being come within a League of it they soon sent their desires to be admitted to Composition The Castle made some difficulty of surrendring but when the Governour had once seen a Battery raised on the points of the Rocks where five hundred Nissars had drawn the Cannon by the strength of their Arms he resolved to do as the Town had Thus in the moneths of March April and May did the Armies of Savoy over-run in the State of Genoa all that did resist them and made themselves Masters not onely of the places by us named but of divers others to the number of one hundred seventy four strong and weak so favourable is Fortune to those who undertake any thing with extraordinary boldnesse and courage Politique Observation FOrtune or to speak more properly Divine Providence doth commonly favour those who being truly generous do attempt any great enterprise Not that God worketh miracles for the crowning them with successe but indeed because couragiousness giveth them great advantages especially when it is accompanied with Prudence and that the Divine Providence co-operating with second Causes doth assist their indeavours Courage begetteth a certain hope which like a Spur stirreth up to great attempts from which Fear had formerly diverted them courage alone is sufficient to strike terrour into an enemy who fighting more by constraint then good will do usually give ground when once they find themselves vigorously assaulted Who knoweth not that it is courage which perswadeth to invade and subject other Countries Experience hath often evinced that an invading Prince hath a great advantage over him who is onely intent how to defend himself especially if he be Prudent in falling on him in a favourable conjuncture of time as when his forces are diverted into other imployments or worn out or unarmed They who have most judiciously weighed the Victories of Caesar do much ascribe them to his native Generousness which carried him on to attempt any thing without the least fear insomuch that he despised the un-relenting fury both of the Sea and Winds which spare no man and commanded the Pylot who conducted him not to fear since he carried Caesars Fortune in his Boat Never did his Souldiers shew their backs no danger could affright him well he knew death to be the end of life but not that it was a mis-fortune He built his Glory upon Conquests and the difficulty of his enterprizes re-doubled the Force of his Courage Fortune was alwaies his friend and he made it apparent that nothing was impossible to a man of Resolution The Prosecution of War in Italy FOrtune indeed did much adde to the Courage of the Arms of France and Savoy for the obtaining such great Conquests in so little time but much of the honour must be ascribed unto the Cardinal who first advised the expedition who issued out all Orders under the Kings Authority who executed them in so happy a conjuncture of time that neither the Spaniards or Genoeses could possibly defend those places which were assaulted by reason of their want of Forces And lastly who had so good intelligence in the States of Genoa that he did not a little contribute to the good success of this design Yet however Fortune or rather Divine Providence which over-ruleth Armies doth but laugh at mans Wisdome and seemeth to delight in distributing both good and bad success to their designs Thus was it with the French and Savoyards for the Scales seemed to turn against them and their Conquests came to a Period The Fame of these great Victories did so trouble the house of Austria that extraordinary preparations were made in Germany for the sending of a Potent Army under the command of Feria Governour of Milan for the assisting of the Genoeses The Marquess de St. Croix was likewise commanded to put to Sea a Fleet designed for that purpose who had imbarked neer four thousand Souldiers in twenty five Gallies and five Gallions of Sicilia These Forces of the Enemy came with a great advantage the Plague having consumed at least two thirds of the French since their arrival in Italy The Marshal de Crequy fell sick of it and not long after the Constable Besides divers Cities of Genoa seemed to shake off the yoke of their Obedience with joy and delight they turned about and before the end of June rise against their new Governours and Garisons with great violence as if Fortune had purposely done it to shew that misfortunes seldome come single And lastly the ill-management of the Artillery and want of Waggons for the Carriage of Provisions for the Army of all which the Duke of Savoy was in fault occasioned more disasters then all the rest besides the jealousies which grew between him and the Constable did not a little add to compleat them Things being in this posture did much incourage the Spaniards and the Duke de Feria that he might not lose the advantage of it entred into Montferrat about the beginning of July where he took Spione by force and not long after Acqui which the Constable had made his Magazine of Arms and had therin placed 3. Regiments to guard the munitions which he had there stowed up The taking of this place necessitated the Prince of Piedmont and the Constable to recall the Forces then marching towards Savonne that they might joyntly fall on upon the Duke of Feria but they found him incamp'd so advantagiously at Ferzo between Bistague and Acqui that they could not possibly come neer him the Passages being so narrow that onely two men could march a Breast At the same time the inhabitants of Albengua Novy and Acquy revolted against the French Garisons and shortly after divers other lesse places and six thousand Genoeses comming before Gavio the Governour and his son cowardly surrendred the place upon condition to be carried safely into France The Genoeses received them upon this Composition and conducted them accordingly but being there arrived their Treachery was not long unpunished by the Parliament of Provence Gonvernon the son being hanged the Fathers body taken up burned and his Ashes thrown into the Ayr death having prevented the execution of judgment upon him True it is Courage doth oftentimes compell Fortune to be favourable and the French Army though thus persecuted did yet make head against the Duke de Feria and prevented his further progress so that he was forced to make some other diversion by entring upon Piedmont and lying down before Ast with design to besiege it The Constable was yet there very weak it being thought he would have died so that he went off and the Marshal de Crequy upon the thirtieth of August came into his place with four thousand French The same day he made a Sally with the Prince of Carignan forced the enemy from a Bridge which they had kept six dayes and made them run away with shame though they had eighteen thousand foot and seven hundred horse Was not this a generous exploit of the French and
number and that they wanted several necessaries for a long siege rendered themselves upon composition The Sieur d' Harcourt Marshall of the Camp was sent by the Marquis to make himselfe master of Chiavenue whilest himself was at Travone which he forced after a long siege so that there only remained the Fort of Rive toward which he advanced the Armie but it was expedient first to passe by Campo where the Spaniards had taken up their Quarters and to force them out of it The resolution was taken to fight them and orders given accordingly which the Spaniards perceiving they clapt some Regiments into Campo to fortifie it and seeing our men come on they sallyed out about 200. paces from their workes and received them with all the markes of a resolute courage but without any advantage for that ours assaulted them so strongly and couragiously that without longer holding the businesse in suspence they forced them to retire in disorder and being desirous to prosecute the point of their victory they would still have gone on but were met with by fresh Spaniards who beate them back to the foot of the mountaine but with little successe too for ours being presently seconded killed many of them put the rest to flight and followed them 500. paces on the other side of Campo The Marquisse who knew his men were used to pillage and that victories ought not to keep an Army in negligence and security presently sent de vaux Ayde de Camp to rally the French together who were dispersed up and down but this could not be done so soon but that the Spaniards being ashaned of their flight return'd and fell upon them killed some and put the rest into disorder However it is true this advantage lasted not long for our men fought so stoutly that the Spaniards lost more men then wee and resolved to quit Campo the day following and to retire themselves to Rive Their successes were very happy and they who would know the true cause of them must understand that though a very great share may be attributed to the good conduct of the Marquiss and to the valour of his souldiers yet the Cardinal deserved the greatest prayse who advised to this enterprise who contrived the meanes and removed all obstacles and began it in such a time when all the Emperors and King of Spaines forces were before Breda and who were perswaded wee would not have attempted any thing upon these Forts they being in the Popes hands with whom the Spaniard had so wrought that he should not part with them either by terrifying him that they would relaps into the power of the Grisons who were Hereficks or by giving hopes that in the conclusion there would be some means of accommodation found out but all was to keep them in their own power Politique observation HE who guides and directs great enterprises by his Councils hath more share in the glory of them then they who execute and act them It is Prudence which prevents an enemy and taketh him at unawares which diverts his Forces and which knoweth how to fight and with such advantage that he is easily overcome Hereupon Guicciardin saith in his History that the Prudence of one great Personage in a State doeth more then all the Arms of the world and Philosophie teacheth us that counsel is the most heavenly thing in all the world that is it which renders men most like the Deity whose property it is as the Apostle saith to do all things by the Counsel of his will T. Livy being much of the same mind saith he hath often heard it reported among Souldiers that who so knoweth best to command deserveth the first place and who so to obey the second place It cannot be denied but that there is as much need of executing as giving good advices because if there were no one to put them into action good Counsels would be to no purpose but withal it must be concluded That Counsel is so much the more excellent in that it is the Child of the first and chiefest vertue which is Prudence whereas action the effect of it is the Child only of force which is much beneath it The Sea-men indeed are in continual motion in their Ships to given order for several things somtimes labouring to turn about their Sayles and Cords and anon mounting up into the Bound-house to discrie the enemy by and by to stop some leak in the Ship where the water breaks in and thus they have much more labour then the Pilot whose mind though is in more agitation then their bodies he working in his thoughts and judgment to keep all safe from the storms and Rocks to guide her home without being wraked by those operations of his which are so much the more noble then theirs by how much the acts of the Soul surpasse those of the Body Who can without injustice ascribe more honour to those who execute an enterprise then to him who by the fulness of his Soul first contrived it digested it by his Prudence found out means by the power of his judgment to set it on working removed by his ingenuity all such obstacles as might oppotse it foresaw all difficulties in it and gave necessary orders for the carrying of it on to a happy successe To speak truly it cannot be without robbing him of that which justly belongs unto him But who can doubt of this truth after he who amongst Kings was accompted the wisest and whose Pen was guided by the Holy Ghost the Author of Truth hath said it Wisdome is more to be esteemed then force and a wise man deserves more honour then he who is esteemed valiant The Pope seemes to the Cardinal de la Valette the Sieur de Bethune to be very angry that the King should attempt upon the Forts in the Valtoline which were in his keeping THE Pope was very much troubled at the first news which he heard of those succours given to the Grisors by his Majesties Armes leagued with those of Venice and Savoy for recovery of the Valtonine The Sunday following he was seen in his Chappel to be very mellancholy and cloudy he made heavy complaints to the Cardinal de la Vulette that those Forts in his Custody should be assaulted being garded by his Ensigns testifying to him a great desire he had to see the Sieur de Bethune that he might tell him how much he resented it The Sieur de Bethune hearing of it sent to demand audience not so much to give any satisfaction to his grievances as to discover his disposition which anger would lay open sooner then any thing and to fortifie him against such discourses wherewith the Partakers of Spain would endeavour to exasperate him As soon as the Pope saw him he told him he could never have imagined that the Arms of France would have fallen upon those of the Church but his Holiness was not long unanswered the Sieur de Bethune telling him That the King his Master was
for the Country where they live so that they do not heartily embrace the Interests of it and in case a war should break out none would be so ready as they to entertain intelligence and give advices to the enemies They are also easily provoked against the natural inhabitants of the Country upon any suspition that they are lesse esteemed by them then others which induceth them to stick close together and to raise Factions against the State withal their bodies may not be punished though there be some kind of reason for it least they should generally resent it and raise up a thousand Broyles These are the chief reasons why it is impossible to preserve a Family of Officers Strangers in a Queens Court This was it which did oblige those of Sparta as Xenophon reporteth it not to suffer any strangers to live in their Commonwealth which made the Athenians take the same resolution as Plutarch observeth in the life of Pericles and which made Suetonius commend Augustus that he would rarely grant to any the being free or naturals of his Kingdome and which induced Polydore Virgil to say in his History of England That it was not the custome of English to admit of many strangers amongst them least the difference of their customes and fashions might cause them not to live in a good intelligence with the natives of the Country The King sends the Marshal de Bassompierre into England THe Queen Mother having been acquainted with the disorder which had hapened in the Queen of Englands Family first sent the Sieur de Barre to her to testifie to her that she was sorry for her and took part in her discontents and shortly after there being no reason to put up such an injurie the Cardinal advised his Majesty to dispatch the Marshal de Bassompierre as extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England for a redresse in the business Amongst divers others he was more particularly made choise of for that employment because there had been many of his near kindred retained near the Queen who were now all sent back again So that it was thought considering the near Interest of his family that he would be the more zealously affectionate in dispatching such instructions as should from time to time be sent to him He was but coldly entertained in England because audience had been denied to the Lord Montague who was sent into France upon the return of those Officers however he was no whit discouraged at it knowing that any Ambassador ought to shut his eyes at all little difficulties and obstructions so he may carry on his Masters work to a good issue The King of England appointed Commissioners to treat with him upon that affair who being met together he represented to them in order to his instructions that amongst other things comprehended in the Articles of Marriage it had been concluded and agreed on That the Queen of England should have free excercise of her Religion that she should have a Bishop and a certain number of Priests to exercise the Offices of her Religion That all her houshold should be Catholiques and French and that all the English Catholiques should in general receive greater priviledges then had been granted them if the Treaty with Spain had been effected That the late King James and the present King Charls his son then Prince of Wales had confirmed it by oath and that King James had commanded his Officers not to trouble or molest the Catholiques any more whereupon that the King his Master had conceived great hopes of prosperity and happiness for the Queen his Sister neither could he believe that the King of England his Brother in Law would break his word given upon the consideration of Royal Marriage who until then had amongst other virtues the reputation of being Just to his promises That this new Alliance instead of reuniting their persons and Interests would now rather breed great divisions between them and at such a time when they had most need of being in amity with one another both for assisting of their Allyes and their own particular preservation And that notwithstanding all these premises the King of England had sent back all those Officers of the Queen contrarie to the Treaty which had been confirmed by oath that he placed about her Officers who were English and of a Religion contrary to hers and besides all this that the Catholiques in General were every where troubled and ill treated for their Religion sake So that the King his Master unable to abandon the Queen his Sisters Interest had sent him to his Majesty of Great Britain to put him in mind of his promises and to perswade him That her Majesties Catholique Officers might be re-admitted to her as also that his Catholique subjects might be more favourably dealt withal The English Commissioners could not deny what had been concluded in the Treaty but they would lay the fault of the Officers return upon their own shoulders pretending that they had raised troubles in the Kingdome in his Majesties own Family and that of his dear consort the Queen but they did not produce any sufficient proofs upon the business And as to that which concerned the English Catholiques they pleaded that it had only been granted for formalities sake and to satisfie the Pope But the Marshal producing before them the late Kings Oaths confirmed too by another of the present King then Prince of Wales they could no longer tell what to say to the business but fled to other complaints not material or any wayes relating to the matter in question The Marshal replyed and that very tartly that he could not sufficiently admire that the Articles of Marriage and confirmed by Oath were not observed That the Queens Officers were sent back under pretence that they troubled the State without giving the King his Master any notice of it and without acquainting him in the least with those crimes which were presented to be committed That presently thereupon English Officers and those Protestants should be placed in their rooms That indeed those accusations were to be esteemed as frivolous and admitting them for just yet ought they to be chastised only and others French and Catholique put into their places by the rules of the Treaty But that indeed those pretended quarrels or Jarrs raised by the Queens French Officers were so far from being the true cause of their return that on the contrary the Lord Moâ—ntague had been at Nantes not many dayes before their being sent over to congratulate the King and Queen Mother concerning the good understanding which was between their Majesties of Great Britain and concerning the great satisfaction which the King received at the Queen his wifes behaviour That of the suddain and unlookt for discharge of her Officers happening so immediately upon the neck of this joy could not but appear strange and that as it did much wound the King of Englands Reputation so it likewise injured the King his Masters Generosity who was
discredit he began to quarrel with him and told him that he should be very glad to meet him with his Sword in his hand Which so insolent discourse being before his Majesty he told him that he did not remember the pâ—ace where he was and that he deserved to be sent to the Bastile there to be punished according to the Act for Duels but he only commanded him to get him gone from which time forward hee was no more seen at Court Politique Observation THere are but few Favourites who know how to moderate themselves and so to manage their Affairs that they may preserve their Masters good affection A man ought to be of an excellent temper well to digest any very great favour It is most certainly true that as excesse of meat stuffeth up the stomack and choaketh the natural heat so an extraordinary favour depriveth most men of their judgement intoxicateth them and makes them loose the exercise of their reason And for this cause it is that they injoy those favours of fortune to their Graves as it hath in all ages been seen that the most part having been led in Triumph as it â—ere unto the highest point of Glory have precipitated themselves into the greatest gulfs of misery and have so bruised themselves against the favour which they possessed as if it had been purposely turned into a Rock for their ruine The wise man considereth that an indifferent favour is much more certain then those great ones and contenteth himself with what his Master bestoweth Fortune doth no sooner raise him up but his discretion presently tells him that her smiles are inconstant and that nothing can so much contribute to his preservation as to use them with moderation He oftentimes reflecteth on that memorable passage of Sosistratus who being drawn in his Triumphant Chariot by four Kings entertained himself with observing the motion of the Wheels how that which was now uppermost presently became lowest and being asked the reason of his contemplation answered that he delighted to remark the turning of his Wheels and was by it put in mind of the inconstancy of humane Affairs and that the same Fortune which had raised him to that height of prosperity above those four Kings then sub-jugaged to him might shortly bring him to the same condition The wise Favourite fixing his mind upon the inconstancy of Fortune as upon a sure maxime never permitteth her to blind his mind with vanity but keeps himself upon his Guard not putting himself on in matters of State but as his Master calls him and payeth him the greater respects as his obligations increase He is industriously carefull not to abuse his Masters favour by assuming too great a power on himself remembring how Calisthenes lost Alexanders good will by reason of his too great presumption and the vanities which he did commit in the Emperors presence nothing doth so much destroy Favourites as their affecting too great an Authority and taking upon them too much power over their Masters He likewise knoweth that it is with them as with the Moon who hideth her self when ever she approacheth near the Sun it being from him that she receiveth her light and that so Favourites ought not to exercise any kind of authority when they are near Kings but are rather bound to shew them in their requests all imaginable respects whatsoever it is his care not to intermeddle in the administration nor doth he ever attempt to adde the power of governing the State to that of his Masters good affection But on the contrary he takes so much the lesse upon him when the Testimonies which he receiveth of his Masters Favour seem to give him most power and it is his dayly fear to be raised to too eminent a degree least he should by it be exposed to too great a fall which might totally destroy him Differences between the Bishop of Verdun and the Officers of the City ABout the end of this year great differences did arise between the Bishop and the Officers of Verdun This being a Frontier Town was then looked upon as somewhat considerable in regard Monsieur de Lorrain seemed to be active and able to attempt something upon France which obliged the King to go on with the design which he had long before resolved of building a Cittadel there The Abbey of St. Vannes was ever reputed the most proper place of all the City for that purpose whence it happened that in the Charter of the said Abbey as was to be seen there had been divers Articles concluded between the Bishop of Verdun to whom that place hath ever belonged in which they bound themselves to build their Church in some other place if it should be found necessary to make use of some part of it for the raising of a Cittadel However the Lines were so contrived that the Church was saved but that of the Capucines was forced to be taken down which was afterwards done and rebuilt in another place Now the Bishop of Verdun being a Kinsman of Monsieur de Lorrain had no other motion but what came from him so that not considering what dependance he had upon the King suffered himself to be ingaged by the Duke to prevent with his utmost power the building of the Cittadel His Temporal power was but weak to manage his design so he had recourse to his spiritual and accordingly on the lâ—st of December he published a Monitorium fixed upon all publick places against all such as should labour about it But as the spiritual power hath no authority over the Temporal to deprive it of its rights so this procedure was looked on as a strange thing by the Kings Officers who wanted neither courage nor loyalty in this affair The Sieur Guillet Lievtenant at the Royal Siege in the Town presently called a Councel of his Majesties Officers of the Town to consider of what was to be done where it was concluded to tear down such Papers as had been any where Posted up and to set others in their places of a contrary tenour in the Kings behalf which was presently put in execution The Bishop was much offended at it and to be revenged for it he thundred out an Excommunication the next day against Gillet which he fastned in divers places and having given Orders to his great Vicars not to act any thing in prejudice of his pretended Authority he departed from Verdun and rid Post to Cologne In the mean while the Sieur Charpâ—ntiâ—r his Majesties President in Mets Thoul and Vâ—rdun being acquainted with the whose proceeding and considering how Derogatory it was from the Power who was Soveraign of the Town and consequentially had absolute authority to fortifie it as himself should think fit as also to give such assurances to his Officers who should execute his royal commands as might secure them from any Bishop Excommunication onely for doing their duties he declared the said Monitorium to be abusive and scandalous and commanded it to be torn and
and whatever was strong or weak in the whole Fortification The wayes and passages of the whole Country were not omitted nor the length and largness of the Channel the places where Batteries might be raised with Forts for defence of the Port and oftentimes considering this Map with the Marshal de Schomberg and other able Ingeniers for such exploits he framed so perfect an Idea of all that could happen in the siege fore-seeing effects in their causes That he did no longer doubt of the victory And having discoursed more at large with his Majesty concerning it he told him that he could now almost assure his Majesty of a good successe in this design if it pleased God to Prosper it with his blessing as there was great reason to hope seeing he acted for the good of the Church and the glory of his own name The King was overjoyed at it and from that time forwards preparations were made in all the adjacent Provinces of warlik amunitions great store of Cannon were sent before hand towards the place that they might be in a readiness when time should serve divers means were thought on to block up the Channel and to begin with those of lesse charge to prevent greater expences in case they might do the work a private computation was made of what horse and foot would be requisite to invest the place and secure the neighbouring Isles and to be short every thing was disposed to the best advantage for the carrying on of the siedg Politique Observation HEE who shutteth his eyes at those difficulties which he shall meet with in war deceiveth himself Commonly they that do so are quickly reduced to an impossibility of executing their designs If there be any one Action which ought maturely to be deliberated in its beginning progresse and end without doubt war is chiefly the thing it being as Scipio saith absolutely important not to begin it unless Fortune presents a favourable occasion with advantage but when the means necessary for it's continuation are certain and when there is a sure way to come off with Honour Though Fortune should be crosse yet after so many considerations it can hardly end in a bad successe whereas with blinded eyes and no considerations had of the means to overcome such obstacles may arise as nothing but confusion and disorder and ruine can foâ—low Tiberius is very much commended in Tacitus for having so great knowledge of his enemies Plots designs and resolutions in so much that those very subtilities which they proposed for to get a victory he made use of for their destruction And T. Livy saith of Hannibal that one of the principal causes which gave him many advantages in war was the knowing his enemies Counsels as well as he did his own resolutions A discreet Pilot foresees a storm and secureth himself neither doth a Grand Minister of State attempt any thing of concern but he foresees the difficulties which may happen in it It is for Fencers not Princes to resolve on a suddain A wise man never brings himself within danger of repentance and as he knows his designs may be countermined so he is accordingly carefull not only to provide all such means as may carry his business to a happy issue but also such remedies as may overcome any obstacles which may chance to be made in opposition of it He never lets his courage be quelled with difficulties but makes them only serve to fix his resolution the more strongly against all resistances by this means he will see all things fall out according to his own forecast and he will force Fortune her self to become favourable to him The Duke of Lorrain comes to the King at Paris to complain of his Majesties Actions towards the Bishop of Verdun and to do him Homage for the Dutchee of Bar. GReat enterprises are not to be ended in a moment so that some months had passed before the English were in a condition to make good their promise to the Rochelois during which time divers remarkable things intervened The Duke of Lorrain about the beginning of the year came to his Majesty at Paris and made great complaints of his Majesties Officers Actions against the Bishop of Verdun his Kinsman how that they had seized on all his Goods translated the charge of his Offices to other persons that they had Posted up Papers against him and had resolved to have seized on his Person if it had been in their power But as he had not to do with such Ministers who had either fear or weaknesse or knew not how or when to maintain their Masters Interests so he was quickly answered That Bishops of what condition soever being his Majesties subjects owe as much respect and obedience to him as others of his degree that when they fall off from their duties it is then the more just to punish their faults their Delinquency being an ill example to which most people are apt to follow That injoying their Temporal States onely in order to the Oath of Allegiance which they all swear to his Majesty they do most especially deserve to be deprived of them when they break their said oath That his Majesty was more especially obsigned to maintain his Right in Verdun which was a Fontier Town and in regard too that the Bishop had attempted against his Royal Authority in hindring the building of the Cittadel though it were a thing only relating to the Soverainty and in which he was not all concerned These answers were so Just and grounded upon such sollid reasons that nothing could be replied against them so the Duke had recourse to his entreaties and beseeched his Majesty for his sake to wink at with was past to order restitution of his seizures and to command the Bishop Officers to be re-established in their former charges He was very urgent in his behalf and because at the same time the Emperour having writ to his Majesty in his favour the King had returned him answer That at his desire he should willingly grant him any reasonable favour the Duke obtained his request but upon condition however That the Bishop should first send a Commission to one of his Vicars to revoke the Censures which had been given out against his Majesties Officers and them who worked on the Cittadel and that in fature he should comport himself with more respect and moderation The Duke did willingly become bound for his performance and having sent the Commission the King discharged the seizures and setled all things in their former state But notwithstanding all the Duks seeming affection forwardness in this affair yet that was not the chief end of his Journey He had been newly put into possession of the States of Lorrain and Bar by vertue of Reynard the second King of Sicilies will and by the resignment of his Father the Count of Vaudmont pretending to hold them of his Liege in his own proper name though the late Duke of Lorrain his Predecessor had and that
the people in their duty Monsieur the Cardinal spake to his Majesty and perswaded him to send the Sieur de Leon Councellour of State to Bourdeaux to indeavour their reconcilement and such a correspondency as might befit his Majesties affairs The ground of their difference was this the Duke of Espernon had caused the Edict of Peace granted by the King to the Hugonots to be proclaimed by the Jurats of the City before it had been registred in the Parliament Whereupon the Parliament had turned one Minuelle out of his Office of chief Jurat fining him 1500 Liures and ordered the rest to appear in Court and suffer such punishments as should be imposed upon them The Duke of Espernon would not put up the businesse but pulished an Ordinance to prohibit the execution of the Parliaments Arrest and confirmed Minuelle in his Office grounding himself upon certain pretensions in publication of Treaties of Peace The Parliament hereupon condemned the said Ordinance as an attempt contrary to the Kings Authority intrusted with him but the Duke of Espernon being not of an humour easily to submit to any others will then that of the Kings persisted to prohibit by another Ordinance the execution of the second Arrest The Parliament made a third so did he too to hinder Minuelle's displacing and that the Jurats should not assist at the publication of the Peace which was then made by the Parliaments Authority In sine an extream feud rise between them and the Parliament came to that point that they ceased to perform their Offices in the adjudging private causes yet not without taking care for all that concerned the Kings service This quarrel made a great noise in Guienne and had it continued untill the Hugonots next revolt they had doubtlesse taken advantage of it it being certain that every one lives as himself pleaseth when Magistrates are together by the ears in their particular quarrel The King finding of what consequence it might prove dispatched the Sieur de Leon to Bourdeaux to dispose the Duke to give the Parliament satisfaction and to continue the correspondence which they ought to hold together for the publick good The Sieur de Leon came thither and finding the Parliament resolute that the Duke should give them satisfaction for his fault could gain nothing more of the Duke then onely this that he would go to the Parliament and pay them some complements of honour and respect The Parliament was not contented with it so their accommodation was deferred till at last the news being come that the English Fleet was at Sea every one addressed himself to serve the King and to hinder their landing in Guienne And then the Cardinal de Sourdis Arch Bishop of Bourdeaux interposing between them perswaded the Parliament to be satisfied with those respects of honour and complements which the Duke of Espernon would pay unto them At last unto the Parliament he came and having complemented them with great civility they answered him in the like without the least mention of any thing past and thus this great storm was allayed Politique Observation JT is not dangerous sometimes for his Majesties service to permit Parliaments and Governours to fall out amongst themselves for they discovering one anothers defects by their division give occasion to redress them and withall each one feareth to offend that he may not give advantage to the other to impeach him It keepeth affairs in an equal ballance and produceth the same effects as a weight equally divided in two Scales which hindreth the over-ballancing of either part If they alwaies should continue in a strict intelligence each of them would do that without contradiction which best pleased himself and their Soveraign never the wiser Thus said Cato to them who thought the quarrel between Pompey and Caesar had ruined the Common-wealth It is true it did not a little contribute to that disorder which was then on foot but the friendship which had formerly been between them was the first and chief cause Their good intelligence gave Caesar means to grow the greater who afterwards finding it begin to break by the deceases of Pompey and Crassus their wives which served to preserve it there fell out great broyls between them concerning the Government Caesar being unwilling that Pompey should have more authority then himself and Pompey that Caeser should be his equall The Senate finding that divers Magistrates of Rome neglected their duties and that every thing went to decay chose Pompey sole Consul giving him an extraordinary Authority to ballance the power of the Magistrates and to redress those Delinquencies which they might or had committed Seneca with great reason compared this division among chief Magistrates to the Stones in a Vault which do so much conduce to the strengthening of it that the more weight is laid on it the stronger it bears it up whereas it would easily be broken if made of one stone alone In fine this little emulation is much conducing to the discovery of abuses to the looking more strictly into things and the keeping every one in his duty It is to be wished that Parliaments and Governours were firmly united toward his Majesties service and that there were no way but this for the well governing of a Province but it is not possible long to preserve that temperative in their authority no more then in the four humours of mans body and it is more expedient to search for means of advantage from their disorder then to study waies to settle them in an immutable intelligence One of the chief is when a Parliament pretends to assume too great an Authority to oppose the power of a Governour and if a Governor abuse his power to prevent him by the Authority of a Parliament And thus was it according to Tacitus that the Roman common people ballancing the Nobilities power did along while prefer their liberty Yet above all it would be necessary to hinder such dissentions from too much clashing and that the Parliament and Governours be not left alone to flie out into extremities from whence strange accidents might follow If heat or any other quality of mans body super-abound either death follows or at least great sicknesse and doubtlesse such contests hapning among Governours either in Kingdomes or Common wealths are sufficient to destroy them or at least breed great disorders amongst them The divisions which so often grew hot between the Roman people and the Senate caused great evils and when the quarrels of Marius and Sylla Pompey and Caesar did break out every one siding with some party took up Arms from whence followed strange murthers and Tragedies and the Peoples Liberty became inslaved to the Emperours Will. The King going from Paris towards Rochel falls sick at Villeroy after the first day of his setting out VVHilest these different affairs happened within the Kingdome the King was not ignorant of those great preparations made by the English to invade France The happy addresse wherewith Heaven had blessed
