here engraued rest That only was Camillus daughter deere Twyse twentie yeres and fixe she hath possest A couert lyfe vn touchte of any feere The king of Trinacry could not her moue To tast the swete delight of wedlockes bande Nor trayne by sute her sacred mind to loue â—nclosde in breest so deepe did chastnes stand But oh greate wrong the crawling wormes her do To gnawe on that vnspotted senceles corse That rage of youth spent vndefiled so VVyth sober life in spite of Cupides force And this was written in heroycal verse in the Greeke tongue with a maruelouse haughtie stile But to our mater ye shal vnderstand that the Romaynes kepte a certayne Lawe in the 12. tables the woordes wherof were these We ordeyne and commaund that al the Romaynes shal for euer haue specyall priuiledge in euery such place where theyr auncestoures haue done to the Romayne people any notable seruice For it is reason that where the citizen aduentureth hys lyfe there the citie should do him some honor after hys death By vertue of this lawe all the familie of Camilli euer enioyed the keping of the hyghe Capitoll for that by hys force and pollicye he chased the french men from the siege Truely it is not vnknoweÌ„ that this noble knight and valyant captayne Camille dyd other thynges as great and greater than this but because it was done within the circuite of Rome it was estemed aboue all hys other actes and prowes And herein the Romaynes swarued not farre from reason for that amongest all princelye vertues is estemed to be the chiefest and worthyest whych is employed to the profyt of the comon wealth The Romayne Croniclers wyth teares cease not to lameÌ„t the ruine of their countrye seynge that varietie of tyme the multytude of tyrauntes the crueltye of cyuill warres were occasion that the aunciente state of the Romayn gouernment came to vtter destruction and in steede therof a new and euyl trade of lyfe to be placed And hereof no man ought to maruaile for it chaunseth throughout al realmes and nacions by oft chaunging gouernours that among the people dayly spryngeth sondry new vices Pulio sayth that for no alteracion whych befell to the common weale for no calamitye that euer Rome suffred that priuiledge was taken away from the Image of Camilli I meane the gouernment of the high Capitol except it were in the time of Silla the consul when this familye was soore persecuted for none other cause but for that they fauoured the consull Marius Thys cruel Silla beinge deade and the piteful Iulius Cesar preuailinge al the banyshed men frome Rome returned home agayne to the commonne wealthe As touchinge the auncestours of the Emperoure Marcus Aurelius what hath bene their trade of lyfe estate pouertye or riches standinge infauour or displeasoure what prosperitie or aduersitie they haue had or suffred we fynde not in wrytinges thoughe with greate dilygence they haue bene serched for And the cause hereof was for that the auncient writers of the Romaine histories touched the lyues of the emperours fathers specially when they were made princes more for the good merites that were in the children then for the great estimacioÌ„ that came from the fathers Iulius Capitolinus saith that Annius Verus father of Marcus Aurelius was Pretor of the Rhodian armies and also wardein in other frontiers in the time of Traian the good Adrian the wyse and Antonye the mercifull Whiche Emperours trusted none with theyr armies but discrete and valiaunt men For good princes chose alway suche captaines as can with wisedome guide the armye and with valiauntnes giue the battaile Thoughe the Romaynes had sondrye warres in diuerse places yet chefelye they kept great garrisons alwayes in foure partes of the world That is to saye in Bizance which now is Constantinople to resist the Parthiens in Gades whiche now is called Galiz to withstand the Portugales in the riuer of Rein to defend them selues from the Germaines and at Colosses whiche now is called the I le of Rhodes for to subdue the Barbariens In the moneth of Ianuary when the Senate distributed their offices the dictatoure being appointed for 6. monethes and the. 2. Consulles chosen for one yere incontinently in the .3 place they chose 4. of the most renowmed personnes to defende the sayd 4 daungerous froÌ„tiers For the Romaynes neither feared the paynes of hell nor trusted for reward in heauen but sought by all occasions possible in their life to leaue some notable memory of them after their deathe And that Romaine was counted most valiante of the Senate best fauoured to whom they committed the charge of the moste cruell and daungerous warres For their strife was not to beare rule and to be in office to get mony but to be in the frontiers to ouercome their enemies In what estimacion these 4. frontiers wer we may easely perceiue by that we see the most noble Romaines haue passed som part of their youth in those places as captaines vntill such time that for more weyghtie affaires they were appointed from thense to some other places For at that time there was no worde so greauous and iniurious to a citezin as to saye go thou hast neuer ben brought vp in the warres and to proue the same by examples the great Pompey passed the winter season in Constantinople the aduenturous Scipio in Colonges the couragious Caesar in Gades and the renowmed Marius in Rhodes And these 4. wer not only in the frontiers afore sayde in their youthe but ther they dyd such valiaunt actes that the memory of them remayned euermore after their death These thynges I haue spoken to proue sythe wee fynde that Marcus Aurelius father was captaine of one of those .4 frontiers it followeth that he was a man of singuler wisedome and prowesse For as Scipio sayde to his frende Masinissa in affrike it is not possible for a Romaine captayne to want eyther wisedome or courage for thereunto they were predestined at their birthe We haue no autentike authorities that showeth vs from whence when or howe in what countreis and with what personnes this captaine passed his youth And the cause is for that the Romain Croniclers wer not accustomed to write the thynges done by their prince before they were created but only the actes of yonge men whiche from their youth had their hartes stoutlye bent to great aduenturs And in my opinion it is wel done For it is greater honor to obteine an empire by policie wisedom then to haue it by discent so that ther be no tirannie Suetonius Tranquillus in his first boke of Emperours counteth at large the aduenturous enterprises taken in hand by Iulius Caesar in his yong age how farre vnlikely they wer from thought that he should euer obtayne the Roman Empiree writing this to shew vnto princes how earnestlye Iulius Cesars harte was bent to winne the Romayne Monarchie and likewise how wisdom fayled him in behauing him selfe therein A philosopher of Rome wrote to Phalaris
how to punishe the folyshe captaines and suffereth to be commaunded and gouerned by sage phylosophers Ye know right wel that al our warre hath not bene but only for the possessions of cityes and lymites of the riuer Milina Wherfore by this letter we declare vnto you and by the immortal Gods we sweare that we do renownce vnto you al our right on such condicion that you do leaue vs Heuxinus your embassadour philosopher The great Athens desyreth rather a phylosopher for her scholes then a hole prouince of your realmes And do not you other Lacedemonians thinke that that which we of Athens do is light or foolishe that is to wete that we desire rather one man to rule then to haue a whole prouynce whereby we may commaunde many For this philosopher shal teach vs to lyue wel and that land gaue vs occasion to dye euil and syth we now of your old enemies do become your true frends we wyl not onlye geue you perpetual peace but also counsayle for to keape it For the medycine which preserueth health is of greater excellencye then is the purgacion which healeth the disease Let the counsaile therfore be suche that as ye wyll the yonge men do exercise theym selues in weapons that so ye do watche and se that your children in time do learne good letters For euen as the warre by the cruell sword is followed so likewise by pleasaunt wordes peace is obteyned Thinke not ye Lacedemonians that without a cause we do perswade you that you put youre children to learne when as yet they are but yong and tender and that ye do not suffer them to ronne to vyces For on the one part wise men shall want to counsaile and on the other fooles shal abound to make debate We Athenians in lyke maner will not that ye Lacedemonians do thinke that we be frendes to bablers For our father Socrates ordeyned that the first lesson which should be geuen to the scholer of the vnyuersity should be that by no meanes he shold speake any word for the space of ii yeares for it is vnpossible that any man should be wise in speaking vnlesse he haue pacience to be sylente We thinke if you thinke it good that the phylosopher Heuxinus shal remaine in our Senate and thinke you if we profite by his presence that ye may be assured yee others shal not receyue any domage by the counsayles he shal geue vs. For in Athens it is an auncient law that the senate cannot take vpon them warres but that by the Philosophers first it must be examined whither it be iust or not We write none other thinge but that we beseche the immortal Gods that they be with you and that it please theym to contynewe vs in this perpetual peace For that only is perpetual which by the gods is confirmed ¶ That nurces which giue sucke to the children of Princes ought to be discret and sage women Chap. xxvii THE pilgrimes which trauaile through vnknowen contries straung mountaynes with great desire to go forward and not to erre do not only aske the way which they haue to go but also do importune those whom they mete to point them the way with theyr finger For it is a greuous thing to trauaile doubtfully in feare and suspicion By this comparison I meane that since I haue much perswaded that the fathers do learne teach their childrē to speake wel it is but reason that they do seke them some good maisters For the counsaile hath no authoritie if he which geueth it seketh not spedely to execute the same It is much for a man to be of a good nature or els to be of an euil inclinacion to be rude in vnderstanding or els to be lyuely in spirite and this not only for that a man ought to do but also for that he ought to say For it is no smal thing but a great good benefite whē the man is of a good nature of a good vnderstanding and of a cleare iudgemēt This notwithstandyng I say that al the good and cleare iudgements are not alwayes eloquent nor al the eloquentest of liuely spirites and vnderstanding We se many men which of a smal mater can make much for the contrary we se many men which haue great knowledge yet no meanes to vtter it So that nature hath geuen them highe vnderstanding through negligence of bringinge vp it is hidde Oftentimes I do meruaile that the soule of the babe when it is borne for th one parte is of no lesse excellencye then the soule of the old man when he dyeth And on the other side I muse at the babe which hath the members so tender wherwith the soule dooth worke his operacyons that they lytle seme to participate with reasonable creatures For wher the soule doth not shew her selfe mistres it wanteth lytle but that the man remaineth a beast It is a wonder to se the children that as yet beinge .ii. yeares of age they lyft their feete for to go they hold themselues by the walles for faulyng they wil open their eyes to know and they fourme a defused voice to speake so that in that age a creature is none otherwise then a tre at the first spring For the tree .ii. moneths being past beareth leaues immediatly and the child after ii yeres beginneth to frame his words This thing is spoken for that the Fathers which are wise should beginne to teache their children at that age For at that time the vynes beare grapes and other trees their fruite For the perilles of this lyfe are such that if it were possible the father before he see his sonne borne ought to admonishe them how he shold liue In mine opinion as they conuey the water about to turne the mille so from the tender youth of the infant they ought to shew and teach him to be eloquent affable For truly the child learneth distinctly to pronounce his words when he doth sucke the milke of his nource We cannot deny but that the children being but ii or iii. yeres old it is to sone to giue them maisters or correcters For at that age a nourse to make them cleane is more necessarie then a maister for to correct their speache On the one part the children are very tender for to learne to speake wel and on the other part it is necessarie that when they are very yong and lytle they shold be taught and learned I am of that opinion that princesses and great Ladyes should take such nources to giue their children sucke that they should be sound to giue them their milke and sage for to teache them to speake For in so yong and tender age they do not suffer but that she which giueth them sucke doth teache them to speake the firste wordes As Sextus Cheronensis in the Booke of the diuersityes of the Languages saythe The Toscans were the firste whiche called the natural tongue of the contrey the mother tongue which is to
in nothing delighted so much as by straunge hands to put men to death and to dryue away flies wyth his owne hands Smal is the nomber of those that I haue spoken in respect of those which I could recite of whom I dare say affirme that if I had bene as they I cannot tel what I would haue done or what I should haue desired but this I know it would haue bene more paynes to me to haue wonne the infamy that they haue wonne then to haue lost the lyfe that they haue lost It profyteth hym lytle to haue his ponds ful of fish his parkes ful of deere whych knoweth neyther how to hunte nor how to fysh I meane to shew by this that it profiteth a man lytle to be in great authority if he be not estemed nor honored in the same For to attayne to honour wysedome is requisite to kepe it pacience is necessarye Wyth great consyderacions wyse men ought to enterpryse daungerous thyngs For I assure them they shal neuer winne honour but wher they vse to recouer slaunder Returnyng therfore to our matter Puisaunt prynce I sweare durst vndertake that you rather desyre perpetual renowne through death then any idell rest in this life And hereof I do not merueile for ther are some that shal alwayes declare the prowesses of good prynces others which wyl not spare to open the vyces of euyl tiraunts For although your imperial estate is much your catholike person deserueth more yet I beleue wyth my hart se with these eyes that your thoughts are so highly bent vnto aduenturous dedes your hart so couragious to set vpon them that your maiestie litle estemeth the inheritaunce of your predecessours in respect of that you hope to gaine to leaue to your successours A captaine asked Iulius Cesar as he declareth in his commentaries why he trauailed in the winter in so hard frost in the sommer in such extreme heate He aunswered I wyl do what lyeth in me to do and afterward let the fatal destinies do what they can For the valiaunt knyght that gyueth in battayle thonset ought more to be estemed then fickle fortune wherby the victory is obtayned sins fortune gyueth the one aduenture gydeth the other These words are spoken like a stout valyaunt captayne of Rome Of how many prynces do we read whom trulye I muche lament to see what flatteries they haue herd wyth their eares being aliue and to redde what slaunders they haue susteyned after their death Prynces and great lords shold haue more regard to that whych is spoken in their absence then vnto that which is done in their presence Not to that whych they heare but to that whych they would not heare not to that whiche they tel them but to that which they would not be told of not to that is wryten vnto them being aliue but to that which is wryten of them after their death not to those that tell them lyes but to those whych if they durst would tel them trouth For men manye times refrayne not their tongues for that subiects be not credited but because the prince in his auctority is suspected The noble vertuous prince shold not flit from the trouth wherof he is certified neyther with flateryes lyes should he suffer himselfe to be deceiued but to examine himselfe se whether they serue him with trouth or deceiue hym with lyes For ther is no better witnes iudge of truth lyes then is a mans owne conscience I haue spoken al this to thintent your maiesty myght know that I wil not serue you wyth that you should not be serued That is to shew my selfe in my wryting a flaterer For it wer neither mete nor honest that flateries into the eares of such a noble prynce shold enter neither that out of my mouth which teach the deuine truth such vaine tales should issue I say I had rather be dispraysed for trew speaking then to be honoured for flatery lieng For of truth in your highnes it shold be much lightnes to heare them in my basenes great wickednes to inuent them Now againe folowing our purpose I say the historyes greatly commend Licurgus that gaue lawes to the Lacedemonians Numa Pompilius that honoured and adourned the churches Marcus Marcellus that had pitye on those whych were ouercome Iulius Cesar that forgaue his enemyes Octauius that was so welbeloued of the people Alexander that gaue rewards and giftes to al men Hector the Troyane because he was so valiaunt in warres Hercules the Thebane because he emploied his strength so wel Vlisses the Grecian because he aduentured himselfe in so many daungers Pirrhus king of Epirotes because he inuented so many engins Catullus Regulus because he suffered so many torments Titus the Emperour because he was father to the Orphanes Traianus because he edified sumptuous goodly buildings The good Marcus Aurelius because he knew more thē al they I do not say that it is requisyte for one prynce in these dayes to haue in him all those qualyties but I dare be bold to affirme this that euen as it is vnpossible for one prince to folow al so likewise it is a great slaunder for him to folow none We do not require princes to do al that they can but to apply themselues to do some thing that they ought And I speake not without a cause that whych I haue sayd before For if princes did occupy themselues as they ought to do they shoulde haue no tyme to be vycious Plynie saith in an epistle that the great Cato called Censor did were a ring vpon his fynger wherin was wryten these wordes Esto amicus vnius inimicus nullius which is be frend to one enemy to none He that would depely consider these few words shal find therin many graue sentences And to apply this to my purpose I saye the prince that would wel gouerne his common weal shew to al equal iustyce desire to possesse a quiet lyfe to get among al a good fame that coueteth to leaue of hymselfe a perpetual memory ought to embrace the vertues of one and to reiect the vices of al. I alow it verye wel that princes should be equal yea surmount many but yet I aduise theym not to employ their force but to folow one For oftētimes it chaunseth that many which suppose themselues in their life to excel al when they are dead are scarcely found equal to any Though man hath done much blased what he can yet in the ende he is but one one mind one power one byrth one life and one death Then sithen he is but one let no man presume to know more then one Of al these good princes which I haue named in the rowle of iustice the last was Marcus Aurelius to thintent that he should weaue his webbe For suppose we read of many prynces that haue compyled notable things the whych are to be redde and knowen
