Anno Dom. 1556. One of these daughters Perotine Massey she was called was at that time great with childe her husband which was a Minister being in those dangerous times fled the Island in the middle of the flames and anguish of her torments her belly brake in sunder and her child a goodly boy fell down into the fire but was presently snatched up by one W. House one of the by-standers Upon the noise of this strange accident the cruell Bailiffe returned command that the poor Infant must be cast again into the flames which was accordingly performed and so that pretty babe was borne a Martyr and added to the number of the Holy Innocents A cruelty not paralleld in any story not heard of amongst the Nations But such was the pleasure of the Magistate as one in the Massacre of the younger Maximinus viz. Canis pessimi ne catulum esse relinquendum that not any issue should be left alive of an Heretick Parent The horrror of which fact stirred in me some Poeâ—…icall Fancies or Furies rather which having long lien dormant did break out at last indignation thus supplying those suppressed conceptions Si natura negat dabit indignatio versum Holla ye pampred Sires of Rome forbear To act suâ—… murders as a Christian ear Hears with moâ—…e horrour then the Jews relate The dire effects of Herods fear and hate When that vilde Butcher caus'd to out in sunder Every Male câ—…ilde of two years old and under These Martyrs in their cradles from the womb This pass'd directly to the fiery tomb Baptiz'd in Flames and Bloud a Martyr born A setting sun in the first dawn of morn Yet shining with more heat and brighter glory Then all Burnt-offerings in the Churches story Holla ye pampred Rabines of the West Where learnt you thus to furnish out a Feast With Lambs of the first minute What disguise Finde you to mask this horrid Sacrifice When the old Law so meekly did forbid In the Dams milk to boil the tender Kid. What Riddles have we here an unborn birth Hurried to Heaven when not made ripe for Earth Condemned to die before it liv'd a twin To its own mother not impeached of sin Yet doom'd to death that breath'd but to expire That sâ—…ap'd the flames to perish in the fire Rejoyce ye Tyrants of old times your name Is made lesse odious on the breath of fame By our most monstrâ—…us cruelties the Males Slaughtered in Egypt waigh not down these seales A Fod to equâ—…ll this no former age Hath given in Books or fancie on the Stage This fit of indignation being thus passed over I can proceed with greater patience to the râ—…st of the story of this Island which in briâ—… is this That after the death of 〈◊〉 Maâ—…y Religion was again restored in the reformation of it to these Islands In which state it hath ever since continued in the main and substance of it but not without some alteration in the circumstance and forme of Government For whereas notwithstandâ—…ng the alteration of Religion in these Islands they still continued under the Diocese of Constance during the whole Empire of King Henry the VIII and Edward the VI. yet it seemed good to Queen Elizabeâ—… upon some reasons of State to annex them unto that of Winton The first motive of it was because that Bishop refused to abjure the pretended power which the Pope challengeth in Kingdomes as other of the English Prelates did but this displeasure held not long For presently upon a consideration of much service and intelligence which might reasonably be expected from that Prelate as having such a necessary dependence on this Crown they were again permitted to his jurisdiction At the last and if I well remember about the 12 year of that excellent Ladies Reign at the perswasion of Sir Amias Paulet and Sir Tho. Leighton then Governours they were for ever united unto Winchester The p etences that so there might a fairer way be opened to the reformation of Religion to which that Bishop was an enemy and that the secrets of the State might not be carryed over into France by reason of that entercourse which needs must be between a Bishop and his Ministers The truth is they were both resolved to settle the Geneva discipline in every Parish in each Island for which cause they had sent for Snape and Cartwright those great incendiaries of the English Church to lay the ground-work of that building Add to this that there was some glimmering also of a Confiscation in the ruine of the Deanries with the
d. For processe compulsory to bring in the Wils 1 s. For Licences of marriage To the Dean 3 s For the sequestration of the profits of a Benefice To the Dean 6 s. For the induction of a Minister To the Dean 3 s. For proces and citations To the Dean 2 d. ob To the Notary 1 d. qa To the Apparitor for serving the Proces and Citations 3 d. To the Sexton for serving a Citation within the Parish 1 d. qa For absolution from the minor excommunication To the Dean 1 s. To the Notary 2 d. ob To the Apparitor 2 d. ob For absolution from thâ—… major excommunication To the Dean 2 s. To the Notary 2 d ob To 〈◊〉 Apparitor 6 d. In causes Litigious the party overthrown shall pay the fees and duties of the Officers and for the authentick writing To the party 4 d. as also to every witnesse produced in Court 4 d. To the Proctors oâ—… the Court for every cause they plead 6 d. To the Notary for every instrument entred in the Court 1 d qa To him for every first default in Court 1 d. qa To him in case of contumacy 4 d. According whereunto it is ordained that neither the Dean nor his successors nor any of his officers