is not above one or two difficult places in a passage and it is impossible but that a great Army of resolute men should gain them In fine when they who defend them shall find an whole Army thundring in upon them it strikes a terror into them so that they are forced to fly and by that means destroyed for this reason the Romans would never put themselves to the trouble of keeping any passes unless they saw it necessary to expect the Enemy because they who were in the chief Stands should be alwayes assisted but it is not the same thing when a Garrison hath nothing to second it or where there are no reserves to assist those whom an Enemy shall first have routed The Duke of Mantua is delivered from the Spanish oppression by his Majesties Forces DOm Gonçales de Câ—rdua Governor of Milan who commanded the siege of Cazal upon his first hearing of this Treaty resolved to break up the Leager It had been concluded by one of the private Articles for the satisfaction of him That the Duke of Savoy should give him information how his Majesty upon the said Dukes assurance of him that the Spaniards had not any intention to despoile the Duke of Mantua of his Estates had been contented that there should be some Swisses put into Nice de la Paille who should declare they held it in deposit in the name of the Emperor but upon promise and assurance to restore it unto the Duke of Mantua or his Assigns at the end of one month whether the Emperor should by that time have invested him in the said Dutchee or not and that as to the rest his Majesty had not any design to fall upon any the Territories of his Brother in Law the King of Spain but did desire still to continue in friendship and a good Correspondency with him This was the leaf wherewith this Spanish Pill was guilded Dom Gonçales staid not long for any farther Illustration of this Article but raised the siege before his Majesty came neer him as doubting least his stay there would only serve for an addition of glory to the French Army which they had all ready got at Suze so he marched away about the fifteenth or sixteenth night leaving the City to rejoyce that they were now delivered from those miseries which for two months last past they had endured in which time they had eaten all the Horses Doggs and Ratts which they could lay hold on The Duke of Savoy relieved them with those Victuals which he had promised and thus his Majesty obtained all the Honor and successe in this enterprise that his heart could desire this Fortune and Courage seemed in emulation of each other to conspire his glory which indeed was a debt due to the Justice of his cause who though he might at that time have over-run all Italy and made himself master of it as was well known to every one yet he contented himself with the having delivered the Duke or Mantua from the Spanish Tyranie and oppression Politique Observation ALthough Prudence have a great share in good Successe yet the greatest Captains have held that Fortune hath no small part in it Prudence alone may indeed make some progresse towards it but Fortune is at last needful to be joyned with it towards the obtaining of the proposed end hence it was that Octaâ—ian making wishes for his little Son desired he might have the Gravity of Pâ—mpey the Courage of Caesar and his own good Fortune For this reason likely it was that Seyravenaes a Persian as Plutarch in his Morals hath recorded it answered unto some who were admiring that his enterprizes should have such ill successe seeing in his discourse he seemed to be a very prudent and discreet man That he was onely Master of his Language but that Fortune was Master in Military Affairs And do we not for this reason likewise say that the discreet man is not obliged to render an accompt of those enterprises which depend as much on Chance as Conduct but onely of his Councels which is the onely thing that was in his power to dispose It is sometimes onely Fortune which raiseth a siege without a stroke it is Fortune which doth sometimes strike a terrour into an enemies Forces that they have hardly the courage to defend themselves Fortune it is which hath often opened the strongest places at the first Summons and it is Fortune which at the appearance of an Army hath caused many Provinces to stoop under their Power and Obedience But notwithstanding all this we must not conceive Fortune to be as the Heathens did a blind Goddesse who over ruleth Battels and giveth the Victory to what side she pleaseth no it is of the divine Providence that I speak which is usually so called when any thing befalleth us above our expectation or beyond our hopes God is the first cause of all good successe and it is his onely gift he it is who blesseth Councels and it is by the favour of his influences that we see good fruits or follow sage resolutions Neither may we imagine that the Prudence of great men doth not contribute to an happy successe for they are the instruments of Gods power but not such as are dead and void of life or such as want motion and action to co-operate with the first cause As it may be said that Alexander was fortunate in all his enterprizes But this fortune was improved by Prudene conserved by cares preserved by Labours and seconded by Courages Most certain it is those extraordinary events which the vulgar attribute to hazard do for the most part arrive by the Prudence and Conduct of wise eminent men who operate by Springs which are the more esteemable by bein invisible to the vulgar yet such as procure no lesse glory in the minds of them who are able to judge aright of things though they fall not under the Rules and Laws of mean and ordinary understandings Prosecution of the History HIS Majesty in this Treaty had obtained as much advantage as could be desired against the Duke of Savoy yet he desired to let him see or at least some of his party who might relate it to him that he had power enough to have forced it from him if he had not done it by fair means His Majesty laid hold on the occasion upon Madam the Princesse of Piedmonts comming to Suze to visit him he entertained her with a great deal of kindness according to the particular friendship which he had alwayes for her and designed that the honour wherewith he treated her and the Prince of Piedmont then with him might learn him that he had no reason to ingage so easily with the enemies of France His Majesty went before her and causing part of the Army to follow him he placed the rest in Battalia by the way side in such places where they might best be seen that the Prince of Piedmont might with his own eyes behold that he ought not
Provinces were like so many petty Kings The Kings family was maintained by two or three years advance of the Treasury before hand exhausted to inrich those who were factiously inclined and without any honour to the King The Allies of the Crown were left to the mercie of their enemies of whom the Kingdome stood in fear The case was now altered the Heretick faction was brought upon their knees the Princes of the blond were forced to live in obedience the Governours of Provinces durst do nothing but what was just the Treasuries were well regulated and employed for the Kings Honour and State In short the whole body of France heretofore sick and languishing began to recover strength with assurance of perfect health when as its Forraign and Domestick enemies did not at all divert the Cardinals designs All these things were so apparent that the Cimmerian darknesse could not hinder the sight of them but who knows not that the strongest reasons cannot touch them who are over-mastered with Passion as we have reason to beleeve they could not those about Monsieur seeing they were so blind in perswading him to a course so directly contrary to that which the Cardinal had projected for the establishment of the Kingdom They should have learned that as the Planets do not immit their influences here beneath without causing of great alterations in the world so neither do the Princes of the Blood ever separate themselves from their King and Country but they cause great troubles and disorders and in case there were any others in the State this were to remedy it by a worse a thing contrary to the Laws of Prudence but a thing not much by them regarded so they could but overcome their Masters spirit that they might afterwards lead him to whatever they desired Politique Observation IF Divine Providence doth not appear with more splendour in any one thing then the Government of the Universe then true it is that humane wisedom is never more admirable then in the Conduct of Kingdomes especially when they are fallen from their first height and that there is a necessity to re-establish them This re-establishment doth undeniably depend upon that particular Minister who governeth affairs next under the Authority of his Prince for he is in the State as the Sun in the World as the eye to the Body and as the Primum mobile among the Heavens Yet however two truths cannot be gain-said the first is that a State being a society of free men who not exactly following the motions which their chief minister gives them it cannot be avoided but that some disorder must follow unlesse divers others besides himself be assistant The principal causes share indeed the chief glory in producing their effects but not of being the onely producers of them and the Sun himself could not enamel the earth with the Flowers of the Spring unlesse other causes did co-operate and as no Labourer how vigilant soever can hinder the fields from producing Weeds so it is likewise impossible that a chief Minister how prudent soever should so settle a State that no disorder should appear in it seeing it is no lesse natural for people to he unruly then for the earth to bring forth weeds The second that it is a work of time to re-establish a State once fallen into confusion Nature works slowly produceth the seed out of the grain the sien from the seed the tree from the sien the flower from the tree and at last the fruit Thus likewise a Minister of State how excellent soever he be cannot reduce confusion into order but by little and little and by setting his Engines on work one after another There must needs be some time spent in inquiring into the true causes of these evils it being impossible to apply convenient remedies without discovering the original defect He had need be instructed with Prudence and experience to consider those things which have heretofore conduced to make that State flourish which he would now restore and also that which hath been glorious for other States He ought to imitate good Physitians who having observed those ill humours which cause the sicknesse use their art first to purge them out and then to bring their Patient to a good temper The principal causes of the ruine of a State are civil Wars disrespect of authority the too great Power of Princes of the Blood Strangers and Governours Factions negligence in Judges to punish publick disorders want of good Discipline among Souldiers and the oppressures of the people now what a deal of time must there be to redresse all these and establish one quite contrary It cannot be done but by time and labour nay impossible if the Kingdom be either in civil or forraign War Lastly the Minister hath need of some time to reduce the neighbour Countries into such a condition that they may not indanger his Physitians are carefull for the restoring of their Patient to perfect health that neither the ayr nor any thing about him may be offensive to him and a Prudent Minister is no lesse obliged to be carefull not onely that his neighbours may not injure him but that they may be serviceable to him He must keep a strict intelligence with his Allies not injuring them but assisting them in all occasions as the Romans did who sent their Embassadours from Town to Town to make a friendship with them and to divert them from the Carthaginians He ought to indeavour the breaking off all Leagues between forraign Princes whose strength by their uniting might become suspected whence it follows that he ought not to be over-hasty in extinguishing any Wars between them nay some he is bound to foment as Lewis the Eleventh did to divert those storms which else would have fallen upon France These are the chief means which can contribute to the establishment of a State but who seeth not that amongst a thousand different causes it is impossible totally to effect it unlesse after a long time and with extream care and diligence The Marshal de Marillac is send by the King to Monsieur THey of the Queen Mothers faction would by no means let slip Monsieur's retreat without making advantage of it They despaired of ever overcoming his Majesty considering how great an esteem be professed to have of the Cardinals services They very well knew that the Queen Mother could not countenance any one against him so powerfully as Monsieur whereupon they did their utmost to breed a good understanding between them and when his Majesty had sent divers to Monsieur they did at last work the Queen Mother to procure Marillac to be sent to him a person whom they knew to be fit for their design The Cardinal gave him his instructions as to what he should say from his Majesty which tended to remember him how really his Majesty did affect him heretofore to assure him he was not at all altered at that present That his Majesty did not complain of him for his departure
their progresse The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the publick and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace at a time when War is more proper and if to satisfie him in particular he shall lay down his Arms he doth an action unbeseemâ—ng a Royal Prudence Another will desire that he would discountenance such a Minister whose Councels are however of great advantage to him and doubtlesse if he do it to satisfie his humour he should commit an injustice against his own State And what reason I pray can there be alledged why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst strangers or remove from him any Minister who like a good and Propitious Planet doth by his influences cause his state to flourish establish a good Order amongst his people and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours Who can think it any strange thing if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it No King doth ever merit the title of Just if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights for the good and glory of his Crown He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him as he is for his Kingdom and consequently that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever Now if he thus ought to prefer the publike before his own private good who can blame him if he do the like in relation to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family The very contenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Publike good to shew his Duty unto his Father rendereth himself culpable of a great injustice The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther then the house and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds he is not bound to observe them Are not Kings the lively Images of God If so what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish nay not exempting Kings themselves though of never so great use to their States and all this for the preservation of the world in good order So cannot any one think it unjust that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations what-ever And who is so ignorant as not to know that Publike good is the subject of all universal Causes The Sun Moon and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good notwithstanding some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes whence it followeth that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice still to regard the Common good which if they do not they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother returneth to Paris THat course which the King took in this particular was of all others the most moderate Not that he was ignorant of those Tyes which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother but his own goodness and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels would not permit him to treat her after any other manner Indeed if the course he took were so moderate the execution of it was no less respectful and civil insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just reason to complain of it The King was at that time at Compâ—igne and gave out that he would on the morrow go to hunt and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes He sent for the Mareschal d' Estree and privately told him that he should keep neer to him to serve him as occasion should require as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-Mothers Officers might chance to raise and likewise to hinder any concourse of Souldiers in the Countries near adjoyning and to keep that Town in its obedience The King made himself ready for the Hunting and before he went forth called the Sieur dâ— la Ville-aux Cleres and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother that he went without taking his leave of her because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her did hinder him from making a request unto her by word of mouth which she could not receive but with some displeasure though it were much conducing to the good of his State which was this That she would go to the Castle of Moulins a place which she her self had made choise of for her aboad after the late King's decease and there spend some time companyed with all those of her Houshold with all sort of Liberty enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them and with all Honour due unto her Majesty To which effect he gave her the Government de Bourâ—onnois And then he called for the Father Suffren and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu but that she should not be troubled at it his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres to inform her of his intentions This was the Order which was observed and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne Father Suffren was the first that carried her the news of it a person who had been an eye-witness of those many endeavours and cares the King had used to allay her spirit and who might thereupon relate those things unto her which had been intrusted with him that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty Not long after the Mareschal d' Estree sent unto her to know if she would be pleased to see him which she thought fit and presently told him she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner But he having assured her that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty but rather on the contrary to serve her and to receive the honour of her commands she became a little more appeased and about evening the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres came to request her that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her and in the mean time the King having ended his sport went to lie at Verbrie Politique Observation QUeens are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as
served to set off with advantage the wonders of his Conduct and he hath ever dispelled from us all those Tempests of Mis-fortunes which have threatned France He hath the Honour to be Son to a Father to whom a thousand ill strious acts have acquired the quality of Great And I think it may be said with truth if Fortune dâ—id set limits to Philips Conquests that there might be some subjects for his Son Alexander to shew his courage on Heaven did also set bounds to the glory of that grand Prince in suppressing civil wars that our Lews the Just might have occasion to triumph over Heresie and curb in the Ambition of the house of Austria In prosecution of these two designs he began to overcome as soon as ever he knew how to mount on Horse-back That he replanted the Standard of the Cross in Bearn that he disarmed Heresie over all the Kingdom that he hath so often made the Spaniard and King of Hungary to let go their Holds and that he forced them to relinquish the design which they had so long projected of universal Monarchy Heaven seems to have made a Bargain with him that he should overthrow whatever resisted him that his actions should be as so many miracles and that his reign should be full as happy in the obedience and love of his Subjects as illustrious by his victories and triumphs Which being so how can we pass by so many glorious Actions without publishing his Wisdome and Generosity were not that not onely to deny to his Valour the praise it justly vindicates but even to deprive Posterity of an example whereby it might learn what no books of Policy can teach It is not fit to publish the secrets of a Prince but it is just to declare his vertues And if the first be forbid by the Laws of Secrecy the acknowledgement which is due to their merit and the zeal of the Publick good obligeth us to the secoâ—d This is the principal reason which hath invited me to publish the glory of his reign and I would condemn my Pen to perpetual silence if it had been mute on this occasion so necessary will it be to those who shall govern France in future Ages to follow those footsteps which he hath left behind him I confess I am not able to find words equal to the greatness of his Actions but I had rather want words then acknowledgements for my King and affection for my Country but I shall nevertheless hope to acquit my self so much the more fortunately as the heroick Actions of great Princes have often rendred those eloquent who have undertook to write them A Prince who would signalize himself by an extraordinary conduct ought to chuse Ministers who are sufficiently able to assist him with their counsels and to put them in execution For the better choosing of whom I think it convenient to observe with T. Livy that there are three sorts of them The first Eminent who are able to govern all by their own discretions and who have a Prudence vigorous enough to advise of themselves whatsoever is necessary for Government without being beholding to others who see all penetrate into all judge of all and whose Genius is strong enough to bear up the weight of the greatest affairs The second may be called Indifferent who have not sufficiency enough to judge of all things or to execute them but have a good capacity to apprehend the judgements of others in their Counsel and so to govern affairs by their directions that they are often times successefull in the greatest enterprizes The third and last have so little Judgement that they are neither able to manage affairs by their own or the advices of others whence it happens that they are apt to commit very deplorable faults and to put all things into Confusion Of the first rank ought a Prince to choose his ministers if he would design any great attempts or carry them on to a good success If he himself too be of this number they will bring wonders to passe if he be not he hath so much the more need to have persons of this temper neer him For God who hath naturally subjected little things to great seems to have given Letters Pattents to eminent spirits to govern if not by their Authority at least by their Counsels the rest of Mankind It is a dangerous fault to choose Ministers at a venture and for that reason Aristotle blamed the Athenians who chused their Magistrates by Lot it being absolutely necessary to elect them by Prudence and still to prefer the most capable The Proverb saith Ex quolibet ligno non fit Mercurius a Sowes Ear wil not make a Silk-Purse and true it is that not all are proper for all affairs Men must be fitted to their Commissions least they not having abilities proportionable do not onely ruine the most glorious designs but withall make them end in great mis-fortunes If men have never atchieved any thing greater then States and Empires surely they cannot do any thing more glorious then to govern them well and since Causes ought to be proportioned to effects it is necessary to imploy great Persons in great places That sight which should pierce into the remotest Objects should be the sharpest That Arm which should throw furthest ought to be strongest that light which should shine in many places ought to be liveliest and generally all causes which should have most force in their operation should have most vigour in then power Which being so ought not the understanding of a Minister to be quicker then that of others seeing be is to dive into truths His Memory ought it not to be stronger seeing it ought to preserve more Species ought not his Soul to be more capable seeing it ought to be more Universal ought not his Wisdome to be greater since he must comprehend more reason and ought not his Prudence to be more perspicacious seeing he is obliged to provide for the greatest and most important affairs An ordinary capacity of mind is sufficient for the guiding of a private life but he who hath the charge of governing a State ought to surpass all others in the strength of his Genius God who is the first reason and mover of Nature may be his example in this kind and of necessity who so doth serve next under him in the Administration of a Kingdome ought to be indued with a more vigorous wisdome then others that he may be as the understanding Soul in a civil Society and a guider of all others motions by his own Councels Not to follow this rule were to put all into confusion and disorder and one of the greatest vanities which is under the Sun saith the Spirit of God in the Scriptures is To place Fools upon the Tribunal and to leave Wise men standing upon the ground It were to set a Sailor to the Helm and the Pilot to the Oar it were to commit the guidance of the Primum mobile to the
his removal was very necessary to divert those mischiefs which he did not yet suspect especially to preserve that neer friendship wherein they had alwaies lived So he had nothing to reply and his Maiesty to punish the insolence which had given so much boldness to the Collonel d' Ornano to resist his Majesties will commanded him to be made Prisoner in the Bastile and shortly after in the Castle of Caen. The displeasure which he conceived at his Imprisonment opened his eyes he lookt upon his fault with so much resentment that there was not any protestation of fidelity left unmade by him from his friends to his Majesty and finally having recourse to the Cardinals intercession that grand Minister whose Counsels are never accompanied with rigour unless when he is inforced by Justice dealt so with his Majesty that at last he procured his liberty After the Marqness de la Viville who had diverted him had been so unhappy his Majesty caused him to be brought out of Prison and beleeving his Promises restored him in his place with the Monsieur and withall gratified him with a considerable sum Whereas he instead of making any advantage of his imprisonment of his Liberty or of the Benefits which he afterwards received threw himself upon the Intregues of women and some Fantastical hair-brain'd young men who put it into his head that he was much redoubted on his Masters accompt which made him conceive so great a vanity that he boasted in many places that he would further those motions which some Grandees made to the Monsieur to carry him from the Court unless himself were made a Marshal of France The Collonel d' Ornano is made Marshal of France THE King upon advice had was counselled by people of Quality either to Arrest him or make him Marshal of France otherwise some great mishap might follow The King was inclined to chastise him not being able to indeavour or consent that any such honour should be granted to him out of fear or to hinder his doing of more villanies However his Clemency moderated his just indignation and prevailed with him to bestow upon him a Marshals Staffe to reduce him within his duty and to make him carry himself better for the future It is true the Cardinal setled and fixed him in those thoughts and withall begged him to pardon him seeing in creating him a Marshal there would be no cause of fear for that it would be as easie then as before to clap him up into the Bastile and that what punishment should be inflicted on him would appear the juster in the eyes of all the World in respect of those great favours wherewith he had been obliged so he pardoned him and made him a Marshal signalizing his Conduct by acts of mercy not less considerable then the wisdom which he had made appear in those two negotiations before mentioned Politick Observation IT is a great impudence to Court a Prince with design to prevail against his Soveraign for besides that a Soveraign grows quickly jealous if he finde any to pertake of that Honour which is due to himself alone Which one thing is the ordinary fomentation of Civil Wars Tiberius testified a great resentment for that their Chief-Priests making their prayers to the Gods for his health took the boldness to adde the name of Nero and Drusius though they were neer a kin to him and the next successours to the Empire he acquainted the Senate with it as also the Priests and briskly told them he was offended at it The same Emperour seeing the Senatours prepare great Honours for his own Mother did he not make them apprehend by a very neat discourse that those Honours which were given to Women should be moderate and that he himself too would use the same modesty in those which were offered to him When he beheld Macron the Captain of his Guards courting Caligula did he not rattle him up with high language for that he forsook the Sun setting to adore him Rising Kings are so sensible in this particular that it is not without trouble that they permit Courtship to be used to their own Children Thus though Philip of Macedon did intirely love Demetrius his son yet he was much offended when the Macedonians followed him in Troops and shewed an earnest desire to insinnuate themselves into his good favour But admit this jealousie do not spring up however such like actions ought not to be allowed seeing infallibly it will breed broyls in the State It is also true that men not being less capable to quit their wicked designs then to hatch and contrive them it were dangerous to drive things to extremity and to ruine them at the same instant they were discovered That Physician hath but a small portion of discretion who makes use of violent remedies upon the first beginning of a sicknesse without staying to expect what Nature might do of her own self and that Minister is too severe who discovering some designs against his Masters service presently destroys the Authors of it without giving time that they might repent themselves Cecinna is much blamed by Tacitus for taking a barbarous revenge upon some disorders before he had given leisure to those who were guilty to repent But on the contrary Julius Agricola is much commended in that he was most commonly satisfied with acknowledgment of a fault and did not cruelly chastise any when there was the least hopes of amendment above all a Minister is the more obliged to this moderation when he is newly admitted into affairs and it is conducing to his Masters service in regard it is a means to render himself beloved The Sun at his Rising never appears burning hot his heat is welcome and favourable and he seems like Roses and Pearl to the World and a discreet Minister conforms himself to so agreeable an example and ought to take it for granted that whatsoever favours he shall do at the beginning of his Conduct will gain him the affection of the People and in prosecution will heap up upon him as much Happinesse as Glory The Marquis of Vieville is made Prisoner at St. Germans and thence conducted to the Castle of Amboyse THose several agitations whereunto Fortune had exposed the Colonel d' Ornano which sometimes seemed to throw him headlong down and then again to raise him up to great Honours were not the onely marks of the Inconstancy which that flattering Goddess made appear during this year For after she had raised up the Marquis de la Vieville just to the Administration and to the Superintendance of the Treasuries she was pleased so to cast him down that the King caused him to be arrested at St. German en Laye about the beginning of August and sent Prisoner to the Castle of Amboyse To speak truly it was no such great cause of admiration seeing this Inconstancy seems to have chosen Princes Courts for the place to exercise her power in to have taken a great delight as it
were to raise several men unto a high point of favour to expose them shortly after to the greater overthrows every one had reason to attribute it to her most usual conduct which accustometh all men to this Law that being once mounted to a certain degree of Honour they must then of necessity fall back again and that sometimes with such violence that they fall into as great a number of miseries as they formerly had of felicities No one can be ignorant of this truth but as Envy doth frequently asperse the principal Ministers of a Prince so she gave the impudence to a Pen envenomed by the Spaniards to write that the Cardinal was the cause of it by reason of the fear he was in least the Marquis de la Vieville should rob him of the Ministerial honour But how little hath this Enemy of this King as wel as of his Ministers proved his discourse so contrary to the Truth After the disrepute which they in whose behalf he writ had of the Marquis they made no long use of him without being sensible that he was not an Instrument any way proper to raise their fortunes after the ruining of his own out of a Gallantry of Humour only He went from St. Germans too with too much flowting ever to invite his Majesty by his services to make him the Minister of his Intentions Besides could he be so extream ignorant of the Cardinals high and eminent Genius in perswading himself that the Cardinal could be any wayes suspitious of the Marquis's undermining his Fortune It were to perswade the Sun that the least Stars would obscure his light it were also to accuse the King himself of great Imprudence seeing it is to declare him incapable of distinguishing whether the Marquis of Vieville or the Cardinal were more proper for his Affairs Certainly if the Sun discovers the deformity of a visage which had layen hid during the night and maketh the Stars which twinkle in the dark to withdraw themselves upon his first approach The Cardinal entering upon the Administration and discovering to his Majesty the incomparable discretion of his Counsels was enough to detect the little sufficiency of the Marquis and to hide under the vailes of an obscure darkness those advices which his vivacity and promptness of discourse did make appear with some splendor might give his Majesty just cause to make no greater esteem of him And who so would accuse him in this occasion must also reproach the Sun for having too much light and to call that in Great Persons a Crime which renders them the more to be admired Every one then knew the true causes of the Marquis's disgraces the King having given an Accompt of it to the Parliament the very day after his Arresting that he might be accused as his Majesty observed to that Illustrious company for his evil conduct which indeed was such that all men of any sense thought him incapable of long subsisting That he had changed those very resolutions which were made in his Majesties presence without acquainting him with it That he had treated with Ambassadors resident near him contrary to his order That he had oftentimes cast that hatred which he had contracted in exercising his passionate disgusts against some particular persons upon his Majesty and that he had feigned several advices with design to induce him to be jealous of those in whom hee might put a most intire confidence all all which is so true that the King that he might not take him unprovided had often given him advice to alter his behaviour and to become more exact in prosecution of his Orders and more reserved in his words and in his procedure as his Majesty had signified in the same Letter After all which his faults were so much the more known to the King he having contracted the enmity of most part of the Grandees of the Court by those outrages wherewith he had provoked them when they demanded those gratuities which his Majesty had granted to them and by that excessive rigour wherewith he would cut off the Pensions and other Benefits which they had formerly obtained of his Majesty as soon as ever he was entred upon the Treasury For they being once so provoked wanted no address to acquaint his Majesty with it and also to accuse him of divers other unhandsome Carriages by several informers who offered to prove that he had diverted great sums from the Service of Spain to his own profit and his Father in Laws the Sieur de Beaumarchais one of the Treasurers all which carried on his Majesty to clap him up in Prison Politick Observation NO one can doubt but that a Minister who upon his first entrance into Affairs finds them in disorder is obliged to apply necessary remedies to them but the Laws of Prudence teach us that it ought to be with moderation and affability without which he doth like a rash Physitian who by giving his medicines in too great a proportion and using too much rigour towards his Patient doth so move and heat his natural temperature that his sicknesse by it is rather increased then diminished It is very dangerous to force men to pass in an instant from one extremity to another and who so attempts it shall never escape the darts of Envy and Hatred which will not onely render all his designs and labour to no purpose but also expose him too to very great dangers The first Actions of a Minister are they which lay the Foundation of that Love or Hatred which he shall afterwards reap from the people a harsh rigorous procedure can procure him nothing but ill will and it is impossible for him to escape the doing many ill-offices neer this Prince and though those Customes and Uses which he would alter be abuses to the State yet the Plurality of the People will hardly be conduced to think so when they have been accustomed to those others a long time together upon which consideration it will be absolutely necessary to give them time to know better and to disuse them by little and little The wise Tatitus saith he who finds an estate in disorder shall do much better at first dash to submit himself to the violence of inveterated Habit and redress it afterwards with dexterity rather then to fall presently aboard it and to break all in peeces by a precipitated rashness and he furnisheth us with two examples both very considerable for their contrariety The first is Tiberius who finding the People in a great licentiousness which the long Peace and meekness of the Emperour Augustus had brought them too seemed at first not to regard it his Prudence making him judge it improper to treat them with severity so soon and that it was fitter for him to dissemble with them a little while which procedure of his gave an advantagious issue to whatsoever he designed Whereas the Emperour Galba though a better Prince then Tiberius was as unfortunate as rash in that at his very