but also before them he did dishonour hym and shame him to his power whiche thinge made him vtterly to dispaire For there is nothing that spiteth a man more then to haue before hys enemies any iniurie or dishonoure done vnto him of his superiour The empresse Sophia therfore deserued great reproche for speakinge suche dishonest wordes to Narsetes to send him to thread the nedels in that occupacion where the damsels wrought For it is the duty of a noble princesse to mitigate the ire of Princes when they are angry and not to prouoke them further to anger Narsetes then alwaies dowting the empresse Sophia neuer after retourned into Naples where she was but rather came from Naples to Rome a yeare before the Lumbardes came into Italy where he receiued all the sacramentes and like a deuout ChristiaÌ„ dyed His body was caried to Alexandria in a coffine of siluer al sette with precious stones and ther was buried And a man cannot tel whither the displeasour were greater that all Asia had not to see Narsetes aliue or the pleasour that Sophia had to see him deade For the vnpacient hart especially of a woman hath no rest vntill she see her enemye dead ¶ Of a letter the Emperour Marcus Aurelius sente to the Kynge of Scicile in which he recordeth the trauailes they endured togethers in their youth and reproueth him of his small reuerence towardes the temples Chapter xvii MArcus Aurelius sole Emperour of Rome borne in mouÌ„te Celio called the old tribune wisheth health and long lyfe to the Gorbin Lord kynge of Sicile As it is the custome of the Romaine Emperoures the firste yeare of my reigne I wrate generallye to all that I le the seconde yeare I wrate generallye vnto thy courte and palace and at this presente I write more particulerlye to thy parsone And although that Princes haue greate Realmes yet they ought not therfore to cease to coÌ„municate with their old frendes Since I toke my penne to write vnto the I stayed my hande a great while from writing and it was not for that I was slouthfull but because I was a shamed to see all Rome offended with the. I let the to weâ—e most excellent prince that in this I say I am thy true frend for in my hart I fele thy trouble and so sayd Euripides that whiche with the harte is loued with the hart is lamented But before I shew thee the cause of my writing I will reduce into thy memory some thinges past of our youth and therby we shall see what we were then and what we are now for no man dothe so muche reioyce of his prosperitie present as he whiche calleth to minde his miseries past Thou shalt call to minde most excellent Prince that we two togethers did learne to reade in Capua and after we studyed a litle in Tarentum and from thense we went to Rhodes where I redde Rhethorike and thou hardest philosophie And afterwardes in the ende of x. yeres we went to the warres of Pannonia where I gaue my selfe to musike for the affectioÌ„s of yong men is so variable that daily they would know straunge realmes and chaunge offices And in all those iourneis with the forse of youth the swete company with the pleasaunte communicacion of sciences and with a vaine hope we did dissemble our extreme pouerty which was so great that many times and ofte we desired not that whiche manye had but that litle which to few abounded Doest thou remember that when we sayled by the goulfe Arpin to goe into Helesponte a long and tempestuous torment came vpon vs wherin we were taken of a pirate and for our raunsome he made vs rowe about .ix. monethes in a gally wheras I cannot tell whiche was greater either the wante of bread or the abundaunce of stripes whiche we alwaies endured Hast thou forgotten also that in the citie of Rhodes when we were beseged of Bruerdus puissaunt kyng of Epirotes for the space of fourtene monethes we were tenne withoute eatyng fleshe saue onely .ii. cattes the one whiche we stole and the other whiche we bought remember that thou and I being in Tarent were desired of our host to go to the feast of the great goddesse Diana into the whiche temple none coulde enter that day but those which were new apparelled And to say the trouthe we determined not to go thither thou because thy garmentes were torne and I because my shoes were broken and that bothe the tymes we were sicke in Capua they neuer cured vs by dyet for our dyseases neuer proceded of excesse but of extreame hunger An often times Retropus the phisician for his pleasour spake to vs in the vniuersitie and sayd Alas children you dye not through surfeting and muche eatinge And truly he sayde trouth for the contrey was so dere and our mony so scarse that we did neuer eate vntyl the time we could endure no lenger for famine Dost thou not remember the great famine that was in Capua for the which cause we were in the warre of Alexandria wherin my fleshe dyd tremble remembring the great perilles whiche we passed in the goulfe of Theberynthe What snowes all wynter what extreme heate all sommer what general famine in the fieldes what outragious pestilence amongest the people and worste of all what persecution of straungers and what euill will we had of ours remember also that in the citie of Naples when we made our prayer to the profetesse Flauia she told vs what shoulde become of vs after we lefte our studies She tolde me that I should be an Emperour and sayde that thou shouldest be a kynge To the whiche aunswere we gaue suche credite that we toke it not onelye for a mocke but also for a manifest iniurye And nowe I doe not merueile in that then we bothe marueled wonderfull muche For enuyous fortune practised her power more in pluckyng downe the ryche then in setting vp the poore Beholde excellente Prince the greate power of the goddesse the whele of fortune the variety of times who would haue thought when I hadde my handes all rough and scuruy with rowing in the galley that betwene those handes the scepter of the Romayne Empire should haue ben put who would haue thoughte when I was so sicke for lacke of meat I should euer haue surfited by to muche eating who would haue thought when I could not be satisfied with cattes fleshe that I shoulde haue then glutted with to moch dainty meates who wold haue thought at that time when I left going into the temple because my shoes were broken that another tyme should come when I shoulde ryde triumphyng in chariotes and vppon the shoulders of other menne who woulde haue thought that that which with my eares I hard of the prophetesse in Campagnia I should see here with my eyes in Rome O how many dyd hope at the time we were in Asia to be gouernours of Rome and lords of Sicille which not only fayled of the honour that they desired
was euerlasting but that all are mortal in the ende both high lowe haue an end for many are layde to nighte into their graue which the next day following thought to be aliue Leaue aside the deuine iudgment in that he spake he said highly and like a Philosopher for it semeth to be a pleasaunt thing to see how men gouerne the world Therfore now to the matter it is but reason we know the cause of this so auncient a noueltye whiche is that God wylleth and ordeinethe that one onlye commaunde all and that all together obey one For there is nothing that God doth thoughe the cause therof be vnknowen to vs that wanteth reason in his eternall wisedome In this case speakyng like a Christian I saye that if our father Adam had obeyed one onlye commaundemente of God whiche was forbydden him in the terrestial Paradise we had remayned in lybertie vpon the earth and should haue bene Lordes and maisters ouer al. But sith he would not then obey the Lord we are nowe become the slaues of so many Lords O wicked sine cursed be thou sith by the onely the world is broughte into suche a bondage without teares I cannot speake that which I would that through our first fathers which submitted them selues to sinne we their children haue lost the sygnorye of the world For sithe they were prisoners to synne in their hartes lytle auaileth the lybertie of their bodyes There was great dyuersitie betwixt the opynions of Pythagoras and the opinyons of Socrates for somuch as those of Socrates scoole saide that it were better all thinges should be common and all men equall Thother of Pythagoras scoole sayde the contrarie and that the common wealthe were better wherin eche one had his owne proper and all should obey one so that the one of them dyd admit and graunte the name of seruantes and thothers dyd despise the name of Lordes As Laertius in his first booke of the life of Philosophers sayth that the Philosopher Demostenes was also of the same opinyon that to the end the people should be well gouerned he would two names should be vtterly abbolished and taken a way that is to wete Lords and subiectes masters and seruaunts for the one desirous to rule â–ª by fyersnes and thothers not willyng to obeye by tyranny would shedde the bloud of the innocent and would be vyolent agaynst the poore they would destroy the renowmed famous people and tyrannes would waxe stout the which thyngs should be taken away if there were no sygnorye nor seruytude in the world But notwithstanding these thinges the Phylosopher in his first booke of his pollitiques sayth that by fower natural reasons we may proue it to be very necessarie that Princes do commaund and the people obey The first reason is of the partes of the Elements symple and mixt For we se by experience that the Elementes do suffer to th ende they wold be ioyned together the one to haue more power then al the whyche is shewed by experyence forasmuch as the Element of the fyer the Element of the ayer and the Element of the water do obey the Element of the earth doth commaund For against their nature he bryngeth them all to the earth But if all the noble and chiefest Elements were obedyente to the most vile Element onely to forme a body myxt it is a greater reason that al obeye to one vertuous person that the common wealth mighte therby the better be gouerned The second reason is of the bodye the soule in the armony wherof the soule is the mistresse which commaundeth and the body the seruaunt which obeyeth fo the body neither seeth heareth nor vnderstandeth without the body The sage Philosopher by this wil infer that the sage men should naturally be lords ouer others For in the world ther is nothing more mâ—nstrous then that fooles should coÌ„maund wise men obey The third reason taketh his ground on beastes for we se by experience that diuers beastes by thonely knowledge of men are gouerned therfore it is but mete that many men which are more lyker beastes then the beastes theym selues do suffer them selues to be gouerned and ruled by wise men For the common weale is more profited by a brute beast then it is by a witlesse man The fourth reason proceadeth of women for we se that they being created to the image of God god commaundeth and ordayneth that they should be subiect to man presupposing their knowledge not to be so great as the knowledge of men Therfore if this thing be thus why could not diuerse mortal men who with out comparison know lesse then women take theym selues for happie that one alone would commaund gouerne them so that such one were a sage vertuous parson Sithe man is naturally pollytike which is to be a frend of company the company engendreth enuy afterwards discord norisheth warre warre bringeth in tiranny tiranny destroyeth the comon wealth the common wealth being lost all men thinke their liues in peryl Therfore it is very necessarie that in the common wealth many be gouerned by one alone for to conclude ther is no common wealth wel gouerned but by one alone The great trauayles and inconuenyences which the auncientes found in tymes past were the occasion that it was ordeyned in the publyke weale that all should obey one Sythe that in a campe one onely Captaine is obeyed and in the sea one Pilot followed in the monasterye all obeye one prelate and in the Churche all obeye one byshoppe and syns in a hyue of bees one bee onely leadeth all the rest it were not reason that men should be without one king nor the common wealth without a gouernour Those men that will not haue a king in a common wealth are lyke vnto drones waspes which without trauaile eate the swete of others And mine opinion in this case should be that euery man that will not be commaunded as an abiect of the common weale should be expulsed and cast out therof For in a common wealthe ther can be no greater enemye then he that desireth that many should rule therin In that publike weale where one alone hath care for al al obey the commaundement of one onely there God shal be serued the people shal profit the good shal be estemed the euil dispised and besides that tirannes shal be suppressed For a gouernaunce of many is not profitable onlesse they referre theym selues to the iudgemente of a fewe and to the arbitermente of one alone Oh howe manâ—e people and Realmes because they woulde not obey their princes by iustice haue since by cruell tirannes bene gouerned with tyrannye For it is euen a iuste plage that they which disire the scepters of righteous Princes shoulde feale and proue the scourge of cruell tirauntes Alwayes it was and shal be that in the worlde there was one to commaunde another to obeye one to gouerne and another to bee gouerned