either directly or indirectly shall demand exact or receive of the Inhabitants of the said Isle any other fees or duties then such as are specified in the table above written And it is further ordained that whatsoever hath been done or put in execution in the said Isle on any causes and by virtue of any Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction shall be forthwith abrogated to the end that it may not be drawn into example by the said Dean or any of his successors in the times to come contrary to the tenure of these Canons at this present made and established but that all their proceedings be limited and fitted to the contents of the said Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall Also that there be no hindrance or impeachment made by the Civill Magistrate unto the said Dean and his successors in the peaceable execution of the said jurisdiction contained in the said Canons as being nothing prejudiciall to the priviledges and customes of the said Isle from which it is not our purpose at all to derogate Given as before said under our signet at our Court at Greenwich on the last day of June in the year of our Reign of England France and Ireland the one and twentieth and of Scotland the six and fiftieth CHAP. VIII 1 For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey 2 A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey 3 The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England 4 The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible 5 The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration 6 The grievances of the Ministery against the Magistrates 7 Proposals of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design 8 The submission of the Author and the work unto his Lordship The conclusion of the whole Our return to England I Now am come unto the fourth and last part of this discourse intended once to have been framed by way of suit unto your Lordship in the behalf of the other Island not yet weaned from the breasts of their late mother of Geneva But finding that course not capable of those particulars which are to follow I chose rather to pursue that purpose by way of declaration My scope and project to lay before your Lordship such reasons which may encite you to make use of that favour which most worthily you have attainâ—…d to with his Majesty in the reduction of this Isle of Guernzey to that antient order by which it â—…ormerly was guided and wherein it held most conformity with the Church of England Bâ—…e I enter on with argument I shall remove a doubt which might be raised about this businesse as viz. For what cause his late most excellent Mâ—…jesty proceeded to this alteration in one Island not in both and being resolved to try his forces on the one only why he should rather fort out Jarâ—…ey A doubt without great difficulty to be cleared For had his Majesty attempted both at once the Ministers of bâ—…th Islands had then communicated counsels banded themselves in a league and by a mutuall encouragement continued more peremptory to their old Mumpsimus It is an antient principle in the arts of Empire Divide impera and well noted by the State-hâ—…storian that nothing more advantaged the affaires of Rome in Britaine then that the natives never met together to reason of the common danger Ita dum singuli pugnabant universi vincebantur And on the other side his Majesty foresaw for certain that if one Island once were taken off the other might with greater ease be perswâ—…d to conforme Being resolved then to attempt them single there was good reason why he should begin with jaâ—…ey first as unto which he was to send a new Governour not yet â—…ged unto a party and pliable to his instructions Whereas Sir Tho. Leighton still continued in his charge at Guernzey who having had so main a hand in the introduction of the Platforme could not be brought with any stomach to intend an alteration of his own counsels But not to lose my self in the search of Princes counsels which commonly are too far removed from vulgar eyes let us content our selves with knowing the event which was that by his means the Isle of Jarsey was reduced unto a Discipline conformable to that of England and thereby an easie way for the reforming also that in Guernzey For the accomplishment of which designe may it please your Lordship to take notice of these reasons following by which it is within my hopes your Lordship possibly may be perswaded to deal in it A Jove principium And here as in a Christian duty I am bound I propose unto your Lordship in the first place the honour which will 〈◊〉 unto the Lord in this particular by the restoring of a Discipline unto the smallest 〈◊〉 of his Church which you 〈◊〉 your â—…lt to be most 〈◊〉 to his holy word and to the practice of those blessed spirits the 〈◊〉 For why may not I say unto your Lordship as Mardâ—…aeus once to Hester though the case be somewhat different Who 〈◊〉 whether you be câ—…me unto these dignities for such a time as this And why may it not be said of you even in the application unto this particular designment That unto wâ—…m so much is given of him also shall much be required Private exployts and undertakings are expected even from private persons But God hath raised up you to publick honours and therefore looks that you should honour him in the advancement and undertaking of such counsels as may concern his Church in publick And certainly if as I verily perswade my self your counsels tend unto the peace