which from the beginning gave the greatest admiration of all to his conduct was that imitating that manner of operating used by the Divinity which is invisible as his Essence There were every day wondrous effects of his Prudence brought to light before any resolutions were heard of or before any Orders taken were perceived whereas before there was not any thing concluded on which did not make more noise then the effects We shall proceed to consider the particular in the Processe of this History and I shall satisfie my self with laying down this positive ground That the King having given him the Honour of all his Trust after he had known the eminency of his Genius the wisedom of his Counsels his fidelity not to be shaken the dexteriousness of his Conduct which hath nothing parallel with it he likewise totally gave himself up to his Majesty Politique Observation A Minister is obliged in the same manner to make his Masters greatnesse and that of the State his principal aim and end he ought to remember that Kings are the lively Image of the Divinity That then Ministers are the Suns which their Kings glory doth form for the good of their People As God hath created that Star which over-rules the day to shew us here beneath one Ray of his infinite Splendour and to be the Authour of all those blessings which are communicated to us here below but ought he not to know before he attain the honour of the imployment whereunto he is arrived that private Interest which doth serve to inrich Families is the greatest enemy of State in the Soul of a Minister and that the Administration of a Kingdom ought to be done as the Tutillage of Orphans which is granted not for the profit of the Guardian but of those persons who are intrusted under his Tuition Glory is the onely thing which is permitted him to aspire to and how can he hope to atchieve that without transacting many things which may give a Reputation to his Master and his own Ministration The Cardinal d' Amboyse lost a great part of his glory in Italy by preferring his own before his Masters Interests The Reputation of a Minister cannot be eminent unlesse he be intire to the Prince whom he hath the honour to serve He who is truly generous expects no other recompence for his Actions then the honour and satisfaction to have done them Also he cannot be ignorant that Virtue doth scatter such rays as make her venerable in the sight of all men and in this consists in the height of glory Particular between the King and Cardinal for the good of the STATE MOnsieur le Cardinal knowing there was nothing more pernicious to Kingdomes then the want of Generosity in Ministers who content themselves by living in a lazy Peace in which time they give leave to strangers to increase their powers and instead of cutting off the Causes do onely skin over disorders in the State did not imagine it sufficient to keep things in their former indifferency but brought the King to apprehend great designs towards the procuring that ancient lustre once again to France which it had in the beginning of its Empire It is natural to a man to be more apprehensive of those dangers which are nearest and as it were at hand upon him then those which are further off though they be of a worse consequence and at this passe had things been a long while together Whereas the livelinesse of the Cardinals Soul which penetrates into the Ages to come presently discovered to his Majesty the dangers of this nature and made him apprehend the other the more easily in regard his Majesty was not ingaged in them but onely by the weaknesse of those who had the management of affairs He made it quickly apparent to him that they who shew themselves so over-affectionate of Peace do by little and little weaken and decay the State without being aware of it that they do mollifie the Courages of the people by a sloathfull repose who by such waies are exposed to the violences of strangers who have in the mean while exercised themselves in Arms and acquired force enough to make an attempt upon their neighbours His Prudence imitated that of a discreet Physitian who that he may perswade his Patient to take such things as may be convenient for his sicknesse discourseth to him the causes of his indisposition and then leaveth in to himself to judge if they be not proper for him Sir said he one day to his Majesty in a particular Counsel though a King who looks after nothing more then quiet hath reason to bestir himself when he finds his Ministers have brought his State into disorder because there do every day arise to him new causes of discontent yet he who seeks Glory ought not to be much troubled at it for that such disorders are the Ground-works upon which he may raise Trophies as marks of his Prudence and Generosity so your Majesty need not be at all troubled for those defects which have happened to your Estate by the faults of those whom your Majesty hath imployed who though they have been very affectionate to your service have not however had Souls high enough to second the Generosity of your intentions You may easily remedy all this according as you have designed there need only wel to know the Causes and to apply such remedies as may be agreeable and the State will soon be in safety Your Majesty may command me any thing for that I dedicate all my cares and all my indeavours to you and I cannot have any greater pleasure then to sacrifice my life to your glory And seeing you do me the honour to hear me discourse what I think to be most considerable in the State of Affairs I shall not imagine my self deceived if I shall tell you that I have observed four things which are the principal Causes of the weaknesse and disability of this State The first is Forraign and is nothing but the unbridled Ambition of the Spaniard which makes him aspire to the Monarchy of Europe and carries him on to attempts upon your neighbouring States which are as the out-skirts of the Kingdom of which too he hopes to be one day Master when he shall once have fortified himself upon the Frontiers and made it destitute of succours from its Allies The other three are Domestick and at home which serve for supports to all Rebellions and Revolts which are like a Lyon bred up in the Kingdom from whence nothing but mis-fortunes can arise The second is the excessive licenciousnesse of the Grandees who do so much detract from your greatnesse by so much as they assume to themselves more then they ought The third is the want of disciplin'd Troops who should ever be on foot to oppose any enterprizes which may be made against your Majesty or your Allies The fourth is the want of considerable Foundations in the Treasury to commence War upon occasions and to
far from doing any such thing whereof his Holiness complained that he was so backward from making war either upon the Church or his Holiness in particuler whom he honoured with extraordinary respects that on the contrary he would employ his Arms and his utmost power to encrease their Glory and Authority That his Holiness had no just cause to complain of a surprise in regard he had been often times told that in case the Spaniard would not yeeld to reason the King his Master could not suffer the Grison to be any longer deprived of their Forts which lawfully belonged to them that they could not be looked upon as any longer in his Holiness power seeing the deposit was ended by those several instances and reasons which were remonstrated to him as by urging him that they might be re-delivered to the Valtolins of the Justice of which his Holiness himself was satisfied and that afterwards the deposit could not be any longer continued or prolonged in his Holiness hands by reason of that great difficulty which the Spaniards made to assent to it and seeing it was pretended and that upon good reasons to re-take them from the Spaniards themselves who had found a trick to keep them by his Holiness name though hee was engaged to dispossesse them of them which being so he ought to be so much the lesse scruple at the King his Masters proceedings in regard he being only as an Umpire who created between them in the quality of a Common Father he could not with Justice keep them after the deposit was expired or give opportunity to the Spaniard to make advantages to the detriment and dishonour of France These reasons were so considerable that the Pope could not but have rest contented had he not been pre-possessed by the Spaniards but however he made great complaints from time to time of the Kings proceedings And the Sieur de Bethune returning not long after for a new Audience did not find his Holiness so moderate op civil to him as he had formerly used to be but on the contrary his Holiness told him that the Cardinal Borgia had been with him and touching upon the point of that little respect which had been shewed to his Army hoped he might have induced to proceed against his Majesty by was of censures if he should not with-draw his Army and told him in a Spanish Rodomontado that seeing he had permitted the French to take them upon one accompt the Spaniards should make them pay for it again and should do that which their Interests led them too without being with-held by any consideration and in fine protested to him what ever instances were made to him that he would still continue Neuter But however as he was alwaies guided by the opinions of the Roman Doctors who cannot indure there should be any State affair and not subject to his Will he could not away with the taking of the Forts out of his hands by force The Sieur de Bethune indeavoured by his Prudence to allay by little and little his heat in evincing to him the Justice of his Majesties reasons sometimes by offering to him his Masters Arms and Authority to invest him in the Dutcheâ— of Vrbin and other times by assuring himself of the Affections of the Cardinals Barbarini and Magalotti who had some influence over his Inclinations by the Protestations which he made to them that the King his Master had an earnest desire to oblige them upon occasions and by divers Presents which he gave them in behalf of his Master which however were refused by them that they might not appear to be partial as also by offering Madamoiselle de Rieux who was one of the richest Matches of France to his Nephew Don Thadee who did not a little like of it though he accepted not of it he then having a design upon the heir of Stilane Politique Observation IT hath been a common Custome amongst Princes in War who should not agree upon certain places to put them in deposit in a third persons hands and he who is the Depositary ought to know that he hath no further Authority then to keep them so long and upon conditions as are agreed upon between the Parties Antiquity looked upon Deposits as sacred and hath condemned those who would usurp them of Sacriledge and one of the Depositary Laws is declared to be that who so refuseth to render them renders himself culpable of a great Injustice because he would usurp against natural Reason that which doth not at all belong to him Amongst the Grecians by the Laws of the Pisseans he who denied the Deposit was condemned to death and Herodotus saith that one Glaucus of Sparta having refused to restore a certain great sum of money which he had received of a Milesian consulted the Oracle of Apollo to know what he should do in the businesse who was thus answered That neither he nor his family could any long time live upon the face of the earth and that in effect they were already rooted out Whence he concludeth that it were best for him who hath a Deposit to design nothing but the making of restitution to him who ought to have it And how well hath Aristotle deciphered the enormity of this Crime when he saith that that man who becomes guilty of it is much more unjust then he who refuseth to repay what was lent to him because he not onely violateth the Laws of Equity as he doth who denieth what was lent to him but also those of friendship and fidelity in consideration of which the Deposit was entrusted with him I shall onely adde this that the Depositiorium ought as well to be kept against those who have intrusted it he having no right to become their Arbitrator unlesse they agree among themselves as to be really and without delay restored to them when they shall have agreed upon condition between them It is however dangerous to chuse a Person for a Depository who pretends a Superiority or such a one to whom one ows an extraordinary respect because as it is natural to a person of eminent dignity to desire that his advice might passe for a Law amongst others so it is hazardous least he pretend at last to become an Arbitrator Whence it happens that if one of that Quality be chosen Depositary it ought to be included in the Instrument that he shall not become Arbitrator upon any difficulties that may arise Above all this one thing ought to be observed when as the Pope is Depositary as was practised when the Hostages in the Peace of Quieracco were intrusted with him for that he in some sort pretending a Power over Kings he puts himself on as a common Father to judge of their differences and withall may become Partial Which being so such Princes who have chosen him for Depositary find themselves impeded by reason of the difficulties of getting reason from him by force without raising great broyls There are but a few Princes of
to fight gave the signal and fell upon them the Seamen were so dexterous that they got the wind of them in lesse then two hours there were above two thousand shot made and though the night came on yet the Fight ended not for the Duke perceiving nine of the greatest Ships retiring towards Rochel pursued them with such good successe that hee came up with them about day break and two others of their biggest Ships were not able to get off for want of water and so stuck on ground but long they did not so continue before they were taken It is true those of the Army who were got upon the Orelop and having killed all they met with the Souldiers who were in the Hold set fire to the Powder and blew up all above with such force that the Splinters of it were carried a quarter of a League off three of the Kings Ships were burned with it and above three hundred men lost amongst which were the Count of Vauvert the Sieur de Ville Neufeu and Veilon a Captain of Holland This accident did much take off from the content of the Victory yet it cannot be denied but that it was glorious enough for the happinesse of France in reducing the Rebels to that passe that they could not any more make any attempts by Sea Thus the rest of their Vessels which were of no great consequence retired some to Rochel and some into other places according as the Wind did drive them but never durst afterwards appear any more These things thus ended the Duke of Montmorancy landed at Oleron where he met with no resistance the Sieur de Soubize having withdrawn himself into England so that the whole Province was setled in quiet both by Sea and Land of all which his Majesty was very certainly informed who received the newes with much joy Politick Observation WHatever joys or delights Fortune insinuateth into those who revolt yet it is usually seen that all their designs end in ill success Experience hath made it often manifest that such Crimes seldome go unpunished and that Heaven hath used to sacrifice them to example They cannot more properly bee likened to any thing then to those high Mountains the points of whose Rocks seem to hreaten Heaven and which sending forth store of Clouds out of their Bosomes seem to obscure the light of the Sun though at last they are all dissipated by that fair Planet of the day who making those very same Clouds into Thunder-bolts causeth them to fall down upon them for to chastise their Insolency And is it not the same thing with Grandees who revolt and Rebell After they have made some attempts upon the Authority of their Soveraign are they not in fine ruined and brought into extremities by the Power of his Armes who takes occasion to crush them to peeces with that Power which they would have usurped themselves and did not of right belong unto them History abounds with exemplary Proofs of this Truth the many that are would spoil the design of quoting two or three onely But for the greater illustration of it I shall say thus much the injustice of a Cause is almost an infallible sign of an ill successe seeing Heaven doth commonly confound what Man hath wickedly built If at any time they shall become so powerfull as to secure themselves from the hazards of Battels yet they can never obtain a remission from Heaven They who attempt to grow great by unjust means will in fine meet their utter ruine God doth peradventure suffer them for the punishment of States to obtain advantages for some time but at last the violences which they Act fall upon themselves and they become a just subject for their Soveraigns Revenge The Arrival of Cardinal Barbirini in France as Legate from the Holy Chaire for the Affaires of the Valtoline WHilest the Fire of this Civil War was burning up of Languedoc The Cardinal Barbarini Legate from the Pope arrived in France and came to Marseille where he was received with great honour as also at Lyon according to the Orders sent by the King He came to Paris the one and twentieth of May and his Majesty caused his entrance to be made with the most Pomp that hath been seen for a person of his condition I shall not need insist on the relating that he is bound by the Laws of the Kingdome before he Officiate the Function of a Legate to present the Brief which the Pope hath given him for the imployment to the Parliament of Paris which is a Custome so ancient that I shall omit speaking any more of it but I shall observe that the Pope having ommitted in the Brief to give the King the Title of King of Navar which could not be denied to him without Injustice the Parliament refused to acknowledge it and obliged him not to make any further procedure in the businesse untill it were amended The Legate comming to Paris alighted at St. James de Haut-pas where the Clergy of the City the concourse of the Court and other Officers to the number of twelve thousand went to salute him and receive his Benediction After this the Prelates of Paris came to do their respects to him there was a little dispute in what habit they should appear before him the Legate desiring they should be in their Rockets and Camail covered over with a Mantlet as a mark that they had no power in his presence but the Prelates not being able to stoop to this Order by reason it was contrary to the Rules of the French Church it was concluded in the middle way between both to give some satisfaction to the Legate that they should go so habited to salute him and that they should accordingly accompany him in the Cavalcade to Nostre-Dame where being come they were to take off their Mantlets but all was done under a Proviso of saving their ancient right The King sent the Duke of Nemours the Sieur de Bonnevil the Introductor of Embassadours and several other Lords of great quality to receive him at his first arrival At night Monsieur the Kings Brother waited on him with a great number of Lords and saluted him with extraordinary respects and one his entrance accompanying him gave him the right hand The same day he had Audience from the King where nothing passed onely Complements but the next day he proposed what the Pope had given him in charge hee exhorted the King in general terms to Peace he urged his Majesty to restore things in the Valtoline to their former State as they were before the Army of the confederated Princes entred into it and beseeched him to grant a Cessation of Arms in Italy His Majesty answered to these three Propositions that he was ever inclined to Peace and that he would still be induced to it provided it were for the Publick safety and honourable for him and his Allies That as to what concerned the Valtoline the Treaty of Madrid made but a few years before
those effects to the sending of those Companies into Languedoc upon the first beginning of the year who might be in a readiness to fall on them in case they should appear insomuch that they had not the least opportunity to doe any thing and this is really the most certain preventive remedy for all Revolts But however you may behold another Reason of State which is the more considerable for that it did by little and little and without being perceived undermine the greatest prop and force of them The little Authority which the Ministers who preceded the Cardinal had caused his Majesty to take upon him and the Licentiousness which the Grandees were left at either of running into the Hugonots party or of abetting them whensoever any thing went contrary to their humours was the true cause of their greatest strength The Princes would openly levy Troops to ayd and assist the revolted and either themselves would go in to them or at least lend them monyes to make more Levyes But now the case was altered and things did not run in their former channels This Grand Minister perswaded his Majesty to make himself Master of Affairs His Majesty wanted not dayly oportunities to effect it and at last brought it to such a pass that the Princes and Grandees lived very quietly and every one of them was so well satisfied with those Favâ—urs which were bestowed on them that not a man of them would nourish a thought tending to dis-union or combinations Formerly the major part of them carried such a sway in matters of concern that unless every thing which they desired were granted to them they would forthwith retire in discontent to their own houses as not thinking themselves obliged to serve the King any longer But things began now to be carried in another way and they began to live after another sort and to be sensible of the obligations which lay upon them to keep themselves within the limits of Respect and Obedience They now began to perceive it was to no purpose to think to have that by a high hand which could only be granted to them by way of Gratification All the Parties and Factions which formerly were so rife began presently to fall back there having been certain people removed from the Court who made it their onely business to embroyl things and like Wasps sucked up the best of the Treasures which they employed only in the sowing of discontents amongst the Grandees who lived at the Kings costs and charges and yet did altogether rayl and quarrel with the Government The taking away of these abuses was the true cause of the Hugonots weakning who were never strong but when assisted elswhere Thus it was apparently seen that the King having overtopped them by the sage advice of the Cardinal they were afterwards compelled to live as true Subjects in the obedience which is due from that qualification Politique Obseruation AUthority is the soul of a Kingdom A State cannot but be happy when he who governeth it knows how to rule as he ought be it either in not ordaining those things which are improper or by bringing his Subjects to be obedient so that as a Physitian endeavoureth most of all to comfort his Patients heart a Ministers ought to study no one thing more then how to encrease and strengthen his Masters power and authority But if he hath once suffered himself to be dispossed of it he hath lost the Rudder by which he steered his vessel the yoke wherewith he kept the people in obedience the splendour which made him be honoured with respect How will he be afterwards able to retain his subjects in their duties seeing they will slight his Authority And how shall he be able to receive respects from them when as he is no longer Master of that which should preserve it in their souls Authority is to a Soveraign the same thing that Light is to the Sun And as that fair Star would not be respected by man without that splendid lustre which dazeleth our eyes so having once lost his light he is no longer admired or respected The Princes of the Blood divide it amongst them and make it evident that the dis-esteem and weakness whereunto he is fallen serveth for a footstool to them to advance their own power The Governours of Provinces too they take some share and thus every one acteth as best pleaseth himself every thing is attempted without controul and they do not fear to endeavour the getting of that by force which they cannot by justice The Publique Monies are turned aside the people oppressed and at last all things brought into confusion Theopompus King of the Lacedemonians answered a certain man who told him Spaâ—ta was governed with a good Discipline because the Kings knew how to command That it was rather because the people knew how to obey But for my part I imagine that the happiness of a Kingdom proceedeth from one and t'other and that both of them are dependent on the Authority which giveth Soveraigns the Liberty of well commanding and the necessary disposition of Subjects to obey them Which if it be true of Kingdomes in general it is most assuredly so of France in particular seeing the Government of it hath been so absolutely established upon a King seeing there is not any thing more proper for the setling of any State whatsoever in its due order then to restore him the self same qualities with which he took his Birth The Cardinal is extraordinary careful to make a good understanding between the King Queen Mother Monsieur and the Princes of the Blood and others AS the Tyes of Birth are but of small force if not cherished with Affection so the Cardinal could not be satisfied with setling the King in his Authority over the Princes but took extraordinary pains to continue them in a good understanding with his Majesty The Queen Mother was the chief of all those who had the honour to be of the Royal House so he used his utmost power to tye her fast to the Kings will He did the more readily undertake this trouble because he had for several years received sundry testimonies of her favour and he would gladly have acknowledged them by his services and it sorted so happily that it may safely be said he did in it repay all her obligations a hundred times over but it was no smal matter to be brought to pass for he was to combat with the Queen Mothers inclinations the jealousies which the King had with some reason entertained against her From the time that the Queen Mother had govern'd France in the quality of Regent she had not as yet renounced the Conduct of Affairs though the care which one is bound to take for the Government of a people be accompanied with a thousand pricking vexations yet so it is that the splendour wherewith it is attended hath such powerful charms that the discreetest souls and least ambitious have much ado to defend themselves
affect his own Kindred deserveth not the affections of any others and will also give more assurance to his Government by defending him from any insurrections which might be made by them And this is the more considerable as Tacitus saith for that it is ordinary with the people to have a particular affection for the Kindred of a Prince when they shall see them hated without any just cause or reason exemplyfying the Love which the people of Rome did bear to Germanicus which increased in them by the hatred which was born to him by Tiberius and it cannot be doubted but that the particular affection with which the people love them may give them great advantages to embroyl the State and may serve for a strong prop to their revolts It cannot be avoyded but that Princes nearly related to a Soveraign must have some hand in the Government of Affairs and must partake with him in the Honours of the State how can it then be done in a good order unless they live in a fair correspondence with one another What way can a vessel goe when as they who guide it do some row towards the Poop and others towards the Prow despising the Pilots orders so that the vessel becomes exposed to be wracked And what may there be expected from a State where the Princes of the Blood Royal who have the Government of the Provinces fall off from his Majesties designs and interests engaging themselves in Factions and Parties Doth it not by this means absolutely expose the State to Civil Wars which being left at random by this disunion becomes a prey to strangers who will be sure to take advantage of it The sending of the Sieur de Blainville into England in the quality of Extraordinary Ambassadour THough the Allyance which had so lately been contracted with England seemed to be indissolvable by the confirming of it with the Mariage of the Princess yet it was not long before some grounds did arise to obstruct their good correspondency The great confidence which the Queen of England had in certain Ladies who had been a long while near and about her as also in certain Ecclesiastiques a little too inconsiderate in their zeal was in part the occasion of it for they giving her advices which were not alwaies accompanied with Prudence did clash with the King her Husbands humour and were upon the point of breeding some differences between them The King did not much wonder at it having of a long time known how little considerable womens counsels ordinarily are and how they commonly end in some broyl unless there be some one near them who may prevent it by the reputation and credit which he hath amongst them But however it did not hinder his Majesty from dispatching the Sieur de Blanville his Extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England that he might take some course before the inconsiderateness of those persons who were about the Queen had caused any more mischiefs which was the easilier to be done in regard the Queen wanted neither Respect nor Love for the King her Husband and was onely to be blamed for having relyed a little too much upon those who were given to her to be her Counsel But this was not all there was another cause of difference between the two Crowns which was this The Sieur de Soubize having fled into England and there saved himself had taken in times of Peace and against the approval too of those of Rochel a small vessel called the little Saint John at the Port of Blavet which he afterwards carried to Plymouth And not long after the English had detained and unladen another Ship at Dover called the Merchant Royal full laden with goods to the value of twelve hundred thousand Liuvers This kind of acting was as strange as unjust and a great noise it made The French Merchants not being able to get a satisfactory answer in it because the Sieur de Blainville's demands were sent to the Council of his Majesty of Great Britain seised upon some English Ships which exasperated them afresh and hindred the resolution of any thing untill the following year Politique Observation ALthough the common end of private Mariages tend to concluding of Peace amongst Families yet it is not alwaies the same thing with Princes They do never make up any Matches but on the score of Interests and if any cause of difference arise amongst them they do not at all value their Alliances but it is well known that those Wars which have been between such Princes have ever been the most bloody It was imagined that those many Contracts which had been made between the Princes of the House of Orleance and those of Burgogne would have extinguished the fire of their Quarrels but the sequel made it apparent they all served to no purpose Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan was near a kin to the Arragonois of Naples yet he undid them by his intreagues And who knoweth not that France never had such great Quarrels either with Spain or England as when they were allyed by some Mariage And indeed it ought not to seem strange for a Soveraign hath no Kinsman so nearly related to him as his State A private man may govern himself according to the Rules of Friendship but it is otherwise with a Soveraign who is obliged to preserve the Rights of his Crown against every one His reputation is of so great concern towards the good of his Affairs that he may not suffer any injury to be offered to it which he is not bound to repell by any wayes whatsoever The Treasuries are better regulated by the Cardinals care THey who have had particular knowledge of things ever since ten years last past could not sufficiently wonder at those vast charges which the State had been put to both by maintaining so many Armies together in Languedoc in Poictu in the Valtoline and Italy as also in the Match with England and defraying of Ambassadors expences together with Alliances with States considering that the Cardinal entring upon the Administration had found the Treasury not onely exhausted but likewise much indebted so that they lived upon the next years Revenues This was an effect of that great Ministers prudence who knowing how necessary it was for a State to have a good mass of Mony in reserve had quickly so setled the Treasuries that there was great plenty succeeded that former want The Secretaries of State were commanded not to seal any more Orders but by express command from the King or his Chief Ministers The Superintendants were also ordered not to authorize those which should be presented from the Secretaries of State but upon good and just consideration There were divers persons removed from Court who attended there to no intent or purpose but only had sometimes the honour to see the King Rewards were kept for those who deserved them by their services There were also new orders taken at the same time concerning the Treasuries which were so
the welfare of his own State as Duels in which there every day perished many of the Nobility and which hath been alwaies known for one of the greatest Incendiaries of France It was no hard matter to perswade him to stop the further course of it by the terrours of those punishments included â—n an Edict against all such as should bee found guilty of the breach of it The Edict contained that all such as should for the future fall into that crime either challenging or challenged should be ever after deprived of all their Charges Pension or other gifts notwithstanding any letter of favour or grace which they might procure or obtain either by surmise or otherwaies and that in case they should afterwards attempt any thing against those who should be placed in their Offices they should presently be degraded out of the Nobility declared not to be Gentlemen but Yeomen and punished with death And besides that a third part of their Goods should be confiscated That the person who carrieth a Challenge should under the Penalties abovesaid be banished three whole years That all such as should assault or fight with one another upon any occasion should be proceâ—ded against and punished as if the design to fight had been premeditated That all such as should fight out of the Kingdome should be punished in their Goods during their absence and in their persons after their returns in the same manner as if it had been committed in France And lastly that such as should take with them either a Second or Third should be punished with out more a do with death As also all such who should the second time carry any one a challenge for Duel These were the chief punishments included in the Edict and upon the publication of it his Majesty took a solemn oath not to she any favour to those who should break it and commanded his officers that if it should happen that his Majesty might by importunity be drawn to grant any pardons for it they should take no notice of it and enjoyned the Marschals of France to have a great care in ending any difference which might arise between the nobility giving them authority that in case any should refuse to give that satisfaction which should by them be injoyned they should presently besides those punishments of imprisonment and such others as might be inflicted on them be forth with degraded of their nobility It was however much to be doubted lest those who should be challenged and did nâ—t fight would be esteemed as cowards but to prevent that disorder his Majesty did also by the same Edict declare that such refusal to accept of any Challenge should be esteemed as a mark of courage generous and prudent conduct and deserving to be imployed in Military commands and hee did likewise promise by oath before God that he would reward such as should forbear to accept of any such challenges Politique Observation PRinces may not permit Duels without partaking in the Crimes of them for who so hath the Authority in his hands and maketh not use of it to punish those offences which are committed against the Laws is no lesse guilty then they who are the absolute Authors of such misdemeanors The people do not only violate the Law in the persons of their Kings but the Kings themselves in not punishing the offenders are guilty of the same crime How unjust is it to leave Duels unpunished seeing they are condemned by the Judgment of God when he said his Blood shall be spilt that spilleth the Blood of his Neighbour And under the new Law who so shall take the Sword in hand shall perish by the Sword I may safely say there is not any Crime so enormous as this for the man who commiteth it taketh that Authority which God hath reserved to himself according to that saying of Saint Paul to the Romans Vengeance is mine and I will repay it And it is not only an attempt upon Gods prerogative but also one of the greatest miseries that a Common-wealth can be afflicted with For as a great losse of Blood extinguisheth the vigor of our bodies maketh our faces become pale and rendreth nature weak and languishing So likewise is it with Duels which draw out the most couragious Blood of the nobility in which consisteth the Chief strength of the State which mightily impair the force of it exstinguishing the lively colours of its beauty and bringing it into a languishing condition And if the State be injured in it those particular persons who perish in such combats are much more exposed to many unhappinesses for with the life of their bodies they likewise lose that of their Souls by the losse of which the utmost they can hope for is to become objects of Gods Just vengeance who is seldome wanting to punish even those who escape with the victorie with some notable chastisement unlesse they pacifie him by a true repentance For can it be otherwise then very displeasing to him to behold his workmanship so destroyed which cost him so much and to see such Souls ruined by the enemy which have heretofore invited him to shew such effects of his power and such miracles of his love and all for their sakes The cause of this misfortune is no other then a false and damnable tenent which finds wayes to perswade men that it is glorious to be revenged and that to suffer an injurie unpunished by their Swords is a great losse to their Honour But can there be any reason to think an Action honourable which is so contrary to God's Laws It cannot be denied but that the nobility do draw there Chief glory from their courages but there is a great difference between this vertue of generosity and the Passion of Revenge This same vertue is no fury and transportation of the mind to things against both humane and divine Laws But it is a vigorous resolution commendable in a generous Soul which maketh him despise dangers especially when his Prince commandeth him to fight against the enemies of the State Valour hath it's limitation as all other vertues and who so goeth beyond those bounds falleth into the extremity of vice whence it hapened that Agesilaus said according as Plutarch reporteth it That valour ought not to be regarded if not accompanied with Justice Now that which is shewed upon private authority is it not quite contrarie to it Reason obligeth a man to overcome himself at private and particular quarrels just as he would his enemies In Common-wealths well governed Revenge is an Act savouring of a Brute Socrates once answered a certain man who beat him If I were an Asse I should run upon thee too but being a man I must endure it with patience Is there any reason or sense to fix honour upon an Action prohibited by God and forbidden by nature Honour would be but ill grounded if it had any dependance upon an unruly passion it cannot be linked to any thing but vertue and none