for in the ende tyme is of such power that it cause the renowmed men to be forgotten and all the sumptuous buildinges to decaye and fall to the earth If thou wilt knowe my frende Pulio in what tyme the tyraunt this philosopher was I wyll thou knowe that when Catania the renowmed citie was builded in Cicilia neare the mount Ethna and when Perdica was the fourth kyng of Macedonia and that Cardicea was the thirde kyng of the Meedes and when Candare was fift king of Libeans and that Assaradoche was ninth king of the Assirians and when Merodache was twelft king of Caldeans and that Numa Pompilius reigned second king of the Romaines in the time of those so good kinges Periander reigned amonges the Assirians And it is meete thou knowe an other thyng also whiche is this That this Periander was a tyraunt not only in dede but also in renowme so that thei spake of no other thing thorowe Greece but it tended hereunto Though he had euill workes he had good wordes procured that the affaires of the cōmon wealth shuld be wel redressed For generally there is no man so good but a mā may finde somwhat in him to be reproued neither any man so euill but he hath some thing in him to be cōmended I doe yet remēber of my age being neither to young nor to old that I saw the emperour Traian my lord suppe once in Agrippine it so chaunced that wordes were moued to speake of good euil princes in times past as wel of the Grekes as of the Romains that al those which were present there cōmended greatly the emperour Octauian they al blamed the cruel Nero. For it is an aūcient custome to flatter the princes that are present to murmure at princes that are past When the good emperour Traian was at dinner when he praied in the tēple it was maruel if any mā sawe him speake any word that day since he sawe that thei excessiuely praised the emperour Octauian that the others charged the emperour Nero with more then neded the good Traian spake vnto them these wordes I am glad you cōmende the emperour Octauian but I am angry you should in my presence speake euil of the emperour Nero of none other for it is a great infamy to a prince being aliue to heare in his presence any prince euill reported after his death Truly the emperour Octauian was very good but ye will not denye me but he might haue bene better and the emperour Nero was very euil but yet you will graunt me he might haue ben worse I speake this because Nero in his first fiue yeares was the best of all and the other nyne folowyng he was the worste of all so that there is bothe cause to disprayse him and also cause to commende him When a vertuous man will speake of princes that are dead before princes whiche are aliue he is bounde to prayse onely one of their vertues which they had hath no licence to reuyle the vices whereof thei were noted For the good deserueth rewarde because he endeuoreth him selfe to folowe vertue the euill likewyse deserueth pardon because through frayltie he hath consented to vyce All these wordes the emperoure Traian spake I being present and they were spoken with suche fiercenes that all those whiche were there present bothe chaunged their colour and also refrained their tongues For truly the shamelesse man feeleth not so muche a great strype of correction as the gentill harte doth a sharpe worde of admonition I was willing to shewe thee these thinges my frende Pulio because that since Traian spake for Nero and that he founde in hym some prayse I doe thynke no lesse of the tyraunte Periander whome thoughe for his euyll workes he dyd we doe condemne yet for his good wordes that he spake for the good lawes whiche he made we doe prayse For in the man that is euill there is nothing more easier then to geue good counsayle and there is nothing more harder then to worke well Periander made dyuerse lawes for the common wealth of the Corinthians whereof here folowing I wil declare some We ordeyne and commaunde that if any by multipliyng of wordes kyll an other so that it were not by treason that he be not therefore condemned to die but that they make hym slaue perpetuall to the brother of him that is slayne or to the nexte of his kynne or frends for a shorte deathe is lesse payne then a longe seruitude We ordeyne and commaunde that if any these be taken he shall not dye but with a hotte iron shal be marked on the forehead to be knowen for a thefe for to shammefaste men longe infaime is more payne then a short lyfe We ordeyne and commaunde that the man or woman whiche to the preiudice of an other shall tell any lye shall for the space of a moneth carie a stone in their mouthe for it is not meete that he whiche is wonte to lye should alwayes bee authorysed to speake We ordeyne and commaunde that euery man or woman that is a quareler and sedicious persone in the common wealth be with great reproche bannished frome the people for it is vnpossible that he shoulde bee in fauoure with the Gods which is an enemie to his neighbours We ordeyne and commaunde that if there be any in the common wealth that haue receiued of an other a benefite and that afterwardes it is proued he was vnthankefull that in suche case they put hym to death for the man that of benefites receiued is vnthankefull oughte not to lyue in the worlde amonge menne Beholde therefore my frende Pulio the antiquitie whiche I declared vnto thee and howe mercifull the Corinthians were to murtherers theues and Pirates And contrarie howe seuere they were to vnthankefull people whome they commaunded forthwith to be putte to deathe And truly in myne opinion the Corinthians had reason for there is nothinge troubleth a wyse man more then to see him vnthankefull to him whome he hath shewed pleasure vnto I was willing to tel thee this historie of Periander for no other cause but to the end thou shouldest see and know that forasmuch as I doe greatly blame the vice of vnthankefulnes I will laboure not to be noted of the same For he that reproueth vice is not noted to be vertuous but he which vtterly flieth it Count vpon this my worde that I tel thee which thou shalt not thinke to be fained that though I be the Romain Emperour I wil be thy faithfull frend wil not faile to be thankefull towardes thee For I esteme it no lesse glory to know how to keape a frend by wysedom then to come to the estate of an emperour by philosophie By the letter thou sentest thou requiredst me of one thing to answere thee for the whiche I am at my wittes end For I had rather open my treasures to thy necessities then to open the bookes to answere to thy
these and many others which ye left aliue ful high in rome are now become wormes meat ful low vnder the yearth death also doth summon me vnto the graue If you my childreÌ„ did consider what shal become of you herafter truly you will thinke it better to weape .1000 yeares with the dead then to laugh one houre with those that be aliue Remembryng that I baâ—e ye in great payne and haue nourished you in great trauell that ye came of my proper intrailles I would haue you as children about me for the confort consolation of my paines But in the end beholdyng the prowesses of those that are paste that bindeth their heires I am coÌ„tent to suffer so long absence your persons only to the end you may get honour in chiualrye For I had rather here tell you should liue like knightes in Afrik theÌ„ to se you vtterly lost here in Rome My childreÌ„ as you are in the warres of Afrike so I doubt not but that you desire to se the pleasurs of rome for ther is no man in this world so happy but at his neyghbours prosperity had som enuy enuie not the vitious nether desier to be amoÌ„g vices for truly vices ar of such a coÌ„dition that they bring not with theÌ„ so much plesure wheÌ„ they com as they leaue sorow behind theÌ„ wheÌ„ they depart for that true delight is not in the pleasure which sodeÌ„ly vanisheth but in the truth which euermore remaineth I thank the immortal gods for all these thinges first for that they made me wise not folish for to a woman it is a small mater to be called so fraile that in dede she be not folish The secoÌ„d I thank the gods bicause in al times of my troubles they haue geueÌ„ me pacieÌ„ce to endure theÌ„ for the maÌ„ only in this lif may be called vnhappy to whom the gods in his troubles hath not giueÌ„ pacience The third I thank the gods for that those .lxv. yeares which I haue liued I neuer hytherto was defamed for the woman by no reason can coÌ„plaine of her fortune if in none of her troubles she hath loste her honour The fourthe I thanke the Gods that in this forty yeres I haue lyued in Rome remained widow ther was neuer man nor woman the contended with me for since we women profite litle the commoÌ„ wealth it is but reason that she whych with euill demeanoures hath passed her lyfe shoulde by iustice receaue her death The fift I giue the gods tankes that they gaue me children the whych are better contented to suffer the trauailes of Affrik theÌ„ to inioy the pleasurs of Rome Do not counte me my childreÌ„ for so vnlouing a mother that I wold not haue you alwayes before my eyes but considering that many good meÌ„s children haue bene lost only for being brought vp in the excessiue pleasures of Rome I do content my selfe with your absence For that man that desireth perpetuall renowne thoughe he be not banished he ought to absent him self froÌ„ his natiue countrey My deare children I most earnestly desire you that always you accoÌ„panie your selues with the good with the most auncientes and with those which ar graue most expert in councel and with those that haue most sene the world and do not vnderstand most of the world by those that haue sene most countreis For the rype councel proceadeth not from the man that hath traueiled in many contreis but from him that hath felte him selfe in many daungers Since the nature of the countrey my children dothe knocke with the haÌ„mer at the gate of the hart of man I feare that if you come and se your frendes parentes you shal always lyue in care pensifnes and being pensife you shal always lyue euil coÌ„tented you shal not do that whiche becommeth Romain knights to do And you not beyng valiaunt knightes your enemies shal alwayes reioice ouer you your desires shall neuer take effect for of those men which are careful heauy proceadeth always seruices vnworthy I desire you hartely by this present letter I counsell you that you wil not in any wise seke to come to rome for as I haue saied you shal know few of those that did know you for eyther they are dead or banished poore or sicke aged or coÌ„me to nought sad or euil coÌ„tented so that sithens you are not able to remedy their grefes it is best you should not come hyther to se their troubles For no man coÌ„meth to Rome but to weape with the liuing and to sigh for theÌ„ that be dead Truly my children I know not what pleasure is in Rome that should cause any good man to come hyther and to forsake Affrik for if there you haue enemies here you shall want frendes If you haue the sworde that perceth the body we haue that tong here that destroyeth the renowme If you be vexed with the theues of Affrike we are wounded with the traitours Flatterers and liers of Italy If you lack rest we haue here to much trouble Finallye seyng that that I doe se in Rome and hearynge that which I heare of Affrik I commende your warre and abhorre our peace If you do greatly esteme that which I haue sayd esteme much more that whiche I shall say which is that we alwayes here that you are conquerours of the Africkans you shall here always that we are conquered by vyces Therfore if I am a true mother I had rather se you winne a perpetuall memory amonge straungers theÌ„ to liue with infamy at home in your couÌ„trey Peraduenture with hope that you shal enherit some goodes you wil take occasioÌ„ to come to Rome When this thing shall come to your mindes remember my children that your father being aliue had not much and that vnto your mother being a widow many thinges wanted And remember that your father bequethed you nothing but weapons and know that from me you shall enherite nothing but bookes For I had rather leaue my children good doctrine wherby they may liue them euil riches wherby they may perysh I am not riche nor I neuer trauailed to be rich and the cause was that I saw many mens children vndone only through the hope they had to enherite their pareÌ„tes goods and afterward went a huntinge after vices For they seldome times do any worthy feates which in their youth enherit great treasurs This thing therfore being true as it is in dead I do not say only that I would watche and toile as many do to get riches and treasurs but also if I had treasour before I would gyue them vnto you I would as the philosopher did cast theÌ„ into the fyre For I had rather haue my children pore and vertuous in Affrike theÌ„ riche and vitious in Rome You know very wel my children that there was amongest the Tharentins a law wel obserued that the sonnes shoulde not inherit any other thyng of their fathers but weapons to fight and
to moch aboundaunce and libertie of youth is no other but a prophesie manifest token of disobedience in age I knowe not why princes and great lordes do toile and oppresse so much and scratche to leaue their children great estates and on the other syde we see that in teachyng them they are and shew theim selues to negligent for princes great lordes ought to make account that all that whych they leaue of their substaunce to a wicked heyre is vtterly lost The wise men and those which in their coÌ„sciences are vpright and of their honours carefull oughte to be very diligent to bring vp their children chiefly that they consyder whether they be mete to inherite their estates And if perchaunce the fathers se that their children be more giueÌ„ to follie then to noblenes and wysdome then should I be ashamed to se a father that is wise trauaile al the dayes of his life to leaue much substaunce to an euill brought vp child after his death It is a griefe to declare and a monstrous thyng to se the cares whych the fathers take to gather ryches and the diligence that children haue to spende them And in this case I saye the sonne is fortunate for that he doeth inherite and the Father a foole for that he doth bequeth In my opinion Fathers ar bound to enstructe theyr Children well for two causes the one for that they are nearest to them and also bycause they ought to be theyr heyres For truely with great greyfe and sorow I suppose he doth take his death which leaueth to a foole or an vnthrifte the toile of all his life Hyzearcus the Greeke hystorien in the booke of his antiquities and Sabellyquus in his generall history sayeth that a father and a sonne came to complaine to the famous phylosopher and auncient Solon Solinon the sonne complayned of the father and the father of the sonne First the son informed the quarel to the Phylosopher sayeng these wordes I complayne of my father bycause he beyng ryche hath dysheryted me and made me poore and in my steade hath adopted another heyre the whyche thyng my father oughte not nor cannot doe For sence he gaue me so frayle flesh it is reason he geue me hys goods to maintayne my feblenes To these wordes aunswered the father I complayne of my sonne bycause he hathe not bene as a gentle sonne but rather as a cruell enemye for in all thynges since he was borne he hath bene disobedient to my will wherfore I thought it good to dysheryte hym before my death I woulde I weâ—e quite of all my substaunce so that the goddes hadde quyte hym of hys lyfe for the earthe is very cruell that swalloweth not the chyld alyue whyche to hys father is dysobedyent In that he sayeth I haue adopted another chyld for myne heyre I confesse it is true and for somuche as he sayeth that I haue dysinheryted hym and abiected hym from my herytage he beynge begotten of my owne bodye hereunto I aunswere That I haue not disinheryted my sonne but I haue disinheryted his pleasure tothentent he shal not enioy my trauaile for there can be nothing more vniust then that the yonge and vitious sonne should take his pleasure of the swette and droppes of the aged father The sonne replyed to his father and sayd I confesse I haue offended my father and also I confesse that I haue lyued in pleasures yet if I maye speake the trueth thoughe I were disobedient and euill my father oughte to beare the blame and if for this cause he doeth dysherite me I thynke he doth me great iniurye For the father that enstructed not hys sonne in vertue in hys youthe wrongfullye dysheryteth hym though he be disobedient in hys age The father agayne replyeth and saieth It is true my sonne that I brought the vp to wantonly in thy youth but thou knowest well that I haue taughte the sondrye tymes and besydes that I dyd correcte the when thou camest to some discretion And if in thy youth I dyd not instructe the in learnyng it was for that thou in thy tender age dydest wante vnderstandyng but after that thou haddest age to vnderstand discrecion to receiue and strength to exercyse it I began to punyshe the to teache the and to instructe the. For where no vnderstandyng is in the chyld there in vaine they teache doctrine Sence thou arte old quoth the sonne and I yong sence thou arte my father and I thy sonne for that thou hast whyte heres of thy bearde and I none at all it is but reason that thou be beleued I condemned For in this world we se oftetimes that the smal aucthoryty of the parson maketh hym to lose hys great iustyce I grauÌ„t the my father that when I was a childe thou dydst cause me to learne to reade but thou wylte not denye that if I dyd coÌ„mit any faulte thou wouldest neauer agree I should be punyshed And hereof it came that thou sufferyng me to doe what I woulde in my youth haue bene dysobedient to the euer since in my age And I saye to the further that if in this case I haue offended trulye me thinketh thou canst not be excused for the fathers in the youthe of their children oughte not onely to teache them to dispute of vertues and what vertue is but they ought to inforce them to be vertuous in dede For it is a good token when youth before they know vyces hath bene accustomed to practice vertues Both parties thou diligentlie hard the good Philosopher Solon Solinon spake these wordes I geue iudgement that the father of thys child be not buried after hys death and I commaunde that the sonne bycause in hys youth he hath not obeyed his father who is olde should be dysinheryted whiles the father lyueth from all hys substaunce on suche condition that after hys death hys sonnes should inheryte the heritage and so returne to the heires of the sonne and line of the father For it were vniust that the innocencie of the sonne should be condempned for the offence of the father I doe commaunde also that all the goods be committed vnto some faithful parson to th end they may geue the father meate and drinke durynge hys lyfe and to make a graue for the sonne after hys death I haue not with out a cause geuen suche iudgement the which comprehendeth lyfe and death for the Gods wyll not that for one pleasure the punyshement be double but that we chastyse and punyshe the one in the lyfe takynge from hym hys honour and goods and that we punyshe others after there death takyng from them memorye and buriall Truly the sentence which the Philosopher gaue was graue and would to God we had him for a iudge of this world presentlye for I sweare that he should finde many children now a dayes for to disheryte and mo fathers to punishe For I cannot tell which is greater the shame of the children to disobey their fathers or