publick That gentlenesse which is shewed to the Ring-leaders of a Conspiracy is a dangerous cruelty to the State Cato was of opinion that they who did not hinder evil-doers when they might do it by chastizing them ought themselves to be punished For that were to encourage their abettors to follow their evil examples it is true Arostole saith The subjects love is the chief foundation of Royal Authority and that they are not easily induced to love Kings unlesse upon their owne advantage And it is very necessary for them to punish the factions without which they would be hourly exposed to the dangers of civil war which are the cause of the greatest misfortunes that can afflict a State And the same Philosopher in his Morals esteemeth him uncapable to command who is never angry but affects to shew himself merciful on all occasions whatsoever To speak truth a King is bound to shew as much severity to them whom the publique Interest obligeth to be chastised as bounty to them that keep themself within their duties It is the onely means saith Tacitus in his Annals to render him as well feared by the wicked as esteemed and honoured by the good who receive no lesse satisfaction in the punishment of crimes than in the receiving of those rewards which art due to their virtue The Sentence of death passed against the Sieur de Chalais THe King comitted the tryal of Chalais rather to a Chamber of Justice than any private Court not onely because he would have it expedited it being improper to be delayed but also to keep private the names of his Confiderates and their designs which were dangerous to be published His Majesty made the Lord keeper Marillac President and appointed for Judges the Sieurs de Cusse and Brie Presidents of the Parliament of Britain The Sieurs Fonquet Marchant Chriqueville Master of Request and six Councellors of the Parliament of Britain They met several times for instruction of the Processe Chalais was often times examined and having found by discourse with several people with whom he conversed that there was full information made of all his wicked designs he confessed not onely what was conteined in Monsieurs Declaration but withal divers other things of which Lorrain accused him and which were testified by Monsieur de Bellegarde Le Sieur d'Effiat by the Maust exempt who had the charge of his person and by one of the Life-guard to all which he made no denial being brought face to face He discovered the Major part of his Associates he confessed that he would have carried Monsieur from the Court that he would have perswaded him to take up arms to hold Intelligence with the Governours and Hugonots to make himself Master of Havre Mets and diverse other places of the Kingdome and withal that being once at a Council where the grand Prior and those of his faction were present he proposed to them to take the Marshal d'Ornano out of prison to poniard the Cardinal and then to fly into Flanders thinking that this once done they might easily obtain all their desires There were several other charges produced against him and amongst others certain letters from the Sieur de Moison the Kings Resident with the Countesse of Hanault in Germany and of the Sieur de Vatembourg his Majesties Resident with the Emperour by which they gave advice of the Marshal d'Ornano's conspiracy of certain letters which Chalais had writ to the Dutchesse de Chevreuse in Biscay in which there were discourses to the Kings dishonour and also certain letters in characters to the same Lady the Declaration of Monsieur the Kings Brother and the informations of the Vice-Seneschal de Moulins These enermous crimes rendred him guilty and worthy of death in regard he was the Kings Domestique Servant and that he had the honour to be in a charge which obliged him to be alwayes near his Majesties person Justice could not save him and the several relapses which proceeded from the fiercenesse and ambition of his Spirit tied up the Kings Arms from mercy So this Chamber of Justice condemned him to be attainted and convicted decrimine lesae Majestatis and to be beheaded in the Befroy of Nantes That his head should be put upon a spear over the gate of Sanvetour that his body should be quartered into four parts and hung upon the four principal places of the City that his posterity should be ignoble and of the Yeomantry His houses raized and that for the farther discovery of all his Abettors he should be put on the Rack But the Kings clemency seconded by the affection which he alwayes had for him moderated the judgment and onely commanded his head to be cut off and that they should shew him the Rack but not torture him They who understood not that the whole Intreague was discovered or that there were sufficient poofs to convict him were astonished that he should so freely confesse those crimes whereof he was accused and withal some were so bold to report that he had confessed his crimes thus frankly upon the Cardinals suggestian and perswading him to believe that it was the onely means to obtain the Kings favour the attainment of which he gave him great cause to hope for But there need no other proof for conviction of this lye than the answer which Chalais made to the Sieurs des Cartes de Lourie Councellors of the Parliament both persons of a clear reputation and entrusted to exame him after judgment had passed upon him who having told him that a report was spread abroad that he had confessed his crimes wherewith he was charged partly through fear and partly through hope of life conjured him he being now shortly to render an account of his actions before God to discover if it were so or not or if he had impeached any one in prejudice to the truth and his conscience and had no other answer from him but that what he had said was truth excepting onely where he had in anger spoke too hardly against Madam de Chevreuse who had given him no reason for it and that he should be very wicked and sencelesse to discover so many horrible crimes to clear himself and charge innocent persons and all for the satisfaction of another mans passion This proof was so much the more certain in regard it proceeded from the last passages of his life in which he testified that he would dispose himself by a true repentance to obtain pardon from God of his faults There was hereupon great reason to admire the Kings clemency seeing that he might in justice imprison and punish diverse Grandees of the Court whom he had accused who were no small number but his Majesty in stead of Publishing their design was pleased to punish all their great faults in one man onely keeping some in prison and sending Madam de Chevreuse into Lorraine not having ground to hope that she could live in the Court and not raise new broyles Politique Observation
contained the depth of his employment and it was the happier for France that he was so improvident to carry such papers about him which could only serve to cause him be taken and put to great trouble It was about the end of September that he was arrested and at first carried into Coffie The Duke of Orleans hearing of it took his part made a great noise about it and fancying to himself that the English were landed in the I le of Ree that they and the Marshal de Thoyras were close ingaged together he dispatched the Sieurs de Ville and de Leven-Court one in the neck of t'other to the Queen Mother then at Paris in his Majesty absence to demand Mountagu of her and in case she did refuse it to let him know it within foure and twenty howers time protesting withal that he well knew how to carve his own satisfaction for this injurie which he pretended had been done him because he said Mountagu had been taken in his territories He had at that time his Arms in his hand to second the English and Duke of Savoy and at the same time that he send to the Queen Mother he resolved to besiedg Coffie where Mountagu was then Prisoner as also to assault divers other Frontier Towns whilst his Majesty was busied in resisting the English But the dilligence used in removing of Mountagu from Coiffie to Paris together with the defeat given the English at Ree as shall anon be declared made him and the Duke of Savoy too change their resolutions for that they found the King in a condition able to deal with both of them at once They were likewise told that in case they would oblige his Majesty to come out of Poictou they might both of them pay the charges of his Journey So the Duke of Savoy turned his design upon Genoua which he thought to surprise by a Stratugem which had been contrived and the Duke of Lorrain was contented to be quiet upon assurance given him that Mountagu should be set at liberty soon after his Majesties return to Paris His anger was like storms which after much noise are quelled in a moment she resolved without any great intreaty to expect the Kings return to Paris whither he soon after arrived Mountaigu's Person not being so considerable as his Papers from which there had been discovered as much as was desired his Majesty brought him out of the Bastile and delivered him up unto him reserving that punishment for another time which he had resolved for the Duke of Lorrain and which he had deserved by his engaging in such intreagues In the mean time the King was very glad to see in these Papers that the Duke of Savoy knew of the English design to land in Ree that he had promised to assist them That he had perswade the Duke of Rohan to revolt that he had assisted him with succours That he had ingaged to fall upon the Dauphine with six thousand foot and twelve hundred Horse There was by them likewise discovered the design which the English had projected against Toulon for the sending certain Ships pretending to trade in the Levant and how the Duke of Savoy engaged to assist them with men and Gallies That the same Duke had a hand too in that attempt which was afterwards made against Montpelier That he had intended to have surprised Brecon and Valence and besides all this there were amongst them divers bloudy Manifests against the King his Ministers of State and the Government of his affairs Politique Observation TO be imployed without good cause for the troubling of a Forrain Princes State is a Commission as little happy as honourable If it tend to the Arming of his subjects against him It hath ever had such ill successe that one may say of him who arms them that in shaking the Pillars of the State Justice and obedience he only burries them in their own ruines If it be for the making of confederacies with neighbouring Princes to make a war upon another they last so little that there is not any hopes of more expectation from them Either of the Chiefs would have more power in the Army then his companion Then comes distruct between them no one obtains any glory which t'other doth not envy nay and hinder too if he can Great designs raised upon such weak grounds fall to ruine like structures built upon a foundation of sand War is of it self so uncertain that he who begins it is not sure to gain any thing by it A Command mis-apprehended an Order ill executed an enterprise not well timed an inconsiderate rashness and in short one poor single word may sometimes put a whole Army to the rout Besides negotiations being often considered by their Events all the blame will be assuredly laid in his dish who first perswaded to the design On the other side God favoureth Just Arms and vallour signifies nothing saith Bâ—llisarius without Justice so that he who ingageth any without a lawful cause may expect nothing but mis-fortune and confusion But to waht dangers doth he expose himself whilst he passeth thorough his States against whom he attempteth to make a war Not to stop him were a madness in any Prince and a greater not to punish him for his rashness But admit he escape that mis-fortune his very Commission is contemptible seeing it usually brings trouble and charge to his Country I have ever much esteemed of Phocions words in Plutarch to Leosthenes who in an Oration endeavoured to engage the Ethenians in the Lamian war after Alexanders death Thy speech quoth he is like a Cypres large and full but beareth no fruit for just thus thou makest the people conceive victories and thy words puff them up with signal advantages but indeed there is not any just ground to hope for any certain fruit from such a war tending to the States good so inconstant misfortunate and expensive are all wars whatever What did all those turbulent Souls carry away but blame and misfortune who employed their whole time provoked to it only by their particular passions any unjust reasons to raise wars amongst Princes The Count de St. Paul may serve for a notable example in this kinde After he had spent all his dayes in Broyles and turmoyles his glory vanished like smoak and at last he payd for those Treacheries by death which he had put upon Lewis the Eleventh In the same manner Savanorolla had passed for a Saint amongst the Florentines but for that seditious Spirit which animated him against the house of Medicis and excited him to make a war even against his own Cittizens but the blame he reaped by it sullyed all his glory and in my opinion whoever engageth himself in such a Commission may not expect any greater honour by it Turbulent Spirits clapt up in the Bastille THese Forrain designs were not a lone to be feared there were divers other Grandees of the Kingdom sediously disposed who had some notice of
of the Joy he had in this accident to find the succession devolved upon him whom he esteemed a Prince endued with all excellent Qualities and from whom he might receive the same respects both as to his person and the Publique good as he had heretofore from his Predecessor He had order to proffer unto him his Friendships and Royal assistance of his Credit Name and Authority assuring him that he should find the effects of it not only at Rome and in his Affairs depending there but also in all other things when-ever occassion should be next of all he was to inform him of the design which the Spaniards had to marry him after dissolution of his late contract to one of the Emperours Daughters and then dexterously to observe to him that the States of Mantoua and Montferrat being very considerable in Italy for their scituations and fertility as also the strong hold wherewith they are defended were continually watched after by the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan that they might take some advantage over them and that he not being able to defend himself against them but by the Union and Correspondencie which he held with France and the Princes of Italy was obliged so to carry himself as neither of them might be jealous of him Moreover that his Enemies who well knew all these things would pick out all occasions whatever to make a Breach between him and his friends by carrying him to such Actions as might provoke them against him but in case he should so change that instead of the Free and absolute Soveraignty in which God had now settled him he would find himself reduced to a perfect dependance on the Spaniards who would expose him to the scorn of others and cause him to loose his reputation of friendship and fidelity that all things considered he could not do better then to remain Neuter to hold an equal correspondency with the house of France Austria and the Princes of Italy without doing any thing which might incense either one or t'other but perceiving an intire affection for France as for him who desired his good prosperity and settlement and from whence he might be sure of receiving all assistance and protection without any prejudice in the least But above all the Marquesse was commanded to lay the foundation of the Princess Maria's marriage Neece to Duke Vincent with the Duke de Rethelois and to dispose the Duke to declare him successor to his States after the death of Monsieur de Nevers his Father However he himself was inclined to marry her could he but have procured the dispensation of his first contract at Rome He had instructions likewise to tell him how much his so doing would settle his affairs and authority against his neighbours designs who peradventure if his succession were not declared would be the bolder to attempt upon him and not unlikely on his person too These were the chief points of the Marquesse his Commission upon his comming to Mantua he was resolved with all kind of honour usually shewed to an extraordinary Ambassadour of France After he had entertained the Duke upon those particulars contained in his Instructions the Duke testified to him a great acknowledgement of the honour which the King did him telling him withall that he received it with the greater respect in regard he was French both by inclination and Obligation He discovered to him the great desire he had for the dissolution of his marriage that he might afterwards wed not one of the Emperours daughters as was supposed but the Princesse Maria his Neece whom he passionately loved and from whom he had great hopes of having a Son who might succeed after him As to that which concerned the Prince de Rethelois he ever spoke of him with great respect as a Prince whom he loved and esteemed and whom he looked on as his successor in case he died without issue The Marquess de Saint Chaumont thought it improper to propose to him when he found him so inclined the marrying of the Princesse Maria to the Duke de Rethelois it being an unseasonable motion to one who earnestly desired her for himself But talking in private with the Marquesse de Strigio chief Minister of Mantoua he discovered it to him and ingaged him to contribute his assistance to it in case a dissolution of his present contract could not be obtained as the onely and principal means to preserve his Masters Life giving him withal to observe that this once done the house of Austria and Duke of Saxony must of necessity cease their pretensions which whilest the Duke was without a Successor were too many any longer to be permitted He pressed him too the more earnestly in regard the Marquesse de Strigio told him how that the Physitians had assured that Duke Vincent could not long subsist his body being sickly The Marquess de Strigio was sensible of the importance of that particular and faithfully promised to use his utmost diligence and power to effect 〈◊〉 As to the neutrality which the Duke was obliged by interest to observe between the two Crowns the Duke would oftentimes tell the Marquesse that his heart was French that he was totally disposed to pay all respects and services to his Majesty which could be expected from him and that by the natural inclination he had for France to be gratefull in acknowledging the protection which his Majesty had given his late Brother Ferdinand and he added that his Majesty should never have any cause to be offended with him The Marquesse having thus dispatched the greatest part of his affair took his leave of the Duke to return to his Majesty and to give him an accompt of what he had done Politique Observation A King is no lesse obliged to he carefull of his Subjects Rights among strangers then of the particular affairs of his own Kingdome He is to his Subjects as the head is to the rest of the members which ought to provide for their conservation Kings are bound to maintain their rights who are under their protection either by fair means or foul This made Theopompus answer one who demanded of him how a King might raign in safety That he ought to fear nothing but permit all reasonable things to his friends and be carefull of his own Subjects that they received no injury from any one Divers Princes have been ruined by their toleration of injuries against those who have depended on them We have a remarkable example hereof in that of Philip of Macedon who was killed by Pausarias for having been deaf in his behalf in not defending a wrong which had been done unto him Nothing is indeed more glorious to Kings then the observation of this thing It is an action resembling the divinity to protect the weak against the mighty and to defend them from oppression Great Monarchs are not in any thing more considerable them little Princes but onely in the Power of Arms which they have to defend and
Baron de Lignieres Monsieurs de Vantadours Guards and on the right by the Comte de Bioule and the Sieur de Enox who led on Monsieur de Montmorency's Company and the Sieur de la Croix who commanded his Guards seconded by the Comte de Bioules Regiment he was at last constrained to give ground yet he maintained the fight above two hours and saw about one hundred six score Souldiers fifteen men of his guard and seven or eight Captains of his Troops killed and divers others wounded And in conclusion he found to the mis-fortune of his Rebellion this other added of being beaten in the Field and saw at the years end that he had very little or not at all advanced his design Politique Observation TRue Religion giveth a very great advantage to them who fight for the defence of it He hath Justice for his second which is the Bulwark of strong place the Rampard of Towns the upholder of Crowns the Pillar of Authority and the Chain of obedience an Engine it is much stronger then any of Archimedes seeing it brings down God himself upon Earth to assist it The Divine Providence ordained that the first Assises of Justice should be kept under Palms to teach them who make any enterprises as Philo observeth That Justice is the most assured pledge of victory What can that Prince fear then who fighteth to uphold it seeing God fighteth for him No power can resist that of God who hath alwayes overthrown the designs of them that rise up against him unlesse when he hath designed a people to be the Instruments of his Justice for punishing the wicked In the old Testament he causeth himself to be called the God of Battails and the Lord of Hosts to teach the people that he is Master of them and that he it is who turneth the victory where he pleaseth What did ever the greatest Souldiers bring to passe who have risen up against him They have only felt his power and seen their own weakness And every one may observe in History that their Counsels have not only been vain and ridiculous but have likewise precipitated them into great ruins They are like Icarus who designing to counterfeit wings by joyning certain Fethers together with wax melted them at the Sun Beams just thus their rising up and soaring a lost only serveth to make their â—â—ls the greater and their ruins the more certain And who knoweth not that the cause of true Religion maketh Souldiers couragious Hence it happens that valour being the ground-work of victorie is in this particular infallible Machiavel in his discourses upon T. Livy sheweth us That Religion is a wonderfull Foundation and Instrument of great Actions That the Romans made use of it to govern their City in the carrying on of their designs anâ— in pacifing all tumults and seditions which did at any time happen in their Commonwealth Now if the false Imagination of a false deity which this people did believe were the punishers of Crimes and Rewarders of good Actions by a quiet repose in the Elysian fields could make such great impressions upon their courages what may not the true Religion cause us to hope for which promiseth unto us the infinite rewards of Heaven when the belief of it is truely imprinted in the Soul The Souldier who fighteth for Religion obeyeth his Prince as the Image of the God head he will never spare this life which passeth away in confidence of another which shall be eternal If the Champions who heretofore fought in the Olympique Games were delighted to see their skins flayed off their bloud run down and their bones broken before a Laurel Crown the reward of their pains what would they not have done into with dangers would they not have cheerfully run had they but apprehended with the Eyes of faith the Saviour of the World at the end of the course the Gate of Heaven open and a Crown which shall never fade as a reward of their Loyalty and Vallour We have at all times seen that those Emperours who have been most Pious have had the greatest victories Constantine became great by his embracing of the Christian Religion It served Pepin for a Stair-case to lead him up to the Throan It bestowed the Empire on Charlemaine and the Turkish Nation which seemeth to have been born for Armes feareth nothing so much as Christians Ensigns Anno 1628. The Rochelois send to the King of England to demand Succour THE Heathenish Antiquities relate That Pandora going to meet the Rebel Epimetheus in behalf of the God's carried him a Box filled with all sorts of Evils amongst which he had only hope left him It is a Fiction yet may it be aptly applyed to the Dutchesse of Rohan the Mother who being come to Rochel to encourage the Rebellion brought all sorts of misfortune with her insomuch that there was not any kind of misery which the inhabitants did not undergo and without any other hopes but only of relief from the English which they retained to the very last In order to which hope they finding his Majesties resolved to force them to live in the rules of obedience had sent their Deputies to England with full and ample Power to treat with his Majesty of Great Brittain To beseech him to take them into his protection and that he would assist them with a second Army which might force the King of France to raise the siedge Their Deputies were received with great kindness The King of Buckingham being much exasperated against France for the late repulse given to the English at Ree They had audience granted and after examination of their Proposals The King made a Treaty with them by which he obliged himself to assist them with such a number of Souldiers as should be sufficient for their defence To send them all sorts of Provision and to permit a Collection to be made in his Countries for their present relief The Deputies obliged themself in the name of the Rochelois to give an happy successe to the English Army promising they would rigg out the greatest number of Ships they could possibly procure that they would provide Pilats and places for Magazins for all sorts of provision in the Town that if occasion were their Port should be a place of retreat for their Fleet that they would not hearken to any accomodation with the King their Lord and Master but by and with consent of the King of great Brittain and also that before France should attempt any thing against England they should declare themselves for the English and should divert to the utmost of the power all designs tending to their prejudice The King of Great Brittain was not absolute enough to conclude upon great enterprises his power somewhat depending on the Parliament so he was forced to call one to authorize this and to consent to such levies of mony as would be needfull for this business The anger which every one there bore against France and the desire
of exception For if a Soveraign hath the least suspicion that they may revolt a second time he is then bound to deprive them of all possible means to effect it be it either by disarming the inhabitants or dismantling their Fortifications nay by levelling their very Walls too if they are of any considerable strength Thus did the Romans destroy Velitre by reason of their frequent revolts turned out the Senate and commanded them to live on the other side of Tyber The strength and Fortifications of a Town do often invite the people to rebel as Tacitus observeth speaking of Hierusalem To which same purpose did Xerxes prohibit the use of any Arms to the Babylonians and Cyrus to the Lydians both of them commanding those people to study Arts which might divert them from War It were not much amisse to deprive them of the means of making assemblies The Romans have shewed the way of it by destroying all form of Government amongst those of Capua after they had overcome them whereby they had not any occasion of assembling any more together as formerly they had used To this same end too hath the Turks inhibited the use of Clocks amongst the Christians or any others over his whole Empire to prevent the meeting of any Assemblies which might be contrary to his will and the obedience he requireth from them But they who are Victorious ought alwaies to accompany their commands with some sweetnesse which may tollerate to them the exercise of their Religion the assurance of their goods or the like but then at last he must be sure to take from them all possible means of a future Revolt and Insurrection The Honour which his Majesty got by the taking of Rochel THE most ingenious of men even the Pope himself extolled the glorious â—tchievment which his Majesty had obtained indeed he could not be praised enough considering he had defeated three English Fleets releeved the Isle of Ree and overcome a City which through all Christendome was thought impregnable and by such a means too as was no less admirable then the taking of the Town it self and without the losse of almost one man although Charles the ninth lost the lives of many great Commanders and shot ten thousand great Guns at it and could do no good upon it How glorious was it for him to have restored this Monarchy to its ancient splendour and lustre by destroying a Faction which had so often armed some of his Subjects against the rest which hindred him from being assisting to his Allies and prevented him from regaining that honour and esteem in Europe which his Predecessours had held as their due This rebellious Town had for above two hundred years banded against their Kings whenever they were upon any great expedition as against Lewis the eleventh during the broyls of the Duke de Guienn his Brother against Charles the Eighth when all Italy expected him at Fornove against Lewis the Twelfth whilest he was in the Wars for the Milanois against Francis the first whiles he was ingaged with Charles the fifth against Francis the second and Charles the ninth doth in his minorities against Henry the third arming his brother to oppose him against Henry the Great just as he was ingaging against the Duke of Savoy And lastly against his Majesty himself upon whom they had thrice mad War but now their strong Walls being overthrown served for Monuments of his eternal glory Monsieur the Cardinal did much contribute to the taking of Rochel THe Cardinal being the chief Minister in this Affair as well as that of the State it were unreasonable to deny him some part of the credit They who writ concerning those Subjects made the lesse difficulty of it in regard his Majesty attributed the whole management of it to his Councils as by divers Declarations published abroad was apparent neither could it indeed be denied unto him seeing he it was that advised the besieging of Rochel who had contrived the means of releeving Ree who had beaten off the English who had first laid the Foundations of the siedge who had drawn the Lines and Works who had preserved them in good order who had kept the Forces from disbanding who had made them live in such a Discipline as was formerly unheard of in France who had contrived the Bank and at last concluded a League with the English who were come a third time to releeve the place But as the most glorious acts expose men to most envy so some malignant Pens there were who dis-esteemed and spoke lightly of him nay would have made his greatest services have been esteemed for attempts against his Majesties Crown yet all would not do some impression indeed they made upon them of the Cabal who could not behold without envy so shining a Star they who are well acquainted with him cannot but know how that he always and upon all occasions avoided what ever might expose him to envy that he did ever ascribe all the glory of his conduct and government to his Majesty and that on the other side the most that he ever pretended to in his greatest Actions was onely the honour to have served him faithfully and not improfitably they cannot but know he could not more fitly be compared to any one then unto Germanicus Nephew and adopted son of Tiberius who having obtained a great Victory in Germany prepared a fair Trophy at the foot of which was inscribed The Army of Tiberius Casar as Tacitus hath observed after the reducing of the people between the Rhine and Elbe raised a Monument to Mars Jupiter and Augustus but mentioned not himself And thus the honour of doing those glorious actions which he every day atchieved was by him esteemed both his satisfaction and reward Politique Observation WHat ever honour is attributed to second causes upon the effecting of great things yet the chief glory redounds unto the first not onely because he communicates all the power which second causes have to operate but withal because those effects depend upon his particular influence It cannot be denied but second cause deserved commendation and indeed without injustice it cannot be gain-said but that they have likewise much contributed The Sun in the Universal Principium of the generation of all Plants he it is who extracteth the Germinative quality wherewith the earth is replenished who produceth the Flowers and Fruits wherewith it is adorned it being most assuredly true that without his influences the earth would remain fruitlesse dry and barren Which though it be so yet what Philosopher did ever deny that the earth was not one of the chief causes of all those effects Have they not all confessed that the earth produceth Lillies and Roses And was not that Sophister esteemed a Novice who denied the Title of Mother to her In the same manner God is doubtlesse the first Authour of every thing done in the World yet no Philosopher will deny but that the Sun and Man beget Man that the Sun
loseth many advantages in War and also in negotiations of Peace and instead of getting glory renders himself contemptible both in one and in the other Anno 1629. NO one can with drie eys behold a Vessel in which divers of his friends are driven by a storm beaten by winds and waters now raised up on high and anon cast down again and sometimes ready to be swallowed up by the Waves But when the Tempest is once over then the whole pleasure is to discourse in what danger they were and the future remembrance of it is a satisfaction and delight In the same manner who could behold the violent emotions in which France was agitated during this year and not be moved to pity Surely he must be devoid of a French heart and destitute of all those resentments which nature infuseth into all men for their own Country But now his joy and delight must be equal too the storm is blown over and it is become a pleasure to discourse the hazard she hath escaped The King after the taking of Rochel releeveth Cazal in person THe King having reduced Rochel his courage invited him to relieve Cazel in his own person The enterprise was difficult and there was no hopes of any good successe but after great labours hazards and difficulties There was a necessity of passing the Alps and that at a time when the Ice and Snow was enough to have stopped up the wayes but besides this the Duke of Sâ—vâ—ys Army must be passed through likewise many strong places were of necessity to be taken in and an inevitable necessity of marching five or six days through an enemies Country where they were sure to find no Victuals where by reason of the ways it was as hard to get any to be carried for the relief of the Souldiers These difficulties would have troubled a resolution lesse couragious then his Majesties but it being his onely desire to obtain glory by the hardest things especially where his Justice is concern'd he was not so much as moved at it He assembled his Councel to consider of it presently after his return to Paris some of them indeed were against it as doubting lest the French falling thus directly on the Spanish forces might make a Breach between the two Crowns which experience had evinced to be very prejudicial to the State The Spanish power had by little and little become terrible untill the Cardinal pulled away the Visard and made it apparent that those were onely Chimeras and vain Clouds which would soon be dissipated by the lustre of his Majesties Arms insomuch that his Eminency who is not to be shaked in any thing where his Masters glory was concern'd began to discourse the businesse that at last every one of them submitted to the reasons which he produced and it was then concluded that Cazal ought to be releeved Sir said he seeing the taking of Rochel hath ended a most glorious enterprise for your Majesty and the most profitable for your State that can possibly happen again in your whole life Italy now oppressed for almost a whole year by the Duke of Savoy and Spaniards attendeth a relief from your power and a deliverance from their evils by your most victorious Arm Your Honour obligeth you to defend those neighbors and Allies of yours who are unjustly despoiled of their States But besides these important reasons your own interests do oblige you to turn your thoughts and arms thither and I dare assure you that if your Majesty resolve upon it and it be executed as it ought the issue of it will be no lesse happy and honourable to you then that of that rebellious City I am not I confesse a Prophet but I am confident that if your Majesty lose no more time but carry on the design you shall both releeve Cazal and settle Italy in Peace before May from whence returning with your Army into Languedoc you shal likewise settle all there before the end of July so that I hope your Majesty will in August be returned both safe and victorious to Paris These were the chief points of his advice spoken with such Grace and Courage that not a man in all the Assembly but approved of it and I have the more willingly inserted them here for the preservation of them to posterity as an Oracle of his Prudence which might indeed passe for a Prophecy seeing that every thing fell out just as he had Prognosticated Politique Observation â—T must be confessed that eminent Souls have extraordinary fore-sights and somewhat I know not how more then humane they see all effects by their causes they do commonly speak of things with assurance and prognosticate things to come as if they saw them presently acted before their eyes they behold all dangers long before they happen which they fear not because their Prudence applies fit remedies they know the weaknesse of their enemies when and where they ought to be assaulted they know all their stratagems all their designs and thus it is that their Prudence maketh them frequently judge of things with certainty Some have been of opinion that these extraordinary knowledges have been communicated to them by their Genius and to speak more Christian-like by their good Angles which me thinks cannot well be denied seeing the like hath befallen the Grandees amongst the Pagans as Socrates Brutus and Caesar and of latter ages divers other experiences of the same kind But I may well add the Angles do but seldome afford those their favours and as seldome as that eminent Prudence whereunto they add their fore-seeing quality is rare Prosecution of the History THe Cardinal did clearly fore-see that this expedition being well managed it would be impossible for the Spaniard or Duke of Savoy to raise a force sufficient to oppose that of his Majesty He knew that in all Italy there were hardly three thousand natural Spaniards that their forces were but small and divided that they were monilesse and harassed with losses on every hand that there was such an inclination in the minds of most part of the Italians to revolt that there need no more then to tell them they should be set at liberty and discharged of their great burthens and that this would be enough to make them take up Arms that there could not a more favourable conjuncture be wished then this for the securing of Monsieur de Mantua from the violence of Spain and that it were as great imprudence to lose this opportunity as it would be discretion to lay hold on it This was that which made him deliver his advice to his Majesty with such confidence and which induced his Majesty first to an assurance of it and then to command an extraordinary diligence to be had for the raising of Levies and providing all necessary munitions for the expedition into Italy Politique Observation THe discreet Pilot guideth his Ship and spreads his Sails according to the Wind that he may come in safety to the Haven and a
homage in that form which should be thought reasonable and in the mean while to beseech him that he would excuse him for some little time He presented unto his Majesty a Kennel of as find hounds as could be seen which his Majesty kindly accepted of and yet to let him see that he looked upon hunting onely as a diversion when other important State affairs gave him some leisure time he hereupon made him a discourse which is not amisse to be observed in this place for the instruction of Soveraigns in what degree they ought to hold those recreations which tend to their pleasure Cozen said he I have left off hunting I must confesse I delight in it when other affairs give me leave but at present my thoughts are altogether taken up to show how affectinately I interest my self with my Allies after I shall have relieved the Duke of Mantua I may perchance return to my old recreations till some other of my friends may have occasion to make use of me And most certain it is his pleasures never withdrew him from theears of his State He would be informed very exactly of all affairs how mean soever neither would he allot any time for the recreations which other Princes used to allow themselves because his piety forbid him as knowing them to be contrary to the Laws of God Politique Observation HUnting is a kind of war not onely not misbeseeming but sometimes very comendable in a Prince It was Xenophons advice in his Cyropaedia It teacheth them saith he to rise betimes It inures them to heats and colds habituates them to riding and all other labours The resistance which salvage beasts make against them teacheth them to fight and to use their Weapons seeing they ought to observe a time when to beat them when to prevent them and to have the free command of their body to cast themselves to and fro when once they come up upon the pursuit Doth not the chasing of those who may endanger them accustome them not to fear any perils I have often observed that those Princes who are great hunters have been likewise esteemed very valiant History tells us so in the examples of Vlysses Pelopidas Pompei Alexander The Prince of Roman eloquence saith that a man at hunting useth a kind of military exercise Plinius Secundus thought it the more agreeable for Princes it being a solitary and silent exercise and giving them leisure to think on their State affairs to which give me leave to add one effect more which renders this recreation very commendable in Kings and that is it keeps them from vice It is reported that Hippolytus Theseus his Son did use this diversion to live chastly and avoid idlenesse the source of all vices and evills The Poets feigned that Diana spent most part of her time in that manner in the company of Arethusae Calista Cranae and divers other Nymphs who were all desirous to preserve their virginities each of them knowing that they were exposed to many Shipwracks by the divers companies with whom they conversed Plutarch observed upon the life of Pompey that this great conquerour imagined that Princes get no little honour by this exercise and after he had vanquished Domitius in Affricque and reduced all in those Countries to his power himself spent some dayes in hunâ—ing Lions and Elephants to the end quoth he that the stoutest beasts themselves might not be ignorant of the Romans good fortune and courage A Victory obtained by the Kings Forces against those of the Duke of Savoy upon the 14. of February 1629. THe King departing from Chaalons passed by Lyons but did not go into the Citie by reason of the sicknesse to Grenoble where he staid 7. or 8. dayes during which he oftentimes sent to the Duke of Savoy to acquaint him that he was come thither resolved to relieve Cazal and to demand passage through his States which he was obliged by Treaties to grant under assurance of not doing any acts of hostility or any other damage The Duke being engaged with the Spaniard and having promised them to assist them in the taking of Cazal as Comte Louâ—s d'Ast one of his Residents at Rome had openly declared had recourse to his usual artifices and returned many complements and fairs words he beseeched his Majesty to give him leave to find out some expedient to dis-engage him of those promises he had made to the Spaniard The Duke proposed several overtures but so void of reason and Justice that it was no hard matter to discern his intent was onely to stay the King until Cazal was taken which as was well known could not hold out above dayes but it was all in vain for the King a person not to be delayed but with just reasons and who was well assured that Cazal would yet hold out in expectation of him two full moneths marched from Grenoble and by great Journies came to Oux a place bordering upon the Frontire and passage of Suze The Duke having but ill intelligence heard not of his Majesties advancing for indeed he made such haste that it was hardly credible but by them who were eye witnesses of it The Duke thougâ—t he had been still at Grenoble when indeed he was not far off Suze But for fear of that storm which threatned him he resolved to send the Prince of Piedmoâ—t his Son to delay his Majesty by giving him some hopes of opening the passages not without expectation that Cazal would in the mean while be taken The Prince was hardly come to Chamberry but he heard the Kings Army was passed the Mount of Geneva this made him return directly to Chaumont where he found the Cardinal already arrived with the Vanguard He had at that place a long discourse with his Eminence who no lesse powerful in his words than arms entertained him with a great deal of addresse and pressed upon him such reasons that he at last promised to do whatever should be desired of him The Cardinal at first told him he was much astonished that notwithstanding the Treaties between France and Savoy that his Majesty and his Army should be denied to passe his Country to assist one of his Allyes Hee remonstrated to him how injurious this procedure was to the honour of a Prince it being contrary to his word and faith that his Majesties Arms marched in a just cause but that his did unjustly protect injustices That if he should have the advantage at any time to hinder his Majesty from entring into Italy which however he could not well hope for yet it would be as great a discredit to him to support an unjust oppression as the design of a protecting a Prince would be glorious to his Majesty withal that he did apparently deceive himself if he imagined to raise any advantage by assisting the Spaniard in the taking of Cazal that his hopes of sharing the Montferrat between them was vain and that they would suffer him to have no greater a part than in six
who doth not onely communicate part of its light and influence to the Stars to the end they might contribute to the generation and conservation of all things here below but doth likewise himself daily go round the world to co-operate with all particular causes and doth in some sence do all in every thing thus likewise a great Prince ought to watch whatever happens of importance in his Army to passe from Quarter to Quarter and to issue out all principal Orders from himself without relying on his Officers but in things of lesse consequence remembring the excellent Counsel which Salust gave Caesar when he told him that they who are advanced to an high degree of honour in a State are obliged to be much more vigilant and careful than others Who can expresse the advantage which happens to a King by being himself the Oracle of his Counsels who obligeth his Soldiers to observe his Orders as well by his example as command The example of a King needs not indeed any words of command for it insinuateth it self into their courages and animateth them with such resolution that it leads them to all enterprises how dangerous soever his courage is the fire which heats all his Soldiers and the least action which he shall do among them will more powerfully perswade them to fight then any words he can give them be they never so many or fair Was it not for this reason that Germanicus as Tacitus relateth used to open his Helmet in his Battels that he might make himself known to his Soldiers that the Kings of Persia went bare-headed and that Cyrus as Xenophon witnesseth would often call his Captains and Soldiers by their names and give them such Orders as himself saw fit and doth he not give a good reason for it where he saith that if a Physitian were to be blamed for not knowing the names of his medicines and the artificer for being ignorant of the use of his instruments a Prince deserves much more to be discommended if he knoweth not the names of his Officers and Soldiers the instruments of the glory which he acquireth in Armes The Prosecution of the History THe Duke of Savoy had great advantages in this fight the passages were of themselves very strait and uncouth that there was no great need of any forces to hinder their ascent a few persons are enough to stop them excepting against his Majesty whom all things obey he had placed for the defence of them the very choisest troops of his Army whereas those of his Majesty were newly come off from the disorders of a siege which had lasted above a year and had also suffered the hardships of a march near 200 leagues long during all which they had been fought by the rains snows and colds of a sharp winter But his Majesty knowing what mettle his presence infused into his Soldiers and seeing there was not a man amongst them who thought not himself happy in being exposed to all sorts of hazards he resolved that all those hardships should not divert him from acquiring fresh victories However knowing that it is Gods providence which doth contribute more then mans force to happy successes he would hear Masse before he engaged with the Enemy to recommend his enterprise to God then he came into the field with the Cardinal between 6 and 7 in the morning and gave order what troops should make the onset The Duke of Savoy had formed 3 Baracados before the passages the first a Quarter of a league from Chaumont near upon the borders between France and Savoy the 2 about a quarter of a league farther of and the 3 under the Fort de Gelasse scituated upon a rock at the foot of which they must of necessity passe at the mercy of the Cannons and musket All 3 were 12 foot thick and large 20 high the Ditch deep and 8 foot over to defend the Avenues He had likewise made between 25 and 30 Redoubts guarded by 2700 choise men Upon the first discovery of their scituation the victory was thought difficult but as there is nothing impossible to the King and the Cardinal they lead up their forces at the first peep of day The King had sent the Sieur de Comminges to the first Baracado to demand passage for the Marshals of his Majesties Army to the intent they might go to Suze as friends and under assurance of doing no hurt The Comte de VerruÌ„e appeared and demanded some time to acquaint the Duke of Savoy with it who was not then far off and told him that he did not come to demand it with any shew of peace but however they should be sure to guard their passages and that they had not now to do with the English The Sieur de Comminges replied he had not any order to wait and that he should shortly find the French knew as well to beat the Piedmontois as the English at the same instant it being no longer time to dally the Marshals de Crâ—quy and de Bassompierre assisted by the Sieurs d'Auriac the Commandeur de Valençay and de Thoiras Marshals of the Camp made ready for the fight Le Comte de Sault advanced with the forlorne hope being about six score next to them followed the Kings Muskettiers and the Regiment of the Guard the Duke de Langueville being in the head of the Voluntier Nobility The Dukes de la TrimouÌ„ille and de Halloin led up the files as also the Sieurs de Lyon Court de Breze and de S. Simon the troups being seconded by the Regiment of Suisses d'Estissac de Navarre who advanced upon the left wing The Comte d'Essault falling on with his Forces came up to the Barricado's defended by Marc Antiâ—io Belon one of Piedmont assaulted and forced them in the midst of a shower of musket shot which fell upon them The Enemies endured the first charge with great courage both parts being equally resolute so that the one defended themselves as gallantly as the others assaulted them till at last a party of the French foot opening one of the passages fell like lightning upon the Duke of Savoy's forces and Barricado's presently forced them and became Masters of the passage and also of Suze after they had slaine wounded and routed whatever resisted them Amongst those who were wounded the Comte de VerruÌ„e was observed to have a shot in his cheek and the Marquâ—sse de Vâ—lle General of the Horse had his shoulder broken by a musket shot There were 9 Colours taken which were without any great trouble presented to his Majesty because he was himself in that action and amongst diverse Prisoners there were 10 or 12 Captains Lieutenants and Ensigns Politique Observation A Generous mind is never dismaid at the fear of danger or if perchance it make any impression on him it is onely to oblige him to give necessary orders to overcome them It is enough that he know he must vanguish and that his duty obligeth him to make a virtue
cuts and rends the air on every side So likewise a great Minister cannot be moved at any shocks of Fortune his courage never permitting her to Triumph in the least over his resolution or to Byas him from the Laws of Prudence the rule of all his conduct and this it is you will find our Cardinal to practise in all and every the transactions of this year The Promotion of the Arch-bishop of Lions and Monsieur Bagny to the Cardinalship I Will begin with the Honours which the King procured his holiness to bestow with the Cardinals Hats on the Arch-bishop of Lions and Monsieur Bagny the Popes Nuntio The great Worth of the former at the least equalized that honour of the Cardinalship and his sublime vertue made it apparent to all the World that to have left him in the solitudes of a Cloyster had been a great injury and wrong to the whole Church I shall not need say more of him then that he was the Cardinals Brother seeing that qualification were sufficient to render him capable of so eminent a dignity The King who slips not any occasion of acknowledging the services which he had done both to his Person and Estate could not endure to see him have a Brother in the Church and not advanced to the utmost degree of Honour which the French are capable of and the Pope had but too much assurance and knowledge of the great advantages he had procured to the Church so that he could not do lesse then honour his Brother with a hat seeing it was not in his power to raise himself to any higher Eminency It s true by the Laws of the Roman Court it is not permitted that two Brothers be Cardinals at the same time But as these Laws are not so considerable as those of gratitude and acknowledgment so his Holiness did not so much as once scruple at it And for that which concerns Monsieur de Bagny besides the custome of ordinarily conferring the Cardinalship on such as have for some time resided neer his Majesty in the quality of his Holiness Nuntio which seems to give him some right or claim to the Hat His own Worth which rendered him deserving in the judgments of all the Grandees in the Kingdom not only of the Cardinalship but even of the Papal Miter every one predicting that he would one day wear is invied nay enforced the King to contribute his utmost to obtain it for him and not only that but the quality of his Genius caused every one to conclude that he would one day be very considerable in the Court of Rome when before he had arrived to that pitch of Honour he could not but be very advantageously useful to the Interests of France which upon frequent occasions depend upon their well management in the Consistory Politique Observation ALthough the Cardinals are not regarded in France but as Princes who are strangers Yet this their promotion doth not render them lesse useful or important to the State they being more considerable then other Princes of the same condition by reason of the affairs which are daily negotiated with his Holiness the Pope and indeed ought to be respected as the principal conservators under the King of the Liberties and Franchises of the French Church and State they being his Majesties Chief Ministers in Ordinary neer the Pope and it hath been alwayes held necessary that there were some one of this quality either a French man by Nation or at least very affectionate by Nature to the Interests of France who might cordially advance the designs and concerns of the French King and Church with his Holiness the Pope And from hence it came to passe that if they were naughty French little affectionate either to the State or his Majesties Person or infected with the Maximes of Spain that great Inconveniences befell as hath been heretofore seen and for my particular I believe it to be safer for his Majesty to permit France to be with out any rather then such Cardinals But we live not in an age which hath any reason to complain of such an unhappiness seeing France oweth the restauration of its greatness and glory to the Cardinal as to the Prime and first of second Causes which Act under the King for to him chiefly belongs the Honour in that he had so great an influence upon the Popes disposition that he gave the Italians themselves a just occasion to say that his Holiness was turned Cardinal The dispatch of the Marshal d' Etree to the Commonwealth of Venice concerning the Affairs of the Duke of Mantua I Shall passe from the consideration of those reasons of State which might be made upon the aforesaid Lords Promotion to the Cardinalship that I may tell you how about the end of the foregoing year Fortune being become seldome favourable to the house of Austria or their Arms the Imperialists found themselves so oppressed with diseases and incumbred with sicknesses and necessities that they were enforced to raise the siege of Mantua But it was as if they had only withdrawn themselves into their Winter quarters The Duke of Mantua was vigilant for the preservation of his State and well knew the ambitious humor of Spain which had sought all occasions for fifty years past to render themselves Masters of Italy and would not now bee wanting to reassume their former design in causing new Troops to come from Germany and in giving better Orders and Instructions then heretofore that they might give new life to their intentions and designs This moved him to make addresses to the King that he would be pleased to interpose his Authority with the Venetians to induce them to raise an Army and make themselves Masters of the field which would discourage the Imperialists to return or make any more approaches towards Mantua This request of his was granted and the Marshal d' Estree dispatched towards Venice about the beginning of January to treat there concerning those succours with order to retirs himself into Mantua after the conclusion of his Embassie according as the Cardinal had perswaded the King to be most proper before he had began his Journy thither And thus it being business of no small importance for the Venetians to hinder the Spaniard from seating himself so neer them as Mantua His Dominion being like the Eagles Feathers which frets and eateth away those which are next and neerest unto it they readily imbraced the protection of the said Duke of Mantua and chose the Duke of Candal for their General and gave him after many importunities continually suggested by the Marshal d' Estree about twelve thousand foot and three thousand Horse to which were joyned the Regiments of Candale and Valette which were about three thousand men a piece sent by the King Politique Observation IT is very necessary to know the designs of an Enemy before he be in a condition to put them in Execution and this foresight is so much the more commendable by how much it
prudence or intelligence to discover and detect him nor force and power to punish and chastise him Prepositions of Peace made by the Nuntio Pauzirolo on the Duke of Savoy's behalf to the Cardinal Richelieu ONe other device the Duke had by which he verily imagined to surprise and allay the Vigilance Prudence of the Cardinal incausing his troops to advance together with the Artillery and Ammunition which was to send him every day new Propositions of Peace sometimes by the Nuntio Pauzirolâ— who had no power to conclude any thing otherwhiles by Mazarini another Lord of his Court but never consenting to the Kings demands without which he knew his Overtures would never be admitted The King was positively desirous to have the Passages free and open for him to succour the Duke of Mantua as often as need should require and the Duke of Savoy as peremptorily denied it alledging that the Emperour never would consent that the Princes of Italy should undertake his Protection with and against the whole world and that the Spaniard never would give way that he should entertain any French Troops in his service which were however very needfull for the surety of his Estate it being impossible for him to raise a sufficient party in his own Dukedom The Cardinal long before had sounded the vanity of all these propositions which did no way prevent his care of giving all necessary Orders for the carrying on of the War never would he stop his ears to any Proposals of Peace but used his utmost indeavours to obtain such conditions as without them the King neither would or could with his honour quit his Arms. And indeed had a Peace been concluded without such terms it had been but of a short continuance for that it had onely given opportunity of time to the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy to fortifie the Passages and render themselves Masters of the Dukedom of Mantua with the greater ease a design which France could not brook though the hindrance and prevention of it was at that time most difficult to bring to passe Politique Observation MOst certain it is that by how much a War maketh a State to be lamented by so much Peace is to be wished for and imbraced Peace is the most sweet bond of humane society the delight of nature the nurse of good Laws of Order and Policy it peopleth Desarts and maketh the Land fruitfull every one finds it the more agreeable by its being accompanied with safety and aboundance On the other side War is a fatal source of mis-fortunes the desolation of Countries the demolition of Cities the destruction of Nations and the cause of all sorts of miseries There are I must confesse two Occurrences in which War is better then Peace The first when that Peace cannot long last for who can imagine that a man would take any great care to obtain that which he doth verily conclude will be as soon lost Such was Archidanus his advice when he disswaded the Lacedemonians from making a Peace with those of Thâ—bes in Isocrates opinion wise Princes make a War for the procuring of more certain and established Peace to their estates and Countries and they indure without regret the troubles of a War that they may the longer enjoy the Tranquilities of a Peace and most certain it is that the Arms which are in the hands of a wise Prince do much contribute to ferment and fix it Besides the most wise men have ever preferred War before Peace on all such occasions where no accommodation could be made but to the prejudice of the Kings honour or estate Peace is not to be wished for but upon honourable conditions not onely because the Glory of a Prince is to be preferred before all things but because without this he hath but a slender assurance of any thing it being apparent that whosoever doth patch up a Peace with any confusion or disorder will quickly be the first that shall break it to recover his lost honour and reputation As you may find in T. Livius the Carthaginians did after the ratification of the Treaty upon the first War with the Romans The Revictualling of Cazal AFter all this jugling the Cardinal was forced to break with the Duke of Savoy but his Courage was still governed by his Prudence though he did not beleeve that the Kings enemies would accept of those very conditions of Peace which themselves proposed Now the reason why he would not so soon break off the Treaty was because he would cast the blame on them and their party and that the Kings Army might appear with more Justice on its side who had prosecuted their desires or Peace so long as they might with their Honours endeavour the obtaining of it moreover that by this means he might pierce into their designs as also to revictual Cazal which he could not have done should he have fallen out with the Duke as soon as there was an occasion offered for it For though the Duke had not force enough to carry away the Victory from the Kings Army he had however sufficient to hinder the transport of any releef to Cazal without which the Souldiers there could never have endured the Siege and for which Spinola had began his preparations and to skirmish with them in Piedmont and there to hold him play untill his enemies had began the Siege and fortified themselves in their Trenches which would be in a short time impregnable As soon as Cazal was thus victualled and that he was not able to procure an honourable Peace his Zeal and Courage for his Majesty was not then longer able to break the insolencies of his enemies which till then his Prudence and discretion caused him to passe by and take no notice of at all Politique Observation IT is not alwaies fit to break off a Treaty of Peace as soon as one dispairs of concluding it But I think it very expedient and a matter of great concernment to prolong it as long as honourably one may provided he get any advantage by it And as Salust in his Oration of Philippus against Lepidus hath well observed a man ought principally to have a care that in Treaties he do not testifie his desires of Peace with too great an Ardour or Affection because that were an assured sign of fear and weaknesse the knowledge of which gives a considerable advantage to ones enemies Though in a Treaty of a Peace a Prince reap no other benefit then this one to wit the sending abroad with more liberty his intelligences into his enemies Quarters under pretence of Conferences there to find out his enemies designs yet the advantage were not despicable In this Overture the Cardinal was not behind hand with them in any of these particulars for there passed not any day in which he did not send to visit the Duke of Savoy by persons both of great quality and judgement well knowing that men so qualified are capable in their negotiations not onely of knowing
and that he had also received his Majesties Expresse pleasure who would not have any thing omitted which might render him well pleased and contented Politique Observation OUr Minds having more fire then Earth in them have much a do to contain themselves in negotiations They drive on with too much vigour to the conclusion of an affair without considering what way is the most honourable or advantageous to give an end to it Something they would willingly part with that they might have a quick dispatch Strangers who know our humours and dispositions use to delay us and leave us to champ upon the Bit as they say in our heats and passions and to weary us out by length of time by which means they keep our very souls as 't were in prison amongst the intricacies of several proposals giving us both subject and scope to fret and vex our selves to increase our desires of getting quit and free from them from whence it follows that at the first Proposals they make us be they never so little agreeable it is with us as with Prisoners whose design being only how to get forth they throw themselves out at the Window if it be but open indangering the breaking of their very Necks and will not expect till the dore be unlockt that they may walk out with more Honour and Security which is a fault from whence nothing but great Inconveniences must needs flow That lively sprightfulness which is in a man should never transport him in his business beyond the Rules of Prudence or raise up in him any passions contrary to the Laws of a discreet Conduct He must be indued with an immoveable fidelity that he may mock and laugh at their artifices and with an invincible Patience to surmount all their coldnesses that he may make them despair of ever raising any advantages by their delayes The Affairs of Italy AT length the Cardinal found by experience that these fetches of the Prince of Piedmont did end in nothing but the retarding the Army which till then he had pass'd by and put up that it might be known to all Christendome that the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy were the hinderers of the Peaces conclusion as also that he might revictual Cazal but being now satisfied that he could not longer endure it but with much dishonour and the losse of his Army he resolved to give an end to this affair to which effect he called for the Marshals of Crequy and Schomberg the Sieurs d' Auriac de Thoiras de Fenquires de Servient and d' Esmery and having made them a relation of all which had pass'd till that time both concerning the General and particular Peace he desired their advices what was proper to be done in that juncture of time The Question being the keeping of Cazal from the Enemy it was their joynt resolution that it was absolutely necessary to make sure of a Passage both for their inlet into Italy and for their retreat back again as occasion should serve Withal that to passe thither was not so difficult they being strong enough to force their way in despight of any opposition but how to make sure of a way to convey recruits of men mony victuals and other necessaries for the refreshing of the Army and to assure themselves of a safe regresse in case the Army should be worsted this was the main debates That to trust in any promises of the Duke of Savoy was absurd after he had so often played fast and loose and after he had falsified his word to their great damage already The result of all at last came to this that they were to make themselves Masters of the field and neither to leave an Enemy or a Place behind them which should be able to annoy or offend them in the least that truth and sincerity being like the soul once out of the body it never returns but by miracle so there was no colour of reason to hope it might find any place in the Duke of Savoy's brest that if they should have left his Army behind them he might with ease stop up the Passages against any recruits whatever as he had already seised on the Bridges of Alpignan and Colligny and on all the Keys upon the Doria and that there was so much the more reason to defie him because he did openly side with the Spaniards That they were no longer to defer the declaring of the War against him for that the Army did already begin to be infected with sicknesses and many Troups were forced to disband as also that they had no reason to defer the punishing of the injuries and indignities offered to the King in so often breaking his word and causing the Army to suffer so many hardships and necessities that he had thereby almost indangered the utter losse and ruin of them all That the Laws of Prudence and Policy assure us that a Prince may justly raise a War if any injury which he hath received make him take up Arms or if any just fear of imminent danger threaten him or his Armies he is obliged to provide against the worst though he be not as yet openly assaulted Now all these reasons were so strong on their parts that they could admit of no reply It was then unanimously concluded on to assault the Duke of Savoy Every thing was disposed and prepared towards the War However that all the blame and fault might light on the Duke of Savoy the Cardinal sent both once and again to him to summon him to joyne his Army with the Kings and to keep those promises which he had made to the King at Suze intending by this to take away all just occasions of complaint from his Person Cause and Army Politique Observation HOw Eminent or great soever the discretion and Judgment of a Commander is yet he ought to take advice and Counsel in such occasions And this cannot be any prejudice to the reputation of his Judgment for that Solomon the Wisest King of the whole World saith that stability resteth upon Counsel as if he would have said that no resolution carries more certainty with it then that which is grounded upon the advice and direction of other mens Judgments opinions The Excesse of Courage doth sometimes blind the souls of such as are full of Honour and Gallantries and there are not more Victories obtained by Armies then by good directions and advises It is to be doubted that those resolutions which are not well anvil'd and canvassed by deliberation will be thwarted by some mis-fortune in their Execution when as a sound discussing of them many times secures them from any attempt that Fortune can make upon them It sufficeth not to have taken good advice in the beginning because commonly none is so bad as that which never changeth So that a man cannot be too long in deliberating the doing of a thing which he would fain bring to passe provided he do not let slip the opportunity of putting it in
Politique Observation NOthing doth more alarum the common people then the noise of new impositions they think it is to take away their lives at least to make them insupportable if you do but diminish a little of their subsistance which is the reason that the poorest of all are most prompt and ready for sedition they being desirous and greedy of novelties and as Tacitus in his Annales hath observed they have more to get then to lose by such revolts and turmoils Every one indeed ought to pity their poverty but the obedience which is due to Magistrates and the recessity of contributing to the publick charge renders them culpable without excuse Those who lead them on and incite them to their mutinies ought most principally to be punished for that they are the Broachers and Authors of all the mischief Thucydides speaking of the resolution which was taken by the Athenians to put to death all those of Mytilene who were able to bear Arms and to keep the rest in slavery by reason of the Rebellions which had been raised amongst them saith Justice doth not tie up a man from punishing the heads and principals onely It is not at such a time proper for a Soveraign to make his Clemency appear which is one of the best Rays in his Crown He ought so to pardon offences that he do not by it give way to or allow of that liberty which the people assume to themselves who will be quickly quelled if their Ringleaders be but punished To pardon all were an excessive liberty and would breed a like licentiousnesse and to chastise the most culpable is an effect of Prudent Justice Impunity authoriseth licentiousnesse and seems to give them leave to run into the same lapses and 〈◊〉 too much rigour and severity is enough to cast a Nation upon desperate resolutions and extremities It is a good way of reducing them to their due obedience by sending some grave personage amongst them as T. Livy hath observed whom they hold in some esteem and respect because Reputation and a good beleef is as the Soul of all other Reasons for that very cause it was as the same Author reports it that the Romans sent T. M. Torquatus unto Sardigna when they were upon the point of giving up themselves to the Carthaginian Protection The quick and timely dispatch of such person is of great consequence too for that Rebellion are like flames which do increase every day more then other if there be not great care to extinguish them in the beginnings The Monsieurs return to France THe King went to Troys and there rested some time as wel to satisfie the resolution which he had taken with the Cardinal of seeing his brother who after the conclusion of the accommodation about the end of the year last past which we have already spoken of retired to Nancy and testifying to him his hearty affections by all ways of lively demonstrations and of which there could be no just cause of suspicion seeing his Majesty had so frankly both pardoned him and augmented his Pensions 〈◊〉 we have already declared The Monsieur arrived there the 18. of April and in hâ—s Company besides his own retinue came divers Princes and Lords who were thâ—â— at the Court and had been sent by his Majesty two Leagues out of the Town to meâ—â— him He alighted at the Queen Mothers lodgings and the King stood expecting of him in the Court and received him with so great a testimony of joy and friendship that the Monsieur attempting to bend one of his knees to the ground his Majesty would not in the least permit or give way to it but imbraced him so long and ardently that one could not but conclude his Majesty loved him as his second self and very passionate he was to find that they were united in their thoughts in their wishes in their wills in their designs and even in their very recreations so that their faces seemed to be as it were glewed together The Court was filled with joy and these endearments continued all the while that the King continued at Trâ—yâ—â— so that there was great reason to hope that nothing would be ever able to separate 〈◊〉 make a breach between them had not those who had rendred themselves masters of the Monsieurs inclinations and humour rallied all their indeavours and artifices to confound and destroy it thinking perhaps they should become the more considerable by keeping them at a greater distance and raise more advantages to themselves by their divisions Politique Observation NAture hath implanted certain roots of friendship in the Blood which doth bud and spring forth upon any meeting after a little breach or falling out provided that hatred have not altogether seized upon the Spirit The Branches of Trees are not so easily rejoyned in their natural places whilest as yet time hath not strengthened them upon the Gardners binding of them up as the minds of persons to whom God hath allotted the same Parents are re-united into that love and affection which is natural to them if a Series of years hath not as yet confirmed them in their hatred and dis-respect of each other And in this the power of Nature is very much observed and the truth of their opinion made good who say that nature with our births doth infuse and inspire into us affections and inclinations to love those objects which she doth oblige us to seek after And as the Creator of the World hath imprinted in light bodies a certain disposition of mounting upwards and to others which are heavy an inclination which forceth them by nature to tend towards the Center of the earth so hath she likewise planted in man a certain affection for those of his Affinity as well as for those objects which are proper for him so that he can neither check his eyes or curb his heart but he shall find some sentiments of love in his spirit hence it comes to passe as we see that kindred love and that tenderly one another upon their first meeting though they had not known one another before this procedure making it apparent that their affection began not to be so much in their spirits as to entertain by the presence its object for that they had not differed to love but onely because they had not seen one another before The King committeth the Government of the Army in Champagne and of Paris to the Monsieur THat the King might the more oblige the Monsieur to preserve himself in his duty not onely of respect but of friendship he was not barely contented to have given him those large testimonies of his hearty affection but sent to him two Commissions the one for the commanding of the Army in Champagne the other to govern not onely the City of Paris but the adjacent Provinces in his Majesties absence whose affairs called him out of the Kingdome Politique Observation JT is great wisedom in a King to preserve and increase as much as in
Wars yet they are necessary to oppose themselves against the incursion of Forrainers And a Sage Politician that he might avoid the inconveniences of civil Wars followed this example which the Cardinal hath given to all Princes and which preserved France in the happiness of a long Peace by keeping Troops still on foot who were still ready to suppresse any insurrections which might arise and not suffering them to be vanting in other Countries and amongst our Neighbours The taking of Mantua by the Imperialists PResently after the Imperialists were become Masters of the field they resolved to attaque Mantua either by surprise or an orderly siege and they address't themselves with so much the more readiness to execute their design because they knew that a great number of the Souldiers in Garrison there were much discreased in several losses which they received upon divers assaults that the Plague had killed above 25000 in 3 months Aldringuer and Galas looked out all those Places where they might make an assault which was the easier for them to do they having good intelligence in Mantua by the means of Guastale who pretended to the Dutche before the Duke of Mantua as we have declared about the latter end of the last year They understood that it might be surprised upon the Bourg side and St. George's Bridge by a Trench which was upon the Lakes side where no great Guard was kept for that the Place was thought to be â—naccessible and few there were who durst attempt it because of two Trenches made upon the Bridge and certain chains reaching to the Gate and the new Tower so that no boat could passe there for at least half a mile downwards However there they resolved to surprise it by means of certain Souldiers who were clapt in there upon the design of assaulting the Town in several places at the same time that they should enter This enterprise was accordingly executed under favour of the night about the 18 of Italy an hour before day with so much violence and courage that all the resistence which the Duke of Mantua and the Marshal d' Estrée could make and they did all that could be expected from valiant men on that occasion was to no purpose and could not defend them from being compelled to render themselves upon composition after they had behaved themselves stoutly in every place that was capable of defence Politique Observation THere are hardly any Towns which are not lyable to surprises Breda a place extreamly strong was surprised by Prince Maurice by making use of a Boatman who using to carry Turf into the Castle filled his Boat with armed Souldiers covered both above and beneath with Turfs who by this means entred upon the Castle and made themselves Masters both of it and the Town being seconded by Troops and Companies who expected to be let in Watchtendone upon the River of Niers was surprised by a Bark full of straw in which Mattheo Dulchan and 13 others were concealed and one Souldier who used to guide in the straw who being known to the Sentinel desired him to lend him his hand to help him out and so drew him into the Water giving oportunity to the rest to land undiscovered to seize on the Corps du Guard and to kill the Souldiers on the Bridge where they let in Henry de Bergue who was neer at hand to second them with 400 men Thus one might produce many the like examples it being difficult for a Town to be so fortified on all sides that it cannot be surprised in some place or other The Causes of the taking of Mantua THE losse of Mantua is principaly attributed to three causes The first was Guastale who gave Intelligence to the Imperialists from within so that they were not only well informed of that Avenue which was inaccessible to men who were not acquainted with the condition and quality of the place and what courses they ought to take to arrive there by the-Inhabitants themselves but were also seconded by some of the Inhabitants after they were once entred The Venetians bore another part of the Blame by reason of the long delayes which they used in revictualling of Mantua for the last convoy which they sent could not enter the Imperialists having stop't up the Avenues as also for that they defferred the raising of their Troups it being certain that had they made their levies and advanced at the beginning of the year they might have taken all Imperial Garisons and cut them in pieces whereas they stayed until the new German Army came and their Souldiers being al unskilful and not trained up the Wars it was not difficult for the Imperialists to defeat them to make themselves Masters of the field and to take in all the little holds thereabouts The Duke of Mantua is somewhat blamed too for not being careful enough to reinforce his Garrison with fresh supplies at the same times that the sickness decreased them whatever instances the Marshal d' Estree used to him from the King to that effect The neglect whereof was the cause that the Enemies found not men enough in the Town to oppose their fury or beat them off which doubtlesse might have been done had there been barely a thousand men in it Politique Observation IT is too great an excesse of bounty and very hurtful to a new Prince who takes possession of the Estate by some extraordinary change which may clash with the minds of the people to permit those to live in liberty under him who have pretended to the same Government and may peradventure hinder him in the enjoyment of it To do so were to leave fire amongst straw which wil soon raise great flames and he may be very sure his Country will not long continue without troubles The rules of Tyrannie oblige him to put such a one to death and declare to us that to take away his State and not his life were a cruel pitty But not regarding those the Laws of Justice which permit him to restrain him of his liberty exempt him from all blame for that his possession being just he is obliged to make use of all his Authority to preserve his State by all warrantable means and wayes whatever Besides when there is a Question of setting an Army on foot he ought not to be a little careful of preventing his Enemies and their designs We have already declared how necessary and profitable celerity and a dexterous dispatch is in warfare and no one can doubt but that it is a great piece of Prudence to fall upon our Enemies before they have assembled their forces to assault us For besides the infallibleness of a good successe the Victory doth mightly augment the courage of the Souldiers and the custome of overcoming is one of the greatest advantages which can be thought upon in all enterprises which are afterwards to be attempted Above all the keeping of necessary Souldiers in a Town which the Enemies have either invested or made their