prince ordeyned hys lyfe in suche sorte that in his absence thinges touchinge the warre were well prouided and in hys presence was nothynge but matters of knowledge argued It chaunsed one daye as Marcus Aurelius was enuironed with Senatours Philosophers phisitions and other sage men a question was moued among them howe greatly Rome was chaunged not onelye in buyldinges whyche almoste were vtterlye decayed but also in maners whiche were wholly corrupted the cause of all thys euill grewe for that Rome was full of flatterers and destitute of those whiche durste saye the trueth These and suche other lyke words heard the emperour toke vp his hand and blessed him and declared vnto them a notable example sayeng In the first yere that I was coÌ„sull there came a poore villayne from the riuer of Danubye to aske iustice of the Senate agaynst a Censour whyche dyd sore oppresse the people and in dede he dyd so well propounde hys complaint and declare the follye and iniuryes whych the iudges dyd in hys countrey that I doubt whether Marcus Cicero could vtter it better wyth hys tonge or the renowmed Homer haue written it more eloquently with his penne This villayne had a small face great lippes hollow eyes hys colour burnte curled heare bareheaded hys shoes of a Porpige skynne hys coate of gotes skynne hys girdell of bull russhes a longe bearde and thicke hys eye breyes couered hys eyes the stomacke the neck couered wyth skynnes heared as a beare and a clubbe in hys hand Without doubt when I sawe him enter into the Senate I imagined it had beene a beast in fourme of a man and after I hearde that whyche he sayde I iudged hym to be a God if there are Gods amongest menne For if it was a fearfull thyng to beholde hys personne it was no lesse monstrous to heare his wordes At that tyme there was greate prease at the dore of the Senate of manye and dyuers personnes for to solicite the affaires of theire prouinces yet notwithstanding this villayne spake before the others for twoe causes The one for that men were desyrous to heare what so monstrous a man woulde say the other because the Senatours had this custome that the complayntes of the poore should be hearde before the requestes of the riche Wherfore this villayne afterwardes in the middest of the Senate began to tel his tale and the cause of hys comminge thither in the whiche he shewed him selfe no lesse bolde in woordes then he was in his attyre straunge and saide vnto them in thys sorte O fathers conscripte and happy people I Mileno a ploughman dwelling nere vnto the ryuer of Danube doe salute you worthye Senatours of Rome which are conuented here in this Senate I besech the immortal gods my tong this day so to gouerne that I may say that which is coÌ„uenient for my countrey and that they helpe you others to gouerne well the common wealth For wythout the healpe of God we can neither learne the good nor auoid the euill The fatale destines permittinge it and our wrathefull Gods forsakinge vs our mishappe was suche to ye others fortune shewed her self so fauourable that the proud captaines of Rome byforce of armes toke our countrey of Germany And I saye not without a cause that at that tyme the gods were displeased with vs for if we Germaines had appeased our Gods ye Romaynes might well haue excused your selues for ouercomminge of vs. Greate is youre glorye O Romaynes for the victories ye haue had and tryumphes whiche of manye realmes ye haue conquered but notwithstanding greater shall your infamy be in the worlde to come for the cruelties whiche you haue committed For I let you knowe yf you do not knowe it that when the wicked went before the triumphing chariots sayeng lyue lyue inuincyble Rome on the other syde the poore captyues went sayeng in theire hartes iustice iustice My predecessours enhabited by the ryuer of Danubye for when the drye earth annoyed them they came to recreate them selues in the freshe water and if perchaunce the vnconstant water dyd annoy them then they woulde returne againe to the mayne lande And as the appetites and condicions of men are variable so there is a tyme to flye from the lande to refreshe our selues by the water And tyme also when we are annoyed with the water to retourne agayne to the lande But howe shall I speake Romaynes that whyche I woulde speake your couetousenes of taking other mennes goods hath bene so extreme your pryde of commaunding straunge countreis hath bene so disordinate that neither the sea can suffise you in the depenes thereof neyther the lande assure vs in the fieldes of the same O how great comforte it is for the troubled men to think and be assured that there are iust gods the which will do iustice on the vniust For if the oppressed menne thought them selues not assured that the gods would wreke their iniury of theire enemies they with their owne handes woulde destroy them selues The ende why I speake this is for so much as I hope in the iust gods that as you others with out reason haue cast vs out of our houses so by reason shal others come after vs and cast you others out of Italy Rome bothe There in my countrey of Germany we take it for a rule vnfallyble that he whiche by force taketh the good of another by reason ought to lose his owne proper right And I hope in the gods that that which we haue for a prouerb in Germany you shal haue for experience here in Rome By the grosse woordes I speake by the strange apparell which I weare you may well immagine that I am some rude vâ—â—laine or barbarous borne but yet notwithstandinge I want not reason to know who is iust and righteous in holdyng his owne and who is a tyraunt in possessing of others For the rude menne of my profession though in good stile they cannot declare that whiche they would vtter yet notwithstandinge that we are not ignoraunt of that whiche ought to bee allowed for good nor whiche ought to bee condemned for euill I woulde saye therfore in this case that that which the euyll with all their tiranny haue gathered in many daies the gods shall take from them in one houre and contrarywyse all that which the good shall lose in many yeres the gods will cestore it them in one minute For speaking the trueth the euill to prosper in ryches is not for that the gods will it but that they doe suffer it and though at this houre we complaine disseÌ„bling we suffer much but the tyme shal come that will paye for all Beliue me in one thing O Romaynes and doubt not therin that of the vnlawfull gaine of the fathers foloweth after the iust vndoing of their children Manye often tymes doe marueile in my countrey what the cause is that the gods doe not take from the wicked that which they winne immediatlye as soone as
to take if ther by hee think hee may bee healed I pray thee I exhort thee I aduise thee my soÌ„ne that thy youth beeleue mine age thy ignorancy beeleue my knowledge thy sleepe beeleue my watch the dimnes of thy eyes beeleue the clearnes of my sight thy imaginacioÌ„ beeleue my vertue thy suspicion beeleue my experieÌ„ce For otherwise one day thou shalt see thy selfe in soÌ„e distresse where smal time thou shalt haue to repent none to find remedy Thou maist say vnto mee my sonne that sins I haue beene yong I let thee to bee yong that when thou shall bee aged thou wilt ameÌ„d I answer thee that if thou wilt liue as yong yet at the least gouerne thy self as old In a prince which gouerneth his common wealth wel mani myseries are dissembled of his parson Euen as for mighty affaires ripe couÌ„sayles are necessary so to endure the troubles of the empire the person needeth some recreacion For the bowe string which always is stretched either it lengthneth or it breaketh Whether princes bee yong or old there can bee nothing more iust then for the recreacioÌ„ of them selues to seeke some honest pastimes And not without a cause I say that they bee honest For sometimes they accompany with so dishonest persons and so vnthrifty that they spend their goods they loose their honor weary their persons more than if they were occupied in the affaires of the common wealth For thy youth I leaue thee children of great lords with whom thou maist past the tyme away And not without cause I haue prouided that with thee they haue beene brought vp from thy infancy For after thou camest to mannes estate enheriting my goods if perchauÌ„ce thou wooldst accompany thy selfe with yong men thou shouldst find them well learned For thy warres I leaue thee valiaunt captaines though indeede things of war are beegoon by wisdome yet in the end the issue faleth out by fortune For stuards of thy treasures I leaue thee faithful men And not wtout cause I say they are faythfull For oftentimes greater are the theeues which are receyuers tresorers then are they that doo robbe among the people I leaue thee my sonne expert auncieÌ„t men of whome thou maist take couÌ„saile with whome the maist coÌ„municat thy trobles For there can bee fourmed no honest thing in a prince vnlesse hee hath in his coÌ„pany auncieÌ„t men for such geeue grauity to his parsoÌ„ auctority to his pallace To inueÌ„t theaters to fish ponds to chase wild beasts in the forrests to renne in the fyelds to let thy haukes fly to exercise weapoÌ„s al these things wee can deny thee as to a yong maÌ„ the beeing yong mayst reioyce thy self in al these Thou oughtst also to haue respect that to ordeine armies inueÌ„t warrs folow victories accept truces coÌ„firm peace raise brutes to make laws to promote the one put downe the others to punish the euill first to reward the good the counsaile of al these things ought to bee taken of cleare iudgements of persons of experience of white heads Thinkest thou not that it is possible to passe the time with the yong to counsail with the old The wise and discreete princes for all things haue time inough if they know well how to measure it Bee ware my sonne that they note thee not to vse great extremities For the end occasion why I speake it is beecause thou shouldst know if thou knowest not that it is as vndecent a thing for a prince vnder the colour of grauity to bee ruled gouerned wholy by old men as vnder semblaunce of pastime alwayes to accompany hym selfe with the yong It is no general rule that all yong men are light nor all old men sage And thou must according to my aduise in such case vse it thus if ani old man lose the grauity of his age expulse him from the if that find any yong men sage dispise not their counsaile For the bees doo draw more hony out of the tender flowers then of the hard leaues I doo not condemne the aged nor I doo commend the yong but it shal bee wel doone that alwayes thou choose of both the most vertuous For of troth there is no company in the world so euil ordered but that there is meane to liue with it without any suspicion so that if the yong are euil with folly the old are worse through couetousnes On s againe I retourne to aduertise thee my sonne that in no wise thou vse extremity For if thou beeleeue none but yong they will corrupt thy maners with lightnes if thou beeleeue none but the old they will depraue thy iustice through couetousnes What thing can bee more monstruous then that the prince which commaundeth all should suffer him to bee commaunded of one alone Beeleeue mee sonne in this case that the gouernments of many are seldome times gouerned wel by the head of one alone The prince which hath to rule gouerne many ought to take the aduise and counsaile of many It is a great inconuenience that thou beeing lord of many realmes shouldst haue but one gate wherin all doo enter into to doo their busines with thee For if perchauÌ„ce hee which shall bee thy familiar bee of his owne nature good and bee not mine enemy yet I would bee afraid of him beecause hee is a freend of mine enemies And though for hate they doo mee no euil yet I am afraid that for the loue of an other hee will cease to doo mee good I remember that in the annalles of Pompeius I found a litle booke of memoryes which the great Pompeiê° bare about him wherin were many things that hee had read other good counsayles which in diuers parts of the world hee had learned and among other words there were these The gouernour of the common wealth which committeth al the gouernment to old men deserueth very litle hee that trusteth al yong is light Hee that gouerneth it by him selfe alone is beeyonde him self hee which by him self others doo gouerne it is a wise prince I know not whither these sentences are of the same Pompeius or that hee gathered them out of soome booke or that any philosopher had told him them or some freend of his had geeuen him them I meane that I had them writteÌ„ with his hands and truely they deserued to bee written in letters of gold When thy affaires shal bee weighty see thou dispatche theym alwayes by counsayle For when the affaires bee determined by the counsaile of many the fault shal bee deuided among them all Thou shalt find it for a truth my sonne that if thou take counsaile of many the one wil tel the inconuenience the other the peril other the feare the other the domage the other the profit the other the remedy finally they will so debate thy affaires that playnly thou shalt know the good see the daunger therof I
remouing of the court for some courtiers there are that bee so poore that for wāt they canne hardli follow the court and others also that are rych are compelled to beare many of their charges with whome they are in company with by the way and some of those are so rude ill brought vp that they had rather beare their charge al their iourny then once againe to haue them in their company But a godsname what shall wee say yet of the wretched courtier whose coffers and horse are arrested at his departing for his debts Truly I ly not for once I sawe a courtiers moyle sold for her prouinder shee had eaten that mony not sufficient to pay the host the courtier remaining yet detter of an ouerplus the poore man was stripped euen of his cappe and gloues for satisfaction of the rest Also there is an other sorte of needy courtiers so troblesome and importune that they neuer cease to troble their freends to borow money of their acquayntance soome to fynd themselues soome to apparell them selues others to pay their dets others to play and others to geeue presents so that at the remouing day when they haue nothing wherwith to pay nor content their crediters then are they sued in lawe and arrested in theyr lodging and the credyters many tymes are not satisfyed with theyr goods but take execution also of theyr bodyes laying them in fast prison till they bee payd and satisfied of their whole dett O what a folly may bee thought in those that cannot moderat theyr expences according to theyr ability For to say vprightly hee should cut his garments according to his cloth and measure his expences with his reuenues and not followyng his affection and desire For the gentleman or courtier in the end hath not the meane nor commodity to spend as the contry man hath that lyueth at home at ease in his contry spēdeth such commodityes as hee brings into his howse but the courtier consumeth in court not his owne alone but also that of others And therfore in courte or els where let euery wise man bee diligent to bring his affaires to end but yet let him so moderate and vse his expences as hee shall not neede nor bee driuen to morgage and gage that hee hath For hee that feasteth and rowteth with others purse of that that is lent hym cannot choose but in the end hee must breake and deceyue his crediters Therfore all woorthy men that loue their honor and feare reproche ought rather to suffer honger cold thirst care paine and sorow then to bee had in the check rowle of riotous and prodigall spenders trustles of their promise and suspected of their woords There is yet an other great troble in the court of princes and that is the exceding derth of vittels the vnresonable wāt of howses and the great price of horses for many times they spend more for straw and litter for their horse then they doo in other places for hey otes and bread And further if the courtier bee a poore gentillman and that hee would feast and bancket his frends or companions hee shall spend at one dinner or supper somuch that hee shal bee constrained to fast a hole weeke after Therfore if the courtier wil be wel vsed in folowing of the court hee must not only know and speake too but also loue and inuite at tymes the bouchers vittlers fruterers keepers and softers Fishmongers and poulterers and other purueiers of the same of whōe hee shall alwaies haue asmuch neede of his prouision as hee shall haue of the iudges to shew him Iustice when hee shal neede it For meate bread wyne wood hey otes straw are comōly very deare in court For fewe of al these things are to bee bought in court but of others infinit things to bee sold to profit and gaine the poore courtiers that els had no shyft to liue And yet is there a litle more trouble in court and that is that continually letters are sent to the courtier from his frends to obtaine of the prince or his counsel his dispatch in his priuate affaires or for his seruants or tenants or other his frends And manie times these sutes are so ill welcome to the courtier that hee had rather haue pleasured his frend with a peece of mony then they should haue layd vpon him so waighty a matter And beesides this there is yet an other troble that the bringet of the letter must needes ly at the courtiers house attending his dispatch so that the courtier delaiyng his frends busines augmenteth his greefe and keeping the messenger there increaseth his charge And if perchanse his busines bee not dispatched and the sute obteyned those that wrote to him will not think hee left it of for that bee would not doo it or take paines therin but for that hee wanted fauour and credit or at least were very negligent in following their cause And that that vexeth them thorowly yet is that their parents and frends weene which are in the contry farr from court that this courtier hath all the courtiers at his commaundement that hee may say and doo what hee wil there And therfore his frends when they haue occasion to imploie him in court and that they wryte to him touching their affaires and that hee hath now taken vpon him the charge and burden of the same seeing him selfe after vnable to discharge that hee hath enterprised and can not as hee would satisfie his frends expectacion then hee faleth to dispaire and wissheth hee had been dead when hee first tooke vpon him this matter and that hee made them beeleeue hee could go thorough with that they had cōmitted to him beeing vnpossible for him hauing small credit and estimation amongst the nobility and councellers Therefore I would neuer councell him that hath brethern frends or other neere kynsfolks in court to go seeke them out there albeeyt they had matters of great weight and importance on hope to bee dispatched the sooner by their credite fauour and sute and for this cause for that in court there is euer more priuy malice and Enuy then in other places wherefore they can not bee reuenged one of the other but must tary a tyme and then when they see oportunity they set in foote to ouerthrow and secretly to put back their enemyes sute Now lo these things and other infinite plagues doo light on these poore vnfortunate courtiers incredible happely to any but the old and experienced courtier Yf the old and wise courtier would count all the fauors and mischances the derth and aboundance the frendships and enmities the contentation and displeasures the honor infamy hee hath endured in the court I beeleeue assuredly wee should not bee a litle sory for that body that had suffryd somuch but much more for that hart that had abidden al those stormes and broyls Whan the courtier seeth that hee is not hard of the prince nor spoken to of the
the Egiptians nor Licurgus to the Lacedemonians nor Plato to his disciples nor Apolonius to the poets of Nemsis nor Hiarcus to the Indians coold euer tech it them and much lesse coold they tell how to fynd any way to write it in their bookes of common wealth The cause why these famous men did not fynd it was beecause this science coold not bee learned by studying of dyuers bookes nor by traueling through dyuers countreys but only by framing great suites and processes and by infinite charge and expence of money Happy yea truely most happy were those ages in whych they neither knew nor coold tell what strife or contentionment For in deede from that tyme hetherto the world hath fallen to decay and cheefely since men haue growen to quarel and contend ech other with his neighbor Plato was wont to say that in that comon weale where there were found many Phisitians it was also an euydent token that there were many vicyous people and lykewise wee may say that in the city where there are many suters it is to bee thought it folowes also that there are many yll disposed people That only may bee called a blessed and fortunat common weale where men lyue quietly and haue not to doo with Iustices nor iudges For it is a true rule when phisitians are much frequēted and iudges much occupyed that amongst that people there is lyttle health and lesse quiet But to returne to the troubles of our suters I say that the disciples of the famous Philosopher Socrates were not bound to bee sylent in Athens aboue two yeres but the vnfortunat suters were bound to hold their peace tenne yeres if their sutes did continue so long For albeeit the Iudge doo them open iniury yet they may not seeme to complayn but rather say hee thinketh hee hath doon him the best iustice in the world And if for his mishapp or plague of his offences hee woold not so approue and speak them let him bee assured the Iudge will perceiue it by his countenaunce and afterwards lett hym know it by his iudgement Some suters say they are great sinners and I say they are saints For of the seuen dedly sinnes that are committed only of three they are but to bee accused For in the other iiii although they woold they doo not geeue him tyme nor leaue to offend How can the suter euer offend in Pryde since hee must poore man goe from house to house with hys capp in his hand and all humility to solicite his cause How can hee euer offend in Auarice syth hee hath not many tymes a peny in his purse to by him his dyuer nor to pay for the infinit draughts and coppyes proceeding out of the Chauncery How can hee offend in Sloth and ydlenes sith hee consumeth the long nights only in sighes and complaynts and the whole day in trotting and trudging vp and down How can hee offend in Gluttony since hee woold bee content to haue only to suffyse nature and not to desyre pyes nor breakfastes nor to lay the table euery day That sinne they most easely and commonly offend in is Ire and in deede I neuer saw suter paciēt and although hee bee angry wee may not maruell at yt a whit For if euer once in the end of half a yere hee happen to haue any thyng that pleaseth hym I dare bee bound euery weeke after hee shall not want infinit troubles to torment and vex hym These men also offend much in enuy for in deed there is no man that pleades but ys enuious and thys proceedeth many tymes to see an other man by fauor dispatched of hys sute that hath not contynued only two moneths in court a suter and of hys that hath continued aboue two yeres synce yt beganne not a woord spoken They offend also in the sinne of backbyting and murmuryng agaynst their neyghbors For they neuer cease complayning of the partiality of the Iudges of the slouthfulnes and tymorousnes of his Counseller that pleades hys cause at the barre of the little consideration of the attorny of the payments of the notary and of the small curtesies or rather rudenes of the officers of the Iudge So that it may well bee sayd that to striue in law and to murmure are nere kinsfolkes togeethers The Egiptians were in tyme past plaged only wyth tenne plagues but these miserable woful suters are dayly plaged with a thowsand torments And the difference beetwixt their plague these is that the Egiptians came from the diuine prouydence and these of our poore suters from the inuention of mans malyce And it is not without cause wee say that it is mans inuention not diuine For to frame inditements to geene delays to the party to allege accions to deny the demaund to accept the proofe to examin witnesses to take out proces to note the declaration to prolong the cause alleging well or prouing yll to refuse the iudge for suspect to make intercession to take out the copy of the plea and to call vppon it agayn wyth a 1500. dudles Surely all these are things that neither god commaundeth in the old testament neither Ihesus Christ our sauiour dooth allow in his holy Gospell The writings of Egipt although they were to the great losse and detriment of the seignory of the Egiptians yet were they neuerthelesse very profitable for the liberty of the Egiptians But the miserable playntifes are yet in an other greater extremity for notwithstanding the plagues and miseries the poore wretches suffer daily yet do they leaue their soules buried in the courts of Chauncery and cannot notwithstanding haue their goods at liberty And if the plague of the Egiptians was by ryuers of blood froggs horse flyes death of cattell tempests leprosy locusts mists flyes and by the death of the first borne children The plague of the plaintifes is to serue the presidents to beare with the auditors to intreat the notaries to make much of their clarks to please the counsellers to follow their heeles that must open their cause to pray the vsshers to borow money to goe from house to house to sollicite their attorneys all these things are easy to tell but very hard to suffer For after they are once prooued and tryed by experience they are enough to make a wyse man contented rather to lose a peece of hys ryght then to seeke to recouer it by any such extremity For hee may bee well assured that hee shall neuer want fayre countenaunce sugred woords and large promyses but for good dooings it is a maruelous woonder if euer they meete togeethers And therefore beefore all other thyngs it is necessary hee pray to God for hys own health and preseruation and next to him for the preseruacion and long continuaunce of the Iudge if hee will obteyn his suite Therefore I aduise him that hath not the Iudge for hys frend to beeware as from the deuyll hee doo not commence any suite beefore him For to dispatch him the
will dispatch mee quickly but wheare you say that you haue a great desire to keepe my right and iustice I vtterly appeale from that sentence For I come not syr and yf it please you to folow your heeles and to wayte vpon you to solicite my cause to the end you should keepe my ryght and deteigne yf from mee but that you shoold geeue yt to mee For I ê“mis you this syr if you once geeue it mee I mean neuer to trouble your woorship hereafter with the keeping of it agayn but wil discharge you quite And now after al these things we haue spokeÌ„ I coÌ„clude that who so euer curseth his enemy seeketh reueÌ„ge of an iniury doon him let him not desire to see hym poore and myserable neyther hated nor ill willed of any other dead nor banished but let him onely beeseech god to plague hym with some ill sute For a man cannot deuise to take a greater reuenge of his enemy theÌ„ to see him entangled in a vile sute to follow the court or to attend in chauncery ¶ The auctor chaungeth his matter and speaketh to the beeloued of the court admonishyng them to bee pacient in their troubles that they bee not partiall in thaffaires of the common weale Cap. xi THe courtier shall doo well and wysely and cheefely if hee bee noble beeloued to passe ouer the iniuries doone hym and to beare them pacyently neuer to geeue any woords to any that shall offend him For the officers of princes can by no other means so well assuer their offices and autority they haue as by dooyng good continually to some and to suffer others no way makyng any countenaunce of displeasure for the iniuries doone hym by others And yf yt happen as many tymes yt dooth that a folower and hanger on of the court hauyng spent all that hee hath and dryuen now to seeke a new banck chaunce to speak dyshonest woords and frame great quarells against the kyngs officers in thys case the courtier and wise offycer should neuer aunswer him wyth anger and displeasure and much lesse speak to hym in choller For a man of honor and respect wyllbee more greeued wyth a dishonest woord that is spoken agaynst him then hee wil bee for the denyall of that hee asketh Those that are beeloued and beelyked of prynces aboue all other thyngs ought to bee very pacient courteous and gentle in all things For all that the followers of the court and suters can not obteyn in the court let them not lay the fault to the prince that denyed yt them but onely to the fauored of the prince and those about him for that they neuer mooued yt to the kyngs maiesty nor once thought of the matter as the poore suters supposed they had The payns and troubles of court are infynyt and insupportable For how quyet so euer the courtier bee they wyll trouble and molest him if hee bee pacyent they willbee impacyent and in stormes saying that such a man spake ill of hym and seekes contynually to defame hym Whych things wee wyll the courtyer heare wyth paciens and dissemble with wisedome For the wise courtyer should not bee angry for the ill woords they speak of hym but onely for the vile and wycked actes they doo to hym Let not the courtyer and beelyked of the prynce bee deceyued in thynkyng that dooyng for this man and for that man and in shewyng them fauor that for all hee can bynd or stay their tongues that they speak not ill of hym and their harts that they hate them not extreamly For the enemy receyueth not so much pleasure of that the courtyer geeueth hym as hee dooth greef and dyspleasure for that that is beehynd yet in the courtiers hands to geeue hym Now in the pallace of prynces it is a naturall thyng for eche man to desire to aspire and to creepe into the princes fauor to bee able to doo much and to bee more woorth then others and to commaund also and as there are many that desire it so are they very few in number that by their vertues and demeryts obteyn that fauor It is a thing most suer and vndoubted that one alone enioying his princes grace and fauor shal bee hated in maner of the most part of the people The more they bee rych noble and of great power that are beeloued and accepted of princes so much the more ought they to bee circumspect and to lyue in feare and doubt of such disgraces and mysfortunes that may happen to them syth euery mans eye is vppon them and that they are enuyed for that they can doo much and desire also to take from them that autority and credit they haue and to spoyle them of such treasure as they possesse or haue gotten by the princes fauor And in this case the beelyked of the court must not trust in the pleasures hee hath doone them neyther in the fauor hee hath shewed them much lesse in the fayned frendshyp they seeme to beare hym and that hee thinks hee hath gotten of them neyther must hee must to much hys frends neighbors and kynsfolks no nor hys own brethren But let hym bee assured that all those that are not in lyke fauor and estimation that hee is bee hee of what degree or parentage hee willbee yea and as neere a kynne as may bee they wyll all bee in that his very mortall foes Authoryty to coÌ„maund beeyng the cheef and hyghest poynt of honor and whereto euery man seekes to aspire and whych was cause that Pompey beecame the deadly enemy of Iulius Cesar hys father in law Absalon of Dauid hys naturall father Romulus of his brother Remus Allexander of Darius who shewed hym self to fore a father in loue in bryngyng on hym vp and Marke Antony of Augustus Cesar hys great frend So that I say yt may well bee sayed that after dysdaigne and cankered Ire haue once possest the delycat brest of man onely concernyng honor and commaundement it is neuer thencefoorth recured of that infested sore neyther by gyfts and promisses and much lesse by prayers and requests It is true the accepted of the prynce may well bee free from all thirst and hunger colde and heet warres plague and pouerty and from all other calamytyes and troubles of thys our wretched lyfe but hee shall neuer bee free from detractions of venemous and wycked tongues and from spyghtfull and enuyous persons For no lesse ys enuy ioyned to fauor then is thirst to a burnyng ague In this case yt is impossible but that the courtier should receyue many tymes displeasure and disgraces in the court but not to geeue eare to these detracters and yll speakers of men To remedy these things the courtier must needes seeme to let them know by hys lookes and aunswers that hee is more offended with them that come tell him these lewd tales then with those that indeede did truely report theÌ„ of hym This couÌ„cell would I geeue the courtier that