his industry Prudence without doubt acquires great glory when it surmounts force Thucydides in his History prefers its victories before all others Prudence it self which ought to be so much more honoured as it cuts the evill in the roote and preserves an Army oft times from running the hazard of a combate weaken in such sort the Forces of an Enemy that he has not the boldnesse to dare an encounter as the Cardinal hath made appear in several occasions The Kings gives the command of his Army to the Duke de Montmorancy Marquis d' Effiat and the Marshal de la Force IT was requisite besides that to send new Troups to the Kings Army the Marshall de Marillac having show'd himself obstinate till then not to follow his Majesties commands in leading the Army of Champaigne into Italy the Cardinal thought to go himself to make them passe the Mountains and take the reins into his own hand But the great Cabals he found at Court which were capable not only to hinder the relief of Cazal but to overthrow the whole State if not dissipated constrained him to stay at Lyons with his Majesty who thought fit to send in his place the Duke of Montmorancy the Marquis of Effiat and the Marshal of la Force Those great Captains commanded the Army every one his week by turns with such Order that notwithstanding the Marquis of Effiat was above the two others one commanded the Van-Guard one week the other the Battalia the third the Rear-Guard and he who commanded the Battalia gave during his week all the general Orders necessary for the conduct of the Army The principal consideration which induced the Cardinal to propose this expedient to the King of committing the command of his Army to many Generals was the necessity of Councel and the great need which he saw there was of the advice of many persons of great understanding and experience in those affairs which should happen Now it was impossible to send them thither without command by reason that being persons of great quality they would hardly be under command in the Kings absence if they might not have Governed in their turn Not that he was ignorant that the multitude of Generals often stirs up envy among them and consequently is cause of great confusion in an Army but his incomparable Prudence who could find remedies for the most desperate maladies of the State wanted not inventions to hinder those inconveniences and this same to make them command the Army in their turn in the Van-Guard Battalia and Rear-Guard was an excellent one by reason that making them all participate of the same glory they had no occasion to envy one another Politique Observation AS there is no person goes under the notion of being excellent in any profession whatsoever if he doth not shew some effects which are not common so a Minister of State shall never passe with the reputation of being endued with an extraordinary Prudence if there be nothing singular in his conduct And he doth not set up a new Order both in Peace and in War which is evidently advantagious to the Publick The ordinary rules of War admit but of one General to command an Army because the Commonalty know not the wayes of conserving a good intelligence amongst divers to whom the charge of them is committed But this here was found to be so much the more profitable as the Counsel of several persons whose judgment and experience being as eminent as there qualities is advantagious upon all occasions Who knoweth not that a happy successe doth as often depend upon good Counsel as upon the quantities and indeed the courages of Souldiers But who is more capable of giving and resting stedfastly upon good resolutions then several great Captains the least of which is able to command an Army One only person of this temper is worth six Regiments and that expedient which happens not in the thoughts of one falls into those of another and if one misse to discover any Stratagem of the Enemy another doth not if one foreseeth any danger the other finds out a necessary remedy to prevent it It is difficult to find in any one man all the qualities necessary for the General of an Army but whoever joynes three together supplies that defect provided he keep them from dissention one perchance excels in stoutnesse and being blinded with it is by consequence fitter for execution then Counsel another is more dexterous in the Prudence of his Counsels and to invent necessary expedients but being of a colder constitution is lesse proper to be made use of when there is occasion of a sudden execution and another haply may have an admirable addresse and a winning carriage to retain the Souldiers in their Discipline and to make them live in good order so that joyning these great persons in commission together and giving them the same commands in the Army not leaving any ground of jealousie or cause of confusion there cannot follow any other then a glorious successe The Prosecution of the History EXperience hath made it appear a truth amongst these three great Captains who advanced the Kings Arms to so high a pitch of glory in Italy that the Spaniards and Germans will not easily resolve to give them a new occasion of encounter The first encounter that they had with the Enemy was upon passing the Bridge of Villane where the Duke of Savoy and the Prince of Piedmont came with 6000 foot and 200 Horse and made a most furious assault upon some Troops which remained to passe over But the successe was so disadvantageous notwithstanding the great inequality of the Forces that all the Enemies Army was either put to flight or cut in pieces The two Princes that led them sweating as was afterwards heard that they never saw any fight so well In Prosecution of this victory they maâ—ched directly to Saluces with design to take it and to make use of it in the room of Pignerol whence the plague did hinder the drawing out of any necessary commodities The Marshal de la Force whose week it was commanded his Son with 500 Horse to go summon the Town with all sorts of civility to surrender thinking it proper so to deal with them that he might get the good will of the people of whom he intended to make use in the design which he had to raise a Magazine there Those of the Town could not imagine the Kings Army to be so neer so that they desired leave to send their Deputies to treat with the Generals which was granted to them and accordingly they were conducted where they then were But upon their return 500 choise men were clap't into it discharging both at them and ours too with such insolence that the Generals being informed of it advanced with the Army Many who made the first approches were slain and wounded But the courages of others who saw them in his condition could not endure to suffer the Kings Army to receive
sorts of wickednesses which are not powerful enough to entertain the minds of women especially when they believe that the subject they work upon would set bounds to their Authority and hinder them in their Governing according to their own Fancies The greediness of absolute command hurries them with a greater impetuosity to revenge then any other cause whatsoever without this consideration that God hath not created their Sex for Government and experience hath evidenced it upon many occasions that they are very unfit for that purpose But as Ambition is a blind Passion we do many times see great obstacles opposed to their Powers when they think to increase their Authorities and the greatest props of their Grandeur ruined whilest they use their greatest endeavours to render themselves more absolute The great Qualities of the Cardinal ALL the Artifices of the Queen mother made no other Impression upon his Majesty then to carry him to recollect and reiterate in his mind the Fidelity of the Cardinals services the great affection wherewith he had behaved himself in all occasions where his Majesties glory was concern'd the good success which accompanied his Conduct of his Armies the Incomparable Prudence wherewith he was endued with which he did penetrate into what was to come and foresaw effects in their Causes and accordingly prepared Remedies before they hapned the indefatigable vigilance which made him so intent both day and on the affairs of State that though he gave Orders in the greatest yet he never forgot the least and that prodigious promptitude which produc'd effects from resolution in Counsel before one knew whether it were resolv'd on or no These were those just considerations which the King recalled into his mind to oppugne the divers Artifices of the Cardinals enemies and one may say they did so fix his Majesty against those violences with which they would as it were shake him that to the end he might evade those perpetual instances which the Queen-mother hourly made to him he resolved to go to pass away some days at Verfilles In effect that was the cause of the King 's going from Paris and the Queen-mother could get no other satisfaction from his Majesty then that of Respect and hearty affection by his taking leave of her Politique Observation THe King well knew that the disgraces of a grand Minister are as dis-advantagious to a State as his services have been profitable and that in it a Prince receives as much blame as he had once gotten glory in drawing him neer to Person An excellent Workman never uses to throw away his Instruments wherewith he is accustomed to make rare pieces of his Art and a King doth much recede from a great Conduct if he doth drive from the Government of his State-affairs such a Minister whose admirable Genius is the principal instrument of his glory Undoubtedly the Counter-blow of such a stroke might rebound against his Authority He ought to know that it is easie to blame those who govern and to lament their Conduct and that many more find it very perfect and compleat seeing it doth not give them leave to do whatever they would in their own particular and that the Estate of Publick Affairs ought not to be judged by those of their own houses There need no more but to consult with experience to evince that it is very difficult to find a great Genius on whose Prudence they may confidently rely for that two or three whole ages do hardly bring forth one only such How many Kings have been constrained to leave both their Courages and States as unusefull for that their Country produc'd none such in their times He who is so happy as to meet with one ought to preserve him with as much care as the most assured foundation of his Kingdomes happinesse How frequent are the misfortunes which happen in Battels for the only losse of an expert great Captain And how many confusions arrive to States by the loss of one grand Minister his only conservation is of greater importance then that I will not say of Towns but of whole Provinces for he is not only capable of regaining them but conquering new ones whereas the losse of him is irrepairable for that hardly many ages produce one that doth resemble him Why the King went from Paris and caused the Lord Keeper of the Broad-Seal and his Brother the Marshal de Marillac to be Arrested THe King went from Paris only to give himself more liberty to negotiate in his important affairs and to withdraw himself from those importunities not to say violences of the Queen-Mother In whose presence the respect which he had for her hindred him from doing any thing which might displease her His Majesty knew that it was necessary for the good of his Estate to chastise those contrivers of Intreagues and on the other side he cemented himself in an unalterable resolution which being an effect of his own onely Prudence acquired him so much the more Glory never to part from the Cardinal Now it was often seen that these Cabals had no other beginning then from the Lord Keeper and the Marshal de Marillac therefore his Majesty took away the Seal from the former as the Arms of a mad man which he had imployed to do evil causing him to be carried to Lysieux and sent Orders to the Marshal de la Force and Schomberg to arrest the t'other and send him Prisoner to the Castle of St. Menehoud What reason was there to suffer any longer the insolence of these two ambitious humours who had been so audacious to commit such offences between the King and Queen-Mother and to breed a division between their Majesties which keeps them at a dislaâ—â—e to this very day Was it possible to suffer their unbridled Ambition which made them aspire to the Government of the State by the destruction of him who had established it in so sublime a pitch of Glory that it is not only more honoured but more feared too by strangers Again could it be that the Ingratitude of these two Brothers should not pull down as it were by force the Kings Justice to dash them as with a Thunder-Bolt and to punish their devices which they used with the Queen-Mother to carry her on to the ruining of him by whose Counsel his Majesty had raised them to the highest degrees of their profession winking at their unworthy actions which had heretofore rendred them culpable and by which they made their first attempts His Majesty knew in how many occasions the Cardinal had favoured them the great gifts which he had obtained of him for them and how that in som affairs he had become their Protector when in their conduct there was just reason to complain of them And on the other side when he reflected on the extremity of their ingratitude he could no longer permit that one of them should be any more imployed in affairs or that the other should remain unpunished for those many Crimes of
which he had often been accused So that it was but reasonable to destroy these ungratefull wretches who would have ruined the Genius of France by accusing him of Ingratitude It is an ordinary effect of the Divine Justice to cause those evills to fall upon them which they would pull down upon him and to permit that they become really culpable of those crimes which they would falsely lay to his charge Politique Observation THere is no injury so unpardonable as ingratitude which renders men so much the more blame-worthy for that they are impeached by good Offices An infamous life hath three steps first to forget kindnesse secondly not to recompence them the third to render evil for good The first is the effect of a great neglect The second may sometimes proceed from a want of ability But the third can proceed from no other cause but a black deformed malice So though the first cannot be excused yet it may be born with The second was in so great detestation by the Egyptians that they caused such as they found culpable to be proclaimed by the City-Crier to the end that no one might afterwards do them any kindness thinking it very reasonable that he should lose all his friends who had not been carefull to retaliate like for like to him who had obliged him But the third hath alwaies been had in so great an abhomination by all men that they thought only death was fit to expiate it that the earth might quickly rot such an execrable creature as it had brought An ingratefull man is worse then a Traitor a Traitor being only to blame for having fallen back from those promises which he was tied to by his Parole But an ingrateful person is not onely deficient to what he was obliged to perform by promise but by the obligations and favours which he had received At least the most moderate of men could never indure it seeing they are like those vapours which the Sun having exhaled from the earth do indeavor to obscure his splendour They deserve to be punished especially when their treacheries are prejudicial to the good of a State as here they were when they attempted this destruction who next to the King was the greatest prop and support of the Kingdomes Felicity Is not the attempting to destroy such a Minister who is the first instrumental cause by which he hath arrived to so high an accrument of glory as striking at the very person of the King himself I should much blame that Minister who would indeavour and make use of his power to obtain a Remission for such a Crime There are some injuries which it is noble to pardon and there are others amongst which I rank this for which the Publick Interest requires vengeance Mercy is not contrary to Justice but Justice is governed by Mercy which serves forâ—ts guide Too great Lenity breeds too great Licentiousnesse and makes both the Prince and Laws to be little esteemed of It is more noble in a King to pardon then to execute the rigour of Justice but it must be to such persons whose Imprudence may not augment their licentiousnesse of doing evil and whose Crimes arise rather from their weaknesse then from black detestable Villany A Treatise of Peace between the Emperour and Duke of Mantua DUring his Majesties sicknesse and their beginning of these Intreagues the affairs of Cazal were finished upon the Treaty aforesaid The Duke of Savoy Mazarini and Colalte received news from Germany that the Sieur de Leon who was employed by his Majesty for a Peace to the Emperour had concluded a Treaty and shourtly after the Sieur of St. Estienne brought it to Generals with Letters from the Sieur de Leons and an expresse promise from the Emperour that he would install the Duke of Mantua in his Dutchy and Marquisate of Montferrat with consent that the Town Castle and Cittadel of Cazal should be delivered into his hands This was as much as could be desired for the foundation but the circumstances how to do it were difficult it being agreed by the Treaty that the Emperour would invest the said Duke only within six weeks and that fifteen daies after he would withdraw his Arms out of Mantua and the King of Spain his from Cazal and other places of Montferrat This did much trouble the Generals because this Article did much oblige them to remain in Italy two moneths longer with the Army before the Spaniards would leave Cazal which stay they could hardly make because the Plague was very rife in the Army and they had victuals but for certain days these two reasons would infallibly force them to break up before half the time were elapsed which should they have done the Spaniards might with ease become Masters of Cazal who had not subscribed to it with their usual designs because they had liberty to hold the advantage they had got whenever the Treaty should be brought These just considerations were debated by the Generals who believed his Majesty would never ratifie it so they resolved not to regard it but to march with the Army with all speed before Cazal The Spaniards being inform'd of this resolution were so much surprized by their apprehensions of the first stock of the French who at the first onset fight like Lyons They presently sent back Mazarini who had brought them the news to assure them that they would observe the Treaty of Peace and that to put it in execution they were content to permit the importation of a whole years prouisions into the Cittadel of Cazal But the Generals having once heard that they began to be in fear concluded especially the Marshal of Schomberg that they should presently advance to Cazal thinking that their appearance only would force the Spaniards to quit the Siege forthwith without staying till the end of the two moneths which was accorded by the Treaty Politique Observation IT is very difficult to Treat a Peace which may have an assured end in a place far distant from Armies whilest they are enemies Great distance maketh many things be unknown in point of particular Circumstances and of the present State of the Armies which do many times hinder the execution of what is resolved on It is with those who transact affairs at a great distance as with Astrologers who do contemplate here below the Stars of Heaven perceiving only that which is most apparent in them without being able to observe many particular Qualities So those see nothing but the Lump of businesse and are most commonly to seek in the particular and present disposition of affairs without the exact knowledge of all which nothing can be certainly resolved on which shall surely be put in execution It is good to sound at a distance the inclination of him with whom a man doth treat but when it once comes to resolve on particular Proposals a man ought to know every particular passage if that be omitted there doth most commonly happen some one thing or another
Imperial Commissary entred in their place Politique Observation IT is not without great reason that God hath called himself in the Mosaick Law The â—ord of Hosts seeing he holdeth in his hand the Courages of those who conduct them as he himself thinks fit he gives them Peace or War and when they think that they are upon the very point of fighting then it is that he compels them to lay down their Arms to teach them that it is his gift and that it is not in the power of all humane wisdom if he himself doth not lend a helping hand to it His Providence guides things to their ends by means which to appearance are contrary to it But his Power is always Master and it is in vain for us to endeavour or labour to resist him It is worth looking on the Sun in a storm and to behold the Ayr cut with lightning and thunder the Clouds cleft asunder the impetuousness of the Winds and Thunder calmed the Ayr cleered and in a while all that dissipated which hindred the shining of his rayes But how much better is it to behold the Sun of Justice who over-ruleth Hosts to make the force of his power to appear just when Battels are joyning to cover the earth with dead Bodies to dy the Fields and Rivers with blood to obscure the Sky with the smoak of Cannons and Muskets and to fill the Ayr with lamentable Cries and then to allay their rage to cause their Arms to drop out of their hands to fill their souls with gentleness and in a word to give a happy Peace After such an affair seeing all things fall out contrary to our expectations may not one conclude that God laughs at our Designs and that his just Power over-rules the Order and Conduct of all humane Affairs The re-victualling of Cazal AFter all this the Spaniards whose arrogant humour could not well away with the disorder they were now put to had much ado to march out of Montferrat and they did not only delay the time by pretending that their Ammunitions of War and Victuals could not so soon be drawn off but began to take up new Quarters about Cazal which the French when they retired had left This made the Generals resolve to dispatch three Regiments of French to Cazal under the Mareschal de Marillac and accordingly it was effected The Mareschal gave an account to the Imperial Commissary of the Reasons which occasioned his return and that he pretended not to stay longer in Cazal then till the Spaniards and Germans should withdraw from Montferrat at which the Commissary could find no exceptions it being reasonable that both should march off at the same time Some of the Enemies were so much netled at this that the Generals having divided the Army in two parts one Division marching by the Coast of Livorn and Byanzay they were advised to follow them with intention to fall upon them This breach of Faith did more affright then hurt them They ranged themselves into Battalia and so stood one whole day expecting when they would come on In the mean time there were six thousand Quarters of Wheat clapt into Cazal and the French marched off at the same time that the Spaniards and Germans went out of Montferrat c. Thus the War ceased for that year though the Treaty were not as yet absolutely concluded on Politique Observation JT were great rashness in a General after a Victory or the taking in of any Place so to despise his Enemy as to let his Forces be in disorder or to give them any opportunity to regain what they had lost The Anger which an Enemy is possessed with after he is either beaten or forced from his Siege should induce him still to be ready for a fight his enemy waiting only for an advantage to take his revenge If they be once beaten out of one quarter of their Trenches they should be so look'd after that they do not enter in at another part they should never be thought to have left a Country so long as there remains but one place which may make any resistance not so much as a Castle which may quickly be fortifi'd or the Gate of a Town which one may suppose to be secure by a Treaty ought to be left unregarded Desperation doth somtimes re-double an Enemies courage and even when an Enemy is absolutely routed there ought to be a strict watch kept seeing a broken Army doth often rally and rush in upon the Conquerors and do them so much the greater mischief by their not being prepared to make defence The King of Swede enters into Germanie WHilst the King carried his Arms into Italy for the just defence of Monsieur de Mantua's Interest several Princes of Germany and amongst the rest the Dukes of Pomerania and Mecklebourg the Marquis of Brandenburgh and divers Common-wealths oppressed by the House of Austria imagining that the King of Swede's Nobleness would defend them from this violence called him in to their assistance They sent sundry Deputies to him to engage him with all earnestness to assist them whom they found so much the more enclined to it in regard he thought himself justly offended with the Emperour for his unworthy dealing with him for he had caused his Letters to be broken open his Characters deciphered and interpreted imprisoned his Subjects trading upon the Baltique Sea after he had taken away their Merchandises prohibited the Commerce though it were a natural right and free to all the World had by several means hindred the conclusion of that Peace which had been treated on with Poland had sent whole Companies under his own Colours into Prussiia to fight against the Swedish Army to destroy him under pretence of assisting the King of Poland had in a worse then barbarous manner refused the Embassadours whom he had sent to him to treat a Peace and had openly and under-hand spoiled and deprived his kindred and Allies of their States so that some of them were even brought to Beggery without being able to get any reason or satisfaction to their just complaints These are the true causes which stirred up his Courage not able to suffer such injuries and which at last made him imbark on the Sea a most puissant Army About July he came before the Island of Rugen which he made himself Master of in a few days notwithstanding those great oppositions which he met with thence he went to Stralzund a Hans Town seated upon the Baltique Sea in the Dutchy of Pomerania which he had taken into his protection in the year 1628 and there he landed The Imperialists had kept the Town close blocked up untill March and did still belabour it with all Acts of Hostility though they were constrained to raise the Siege after the losse of above twenty thousand men but they quickly drew off for altogether not thinking it possible to resist him in a field who had so easily taken in the Forts of the Island Rugen Politique
but so full of dissimulations of which the Court is the most perfect School that great Princesses can so much the less easily defend themselves from them in regard the most part of those who come neer them do hardly ever tell them any truth at all The Cardinal indeavoureth to restore himself into the Queen-Mothers good Favour AS there never yet was any Soul more gratefull or more respectfull then the Cardinal so it cannot be expressed with what grief he indured the Queen-Mothers anger and to how many submissions he stooped that he might recover her good favour Shortly after St. Martins day she used her very utmost power over the Kings inclinations to destroy him insomuch that she would not indure to see him But he having resolved it to be his greatest Felicity next that of serving his Majesty to render all testimonies of his fidelity and of that great Passion which he had for her Glory pretermitted no invention to get the honour of seeing her Sometimes he would addresse himself to Father Suffren the guide of her Conscience and beg him with signs of extraordinary grief that he would zealously use his utmost power to procure him that satisfaction and to re-estate her mind in her first kindnesses to him which some of her Confidents had now diverted The Good Father did it so much the more readily perceiving that this bitterness of the Queen-Mother did set the whole Court into Factions that it did divide the State raised combinations and fomented parties against the King himself he represented to her that God commanded her to moderate her hatred and to behold him with respect who had done such eminent services for the King her son but it was to little purpose for he could not at all discover any disposition in her tending to follow his advices The Cardinal accepted with much affection those offers of the Cardinal Bagny his Holinesses Nuntio a Prelat not lesse recommendable for the greatnesse of his Soul then that of his dignity to attempt and indeavour with her upon the same score There could not be any thing added to that great care and prudence which he used to allay her Passion at last he obtained this advantage that she condiscended to see him and to promise him she would forget what was past The meeting was at Luxenburg Palace where the King was present But she discovering by her eyes her words and actions that there was nothing but apparencies in her reconcilement he was necessitated to make use of a more potent cause for the obtaining of that which neither the Piety of Father Suffren nor the Quality or Merit of Cardinal Bagny could attain to The King took the pains upon himself to speak to her once and again with great earnestness conjuring her to him whom she was equally obliged to as himself to acknowledge him for her most faithfull Servitor and for a Minister capable of executing several great designs of which he had already laid the ground-work He beseeched her to re-assume her former familiarities with the Cardinals to assist at Councels where of late she would no more appear and his Majesty pressed her so vigorously that she could not deny him which his Majesty had been sensible of two or three several times It is true some have been bold to say that they who nourished her mind with this sharpnesse advised her to stoop in this particular to his Majesties will that he might gain a greater power over his Soul and that she might gain a greater power over his Soul and the she might find out new occasions fit to destroy the Cardinal But for my own part I can never believe that her goodness could credit them in this point I shall only say this much indeed the Passion which she conceived against him was so violent that she could not long forbear so much did his very sight torment her and that in effect this meeting was a recommencing of it The Marshal de Schomberg interposeth THe Marshal de Schomberg whom she had heretofore much honoured with her Counsels being return'd from Piedmont imagined that he might perchance work somewhat upon her mind he resolved accordingly to assault her with all kinds of reasons and so evidently to demonstrate to her the wrong she did her self that he would force her by the consideration of her own interests to give up her self though she would not do it either for the Love or Respect which she owed the King He knew belike that interest was the breach by which all great Personages are taken He beseeched her first to consider the great benefits which she received by his Counsels and that whilest she had followed them she was becom the most glorious Princesse of the World whereas now she was in a maze by having adhered to the advices of hers and his enemies It is true Madam would he sometimes say he ever perswaded you cordially to love the King to have no other then his interests and to be inseparably united with him for that he well knew all your greatness and quiet depended upon it whereas they who now advise you put other imaginations into your Majesties head but she would not yet see to what pitch of extremity they had then brought her He entreated her to open her eyes and to recollect with a difference she found in the effects and made her apprehend and confess that she could wish for nothing which she might not make her self sure of if he did but continue in a strict union with his Majesty and the Cardinal That if she desired any authority from the King he had beseeched her to assist in the Councels only to give her all kind of respects and distinctions and had in a manner divided his power with her That if she desired Gratifications the Cardinal had never been backward to pay them unto her The great zeal which he had to serve her did even transport him to tel her that her separating her self as she did from the King would force the King to withdraw himself from her which if it should so happen she would lose all her power and the people themselves would no longer pay her their usual respects These reasons were so potent and considerable that there was nothing could be alledged against them and the Queen-Mother had accordingly believed them but that some factious spirits about her perswaded her that she should add to her authority and greatness if she could make herself Mistress of this one affair and thus they easily re-inflamed that fire which the other had taken a great deal of pains to extinguish though in never so little a manner In fine she became inflexible and those unworthy miscreants brought her to that passe that she refused his Majesty when he entreated her to pardon the Cardinal which she was so much the more obliged to have done he never having really offended her at all Politique Observation NOthing is more easily effected then to infuse violences into the minds of
It is a great good fortune for a Minister never to be put upon such a rock and therefore it is that he will indeavour to work upon them by good offices which are the most powerfull means to oblige men and tie them very strictly the chains wherewith they are fettered being so pleasant and agreeable to them Interest is that which doth most efficaciously more them And indeed it is in a manner impossible to gain them by other means then by making provision for their advancement There is no design which they will not approve of alwaies provided that they have but satisfaction in their own particulars They perswade their Masters to rest contented if they themselves are once satisfied The most part of affairs of the world are like those Pictures wherein you shall behold different Figures and shapes according to the divers positions and scituations of them who look upon them They never represent any thing to their Masters but on that side which they best like and thus they can as easily retain him in quiet There ought to be care had that all which is intended for them be not done at once Ambition still increaseth and those benefits which are done to a favourite do but whet his appetite for the receiving of others Therefore it is that one should alwaies reserve something to keep them in breath by the expectations of greater benefits to come The Queen Mothers Resolution to win Monsieur THe Declaration which Monsieur made to the King of his resentment strook a great astonishment into the Queen-Mother she having before-hand placed all her confidence in him as also chosen him for the chief instrument of her designs They had perswaded her that could she but ingage him in her interests she might soon find men enough to uphold them and such as would put themselves into the field in Arms to carry on her designs to their very utmost and yet her natural goodnesse was so great to oblige her to preserve Monsieur constant and faithfull to the Kings interests But this factious seditious Cabal which inverted her strongest inclinations made her mislike those procedures and carried her on even to reproach him for that after she had so particularly cherished him he should take so little care for her concerns It is true it was heretofore verily beleeved in the first yeers of her Regency though I think without just grounds that she was more affectionate and tender towards Monsieur then towards the King and that she might well cast her eyes upon him as many others of her quality have done to make use of him for the upholding of such designs as she might have to which the King might not be so favourable But it must be confessed that she governed her self so prudently by those sage Councels which were given to her after her first going off from the Court that no one could discover any thing in her behaviour but real intentions to preserve her children in a good intelligence with one another and never to attempt any thing which was not conformable to the Kings Will insomuch that this prudent Conduct of hers gained her a great esteem with the people who being desirous of nothing more then peace they regarded her Majesty with extraordinary affections as her who was the greatest advancement of publick tranquillity by her preserving the bond of union between her children Though now she gave them just cause to change their good opinions of her by her frequent entertainments of Monsieur and his chiefest Officers in that design which all men knew she had to gain him to her party whatever it cost that he might become instrumental for her in the resolution which she had taken to destroy the Cardinal Politique Observation JT is very usual with Mothers to love their youngest better then their eldest children and to rely upon them to be maintained in the greater authority It should seem it is with Children as with fruits the newest are still most agreeable so it frequently comes to passe that the youngest are pleasures and diversions to their Parents when as they who are older shake off the yoke of obedience and follow the inclinations of unbridled youth but most especially so it is when as mothers are become Widdows and have lost that protection of their husbands which kept their children within their bounds that they do cast themselves upon the interest of the younger ones whom they look on as the supporters of their old age and as those who must uphold their Authority against the eldest whom they look upon very often as men do upon Creditors who come to take away their goods from them withall they are dependent upon them in several respects because by the deaths of their Fathers they are become the heads of their Families and this dependency upon them is insupportable If this be ordinary in private Families how much more is it in those of Kings History is pregnant with relations of such Queens as have advanced their youngest children to the Government in prejudice of their brother Ptolomeus Phiseus gave at his wifes perswasions the Crown of Egypt to his youngest son and to go no further then France it self Lewis the Debonnair did not he prefer at his Wifes entreaty Charls the Bauld before Lothair who was the eldest Did not Constance wife of Robert seeing her husband intended after the death of his eldest son to Crown Henry her second son King oppose it in her earnest desires that he would prefer Robert her third son whom she loved most intirely And when she saw she could not arrive to the end of her design did she not embroyl all things even whilest the King yet lived but much more after his death by fomenting the divisions between her children that she her self might have the more Authority This occasioned a most sad Civil War to the great damage of the Kingdom and that good King both in the declining of his age and Kingdom when as he expected repose and tranquility in his family especially after he had suffered upon his first coming to the Crown so great afflictions by reason of the misfortunes of his first marriages their dissolutions which afterwards hapned for the remedying whereof the godly Abbot of Fleury Abby was employed Not to seek for examples far from us is not that of Katharine de Medicis very certain it being yet fresh in the memory of man for she was ever know to favour some of her children against other some Was she not likewise suspected to have hastned the death of her eldest that she might make way to raise the Duke of Anjou to the Crown And was she not seen after he was attained to the Government to enter into the Combination against him because he did not relie enough upon her for the the Government of affairs It is so frequent in history that we shall need no other proofs for it it may safely be said that it hath alwaies been a very dangerous