charges for his dinner or supper let him looke in hys purse hee shal fynd these mates haue pickt vp in rewards asmuch as the hole charges of his dinner or supper besides More ouer they are dayly visited of their frends kinsfolks vitells are so deere of so excessiue price that to make their prouision at the best hand they must send out postes lackeis into all parts to bee their purueiers And yet are they further recharged that many times their seruants robbe them of all their money runne their way when they haue doon sometimes they must new aray them selues al with things the courtier in respect of his estimacion is bound to doo thorowly with the best maner or els to sequester banish him self from court courtiers life It is true that a poore gentelman or other suiter that of necessitie must follow the court knoweth very well the cause that mooueth him to bee a courtier attend on the court but yet hee shal not know what his charge expense wil bee about the suyt If hee haue any fauor or credit in the court hee may happely obteyn a quick and redy dispatch so perhaps saue some part of his money in his purse hee determined to spend without which hee shal not onely bee enforced to borrow but to send a new messenger to his house for more money O the more is the pyty how many haue I seen in princes courts spend til that euer they brought to the court to follow their suyt yet could not bee dispatched in any thing hee came for saue that in steede of their money they cōsumed they haue purchased them great troubles displeasures bewayling their lost time vayn expence And it is to bee considered also that if it bee a great dyfyculty to speak to the prince in our matter to the presedent of the counsell to the master of the requests to the priuy counsell to the marshals of the house to the treasorers to the cofferers to the fouriers to the fauored of the court it is farre greater more trouble to enterteigne content their seruants offycers For I dare assure you you shal sooner more easly winne the loue of the maister then you shal obtein the fauor good will of the setuant Princes are contented if wee obey them the fauored of the court if wee serue them but the seruants are neuer contented nor in quiet if they see wee doo not worship them entreat thē And surely I wil tel you a true tale wil not lye a woord to you In those days when I my self was also a courtier in the court of princes it stoode mee vpon many times rather to trouble the maisters then to pray the seruants If perhaps for penaunce of his sinnes the suter shew him self importunat in his affaires that hee presume to dare say to him some nipping or vnpleasant woord let him bee wel assured he wil not bee reuenged on him to hurt him with sweord or launce but onely in holding back his penne to delay him in his dispatch For I remember that once beeing but a poore preest I was entreated by the procter of a prouince to say him a douzen of masses for a great noble man in great fauor in the court that had his matter in hys hands hee coniured mee very earnestly that I should not say them for the health saluacion of his soule but onely that god would inspire him put into his mynd to dispatch him quickly of his buysines Therefore as wee haue spoken of the one it is reason wee should also speak of the other And therefore I say that there are some of these officers clerks of Iudges Magistrates counsellers secretaries treasorers marshals fouriers and other officers also of the court that are so wise men of such honesty ciuility that the dyscurtesyes wrongs sometimes their lord maisters doo to vs they doo the best they can either to take them from vs quite or at the least to lessen or dymynish them For the contrary also others there are so proud shameles such tatlers vile persons so vnconscionable with all of whom as it is a great pleasure for vs to see that they write and to heare that they can speak so well promesse so liberally onely to winne your money pick your purse so it is a great spight to vs and more shame reproche and infamy for them when afterwards wee see the contrary effects of their faire woords and fayned promises where with they feede vs continually And addyng thereto also wee see many times that such a yong courtier in lesse then fower years that he hath remayned in seruice with a noble man or other officer of the kings in the court hath gotten by his practise pollicy a faire moyle of great price with her harnes all gilt his cofers well sylled his tent for the feelde with feeld bed other furniture to it his carpets on his table his clothes of tapestry ouer his doores his gowns richly furred for the winter and those of sattin damask and taffeta for the sommer and yet notwithstanding al this glory hee may possyble keepe a curtesan for his pleasure maintayn her Al which things considered put together it is impossible hee should doo it by the gaines of his penne or seruice but onely by dishonest means robbing of his master I saw once in my presens a poore suter offer the clark of a Secretary eight Rialls of siluer for to dispach him of his suyt and hee refused them flatly and would none of them by no means notwithstandyng the poore man turned him vp the bottome of his purse and showed him that hee had but onely fower rialls left to bring him home withall So the poor man came to mee intreated mee to speak to this clark for him to perswade him to take his money hee offered him and to dispatch him since hee had no more left then hee shewed hym And I did so And this woorshipfull clerk made mee this vnhonest aunswer Sir behold my face and complexion and you shall fynd that it is all of gold and not of siluer For I sweare to you by our blessed lady of Lancet that yt is more then two years that I receiued for reward of my payns no other but gold and not siluer layd in my hands It can not bee but that seruant the vauntes him self to haue a face of gold wil one day put his maisters face in the myre Now albeit wee see the kings officers and others peraduenture vnder them to ryde on their nagges with their foote clothes to bee braue in apparell to bee rich in iewels and happely to haue a hundreth crownes in his purse wee should not maruell of it at all but if wee haue cause to think any thing yll in them it is for that many times they play away
fortune thou oughtst to know yt yf thou knowest yt not that hee that neuer was rich scant knoweth his pouerty But alas for pyty hee that was rych and had once all pleasures and ease dooth sorrow much for the present extreamyty and bewayleth the forepassed felycity And I tell thee also and thou oughtst to beleeue mee that wee repute them more happy whō thou neuer exaltest nor gauest honor to then wee doo those whom thow hast called to high honor and afterwards hast ouerthrown them and brought them lower and in woorse state then before And as for mee O fortune I tell thee truely I think no man fortunat but him that neuer knew what good fortune ment And this was the discourse betwixt fortune and the consul Seuerius By which wee may perceyue and comprehend that truely none may bee thought vnfortunat and myserable but such as haue beene beefore in great honor and reputacion and hee cannot bee thought abased of his state or countenaunce if hee were not beefore in prosperity and fauored of fortune So that wee may well say that neuer no man in this world was so free as hee that neuer suffered fortune to enter into his gates I haue beene desirous to tell you of these thyngs because that such as are in fauor and credyt with prynces should not recken too much of their fauor neyther that those that are not in fauor wyth them should bee sory for it a whyt For the great aucthority and credyt that a man hath by the court is in thys mortall lyfe in the end nothyng els then as a lytle woorme in an appell a wyuell yn the corne and a maggot in pease which wythout seeme very good and within they are all rotten and eaten Princes aucthority aboue all others ys most supreme for they are not subiect to the Censors and iudges to reprooue them of their woords and sayings neither to magistrates to whom they shoold render any account of their dooings whereof proceedes that as they haue free will to loue so haue they a free lybertie to hate and absolute power to punysh Therefore those that are in fauor in court and that shall read these writings of mine must wel consider what wee mean by all those thyngs wee haue spoken whereby they shall easely know that princes are no lesse apt to hate him to day they loued yesterday then to loue him to morow whom they hated the other day The first and cheefest thing the courtier ought to haue is to feare god and to follow the profession of a good christyan For in th end they lyue in court with more safty hauing a good and pure conscience then wyth all the great credit and fauor they can haue And therefore let euery courtyer beleeue mee aswell in fauor as out of fauor that it is the best and surest way to get the goods of this world as also for the preseruacion of their soules to esteeme and make account of the scriptures and gods commaundements And if hee doo otherwise it shall happen many tymes vnto him that in the dispatch of his weightyest affaires and needefull busines euen when hee thynks his matter brought to a good end and that it is wythout al doubt of dyspatch then steppes in crooked fortune with her wonted poyson agaynst hym eyther makes him in manner beegynne his suyt anew agayn or at least vtterly ouerthroweth yt quite For there are in prynces courts many tymes certeyn suytes that haue a good and better end then looked for and contraryly many others that are at the point of dispatchyng and yet by synister accident clean ouerthrown and succeding contrary to their assured expectacion And yet notwithstāding it seemeth to the suter that the cause hereof commeth eyther through the soliciters negligence and default and lyttle care to follow it or els through the malyce and yll will of the fauored of the court that tooke vppon hym the suite and yet neyther the one nor the other was cause of the disorder but only the diuine prouydence of God to admonish vs that in all our actions and dooings it little preuayleth vs to mooue the kyng or his officers in all our matters if wee doo not deserue at gods hands to obtein it And therefore sayd the diuine Plato in hys Timeon that these that haue honor and prosperity in this lyfe haue as much neede of good counsell as the poore afflicted creatures haue of help and remedy And surely it was wysely and profoundly spoken of hym For as neede and misery in this wretched lyfe bringeth men to dispair So lykewise wee see prosperity induce men to forgett them selues and theyr state And that that I haue hytherto spoken of and that I hope yet to speak none can vnderstand nor conceiue but such as once in their tyme in theyr nauigation had a fortunat and lucky wynd and afterward turnyng contrary euen at shore syde haue cast them on rockes and vtterly perished them To thend that those in readyng these my writings may yet lament and moorne for pity where the other can but only read and goe no further If wee compare and put togeether the rych with the poore the sorowfull wyth the mery the fortunat with the vnfortunat the fauored with the banyshed the vertuous and noble wyth the vycious and defamed wee shall fynd without doubt the nomber of those farre greater that coold ryse agayn beeing down and had taken a fall then those that coold keepe them selues in the aucthority and fauor that fortune had brought them to I haue not said it a few tymes but euery moment I woold return to say it agayn that thys trayterous world in all hys dooings is so deceiptfull and Fortune in all that shee promyseth so doubtfull that they make them beleeue whom they make rych beloued and rayse to hygh estate that they doo it but to honor them and afterwards contraryly they spinne a thousand deceypts and trumpryes to make them sooner fall to the ground Surely I haue seene but few and I remember I haue read of none to whom Fortune euer shewed herself so benygne and curteous that euer putt a man in hys cheefest topp of prosperity fauor but in few days after shee tooke his lyfe frō hym or at least in the end of his iorney shee made him runne into some secrete disgrace or mishap And therefore I woold that the courtier that obtaineth fauor in the court and ryches in the common wealth that hee shoold recken and esteeme them as lent him not geeuen him and that hee shoold so gouern the things of fortune as hee woold that man whom hee trusted not at all For as Seneca sayth No man is afficted with fortune but hee only that trusted to her without fear or suspect at all of her For courtiers and those that are in great fauor and auctority ought to know that lyke as in the deepest seas soonest perish the shippes and as in the hyghest mountains the Sunne hath always least
another beside her self for shee ceaseth not to defaÌ„e him to follow the other to rayse a sclauÌ„der amoÌ„gst her neighbors to coÌ„plaine to his freÌ„ds to bewray the matter to the iustice to quarel with officers alwayes to haue spies for hym in euery place as if hee were one of her mortal enemyes O I woold to god the courtier would as much esteeme of his coÌ„scieÌ„s as his louer maketh accoÌ„pt of his parsoÌ„ happy were hee For I dare assure him if he know it not that shee spieth out al the places hee goth so couÌ„ts euery morsel of meat hee eateth becoÌ„meth ielious of al that hee dooth of all those whose coÌ„pany hee frequeÌ„teth yea shee deuiseth imagineth all that hee thinketh So that hee that seeketh a cruel reueÌ„ge of his enemy cannot doo better theÌ„ ê‘swade induce him to loue one of these wel coÌ„ditioned womeÌ„ Now let him think that hee hath great warres that by his euil hap hath made her his enemy which heretofore hee so eÌ„tierly loued For any maÌ„ that exteemeth his honor reputacioÌ„ dooth rather feare the euil tongue of such a womaÌ„ theÌ„ the sweord of his enemy For an honest maÌ„ to striue coÌ„teÌ„d with a womaÌ„ of such quality is eueÌ„ asmuch as yf hee woold take vpon him to wash an asses head Therefore hee may not set me to make accoÌ„pt of those iniuries doon him or euel words shee hath spoken of him but rather seeke to remedy it the best hee caÌ„ that shee speak no more of him For womeÌ„ naturaly desire to enioy that persoÌ„ they loue wtout let or interruption of any to pursue to the death those they hate I woold wysh therfore the fauored of priÌ„ces such as haue office dignity in the court that they beware they incurre not into such like errors For it is not sitting that meÌ„ of honor such as are great about the prince shoold seeme to haue more lyberty in vice theÌ„ any other neither for any respect ought the beloued of the prince to dare to keepe coÌ„pany much lesse to haue freÌ„dship with any such coÌ„moÌ„ defamed womeÌ„ syth the least euel that can coÌ„e to theÌ„ they caÌ„not bee auoided But at the least hee must charge his coÌ„scieÌ„s trouble his freÌ„ds wast his goods coÌ„sume his ê‘son lose his good fame ioyning with al these also his coÌ„cubine to bee his mortal enemy For there is no womaÌ„ liuiÌ„g that hath any measure in louiÌ„g neither end in hatiÌ„g Oh how wareli ought al meÌ„ to liue specialy wee that are in the court of princes for many womeÌ„ vnder the color of their autority office goe oft tymes to seek theÌ„ in their chaÌ„bers not only as huÌ„ble suters to sollycyte theire causes but also liberaly to offer theÌ„ their ê‘soÌ„s so by that colour to coÌ„clude their practises deuyses So that the decisioÌ„ coÌ„clusioÌ„ of processe which they fain to solycite shal not goe with him that demaunds there goods of theÌ„ but rather with him that desires but their parsoÌ„s to spoile theÌ„ of their honor Now the princes officers must seeke to bee pure clene froÌ„ al these practises of these comoÌ„ struÌ„pets much more froÌ„ those that are suters to theÌ„ haue maters beefore theÌ„ For they should highly offeÌ„d god coÌ„mit great treasoÌ„ to the King if they should send those weomeÌ„ froÌ„ theÌ„ that sued vnto theÌ„ rather dishonored defamed theÌ„ honestly dispatched of their busines And therfore hee bindeth him self to a maruelous inconuenieÌ„ce that falleth in loue with a woman suter For euen froÌ„ that instant hee hath receued of her the sweete delights of loue eueÌ„ at the present hee byâ—deth him self to dispatch her quickly to end al her sutes not wtout great greefe I speake these woords There are many women that come to the court of princes to make vnreasonable dishonest sutes which in the end notwtstaÌ„ding obtaine ther desire And not for any ryght or reasoÌ„ they haue to it saue only they haue obtained that thorough the fauor and credit they haue won of the fauored courtier or of one of his beloued So as wee see it happeÌ„ many tymes that the vniust fornication made her sute iust resonable I should lye and doo my selfe wrong mee thinks yf I should passe ouer with silence a thing that happened in the emperors court touching this matter in the which I went one day to one of the princes cheefe officers best beeloued of hym to sollycyte a matter of importauÌ„ce which an hostes of myne should haue before him And so this fauored courtier great officer after hee had hard of mee the whole discourse of the matter for full resolution of the same hee axed mee yf shee were yong fayre I auÌ„swered hym that shee was reasonable fayre of good fauor Well than sayth hee bed her com to mee I wil doo the best I can to despatch her matter with speade for I wyl assure you of this that there neuer caÌ„e fayre woman to my hands but shee had her busines quickly dispatcht at my haÌ„ds I haue knowne also many womeÌ„ in the court so vnhonest that not conteÌ„ted to folow their owne matters would also deale with others affayrs gaine in soliciting their causes so that they with their fyne words franke offer of there parsons obtayned that which many tymes to men of honor great autorytye was denyed Therfor these great officers fauored of priÌ„ces ought to haue great respect not only in the coÌ„uersatioÌ„ they haue with these womeÌ„ but also in the honest order they ought to obserue in hering theyr causes And that to bee done in such sort that what so euer they say vnto theÌ„ may bee kept secret prouided also the place where they speake with them bee open for other suters in like case ¶ That the nobles beloued of princes exceede not in superfluous fare that they bee not too suÌ„ptuous in their meates A notable chapter for those that vse too much delicacye and superfluity Chap. xviii ONe of the greatest cares and regard the nature layd vpon her self was that men could not lyue wtout sustinaÌ„ce so that so long as wee see a maÌ„ eat yea if yt were a thousaÌ„d yeares wee might bee bold to say that hee is certainly alyue And hee hath not alone layd this burdeÌ„ vpon meÌ„ but on brute bests also For wee see by experience that some feedeth on the grasse in the fyelds some liues in the ayre eating flyes others vpon the wormes in carin others with that they fynd vnder the water And finally ech beast lyueth of other and afterwards the wormes feede of vs al. And not oÌ„ly reasonable meÌ„ brute beasts lyue by eating but the trees are norrished therby wee see it thus that they in stede of meat receyue into theÌ„ for nutriture the heate of the sunne the teÌ„perature of the ayre the moysture
that I eat thou shooldst not serue so great a tyraunt as thou doost The excesse of meates ys greater in these days both in quantity and in dressing of them then in tymes past For in that golden age which the philosophers neuer cease to beewaile men had no other houses but naturall caues in the ground and apparelled onely with the leaues of trees the bare ground for their shoes their hands seruing them in steede of cuppes to drink in they drank water for wyne eat toâ—â—â—s for bread and fruyts for flesh and finally for their bed they made the earth for their couering the sky beeing lodged always at the signe of the starre When the diuine Plato returned out of Cicill into Greece hee sayd one day in his colledge I doo aduertise you my disciples that I am returned out of Cicill maruelously troubled and this is by reasoÌ„ of a monster I saw there And beeing asked what moÌ„ster it was hee told them that it was Dionisius the tyrant who is not contented with one meale a day but I saw him suppe many tymes in the night O diuine Plato if thou wert alyue as thou art dead and present with vs in this our pestilent age as thou wert then in that golden tyme how many shouldst thou see that doo not onely dyne and suppe wel but beefore dinner breake their fast with delycate meats and wynes and banket after dynner and supper also beefore they goe to bed So that wee may say though Plato saw then but one tyrant suppe hee might see now euery body both dyne and suppe and scant one that conteÌ„teth hym with one meale a day in which the brute bests are more moderate theÌ„ reasonable men Syth wee see that they eat but somuch as satisfyeth them and men are not contented to eate inough yea till they bee full but more then nature wyl beare And brute beasts haue not also such diuersity of meats as men haue neither seruants to wayt on them beddes to lye in wyne to drink houses to put their heads in money to spend nor phisitioÌ„s to purge them as men haue And yet for al these commodities wee see men the most part of their tyme sick And by these things recyted wee may perceyue that there is nothing preserueth so much the health of man as labor nothing consumeth sooner then rest And therefore Plato in his tyme on spake a notable sentence and woorthy to bee had in mynd and that is this That in that city where there are many phisicions yt must needes follow of necessity that the inhabitaunts there of are vicious ryotous persons And truely wee haue good cause to cary this saying away Sith wee see that phisitions commonly enter not into poore mens houses the trauell and exerciseth their body dayly but contrarily into the rych and welthy mens houses which lyue coÌ„tinually idlely at ease I remember I knew once a gentleman a kynsman of myne and my very frend which hauing taken physyck I came to see how hee did supposing hee had beene syck and demaunding of him the cause of his purgacion hee told mee hee tooke it not for any sicknes hee had but oÌ„ely to make him haue a better appetite against hee weÌ„t to the feast which should bee a two or three days after And with in syxe days after I returned agayn to see hym and I found him in his bedde very sick not for that hee had fasted too much but that hee had inglutted hym self with the variety of meats hee eat at the feast So it happened that where hee purged him self once onely to haue a better stomack to eat hee needed afterwards a douzen purgacions to discharge his loden stomack of that great surfet hee had taken at the feast with extreme eating And for the fower howers hee was at the table where this feast was hee was lodged afterwards in his chamber for two moneths to pay vsery for that hee had taken yet yt was the great grace of god hee escaped with lyfe For if it bee yll to synne yt vs farr worse to seeke and procure occasions to synne And therfor by consequent the synne of Gluttony is not only dangerous for the coÌ„sciens hurtfull to the health of the body and a displeasing of god but it is also a worme that eateth and in fine consumeth wholly the goods faculties of him that vseth yt Beesyds that these gurmands receyue not so much pleasure in the eatyng of these dainty morsells as they doo afterwards greefe and displeasure to heare the great accounts of their stewards of their excessyue expensis Yt is a swete delight to bee fed daily with dainty dishes but a sower sawce to those delicat mouthes to put his hand so oft to the purse Which I speake not with out cause syth that as wee feele great pleasure and felicity in those meates that enter into our stomack so doo wee afterwards think that they pluck out of our hart that mony that payeth for those knacks I remember I saw writen in an Inne in Catalogia these woords You that hoste heere must say wheÌ„ you sit down to your meat Salue regina yea when you are eating Vitae dul cedo yea and when you recken with the host Ad te Suspiramus yea and when you come to pay him Gementes flentes Now yf I would go about to describe by parcells the order and maner of our feasts and banckets newly inuented by our owne nation there would rather appeare matter to you to lament and bewaile then to write And it had been better by way of speach to haue inuented dyuers fashions of tables formes and stooles to sit on theÌ„ such diuersity of meates to set vpon the tables as wee doo vse now a dayes And therefore by good reason did Licurgus King of Lacedemonia ordeyne comaund that no stranger comming out of a strange country into his should so hardy bring in any newe customes vpon pain that if it were knowen hee should bee streight banished out of the couÌ„try and if hee did vse and practise yt hee should bee put to death I will tell you no lye I saw once serued in at a feast xlii sortes and kyndes of meates in seuerall dishes In an other feast of diuers sortes of the fish caled Tuny And in an other feast beeing flesh day I saw dyuers fishes broyled with lard And at an other feast wheare I saw no other meate but Troutes and Lampereis of dyuers kyndes of dressinge And at an other feast wheare I saw only vi persons agree togethers to drink ech of them .iii. pottels of wyne apeece with this condition further that they should bee .vi. howers at the table and hee that drank not out his part should pay for the whole feast I saw also an other feast where they prepared iii. seuerall tables for the bidden guests the one boord serued after the Spanish maner the other after the Italian and the third after the fasshion
short tyme wee afterwards haue infinite greefes and trobles with a sower sawce to oure no smal payne And therfor Aristotell mocking the Epicuriens sayd that they vpon a tyme went all into the temple togethers beseeching the gods they would geeue them necks as long as the cranes and herens that the pleasure and tast of the meates should bee more long beefore yt came into the stomack to take the greater delight of their meate complayning of nature that shee had made their necks to short affirming that the only pleasure of meats cōsisted in the swallowing of yt downe which they sayd was to soone Yf wee saw a man euen vpon a sodein throw al his goods into the sea or riuer would wee not imagine hee were mad or a very foole Yes vndoutedly Euen such a one is hee that prodigally spendith al his goods in feasting and bancketing And that this is true doo wee not see manifestly that all these meates that are serued to noble mēs boordes to day and to morrow cōueighid into the priuy from the eaters by their page or seruāt Suerly mans stomack is nothing els but a gutt or tripe forsed with meate bread and wyne a pauemēt fyld with wyne lees and a vessel of stincking oyle a recepit of corrupt ayre a synke of a kitchin and a secret place wherinto wee cast all our goods and faculty as into the ryuer And therfore Esay sayd that all these noble cityes of Sodome and Gomorra by this only curse did incurre into such execrable sinnes for which afterwards they were distroied and this was euen through excesse of eating and drinking and to much ydlenes and it is no maruel For it is an infallible thing that where ydlenes and glottony reigneth there must needes come some yll end to that man The Greekes the Romans the Egiptians the Scithes although they were detected of many other sinnes and vices yet were they alwais sober temperat in eating drinking Iustin that wrot of Trogus Pompeius reciteth that among the Scithes which were the rudest and most barbarous that came into Asia vsed to reproue those that let go wind to chastise punish those that vomited saying that breaking wynd vomiting came only of too much eating drinking Plutarche in his Apothegmes sayd that there was a philosopher in Athens called Hyppomachus that was so great an enemy to Gluttony that hee vsed in his colledge such so great an abstinence that his disciples by that were knowen amongst all the other philosophers And not for no other thing but to see them buy their cates prouision to lyue with all for they neuer bought meats to fatt them keepe them lusty but only to susteyn nature that but lyttle The Romains made dyuers lawes in the old tyme to expell out of their cities dronkards Gluttons whereof wee wil recite some vnto you to th end that those that shall read our present writings shall both know and see what great care our forfathers tooke to abolish this horible vyce of gluttony First ther was a law in Rome called Fabian law so called because Fabian the consull made it in which it was prohibited that no man shoold so hardy in the greatest feast hee made spend aboue a hundred sexterses which might bee in value a hundred peeces of .vi. pence salets all other kynds of fruit not comprysed within the same And immediatly after that came out an other law called Messinia which the consull Messinius made By which they were also inhibited in all feastes to drink no strange wynes which only were permitted to bee geeuen to those that were disseased After which folowed also an other law Licinia made by the cōsull Licinius forbidding in all feasts all kinds of sawces beecause they incite appetit are cause of a great expence An other law Emillia of Emilius the consull also commaunding the Romains shoold bee serued in their bankets but only with fyue sorts of diuersities of meats because in them there shoold be sufficient for honest refection no superfluity to fill the belly And then was there the law Ancia made by Ancius the consull charging al the Romains to indeuour to learn all kynd of sciences except cookry For according to their saying in that house where there was a cooke those of the house became poore quickly their bodyes diseased their mynds vitious and altogeether geeuen to Gluttony After this law there came forth an other called Iulia of Iulius Cesar cōmanding all romains that none shoold bee so hardy to shut their gates when they were at dinner and it was to this end that the censors of the city might haue easy accesse into their houses at meal tyme to see if theyr ordinary were respondent to their ability And there was also an other law made afterwards called Aristimia of Aristmius the consull by which it was enacted that it shoold bee lawfull for euery man to inuite his frends to dinner to hym at noone as they liked prouided that they supped not together that night And this was established thus to cut of the great charge they were at with theyr suppers For the Romayns exceeded in superfluity of daynty fyne meats and more ouer they sat to long gulling eating at their suppers Of all these laws heretofore recited were auctors Aulus Gelius and Macrobius And for this was Caius Gracchus well reputed of of the Romays who not withstanding hee had been consull indyuers prouinces and that many tymes was a man of great grauity auctority in Rome yet hee woold neuer keepe cook in his house but when hee was at Rome his wife was his only cooke traueling his hostesse of his house where hee lay dressed hys meat Marcus Mantius in tymes past made a book of dyuers ways how to dresse meat and an other of the tastes sawces diuers maners of seruing of them in at the bankets and a third book how to couer the table sett the stools in order order the cubberd also how seruants shoold wayt geeue their attendance at the table which three bookes were no sooner imprinted and published but presently publikly they were burned by the senat of Rome and if his aucthor had not quickly voided Rome fled into Asia hee had accōpanyed his books in the fyer The auncient writers neuer seased to reproue enough Lentulus Cesar Scilla Sceuola and Emilius For a banket they made in a gardein of Rome where they eat no other meats but black byrds torteises mallard nettles pigs brayns and hares in sawce But yf the Romain writers wrot in these days I doo not beleeue they woold reproue so simple a banket made by so noble famous persons as they were For now a days they doo so farre exceed in variety of dishes at noble mens bourds that neither they haue appetite to eat nor yet they can tell the names of the dishes But now retourning to our purpose I say the intent