worth made him very undeserving Politique Observation I Have formerly said It were requisite that the Favourites of Princes should be nearly tyed to the Kings Interests that they might be carried to whatever his Majestie should desire of them and now I shall add that it is not less then necessary to prevent their troubling of the State for that the most part of such Civil wars have hapned by their means But there are great obstructions and difficulties in the encompassing it seeing that it is not somtimes in the power of the greatest Ministers to retain them in their duties what-ever advantages are prepared for them And as eating doth but excite the hungers of starved stomacks so those Riches which are given to them do but make them more ambitious of other and greater It is the humour which doth possess most Princes Favourites and is the cause which doth often engage their Masters in great Broyls The most violent storms which turn all things up-side-down are formed only out of Clouds drawn up by the Planets into the highest Region of the Ayr and the greatest Revolts which have troubled the quiet of the people and ruined whole Kingdoms have proceeded from those suggestions which Princes Favourites the Stars of the State have raised in their minds from whence they often get nothing but mud and dirt Hath not the last age made it evident here in France in the time of Henry the third when as the Duke d' Alençon had not gone out of the Court but by the perswasions of Bâ—ssi and Semier and some others his Favourites who were troubled to see the government of Affairs in the hands of some who would not give them leave to do what they pleased And if we look back a little more shall we not find that Lewis the eleventh whilest he was Daulphine had not withdrawn himself the first time from Charles the seventh his Brother but by the advices of Chaumont and Boucicaut and their Partisans who could not enoure to see that his Neece the fair Agnes and Villiquier should have so absolute a Power Our own times have furnished us with examples enough to prove this truth which are so well known to all men that I need not trouble them or my self to relate them I shall only add this that as Goldsmiths have a certain strong water to separate Gold from Silver though incorporated by the Fire that they seem to be the same Body So the Favourites of Princes have certain Arts which the malice of the Court teacheth them the power of which is so great that when they please they will divide a Mother from her children a Brother from a Brother and generally all whom Nature or Friendship had joyned together in so strict a league that one would have reasonably imagined nothing could have been able to have made a separation Monsieur 's resolution to leave the Court. VVHen Coignenx had once perswaded Monsieur by his subtle devices to leave the Court he gave him no respite until he had put it in execution That his departure might be with the more noise which might serve for a Beacon to put the whole Kingdom in an uprore he found a trick to perswade him that it would be an act of courage in him to go quarrel with the Cardinal in his own house before he went off and to declare to him that he would be no more his friend but that he would take the Queen-Mothers part against him Accordingly Monsieur went to him and told him so But the Cardinal who knew such things could not proceed from his goodness which rendred him not only the least evil-doer but indeed the most obliging Prince of the world answered him with nothing but respects and civilities Assoon as Monsieur went from him he got into his â—oach and went directly to Orleans without taking leave of the King The Queen-Mother seeming to be surpriz'd at it presently sent notice of it to the King then at hunting who was much troubled at it though he could expect little good from the base dispositions of Monsieur's servants of all whom his Majesty had been fully informed though he could not imagine they would have carried things to such extremities considering the great gratifications he had bestowed on them and those several protestations of inviolable fidelity which they had but so lately made unto him When his Majesty return'd from hunting he alighted at the Cardinal 's and gave him such singular testimonies of his favour that they were able to obliterate any apprehensions of Monsieur's proceedings His Majesty promised he would protect him with and against all and commanded him to be the more confident of it in regard he was bound in honour to preserve him from whom he had received such signal services That if any did him an injury it was his Majesty whom they did offend and he would so take it as done to himself From thence the King went to find out the Queen-Mother to whom he could not dissemble how much Monsieur 's departure did displease him and the just ground he had to suspect that she had a hand in the counselling him to it of which for the present she endeavoured to clear her self though shortly after it was found to be but too true by that strict intelligence which was between them and by those letters which they writ to the King having one and the same sense and expression As also by Monsieur's own discourses to the Ladies at Orleans when they asked of him the reasons of his so sudden return not that the Queen-Mother was ever satisfied with Monsieur or he with her but that there was a means found out to perswade them that if they would but closely unite themselves they would be the better able to drive on their own Designs and induce the King to ruine the Cardinal the only thing which they desired Politique Observation THough the Ring-leaders in a State be of different humors and inclinations and though they be much divided by the emulation which they bear to one another yet they do easily re-unite that they may if possible increase their own Powers by destroying that of their King Experience sheweth us that fire can naturally incorporate most different mettals as Gold and Iron The fire of Ambition is no less able to unite the minds of Grandees when it is once proposed to trouble the Kingdom One hath not obtained the Pension or Boon which he desired another could not get his kinsman into a Benefice as he attempted and another thinks he deserveth to have a greater hand then he hath in the government of affairs or could not procure the Office which he aspired to and these are those several discontents which they have received in the diversity of their designes and which run them up to that pass that they become unsatisfied with the King or his principal Minister not at all considering that there are several other concerns besides theirs in particular which oblige by necessity that
any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies it cannot be without danger and somtimes loss to their Countries whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful no one will think of invading them Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body yet it standeth in need of those others and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs hath so established them that they have all occasion to make use of one another This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms that he begins to be terrible On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors because contracting an Alliance with such they not only augment their own Power but weaken that of their enemy and make him incapable of further mischief It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy to take a care that he hath not two for their power being united will be more terrible Thus the Comte de Chaâ—olois son to Philip Duke de Burgogne was very sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third and the less able to hurt him His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen In order hereunto the Sieurs de Moleres de Razilly and de Chaalar were sent to the King of Morocco that an Alliance might be contracted with him and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs that they were well received The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral At â—heir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides and two Companies of Souldiers The King gave them present audience and with as much honour as they could wish so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions whose liberty was presently granted the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty It is true indeed he accepted a Present of Stuffs worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him â—et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him The next thing under consideration was the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries which was presently accorded the substance of it was thus that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass should not in future be made slaves nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods according to their usual custome that for the better continuing their correspondence Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States but on condition not to exercise their Functions unless only to the French The Treaty was signed and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls at Morocco Male and Saphy In fine The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country Politique Observation IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable the gains being greater and more just That of the Land how advantagious soever seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent and somtimes more and that without giving the least cause of complaint Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable and great States vastly rich and abounding with all sorts of commodities There is another reason which rendreth it the more important and that is Princes being bound to make themselves powerful as well by Sea as by Land which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness for it renders them the more redoubted It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element is the more feared by his Neighbours in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land in case they should presume to offend him Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany and the ablest Politician of his time said That a Soveraign can never gain an high repute unless he joyn both those Powers together which are to a State as the Arms to the Body This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable were they but deprived of it they would soon grow weak and poor but maintaining that Power as they do in a good equipage by a long tract of time they want nothing but are capable of undertaking great expeditions Hath not this enabled the Hollanders though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men to sustain the whole power of Spain What makes Gâ—noa so rich but this power by Sea And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories and we know that our late King Henry le grand whose Prudence was no less advantagious to this Kingdom then his Courage was extreamly desirous to settle it in France after he allayed those storms of Civil War to which end he gave order unto the President Janin when he was treating with the Hollanders to learn of them what was necessary in that particular The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Processe and to chastise those who were found guilty was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be dis-respected as his would have been if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders should neglect to prosecute them as was much to be feared they would Those
Luzern and Roche-Britant and in fine by that of the Cardinal led by the Marquis de Mony and Coeslin so that the skirmish became very hot and many Charges pass'd on both sides untill at last they fell to it with their Swords only so long that in conclusion the Comte de Ysembourg's horse having long sustained the French were repelled and falling in upon their own foot disordered them so that the French had the pursuit of t hem untill the night concluded the businesse and favoured the enemies retreit The Imperialists left four score Nobles forty prisoners their Convoy and two Cornets behind them which were presented unto the King by the Sieur de Chezelles Bautru After this dafeit the Marshal d' Estree looking more strictly into the siege found some things in disorder which he quickly rectified and brought all things into such method that the garrison was soon forced to surrender The Chapter were sensible of their Treason and acknowledge their lawfull Prince and thus the Town was taken by composition of which the Chevalier de Seneterre was made Governour This piece of service thus happily effected the conquest of those other places in the Spanish hands was not long in agitation the Arch-Bishop being restored to the possession of his States and Revenues by which he became sensible what a happinesse it was to injoy the protection of France which secured him from all those dangers fallen upon the rest of his neighbours Politique Observation AMongst the most heroick actions of Kings the defence of those who desire their protection is one which addeth very much to their glory and raiseth their power to an eminent greatnesse Nothing doth more liken them unto the Divinity then the defence of the weak and feeble and if in petty Princes it be a mark of weaknesse to follow the fortune of the Conquerour it cannot but be a sign of great power in a King not to deny those who sue for his protection The defending of them who request it is an act well beseeroing the Majesty of a King who as he ought not to admit any Rival in his Crown so ought he not to deny the communicating of his power unto them who flie unto him for refuge This is it which maketh a King Arbitrator of all his Neighbours affairs who gladly submit their differences unto the judgement of a Monarch who imployeth his power for the maintaining of Justice No one can be ignorant how this is it which rendreth them invincible it being most certain that who so lendeth a hand to help his friends in their necessities ingageth so many serveral defendors whenever his occsions shall require it To be able to subsist alone without the help of others is very honoursble for a King yet his glory will be imperfect if he do not imploy his power to redresse his oppressed Neighbours in their necessities Tyranny doth build its greatnesse on the usurpations of others rights whereas Justice foundeth her glory on the defending the oppressed And if a King may at any time send his forces abroad out of his own State it ought to be either in preservation of his Allies under his protection or in revenge of injuries offered unto him The Emperour endeavoureth at Rome to break the Kings Alliance with the Swede THe League between the Swede and France together with the Elector of Treves inclination made such an Alarum in the house of Austria now unable to divert the storm hanging over them that they resolved to have recourse unto Rome and there to represent the Churches grievances in such terms that they might receive the same advantages which the Spaniards heretofore did upon the like pretences The Cardinal Pasman was dispatched thither in order thereunto where being come he used is utmost endeavours to ingage the Pope in their affaris his Holinesse was press'd to make a Croisade for preservation of the German Catholicks for the suppressing of Heresie and establishing the Church in its former splendor There were divers calumnies published abroad against the Swedes the disasters of the Church and miseries of the Catholicks were aggravated unto excesse but not a word to be heard how that the Interests of the Church had not been in question but by their unjust supporting the ambitious designs of the Austrian family He indeavoured to perswade the Pope that the King of Sweden like another Attila had resolved to besiege Rome and force his Holinesse from his Seat but especially was he charged to declaim against the Alliance between the Swede and France and to solicite his Holiness to send a Legate or extraordinary Nuncio to break the knot as prejudicial to the Catholick church The Duke de Savelly his Imperial Majesties Embassadour and the Spanish Embassadour had order to second him Cardinal Borgia newly tied unto the Spanish party by the gift of the Arch-Bishoprick of Sevill did not only underhand indeavour to procure the suffrages of particular Cardinals but in the open consistory did violently exclaim in blaming the Pope for abandoning the House of Austria and in it the Church it self highly exalting the King of Spain's zeal for Religion and crying out against the cold rewarding his good intentions Now divers of the Consistory being unacquainted with the affairs of Germany and how the misfortunes befallen on some Catholique Princes was the only effect of their own faults were at first divided and the Spanish Partisans became so stout that his Hosinesse had just cause to dislike their proceedings But his Holinesse informing the Consistory with the true state of affairs made it appear unto the Cardinals that the War of Germany was a War of state not Religion and the matter was so manag'd that the house of Austria had no great cause to rejoyce The Popes answer to their party was that the Emperour had drawn upon himself those evils which he now indured that the men and monies wasted in the plundering of Italy the Sacking of Mantua and threatning of the Holy Sea would better have served to hinder the Swedes and put a stop to their conquests that the Remoustrances of his Legats and Nuntioes had been deluded Germany neglected the Swedes slighted Italy invaded and the Holy Sea forced to lay out it 's Treasure in the preservation of it self and St. Peters Patrimony that in fine his Government might possible be traduced not blamed that his indeavours already used and which he resolved to continue were capable enough to justifie his cares for the Churches good that he would willingly contribute the remainder of his power which was but small having consumed the Treasures of the Church in the War of Italy And lastly that he would gladly imploy any remedy which he should find expedient to destroy Heresie and preserve the Church and that he might unto this Temporal add a Spiritual remedy he proclaimed an universal Jubile exhorting all men to assist the Church of Germany with their Prayers The Deputies of Germany were but little comforted herewith but departed
earnest to chastise him for all his ill designs against France and finding himself press'd by the near approaches of the Army sent the Sieur de Ville chief Gentleman of his Bed-chamber and Janin Secretary of State once more to offer him all manner of content giving them likewise full liberty to treat They testified unto his Majesty that their Master was very much afflicted for having inconsiderately suffered himself to be ingaged with Monsieur They protested that in future he would continue immovable in his Devoir That he would pay him the Fealty and Homage due for the Dutchy of Bar That he would inviolably adhere to the Interests of France particularly offering to joyn his Forces with his to be employed in any expedition whatever and withal that he would deposite part of his Towns in his Majesty's hands as a gage of his performance The King received them very curteously knowing it to be more glorious to receive the submissions of his Enemies confessing themselves vanquished then to destroy them despoil them and insult upon them and then as if he would set no bounds to his clemency he promised to pardon him a second time and that he would not be against any accomodation that reasonably could be desired provided there might be any assurance of his promises But it being requisite to find out some other kind of security for performance of his engagement then what had formerly been whereby he might be deprived of the means of running any more into his former designs his Majesty remitted them to the Cardinal to conclude the Articles of the Treaty Politique Observation ALthough all Princes have power and riches more then enough wherewithal to be contented yet some there are who pursuing their ambitious Inclinations sooner then the Laws of Prudence do daylie engage themselves in new Designs They seem to divert their eyes from what they possess covetously to behold what they have not and to quit the true and solid goods of peace that they may obtain an uncertain vain-glory in War Their Designe of growing great feedeth them with discontents and that they may not bound their pretensions their minds are perpetually floting in uncertainties Oftentimes it falleth out that they do but ill proportion their undertakings to their abilities by which means when they imagine themselves to be highest they fall lowest God that he may punish them seldom permits them to gather any other fruit from their desires but trouble and vexation and that those who endeavour to rise highest should have the greatest falls To conclude a little child forsaken by his Nurse before he be well able to go alone will not so soon fall as an ambitious Prince in the midst of his whole Power for the child finding himself unsupported begins to fear to lay hold on any thing and not to stir a foot But a Prince once bewitched with this Passion being too too confident doth inconsiderately run into every danger attempteth things above his reach and in fine sheweth by woful experience in himself that he who feareth no man is soon to be destroyed Better it were that they bounded their affections and that considering 't is not the large extent of a Princes Dominion which giveth him contentment but the moderation of his desires they would arrest those emotions and ebullitions which set them in action and make them stoop to the Empire of Reason The second Treaty of Peace with the Duke of Lorrain VVHat good successe might there not be expected from this Treaty when the Cardinal had the management of it His courage and conduct had already extended the bounds of France raised several Trophies to the King's glory and acquired new Lawrels to his Majesty wherefore it was not to be doubted but that he would a second time let the Lorrainers know that his Master doth as well inherit the courage as the Crowns of his Predecessors who have ever forced their Ancestors to stoop under their Arms in despite of the House of Austria the Supporters of their hopes not their State and that there was no conclusion to be made with him without extraordinary pledges for performance of their promises To this end tended his very first discourse that he might presently cut off their hopes of surprizing him and destroy their designs of getting clear for a few fair words or protestations of fidelity Two causes there were which inclined the Deputies to receive the Law from him First An unavoydable necessity either of accommodation or of ruine to their Master's affairs And secondly That in regard it was to be doubted that in case these effects did not oblige him he would resolve notwithstanding all the misfortunes arrived upon him to re-commence the War upon the first fair opportunity of time or hopes wherewith the House of Austria entertained him This latter was so improbable that it could hardly sink into the Cardinal's thoughts yet because he somwhat suspected it he made it his main designe in this Treaty to obtain such advantages for the King that it should be altogether impossible for the Duke of Lorrain to engage himself in a third War without his utter ruine The meeting was at Liverdun where after divers contests it was at length concluded That the Duke should deliver the Town and Castle of Stenay within six days and within three days after the Town and Castle of Jamets with the Arms Ammunitions and Victuals therein unto his Majesty for four years times as gages of his fidelity upon condition that the said time being expired the said places should be restored in the same condition they then were That during the said term of time it should be lawful for the King to put into them what number of men he pleased That the Inhabitants take the Oath of Allegiance unto his Majesty and swear not to attempt any thing contrary to his service That the Duke should within three days surrender into the King's hands the City and Fortress of Clermont which his Majesty pretended to belong unto him by Process of the Parliament of Paris who had adjudged his Majesty to have the possession thereof paying to the said Duke such a sum of money as should be agreed on by Commissioners from both parties in recompence of the Revenue he received from thence That the Duke should be obliged to render homage and fealty for Barr. within one year unto the King And as touching all differences moved or which hereafter should be moved between them that there should be Commissioners of either side appointed to sit at Paris when-ever it should please his Majesty to think fit to make a fair end between them It was likewise concluded that the Duke should religiously observe and keep the five first Articles of the Treaty of Vic which should be confirmed without any exception what ever That be should faithfully adhere unto his Majesties Interests That he should joyn his Forces with his Majesties and assist him to his utmost in any War what-ever That his
courage all those Thunders did break themselves against the Rocks of his constancy which seemed to have grown harder from those many blows struck against him in the course of one year In fine all those waves and huge Billows which threatned to overwhelm him served only to manifest that his services had made his favour inexpugnable Politique Observation IT cannot but be an unjust reward to repay the services of a grand Minister with calumnies If good offices do by all kinds of Justice oblige a grateful return what reason can there then be injuriously to attaint his honour who imployeth his whole time in his Countries good It is faith an Ancient a great mans misery when he seeth himself appayed with slanders yet notwithstanding the most famous men of Antiquity and those very persons from whom our Kings have received most signal services have found themselves ingratefully rewarded Let us a little look back into the beginning of this Monarchy and take a view of those who have served our Kings hardly shall we find any one whose conduct hath not been blamed accused condemned We have hereof laid down the reasons in other places at present I shall insert this only That the Favour of their Master the Benefits they receive from Him and the Glory which they obtain by their services are a sufficient cause to procure them hatred so great an Empire hath Envy in the Courts of Princes Not that this misfortune is only appropriate to this Monarchy No it is of longer standing and more universal For did not the Athenians banish Themistocles the greatest man of his time and one who had done them unspeakable service Was not Coriolanus hated accused banished by the Romans whom nothing but meer necessity could reduce to a sense of their fault And how often did the Israelites rebel against Moses who had how-ever done so many miracles before their eyes A thousand other examples might be produced were the universality hereof a thing questionable Surely a deplorable thing it is either in respect of its injustice it being unreasonable that a person who hath done the State good service should be therefore ill requited or else in respect of the ill consequences it being frequently seen that it begets troubles to which only end such defamations are spread abroad Marlius Capitolinus had no other way to raise a Sedition in Râ—me against Camillus after he had secured the City from the French who had surprized it then by raising of scandals upon him and endeavouring to perswade the people that he had embezelled the Publike Treasure But what may it not I pray in general be said That aspersions have been the seeds of all the Revolts which ever hapned in France and that the Authors of them have seldom gotten any thing thereby except shame hatred and confusion Monsieur the Duke of Orleance's Entry into Burgogne IT is said that Dogs do never bark so much against the Moon as when she is at her full and shineth brightest and true it is that those factious spirits which abused Monsieurs name and favour did never spread abroad more aspersions against the Cardinal then just when he acquired most glory by his services against the Spaniard the English the Dukes of Savoy and Lorrain Every one knoweth how that their Libels were published at that very time But as the fair star which ruleth the night ceaseth not to prosecute her course notwithstanding all the snarlings and barkings here beneath so likewise this grand Minister whose merits had raised him to the Government of affairs and whom God seemed to have bestowed upon France as a bright star to dissipate all those clowds wherewith the hatred and envy of the French indeavoured to eclipse him did noâ— discontinue his Career nor suffer the effects of his courage to be diverted out of a sence of fear either of the one or the other All their attempts served only to reinforce his diligence that he might stifle the fire in its first eruption which was designed to burn the whole Kingdom Monsieur was marched into France with about two thousand Horse Liegeois Walloons and Germans commanded by the Sieur Meternie Canon of Treves and des Granges of Liege at first he fell into Bourgogne because Monsieur de Montmorency's Letters acquainted him how the affairs of Languedoc were not yet ripe for his service which made him resolve to spend some time there Being advanced within four or five Leagues of Dijon he writ unto the Mayor and Sheriffs as also unto the Parliament to induce them to favour his stay and to furnish him with means for his Armies subsistance thinking with himself that in case they should condiscend thereunto he might quickly find some way or other to get himself into the City and become Master thereof But as it fell out they were not inclined to give him that content rather on the contrary having received his Letters with great respect they sent them all unto the King and beseeched his Highnesse that he would approve of their proceedings herein to the intent that receiving his Majesties directions they might follow his instructions in that particular In the mean time they raised the whole City and mounted their Canon in case need should require Whereupon a Body of Monsieurs Horse comming up to fire the Fauxbourg Saint Nicholas the great shot gave them so hot a welcome that they were forced to retire with the losse of about twenty men whom they lest upon the place amongst whom was a certain Captain a Liegeois much esteemed by Monsieur who departed the next morning Monsieurs Forces were so netled at this disaster that they resolved to be revenged In conclusion they committed such disorders that most part of the adjacent Villages were burned being first of all plundered But it was not the backwardnesse of Dijon which forced him to leave that Country the Marshal de la Force who followed him at hand was the chief cause of his removal from those parts For as soon as ever the King understood of Mousieur's march into France knowing no time ought to be lost in preventing a Revolt and that delays may afford such persons opportunity to raise Forces and seize upon strong places he commanded the Marshal de la Force to take with him about ten thousand foot and two thousand horse of the Lorrain forces and to attend upon his motions to prevent any further inconveniency so that the Treaty of Liverdun being once concluded Monsieur had but little time of rest in that Country His Majesty likewise thought fit to send the Marshal de Schomberg upon the same design with fifteen hundred Maistros Gensdarmes and Light-horse as also nine hundred Musquetiers mounted which himself chose out of the Regiment of his Guard so that hating these two in his Rear he was forced to march with the more speed His Troops being all composed of strangers committed great insolencies where-ever they went which thing besides the obedience they owed unto his Majesty obliged
every little Town to stand upon their guard Some of his Forces attempted to seize upon about thirty or forty Mules neer Corcone but the Inhabitants falling upon them beat them back and saved their Mules but with the losse of twelve men left dead in the place which so incens'd his Highnesse that he resolv'd to besiege the Town and make them pay dearly for it But the Bishop de Mande whose Loyalty and Courage was well known hearing thereof raised a hundred Gentlemen and four hundred foot and with them got into the Town and resolved to defend it Whereupon Monsieur who had no leisure to stay in any place marched off traversing the whole Kingdom without any considerable thing done untill he came to Languedoc such good order had the Cardinal taken under his Majesties Authority Politique Observation IT is great Prudence not to neglect or slight the smallest Revolts but to cut them off in the first growth Some are so fatally blind as to perswade themselves that having great Forces a small Army can hardly get any advantage upon them But the wisest men have learnt from Reason and Experience that mean beginnings have sometimes had dangerous ends and that insurrections are like Rivers which the further they run the more they increase their Channels and inlarge their Banks They are not ignorant of the instability of humane affairs and that of all others the chances of War are most incertain They know that to disregard an enemy giveth him a great advantage for that he is thereby permitted to raise Forces and to fortifie himself so that in conclusion it will be as hard a task to subdue him as at first it would have been easie to have prevented him from making the least progress in his design One of the Pharaohs of Egypt was so inconsiderate as to slight the Caldeans being thereunto perswaded by some eminent men of Tunis who told him that for a Prince of his birth descended from a stem of ancient Kings Lord of a large Country and esteemed by every one as the Arbitrator of War and Peace to fear so inconsiderable an enemy would be injurious and dishonourable to him but he was not long unpayed for the Caldeans invaded his Country assaulted his Cities and ruin'd his Kingdom they meeting with no opposition at all The small esteem which those of Ninive made of their Besiegers and the great confidence they put in their own Walls and Power were the causes of their being taken in the middest of their mirth There need no more but one small sparkle to kindle a great Fire and but a small Revolt to over-run a whole Kingdom if there be not some preventive Force used Do we not see how the greatest Storms begin with a little Gale of Wind and that the greatest darknesses are Ushered in by small Clouds so do we likewise often see the greatest Wars to grow from little beginnings A State is seldome without I think I may safely say never some discontented persons who would be very glad to joyn their forces with those of any Revolted Prince if they could have but a small opportunity And some indeed too too many Ransâ—ckers who would be extraordinary glad to be under any protection where they might be permitted to forrage Pillage and Plunder The surest remedy in such cases is to prevent them betimes and to wait upon the first appearers in the field with such power and force that they may not have time to know where they are and that others may not dare to stir a foot to joyn with them Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontents THe Duke of Montmorency was the man who had ingaged Monsieur to come into Languedoc giving him to hope for great assistance in those parts and that himself had credit and power enough to arm all that Province in his behalf He had been much discontented from the year 1629. when the Esleus were established of such concern was the Creation of those new Officers unto him for they were then impowered to impose the Contributions upon the people which formerly belonged unto the States and especially the Governour Who sometimes would exact a hundred thousand Livres for his own share which losse he could ill brook by reason he was used to make great expences It is true indeed the Sieur de Emery Intendent of the Treasuries being sent into Languedoc to execute the Edict about the year 1631 found a means to content him which was to levy the said Contributions by certain Commissioners from whom the King should receive as great advantage as from the Esleus and yet who should act nothing but by direction from the States and thus had the Governour of the Province still liberty to make his usual profits But the Marshal d'Effiat Super-intendent of the Treasuries could not approve hereof either by reason of the disgusts which happened between them whilest they commanded the Army together in Piedmont or else because it was not just that the Governours of Provinces should raise such sums upon the people already too much oppressed and that without any benefit to the King So that Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontent rendred Monsieur de Emery's Proposal of accommodation of no use Besides he was resolved to prosecute the Office of Marshal General of his Majesties Camps and Armies which would have conferred upon him almost all the Functions of Constable which he could not obtain upon just considerations he having ever shewed more of Courage then Prudence in his Conduct The Refusal hereof was the more sensibly resented by him in regard his birth and the honour his Ancestors had in being Constables perswaded him that he deserved it These were the chief causes of his discontents which ingaged him to revolt whereunto may be added his Wifes perswasions who being an Italian born for which and her particular merits rice Queen-Mother much honoured her she so dealt with him that he imbraced her interests and consequently Monsieur who was then strictly leagued with the Queen-Mother for to ruine the Cardinal For most certain it is she did very much contribute to ingage him in those designs unto which he was of himself sufficiently inclined having naturally more fire then earth in his temper Besides he verily believed that the great acquaintances which his fore-fathers Governours of that Province for a long tract of tisâ—e had left unto him together with what himself had acquired would enable him to dispose the Cities the Nobility the States and people as himself pleased whereby he might raile the whole Province as one man and being then countenanced by Monsieur that he might force the Cardinal and suppresse the Edict of Esleus and to obtain for him what honours he should desire In order to this design he used his utmost indeavours with the Bishops and Nobility of Languedoc to oblige them to him well knowing that the people are like the small stars in the Firmament which having no particular motions of themselves are guided by the higher Orbs.