wholly his to dispose and possible as it were his right hand that they be those whom hee happely too hath doone much for in dispatching their affairs For lightly in such lyke feasts treasons poisonings are not practised with the maister of the feast but only with him that waiteth at the table to geeue drink or els by the cooks that dresseth the meat Also let not the courtier trust too much those whom hee hath been in company with all at dyuers feasts where hee neuer had hurt much lesse knew any little occasion to suspect yll of them touching any tresōment towards him For so at a tyme when hee suspecteth least hee may be in most daunger find him self deceiued And therefore by my councell hee shall not easely bee intreated to euery mans boord vnlesse hee bee first well assured of the company that are bidden as also of the seruants that wayt For the holes spaces of the french rydles with which they dust their corne sometimes is euen stopped with the very graines of the same corne and letteth the cleere passage of all the rest One of the greatest troubles or to terme it better one of the greatest daungers I see the fauored courtiers in is this that al the courtiers and in maner all the citizens desire to see them out of fauor or dead by some means For euery man is of this mynd that with the chaunge of things by his fall or death hee hopeth hee shal rise to some better state or happely to catch some part of his offices or lyuings An other mischief inconueniēce yet happeneth to this fauored courtier by haunting others tables that is that many times it chaunceth vnseemly vnhonest woords are let fall at the table perhaps quarel rise vppon it which though hee bee present yet hee can neither remedy nor appease it And because these things were done spoken in the presence of the esteemed of the prince hee that spake them hath credit and those that hard it discried it Yet ys there an other disorder that commeth by these feasts that is that hee that maketh the feast and biddeth guests dooth it not for that they are of hys acquayntaunce his kinsfolks or his faithfull frends nor for that hee is bound and beeholding to them but only to obtayn his desyre in his sutes that hee hath in hand for they are few that seeke to pleasure men but in hope to bee greatly recompenced Therefore those that are in fauor auctority about the prince that accept others bydding sure one of these two things must happen to them Eyther that hee must dispatch his busynes that inuyteth him yea although it be vnreasonable so vniust damnable that obtaining it both hee the fauored courtier goe to the deuyll togeethers for company for the wrong iniury they haue doone to an other or on the other syde refusing to doo it the bydder is stricken dead repenteth his cost bestowed vpon him Aboue all things I chiefly admonish the courtiers and officers of princes not to sell change nor engage their liberties as they doo the same day that they begin to follow such feasts or to receiue gyfts or presents or to lynk them selues in streight frendship with any or to deal parcially in any cause For by these foresaid occasions they shall oft bynd them selues to doo that that shal not bee fitt for them besydes the losse of their liberty they had beefore to doo that was most honest and commendable ¶ That the fauored of princes ought not to bee dishonest of their tongues nor enuyous of their woords Cap. xix ANaxagoras the philosopher disputing one day of the cause why nature had placed the members of mans body in such order as they are and of the property and complexiō of euery one of them and to what end they had been so orderly placed by nature eche member in his place falling in the end to treat of the tong said thus of it You must vnderstand my good disciples that not without art grete mistery nature gaue vs ii feete ii hands .ii. eares ii eyes yet for all this but one tongue whereby shee shewed vs the in our going feeling smelling hearing and seeing wee may bee as long as wee will but in speking wee shoold bee as sparing scant as coold bee alleging further that not without great reason also nature suffered vs to goe open bare faced the eyes the eares the hands the feete other parts of the body bare also except the tongue which shee hath enuironed with lawes inured with teeth and also shut with lips which shee did to geeue vs to vnderstand that there is nothing in this present life that hath more neede of gard defence then hath this our vnbrydled tong And therefore said Pithachus the philosopher that a mans tong is made lyke the yron poynt of a launce can but yet that it was more daungerous then that For the point of the launce can but hurt the flesh but the tongue perseth the hart And truely it was a true saying of this philosopher For I know not that man how vertuous or pacient so euer hee bee but thinks yt lesse hurt the bloody swoord shoold perce his flesh then that hee shoold bee touched in honor with the venimous point of the serpentyen tong For how cruel so euer the wound bee time dooth heal it maketh it well again but defame or infamy neither late nor neuer can bee amēded We see men refuse to goe by water for fear of drowning not to come too neere the fyer for fear of burning not to goe to the warres for fear of killing to eat no yll meats for being sick to clym vp a high for fear of falling to goe in the dark for fear of stumbling to auoid the yll ayer rayn for fear of rewmes and yet I see very few or none that can beware of detractors yll tongs And that this is true I tell you I doo not think that in any thing a man is in such perill and daunger as when hee lyueth accompanyed with men dishonest in their dooings and vyle and naught in their tongues I haue also read touching this matter that Aformius the philosopher being asked what he ment to goe the most part of his tyme amongst the desert mountains in hasard euery hower to bee deuoured of wyld beasts answered thus Wild beasts haue no other weapons to hurt mee but their horns nayls their teeth to deuour mee but men neuer cease to hurt and offend mee with al their whole members And that this is true behold I pray you how they looke at mee with their eyes spurne mee with their feete torment mee with their hands hate mee with their hart and defame mee with their tongue So that wee haue great reason to say that a man lyueth with more security amongst wyld beasts then among malignaunt and enuious people Plutarche in
Alexander emperoure hauing warre with the people of that Isle made a strong castle ¶ Of that whiche chaunced vnto Antigonus a citezen of Rome in the time of Marcus Aurelius Cap. ii AT the same time when this woful chaunce happened in the Isle there dwelled a Romaine in the same citie called Antigonus a man of a noble bloud and wel stroken in age who with his wife and doughter were banished two yeares before from Rome The cause of his banishment was this There was an olde laudable custome in Rome instituted by Quintus Cincinatus the dictatour that two of the most auncient senatours should â—o with the censour newly created in the moneth of December to visite al Rome and to examine seuerally euery Romain declaring vnto him the .xii. tables also the particular decrees of the senate demaunding of theim if they knewe any man that had not obserued these lawes and if they did they should enfourme the senate thereof And so euery man should receiue condigne punishment according to his offence But thei neuer punished before they warned for they vsed the one yeare to admonishe them of their faultes and the next yeare if they dyd not amende to punyshe theim or elles to banyshe theim These were the wordes of the lawe in the fift table and thyrde chapter The sacret senate doth ordeyne the happy people do consent the auncient colonies doe allowe that if men as men in one yeare doe trespasse that men as men for that yeare doe wynke at them but if they as euill men doe not amende that then the good as good doe punishe them Moreouer the lawe sayde the first faultes are dissembled withall because they are committed through weake ignoraunce but the second shal be punished because they proceade of negligence and malice This inquiry was made in the moneth of December because in the moneth of Ianuary folowynge the officers of Rome were elected And it was reason the good from the euill should be knowen to th entent they might knowe who merited to haue them who deserued to go without them The chiefe cause why this Antigonus his wife and his doughter were banished was this It was ordeined by the eleuenth emperour of Rome Augustus that no man should be so hardy as to pisse nere the dores of any temple And Caligula the fourth emperour coÌ„maunded that no womaÌ„ should geue or sel any letters of witchecrafts to hange about the peoples neckes to deliuer them from the feuer quartaine And Cato the censour made a lawe that neither young maÌ„ nor mayde should talke togethers at the conduictes where they vsed to fetche water nor at the ryuer where they washed their clothes nor at the bakehouse where they baked their bread because al the wanton youth of Rome ordinarely haunted one of these two places It chaunced when the censours and consulles visited the warde of mounte Celio Antigonus who dwelled thereby was accused to haue pissed against the walles of the temple of Mars and his wife likewyse was complained of for selling wrytinges to cure the feuers and his doughter was noted for one that commonly haunted the conduictes riuers and bakehouses to talke with younge men the whiche in those daies was a great shame to maydes of Rome The censours therefore seinge the euill president whiche they founde in the house of Antigonus at that tyme registred also before and that he had bene gently thereof admonished banished him into the Isle of Scicilly for as long time as it should please the senate And lyke as in sumptuous and goodly buyldinges one stone falleth not without shakyng of an other so it chaunceth likewyse to men For commonly one mischaunce commeth not alone but that another immediatly foloweth I speake it for this purpose for that Antigonus was not onely depriued of his honoure goodes and countrey but also by an earth quake his house fel down to the ground slewe his dearest beloued doughter Whyles both these great mischaunces happened I meane of the monstre of Scicily and of the banishement of Antigonus from Rome Marke the emperour was in the warres againste the Argonautes where he receiued a letter from Antigonus of his banishemente whereof the emperoure was marueylous sory as it appeareth by the aunswere whiche he sent to comforte him ¶ Howe Marcus Aurelius sought the wealth of his people and howe his people loued him Cap. iii. IN the seconde yeare that Marke was elected emperour the .xlv. of his age when he retourned from the conquest of the Germaines the Argonautes from whence he brought great ryches and treasures to the Romaine empire he to reste him selfe and to appointe his men lay at Salon vntil such time as the Romaines had prepared all thinges conuenient for suche a glorious triumphe There was one thing done whiche neuer was sene in Rome for that same day of his triumphe his sonne Comodus by the assent of the whole people of Rome was chosen emperour after the death of his father He was not chosen at the request of his father for he was against it saiyng that the empire ought not to be geuen for the merites of those whiche are dead but he should be chosen for his own good workes being aliue This emperour said oftentimes that then Rome should be vndone when the election shal be takeÌ„ from the senate when the emperour shal enherite the empire by patrimony Now to come to our matter themperour being at Salon trauayled much to bring his men into Rome in good order and Rome was more careful for to receiue him triumphantly as it appertained to such a great conqueste He was marueilously wel beloued of al the empire and he alwayes studied the wealthe of his people and they were alwayes most faithful in his seruices So that sundry times there was a question moued in the senate whiche of these two thinges was better beloued Either the emperour of his people or the people of their emperour So that one day they appointed two iudges in this case the one was the Embassadour of the Parthes and the other was the Embassadour of the Rhodes and the information was geuen on bothe partes in writing The emperour alleaged the great profite that he had done to the common wealth and the many euils which he had deliuered it from On the other part the senatours declared the good dedes they had done in his absence and the great loue they bare him alwayes in his presence So likewyse the emperour an other day moued an other question to the senate affirming that it was more glory for him to haue such subiectes then for them to haue such an emperour The senate denied it affirming that the coÌ„fort was greater that they had of him then that which he could haue of them And in this wise the emperour gaue the glory to his people and the people gaue the glory to their emperour Thus merily this matter was reasoned of againe It was a pleasaunt thing to heare the reasons
of such a qualitie that it foloweth new inuentions and despiseth auncient customes All the people therfore gathered togethers the good philosopher Phetonius set vp in the middest of the market place a gybet hoote yrons a swerd a whip and fetters for the feete the whiche thyng done the Thebains were no lesse as they thought slaundered thē abashed To the which he spake these wordes You Thebains sente me to the Lacedemonians to the entent I should learne their lawes and customes and in dede I haue bene ther more then a yere beholdyng al thinges very diligentely for we Philosophers are bound not onely to note that whyche is done but also to know why it is done knowe ye Thebains that this in the aunswere of my Imbassage That the Lacedemonians hang vpon this Gybet theues with this same sworde they behede traytors with these hoote Irons they torment blasphemers and lyers with these roddes they whippe vacabondes and with these Irons do keape the rebels and the others are for players and vnthriftes Finally I say that I do not bryng you the lawes written but I bring you the Instrumentes wherwith they are obserued The Thebains were abashed to se these thinges and spake vnto hym such wordes Consider Phetonius wee haue not sent the to the Lacedemonians to bring instrumentes to take away life but for the good lawes to gouerne the common wealth The philosopher Phetonius replyed again aunswered Thebains I let you wete that if ye know what we philosophers knew you shold see how far your mindes wer from the truth For the Lacedemonians are not so vertuous thoroughe the lawes whych wer made of them that be dead as for the meanes they haue sought to preserue them that be alyue For maters of Iustice consiste more in execution then in commaundyng or ordeinynge Lawes are easely ordeyned but with difficultie executed for there are a thousande to make them but to put them in execution there is not one Ful lytle is that whych men knowe that are present in respect of that those knewe which are past But yet accordyng to my litle knowledge I proffer to gyue as good lawes to you Thebains as euer wer obserued among the Lacedemoniās For there is nothing more easy then to know the good and nothynge more commen then to folow the euill But what profiteth it if one will ordeyne and none vnderstand it Yf ther be that doth vnderstand thē there is none that excuteth them Yf there be that executeth them there is none that obserueth thē Yf there be one that obserueth them ther is a thousand that reproueth them For without comparison mo are they that murmure grudge at the good then those whych blame and despise the euyll You Thebains are offended bycause I haue brought suche Instrumentes but I let you wete if you wyll neyther Gybet nor sworde to kepe that which shal be ordeyned you shall haue your bookes full of lawes and the common wealth full of vices Wherfore I sweare vnto you that there are mo Thebains whiche folowe the deliciousnes of Denis the tyraunt then there are vertuous men that folowe the lawes of Lycurgus If you Thebains do desire greatly to know with what Lawes the Lacedemonians doe preserue their common wealthe I will tel you them all by worde and if you will reade them I will shew you them in writyng But it shal be vpon condition that you shall sweare all openly that once a daye you shall employ your eyes to reade them and your parsonnes to obserue them For the prince hath greater honour to se one onely law to be obserued in dede then to ordeyne a thousand by wryting You ought not to esteame muche to be vertuous in harte nor to enquire of the vertue by the mouth nor to seeke it by labour and trauaille of the feete but that whyche you ought greatly to esteame is to know what a vertuous lawe meaneth and that knowen immediatly to execute it and afterwardes to kepe it For the chefe vertue is not to do one verteous work but in swet and trauayl to continue in it These therfore wer the wordes that this philosopher Phetonius sayde to the Thebains The whyche as Plato sayeth estemed more his wordes that he spake then they dyd the lawes whyche he brought Truly in my opinion those of Thebes are to be praysed and commended and the philosopher for his wordes is worthy to be honoured For the end of those was to searche lawes to liue well and the ende of the Philosophet was to seke good meanes for to kepe them in vertue And therfore he thought it good to shew thē and put before their eyes the gibbet and the sword with the other instrumentes and tormentes For the euill do refraine from vice more for feare of punyshement then for any desire they haue of amendement I was willyng to bring in this Historie to th ende that all curious and vertuous men may see and know how litell the auncientes did esteme the beginnynge the meane and the ende of vertuous workes in respect of the perseueraunce and preseruacion of them Commyng therfore to my matter whych my pen doth tosse and seke I aske now presentely what it profiteth princes and great ladyes that God do gyue them great estates that they be fortunate in mariages that they be all reuerenced and honored that they haue great treasures for their inheritaunces and aboue al that they se their wiues great with child that afterwardes in ioy they se them deliuered that they se theyr mothers geuing their childrē sucke finally they se them selues happy in that they haue found them good nources helthful honest Truely al this auaileth litle if to their children when they are yong they do not giue masters to enstruct thē in vertues and also if they do not recomend them to good guides to exercise thē in feates of Chiualry The fathers which by syghes penetrat the heauē by prayers importune the Liuing god only for to haue children ought first to thinke why they wil haue childrē for that iustly to any man may be denayed which to an euil end is procured In my opinion the father ought to desire to haue a child for that in his age he may susteine his life in honour that after his doth he may cause his fame to liue And if a father desireth not a son for this cause at the least he ought to desire him to the end in his age he may honour his horye hed and that after his death he may enheryte his goodes but wee see few children do these thynges to their fathers in theyr age if the fathers haue not taught them in their youth For the fruite doeth neuer grow in the haruest vnlesse the tree dyd bere blosommes in the spryng I see oftentimes many fathers complaine of their Children sayenge that they are disobedient and proude vnto theim and they doe not consydre that they them selues are the cause of all those euilles For