in obedience and defend them from oppressions Kingdomes saith Plato are then well governed when the guilty are punished The Lawyer saith that the chiefest care which a Governour of a Province ought to have is to dreseree Peace to which end he must purge the Country of those who are likely to create troubles by punishing them according to their demerits in a word private men propose the well-ordering of their families for the end of heir businesse and so ought Kings to prefer nothing before the good of their Kingdomes It is the property of private men to be solicitous of private concernments and it is the duty of a King to regard nothing in regard of the publick good Mosieur de Montmorency's Death THese were the just considerations which moved the Parliament of Tholose after processe made against him withall legal proceedings to condemn him to be beheaded by their sentence of the 30. October But before I proceed to the execution I cannot but observe the Fortitude and Piety wherewith he received his death The Cardinal de la Valette fore-seeing no probability of saving him beseeched the King would be pleased to allow him a Confessor the better to dispose him to receive with submission the sentence of the Parliament His Majesty was easily intreated to admit therof being glad to contribute any thing towards the saving of his Soul by making his body an example of Rebellion which favour although it be not usually granted to persons indicted before their sentence be passed yet his Majesty gave oder to the Marshal de Breze to conduct Father Arnoux Superior of the Jesuits particularly desired by the Duke of Montmorency and to charge him to assist him day and night for so long time as he should thing fit and requiâ—te for his consoation The Father went to him and found that God bestowed may Graces upon him in order to his well-dying to which end he desired to make a general Confession One thing did somewhat trouble him which was this he beleeved that to acquit himself of this pious duty there would be longer time required then was probably left for him he supposing as accordingly it was that they had resolv'd to sentence him the next morning whereupon he earnestly conjured the Father Arnoux and the Sieur de Launay to go and acquaint his Majesty that he beseeched him to bestow the next whole morning upon him that he might the more deliberately and without molestation look back into his Conscience that he might make such a Confession as might cause him to die without inquietude of mind and that he should take this for one of the greatest favours he had ever received from him The King condescended thereunto and his Piety being no lesse resplendent then his Justice he readily granted him that liberty commanding that the sentencing of him should be deferr'd for one day and also permitting him to communicate although contrary to the use for persons in his condition He ended those holy duties which once passed over he employed the afternoon in making his Will according as his Majesty had permitted him wherein he bequeathed unto Monsieur the Cardinal one esteemed for the rarest peece of France being a Picture representing Saint Sebastian dying and beseeched him to believe that he died his servant The morning following he was called unto the Palace to be examined at the Bar where be answered unto all Interrogations such submission and generousnesse that he discovered no other fear of death but with what is natural to the greatest courages and at the same time that he went out of the grand Chamber the whole Court the Lord Keeper being President condemned him to be beheaded in the place du Salin as guilty of High Treason in the highest degree The Sentence was pronounced to him with the usual forms of Justice which when he heard he told the Commissaries how he thanked them and the whole Company beseeching them to tell them in his behalf that he receiv'd the Judgement from the Kings Justice as a sentence of Mercy from God After this his thoughts were altogether taken up in disposing of himself to die like a Christian And having shewed all imaginable proofs of so dying he was executed in the Court of the Town-house where his Majesty commanded it to be performed though he was not intreated to bestow that last favour upon him Politique Observation TO pardon every one is a cruelty more dangerous then to pardon no one this only injureth the nocent but that the innocent seeing it exposeth all men to great misfortunes This only destroyeth particular families whereas that is commonly the occasion of the breaking out again of civil Wars which were thought to have been quite extinguished by Clemency but do then indanger the absolute ruine of a whole Kingdom by their second eruptions Now amongst those many which deserve to be chastiz'd the chief heads of a Revolt ought to be punished much rather then the hands and feet which were but accessaries thereunto It is the order prescribed by Justice and in effect it is more equitable to punish those who are the original and true causes of evil then those who could hardly defend themselves from following their violent motions The greatnesse of their qualities may not priviledge them from the punishment due to the hainousnesse of their Crimes although the faults of common mean persons are usually pardon'd by the too too great indulgence of Magistrates On the contrary if at any time Ambition transporteth them into seditions it likewise rendreth them much more culpable and consequently more deserving of punishment then the least and most obscure persons of the Kingdome Their lapses are not only equal and liable to the inflictions provided for other Subjects but they are the more notorious by how much their quality is more conspicuous because their exorbitances are of a more dangerous consequence Every one is more concern'd at the Eclipses of the Sun then those of other Stars because such are commonly attended by sad events so the crimes of the chief leading men in a Nation are more to be regarded because their effects are more to be feared then those of private men The revolt of a mean Gentleman is seldom capable to raise any great troubles in a Kingdom but that of a Governour of a Province or some chief person in the State cannot happen without carrying great misfortunes along with it It is great Prudence in such occasions to follow the councel give by Thrasibulus to Periander who sent his Ambassadours to him desiring to be inform'd how he might happily govern his State He carried them out into a large field and discoursing to them of things indifferent he cut of the highest ears of Corn and then told them they should acquaint their Master with what they had seen him do and how that was the best advice he could give him Periander understood the meaning and well concluded that the only means to rule in quiet was to cut off
of every thing which seemed necessary for the establishing a secure Peace in France every one supposed that the wings of those who favoured Monsieur's Revolt had been so clipp'd that it would be a long time ere they could flie into such disorders All good Frenchmen were touched with such joy as they who having been long weather-beaten by a Tempest at Sea do at length safely arrive unto their wished Haven But those joys were short lived the Sea being quickly covered with Fleets scouring up and down which threatned France with a furious storm The Sieur de Puy-Laurens and some others who carried any sway in Monsieur's Councels had only perswaded him to reconcile himself unto the King with design to ingage him in some new Revolt as occasion should present and in hopes to make a more advantagious use of it towards the obtaining of their pretensions then they had done in Languedoc they were not long without a pretence to palliate their intentions Monsieur de Montmorency's death should be the ground of his leaving the Kingdom They suggested to him that his intreaties having been so ineffectual and unconsidered in the saving his life who was a person of such neer concernment to him he could not think himself over secure of his own freedom in case there should be any suspicion upon him that however it was a strange affront put upon him in the sight of all Europe seeing he had not credit enough to save a Gentleman who had adventured his life and fortunes for his interests At the same time they gave out that his life had been promised unto Monsieur upon his accommodation whereas on the contrary the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez did never give him any such assurance that having failed in a particular so much concerning his honour his Highnesse could not make any longer abode in France Now although all of that Cabal did jointly conclude to carry him out of the Kingdome yet they could not agree upon the place whither to carry him The Sieur de Puy-Laurens who was passionately in love with the Princesse de Phalsbourg proposed Lorrain the place where his heart was and advised him to retire thither it being a thing due to the Princesse Marguerite and there being no such powerfull invitations to carry him into any other place The rest found but little safety in Lorrain by reason of the Dukes weaknesse unable to secure their retreat or stay there but were of opinion that Monsieur should retire into Cazal where they assured themselves the Marshal de Toiras would receive his Highnesse and where he might live secure from all fear The little assurance of safety which Monsieur foresaw in Lorrain did somewhat touch him but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens insinuating to him how easily he might retire from Nancy to Bruxelles in case his Majesty should seem to incline towards any expedition against Lorrain in consideration of him and how that he would alwaies be received there his birth rendring him considerable swayed his former resolutions and made him incline to that side so powerfull was his credit with him although the rest represented to him that he would find lesse security by casting himself into the hands of the Spaniards then in any other place whatever that they might perchance entertain him with honour but that it was to be feared he would not long continue Master of his own liberty or that he might have the freedom to get off when he should most desire it The resolution of departing being concluded Monsieur went into Lorrain in November and for the more specious pretext of their relapse they presumed to write unto the King persisting to abuse his name and pen how that the preservation of Monsieur to Montmorency's life and the procuring of his liberty having induc'd him to submit to whatever his Majesty was pleas'd to impose the taking off of his head being a person so dear to him was so publique an affront and slight that he could no longer indure it and withall that it was impossible he should longer continue in France without giving cause to suspect he had made his own accommodation with other intentions then of obtaining that favour of which he was still fed with great hopes Besides that he could expect little satisfaction for his own person seeing his requests and intreaties had been so little considerable in the executing of him whose life was equally dear to him with his own and whose death he could not digest without great dishonor This was the substance of the Letter whereunto there need no other answer but that the Duke of Montmorency having been condemned by one of the most famous Parliaments of the Kingdom for a Crime which could not be let passe without punishment unlesse to the very great detriment of the State especially after himself had sent seven Couriers to assure his Majesty of his fidelity after he had conspired with Forraigners to destroy the Kingdom after he had almost totally raised one of the chiefest Provinces after he had been taken in the head of an Army with his sword died with blood in his hand actually fighting against his Majesties service after he had somented divisions in his Majesties family and committed several other enormities as hath been declared there was little reason to expect his pardon and as to the other part that it was improbable his Highnesse should consent to the Treaty made at Beziers only in order to obtain Monsieur de Montmorency's pardon when as he was absolutely forced by necessity to submit thereunto having not forces enough to defend himself Such was the reply which the King sent unto him wherein he testified to the whole World how he never offered any just cause to those of his royal blood to separate themselves from him or to be deficient in paying those respects unto which nature and his Majesties affection did not a little oblige them Politique Observation VVHatever refusal a Prince receiveth from his King yet he rendreth himself inexcusable if his Passion transport him beyond his duty He ought to recollect unto his memory how that no one in a well-govern'd State can impose the Law on his Soveraign but that every one ought to submit his own private to his Princes Will. There are in a State as in the Soul superiour and inferiour powers and as the law of Nature hath ordained the weaker faculties give way unto the stronger and more able so the Grandees of a Kingdom are obliged to stoop under the Laws of their Supream Prince and to comply with his Will without any the least contradiction What but Death can be expected from that body whose particular Members refuse to execute those Offices which are injoyned them by the Head And what can be looked for from a State where the Nobles flie out and deny obedience to the Soveraigns Decrees This were repugnant to the Order of Justice nothing but misfortunes could attend it It matters not whether they alwaies
like to loose him who in the conduct of his Majesties Arms and affairs had established her in the highest point of glory she had ever yet been His Majesty was not only tenderly affected thereat but exceedingly afflicted far otherwise it was with strangers the most ambitious of who were perswaded to beleeve he was dead If they apprehended any joy thereat much more did the factious spirits of the Court begin to lift up their heads perswading themselves this Sun once set they might rise with more lustre and among the rest le Garde des Sceaux de Chasteauneuf instead of bewailing with tears of blood the losse of him who had obtained all that honour for him which he possessed and who had preserved him maugre the malice of his many enemies suffered himself to be so vainly puft up with the hopes of succeeding in his place that he began to act the chief Minister to issue out Orders which concerned him not and to ingage himself in Cabals with such persons who not onely hated Monsieur the Cardinal and passionately wished his death but had evill designs against the State The Cardinal had ever prevented him from ingaging very much among them by the strict hand which he kept over him and by curbing in his vanities but being once got out of his sight he lost himself by setting too forward in affairs and inconsiderately precipitated himself into disgrace by aspiring unto too much honour Politique Observation NOthing is more ordinary with men then to be bewitched to great imployments This was one of the chief reasons that the Ancients painted Fortune blind for few persons there are who can keep a medium in great Offices There are none but eminent genius's who can secure themselves from certain ebullitions which do as it were naturally arise from extraordinary prosperity and do cause most men to fall from favor to ruine Ambition and Vanity do every day ingage those whom Fortune smiles upon in new designs to rise higher and in case they want lawfull ways they refuse none which flatter their Passion when they find themselves most fix'd in their power then do they most despise that of the law and assume the licentiousnesse to advance themselves by any means whatever the higher they are mounted the sooner they forget those who have exalted them and they are industrious to destroy their Benefactors that they may injoy their honours That which is most deplorable is neither age nor time can cure this Court-sicknesse but on the contrary it doth dayly acquire more force and deeper root in ordinary spirits who are the more apt to esteem their own deserts from the time of their experience Hence it is that they can nerver be sufficiently rewarded This is that which hath ever been a maxim with me a gâ—eat rise is commonly the first step to misfortune especially to a man who is not indued with an extraordinary conduct to curb his Passions and preserve his soul in modesty neither did I ever think any man the happier for being in great Offices he hath more trouble for the time to come then satisfaction for the present the superabundant cares the troubles and discontents which accompany him day and night and his insatiable passions which do incessantly solicite him to aspire unto more force him to deny himself the enjoyment of what he hath that he may arrive unto what he hath not Happy is the man who is content with his own condition he is Master of more injoyments and tranquility then those who afflict themselves in their greater pretensions and on the contrary there is no person more unfortunate then him which knoweth not how to bound his desires nor to acknowledge his good fortune ANNO 1633. The Arrival of the Cardinal at Paris after his sicknesse at Languedoc IT is reported that the people of Thule grieved with the Sun 's long absence who for the space of 40 daies leaveth them in an absolute darknesse did heretofore go up to the tops of the Mountains when first they saw the morning Usher him in to welcome his approach with a thousand shouts of joy and offered sacrifices to him It should likewise seem that most men of quality at Court or in Paris the beginning of this year impatient of once more seeing the Cardinal who every one considered as a most propitious star on whose Prudence the King hath often said the happinesse of his State depended would imitate the like actions at his arrival Heaven which is frequently pleased to mingle some evills with the prosperities of this life had sent this grand Minister together with the joys of those happy successes which his Counsels had obtained for his Majesty in Languedoc and Lorrain a very dangerous sicknesse to the great grief of all such who were any whit desirous of the good of France but Passions changing with Objects joy succeeded their grief when it was once known that he was returning indifferent well and the desire which all considerable persons had to see him invited them out to meet him so that they rode from Paris to Roche-Fort a small Village belonging to the Duke de Montbazon where he was to rest before he came to Paris which was covered with Horses and Coaches fâ—ll of Nobility Divers went to meet him as far a Estamps and others to Orleans but who will not be surprized to hear that the King himself was pleased to honour him so far as to visit him at Rochefort and to shew him the testimonies of so particular an affection that nothing could be more visible or obliging Hardly had the Cardinal alighted when the King arrived His Majesty impatient to see him went up into his Chamber by a back-stair which was the nearer way whil'st this grand Minister hearing of his comming went down the great stairs with more diligence then his strength would well bear so that instead of meeting that agility which is natural unto the King caused him to go down again and after some hindrance by the presse of the Nobility they at last met in the Castle Court The Cardinal approaching his Majesty cast himself at his feet but the King presently raising him with one hand imbraced him with the other so tenderly that most of the beholders could not forbear tears of joy each one professing that it was impossible to see testimonies of a more cordial favour from a Master or more respectfull affection from a servant Such were the sentiments both of one and the other that at first they were speechlesse but having recovered the liberty of their tongues the King told him that he received as much joy to see him in so good plight as the enemies of France had at the false report of his death that this testimony of their hatred was a new instigation to augment that esteem he ever had on his services and that he should not recommend any thing with more earnestnesse unto him then the being carefull of his own health The Cardinal answered he
good wil and as Passion rather treadeth under foot the Laws of honor and justice it will afterwards make no difficulty to break its promises if it find any overture to evade them and re-assume its lost advantage Asdrubal may serve for an example who finding himself so block'd up in Spain by Claudius Nero that he must unavoidably die with famine in his Trenches or fall under his Arms in a disadvantagious battel sent him very fair Proposals of Peace and in the interim found away to escape his hand Nero indeed angry for being thus surprized for which he had been blam'd at Rome made him afterwards suffer in the Marquisate of Ancona for his Treachery but besides that this was not without indangering his whole Army yet had it been a shame to suffer himself to be deluded by his enemy under shew of accommodation Pope Julius the Second that he might amuse Lewis the Twelfth sent his Nuncio's to Treat a Peace and conclude it that he might gain time to make a League offensive with the Venetians and King of Aragon aginst him but let us look back again into the examples of Antiquity Mark Anthony held Fraates besieged in Priaspe with full assurance of taking it in few days Fraates sent his Embassadours to him that it was thought a Peace might easily have been concluded between them Mark Anthony gave them present Audience and withall sent other Embassadour to Fraates to conclude it but Fraates continuing his Treachery made great complaints unto them of Mark Anthony and in conclusions added that as often as he should withdraw his Army from the place wherein he was incamp'd he would be content to make a Peace with him Mark Anthony hereupon presently withdrew his Forces without breaking down his Treches or carrying away his Engines of War he had not march'd far from his Camp before the Medes sallied out of Priaspe mastered it and destroyed all his Engines which he had inconsiderately left there though peradventure not without hopes that he might be there soon enough to defend them in case the Medes used any Treachery Besides part of Mark Anthony's Forces were cut off when he led them back again to the Camp so that he was forc'd to relinquish that design with shame and losse and by his example taught all Princes not to be over-credulous of an Enemies promises How the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet his Majesty at St. Dezier and made divers Propositions which Monsieur the Cardinal refused THe Cardinal de Lorrain took his leave of the King upon the 20. of August to meet his brother and the same day his Majesty who seldom loseth any time in such enterprizes advanc'd towards Nancy but being neer St. Dezier the Cardinal returned to him and offered in the Duke of Lorrain's name to deliver the Princesse Marguerite his Sister into his hands in order to the dissolution of that marriage and to surrender La Mothe unto him one of the strongest places of his State The King carried him to St. Dezier and had two hours conference with him at which Monsieur le Cardinal Duc the Sieur de Brassac Bullion and Bouthilier were present to examine the Propositions but they were thought improper because they did not deprive the Duke of Lorrain of the power to re-assume his former designs so that his Majesty return'd him no other answer but this that he was resolv'd to have Nancy as a place without which he had no assurance for the performance of any Treaty however his Majesty knowing that the Cardinals negotiations were very frank and affectionate to procure an accommodation he testified unto him that his inter position was not only acceptable but that he had ever a regard to his particular interest notwithstanding the injuries he had receiv'd from his Brother and withall offered him all sorts of honour and imployments suitable to his quality if he thought good to reside in France After this he returned to the Duke his brother to acquaint him with the Kings resolution and having told him what extraordinary testimonies of favour and good will he had receiv'd from his Majesty the Duke at last resolved to surrender his Estates into the Kings hands hoping by this means to evade the effects of his Majesties just displeasure yet took assurance from the Cardinal his brother to restore them unto him He discoursed of it with the Cardinal who having assured him that he would therein do whatever could be desired he beseeched him to return to the King to tell him that seeing he was so unfortunate that his Majesty could not beleeve his promises he had resolv'd to put his estates into his Brother the Cardinals hands and that he hop'd his Majesty considering his deportment whould the more readily consent thereunto because then there was no cause of fear and that he could not receive a greater satisfaction from him then to see him reduc'd to the quality of a private person by devesting himself from that of a Soveraign The Cardinal de Lorrain return'd to his Majesty at Pont au Mousson upon the 28. of the same moneth and proposed this to him renewing his promised of delivering the Princesse Marguerite into his hands and so to indeavour the dissolution of that marriage The King desir'd him to treat with Monsieur the Cardinal relying upon this grand Minister whom he knew to employ most of his time in examination of what might be granted and in prevention of such inconveniences as might probably arise from their Propositions The Cardinal de Lorrain went to meet him and made the same Proposition unto him and withall told him that to give him the greater assurance of his fidelity and of his positive intention to keep his word he beseeched him to give him Made de Combalet his Neece in marriage and to procure the Kings consent unto it professing that he desired it with a great deal of affection as a most certian gage of his good will and a powerfull means to preserve him in his Majesties favour and protested totally to imbrace his counsels and to have no other will then his whereby he might absolutely root out all subject of division between France and Lorrain Monsieur the Cardinal replied unto him that as for matter of the surrender of the States of Lorrain he beleeved the King would not divert his brother from it seeing his particular actions gave sufficient ground to beleeve his behaviour toward France would be such as would give his Majesty all kind of satisfaction but that this was not to cure the disease because M. de Lorrain might repent of his surrender and return into his states either by open force or under-hand dealing and that then the whole businesse were to be begun again wherefore it were necessary to find out another expedient and that the Deposite of Nancy was the only secure way which could be taken This was sufficient to let him know that it was mistrusted lest there were some collusion between them but
would give Monsieur any counsel â—ending to peace or sweetness knowing most assuredly that he oftentimes egg'd him on to such discourses as offended the King and the Cardinal even to threaten him as is well known to those who treated with him To say the truth if there was no great trust to be repos'd in Chanteloup considering the extremities into which he had run and the inalterable resolution wherein he had fixed the Queen-Mother not to forsake him surely there was not much more confidence to be put in Puy-Laurens upon the score of his inclination and for fear lest he might once again make use of Monsieurs person to raise another civil War in France or lest he might a fourth time carry him out of France upon the least cause of mistrust There was the less reason to trust him because his Soul was possess'd by Ambition a Passion which imboldneth men to undertake any thing and Monsieur honoured him with such extraordinary favour as impower'd him to carry him where he pleas'd so that thus to recall Monsieur with one from whose presence he would never be perswaded to depart were to raise a fire in the bosom of France which was at that time the more heedfully to be preserved in a strict union in regard Forraigners had raised great advantages from the divisions by them fomented in the royal family In short what likelihood was there to permit him to continue neer Monsieur unlesse he changed his procedure and humour so long as he had the boldness to treat with the King in that manner as he did rejecting the conditions upon which his Majesty desired Monsieur should return and proposing others as if he had treated between Soveraign and Soveraign presuming to drive on his own interests instead of casting himself at his Majesties feet whom he had so highly offended Surely this could not have been done without a great blemish to the Kings honour by discovering so much weaknesse in the sight of all Europe as to be compell'd to receive the Law from a Subject who deserv'd rather to be punish'd by the rigours of his justice The common people who had not insight enough to dive into these consequences seem'd to wonder that Monsieur and the Queen-Mothers accommodation could not be ended after so many journies to and fro but all wise men well satisfi'd with the reasons of it could not sufficiently admire the Kings Prudence in making use of that authority which the Laws give all Soveraigns over their Parents when the interest of their State is in question and in not precipitating their return which considering the ill inclination of those whom they honoured with their confidence could only serve to trouble the Kingdom and hinder the prosecution of the Lorrain expedition That it is great discretion not to precipitate accommodations where there is any danger in the State IT is great wisedom not to hasten any Treaty wherein there may be any danger to the State It is most certain in general that precipitation is an enemy to wise counsels that instead of ending affairs it imbroileth them and that it hath alwaies been receiv'd for an ill servant because being blind and without foresight it seldom makes any Treaties which are not disadvantagious but most particularly true it is in such Treaties as are concluded where the parties are not well dispos'd to keep a Peace though they seem very plausible at first sight yet are they seldom of long continuance by reason of the sharpnes remaining in their minds when they are concluded which coming to increase by some new discontents division presently re-assumeth her first place and thus instead of any satisfaction from it there oftentimes arise more causes of repentance In effect they ought to be the further from ending affairs because the easinesse of concluding them hath often begotten more distrusts among great men than if there had been great difficulties in the making their peace Hatred doth easily revive among Princes and they sooner forget any thing then injuries they pretend to have received which though for some time they dissemble yet are they never deficient to testifie their resentments when they find opportunity proper for it There were heretofore divers accommodations made between Lewis the Eleventh and Charls Duc de Borgogne which seemed to settle their States in peace but as they were oftentimes made more by necessity on the Dukes part which rather forc'd him then inclin'd him to live in friendship with the King the main business was still to be begun anew nor was any thing but death able to give a period to their divisions How often hath the house of Orleans and Bourgogne been reconcil'd yet alwaies to little purpose because the Princes not laying by the hatred which was between them did presently fly out again upon the least cause of suspicion Henry the Third wrought nothing upon the Duke of Guise by pardoning him for he forbore not to prosecute the enterprizes which his Ambition suggested They who are little acquainted in State-affairs are not very solicitous of the great trouble which is in making Peace between Princes but think that it is enough so they are made friends yet it may so fall out that great inconveniences may arise from want of care when civil Wars break out again which they re-ingaging in may indanger the whole State at least afford Forraigners great advantages It is much better that Grandees should continue out of the Kingdom in discord and impotency that in the Court or in some Province where they might easily raise Cabals and insurrections I think that rash considerations may not more fitly be compar'd to any thing then to too quick a digestion which as Physicians say replenisheth the body with many crudities the cause of divers diseases and it often happens that such considerations like jealousies and new differences serve only to sow the seeds of civil Wars so that better it is to defer the resolution of them for some time than to precipitate them into a short continuance and a production of new broils Differences between the Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon ABout the end of this year there happened great disputes between Messieur Henry de Sourdis Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon Governour of Guyenne The Arch Bishop whose Genius is capable of all kind of imployments had charge during the siege of Rochel of some men of War in this Province by a particular Commission exempted from all other dependances and the Duke who was of an humour never to let feathers be pluck'd out of his wings did not a little resent it though for the present he dissembled it expecting an opportunity to shew it with the more advantage which did not so soon offer it self the Arch Bishop being imployed at Court and at Poiton in his Majesties service but as he had no lesse memory then courage he preserv'd the memory of it untill the latter end of this year at which time the
employed his in procuring the Kings glory and the happiness of France Had he been then present they never durst have been so bold but his frequent absence was that which gave them opportunities to embitter the Queen Mother against him who formerly had a great respect for him They raised her anger to such an height before she was aware of it that upon the Cardinals return from Montauban to Fountainbleau she could no longer conceale her discontent her eyes darting anger which formerly were pleasant toward him her eyes darâ—ed out flames indeed and such as would have burned him had not the King interposed his absolute Authority to defend him Politique Observation ABsence hath alwayes been known to be very prejudicial to Court favourites It is difficult for them to be long away and that some one or other raise not a faction against them especially the Women whose affection being more guided by sence than reason verifies that Proverb Out of sight and out of mind Their memory is treacherous and they who are not in their sight are easily removed out of their favours Importunity worketh more upon them then merit and he who desires to be Master of their affections must necessarily be continually in their sight The Spaniard hath a Proverb much to this purpose and a good one it is Women do easily blot out of the roul of their friends those who are either dead or absent But admitting this were not so yet the envy of those who appertain to great men never permits them to lose the opportunity of any absence without attempting their ruine The eminence of a Favourites genius or the virtues which shine in him are not able to secure him for envy is a passion so maligne that those persons who have most reputation true worth and glory are the usual objects of it Whence one of the most famous Captains among the Ancients said He for his part thought that he had not yet done any thing praise worthy because that envy that companion of virtue had not found him out It is true the services and generous actions which they atchieve for the glory of a State do sometimes raise them to so high a degree of honour and repute that the despair of bettering them secures them from the emulation of others but it never exempteth them from hatred There is an inevitable necessity that they who bear a great sway in a Government should be hated not onely because men borne free are carried by a certain natural inclination to hate those who command them but also because there are divers persons of the Court who flatter themselves that they deserve more Honour than they have and that they who Govern the affairs depriving them of that which is their due do attempt to hurt them Such people are they who blame the Sun because they cannot confidently look upon him but consider not that the fault is in their eyes not his lustre They can no more endure the sight of an extraordinary virtue than that of a bright Star were it not for the night they would hardly know what the day is and it is the glimmering of the Moon and Stars which doth onely teach them what esteem they ought to have of the greatness and power of the Sun such maligne Spirits there are who are excellent at nothing but finding faults that they are excellent at who never cease to contrive the downfal of others and onely because they want merit to advance themselves But happy is that Minister whose favour is chiefly grounded upon his Princes knowledge of his services upon his Princes sence of the encrease of his glory upon his Princes affections which are no lesse assured to him in his absence then when he is present Happy is the Minister then when his Master looks upon him as the Sun which hath no lesse virtue or light when it is furthest from us then when it is nearest to us The Comte de Merodes Chamberlain to the Emperor seizeth upon the Grisons without declaring a War THE Hugonot party being thus reduced the History requireth my looking back into Italy and I must tell you that notwithstanding the Ratification of the Treaty of Suze made in Spain upon condition however that the French should depart out of Italy yet the Comte de Merodes his Imperial Majesties Chamberlain whom we may look upon as a Spaniard both by reason of the strict Union between Spain and the Empire as also because in this affair the Empire was totally guided by the Spaniard invaded the Grisons seized upon the passages between Germany and Italy took Meyenfeld and Coire their capital Cities and built forts in such places as were most convenient for the marching of his Troups This breach was occasioned by Monsieur de Savoy a person naturally turbulent and whose courage besides the affront which he had so lately received at Suze transported him presently after the Treaty of Peace and as soon as ever he saw the King engaged at the siege of Privas to negotiate with the Emperour and King of Spain a new War but upon the old design He had acquainted the Emperour that the violence which had been offered him at Suze did not so much concern his eminency in particular as it reflected on his Imperial Majesty seeing he for his part had never attempted the stopping of the passages but onely in defence of the rights of the Empire that the reliving of Cazal was a contempt of his Authority seeing the Duke of Mantua was his vassal and had not at that time rendred the obedience which he ought to his Majesty He likewise gave the Spaniard to understand that the affront which he received before Cazal brought a disrepute upon him through all Italy and that it was to be feared lest in prosecution thereof they might attempt something upon his Dominions there that the Cardinal had already projected his ruine in Italy that the Common wealth of Genoa was just ready for a revolt that an expedition was already prepared against Milan and that they had already proposed to engage him in it by assuring Bresse unto him and offering ready mony for the Marquisat of Saluces which would much facilitate the entrance of the French into Italy and that in case they should thus deprive him of those two inlets the one by Sea the other by Land there would then nothing be more easie then to despoil him of the Kingdom of Naplâ—s These considerations were of no little power to stir up both those two Potent Princes seeing it concerned their honour but there was as little honour and truth in these his discourses as there was Justice in the Câ—mte de Merodes seizing the Grisons without declaring a War against them or without any cause given of hostility It is true beiâ—g come near the Grisons he sent indeed one of his Company with the Emperours Letters to Coir in which he demanded to passe through their Countrey but instead of expecting an answer he presently
invaded the Territory of Meyâ—nfield where he made great havock and not long after surprised Coiâ— and made a Garrison of it without regard had to the Publick Faith and without any care of this outragious dealing with a people who had nothing to do with him Politique Observation JT is a very unjust act in a Prince to force those Passages which are in his Allies Countries It is an act full of hostility not to be used but toward an enemy I condemn it for unjust according to the judgement of the Thessalians who when they opposed themselves against Brasidas desirous to passe through their Country to fight against the Athenians told him as Thucidâ—des relateth it That he who forced a passage without their knowledge to whom it belonged did an unjust act Every one that hath power in his hand ought not to exercise it in out-rages and violence against his neighbours seeing he hath onely received it from Heaven for his just defence The Romans were hertofore much commended for that they never invade any Country no not their enemies without first proclaiming a War so far were they from seizing upon any thing which belonged to their friends If the Romans did at any time pretend to any thing which was their neighbours they sent their Embassadours to demand it if within three days after demand made it were not delivered they denounced the War neither then did they enter upon them but after many Ceremonies which are described in Titus Livy But that we may not go so far back did not the Heralds of Florence and that not above three hundred years since declare War against their enemies with Ceremonies much after that kind Those ancient forms indeed are now no longer in use but yet that Prince who seizeth upon any Passages or Towns without it cannot be considered but as an Usurper But ambition is now grown to that passe that it is enough be the means what they will so they serve his designs without considering that divine Justice throws down whatever is founded upon injustice that as the Laws of man do punish private Thefts so God the judge of Kings will chastise their usurpations that they who indeavor to grow great by violence will at last meet their own ruine in a greater and that the greatnesse which is obtained by injustice cannot long last though force uphold it for the present Prosecution of the History THe Comte de Merodes having taken Coir and knowing that the Sieur Mesmin his Majesties Embassadour with the Grisons had imployed the utmost of his industrie and prudence which by his employment he was bound unto for the keeping of those people in that friendship which they had promised unto France and for the confirming them in their resolution of denying the Passages to any whatever who should attempt against his Allies surrounded his lodging with Guards and seized on his Papers without any regard to the Law of Nations which declare the persons of Embassadours to be sacred and forbid that any outrage or injury should be done unto them Politique Observation SEEing Embassadours represent their Masters persons they cannot be affronted without great injustice by any Prince who is not in open War with him He who doth otherwise breaks that Law which is so generally received among all States and injureth the person of his Master He is guilty of an outrage seeing their persons have been alwaies esteemed inviolable and as Tacitus saith it is rarely seen among enemies that Embassadours are ill treated Besides how unworthy a thing is it to affront such persons who can neither defend nor revenge themselves but onely dispute it by reason All that can be done toward an Embassadour from whom one hath received an injury is to license his departure without permitting any injury to be done unto him Thus did the Romans to the King of Persia's Embassadours they gave them eleven days to depart out of Italy with order to tell their Master that the Consul Publius Licinius should shortly be in Macedonia at the head of their Army to whom he might hereafter send his Embassadours if he had any thing to propose to them and not put himself to the trouble of sending them to Rome where they should be no more received They likewise ordered Sp. Carilius to conduct them out of Italy to their ships as Titus Livy reporteth And the late King Henry the great whose conduct may serve for a President to other Princes hath shewed us a rare example of that respect which ought to be used toward Embassadours when he discovered that Tassas Dom Balthasar de Cuniga his Successour Embassadours of Spain held intelligence with Haste and Merargues he had more regard to the Law of Nations then to their sedicious practises which in reason might have passed for acts of hostility To injure or imprison an Embassadour in times of Peace cannot be done without injustice neither can there be other reason for it then for the satisfying of some ambitious and rash pretences The Sieur de Sabran is sent Embassadour to the Emperour SHortly after the Comte de Merodes had been thus active amongst the Grisons his Majesty who pretended not to uphold Monsieur de Mantua with an high hand but only to satisfie that injustice which obliged him to preserve his Allies thought good to send the Sieur de Sabran his Embassador to the Emperour upon the businesse of the Treaty of Suze His principal intent was to acquaint him with the sincerity of his actions and designs and to obtain if possible at his recommendation that Monsieur de Mantua might be reinvested in the Dutchy His Majesty for the preserving of the Peace of Italy would not make use of that advantage which his Arms gave him at Suze or the opportunity of divers Princes of Italy who proffred him their assistance but would have been glad to have continued it by paying this civility to the Emperor The Duke of Mâ—ntua had discharged his duty when he sent the Bishop of Mantua to demand his instalment and the King could not imagine that his intreaty wined to the others submission could have been refused seeing that the same Laws which require the Princes depending on the Empire to demand it do likewise oblige the Emperour to grant it at least without the prejudice of any other in case there be several who claim it which in processe of time ought to be examined by the usual ways and the Laws of Justice To this purpose was the Sieur de Sabran sent to the Emperour Whiles he was yet in his way he received new orders to wit that he should complain unto the Emperour of the little respect which the Comte de Merodes had shewed unto the Sieur de Mesmin his Majesties Embassadour and of his violent proceedings among the Grisons by seizing on the Passages of Steir Pom du Râ—in the Towns of Coir and Meyenfield and all this without declaring the War but at that instant when he began it and that he
By this his Highnesse was reduced to such extremity that he knew not well where to make any sure retreat his forces being many of them disbanded and those of Beziers it self now in his Majesties obedience and who after his departure from them had made fresh protestations of fidelity to him refused to receive him and in conclusion had not admitted him at all but by order from his Majesty who commanded them to receive him but with his Train onely and to render him all the honour due to his quality The King approved of the overture and seeing Monsieur was at Beziers sent unto him the Sieur de Bullion Superintendent of the Treasury and the Marquesse de Fossez Governour of Montpellier but without any other conditions then those proposed by the Sieur de Aiguebonne At their first arrival Monsieur declared that he could not resolve to abandon the D of Montmorency who had not ingaged himself in that War but for his sake no more than the rest of his adherents that for any thing else he was unalterably fixt to render all obedience and service to his Majesty They replied that indeed such sentiments could not but be commendable neither could they proceed from any thing beside the goodnesse of his nature and beseeched his Highnesse to consider that if he had any interest in their concerns the King had incomparably much more reason not to capitulate at all with him or to grant by way of compulsion any grace to such Rebellious Subjects who had deferved the most rigorous chastizements of his Justice They represented to him that capitulations ought not to be made but between Soveraigns and that Princes though of his quality had no other way to obtain grace but by submission and acknowledgement of their faults that he might reasonably expect any favour from his Majesties goodnesse seeing his Majesty had of his own meer motion and that before any overtures made by him unto him to obtain his favour sent to invite him that after all this to mistrust his Clemency would be injurious that for their parts they could not ensure him of any favour for the D. de Montmorency or any other his Domesticks having no order but the former but that they might safely tell him that in case it should stand with his Majesties service to extend his favour towards all those whom his Highnesse desired his own innate Clemency would invite him thereunto that in fine his Majesty was doubtlesse obliged to inflict some exemplary punishment upon the chief Authors of that Revolt as a thing necessary to secure the tranquility of the State to maintain his Majesties authority to deter others and to chastize this Rebellion which of it self compelled his Majesty to execute some justice unlesse he would render himself culpable against his own estate These reasons were urged with such addresse moderation and prudence that Monsieur was from that time almost absolutely resolved to submit himself unto his Majesties Will yet some time he desired to consider of it which was in effect that he might the better confer with the Sieur de Puy-Laurens who finding no other way left then that of accommodation whereby to secure himself from the danger he was in induced Monsieur to resolve to treat he alledged to him that he ought to make the lesse difficulty of it in regard he might afterwards take his own advantage and put himself in a condition to obtain more advantagious terms and in fine he acquainted the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez with Monsieurs resolution they took his word and the Articles of accommodation were concluded by which Monsieur acknowledging his fault beseeched his Majesty First That he would forget and forgive him He promised his Majesty to relapse no more that he would relinquish all intelligences with Forreigners and with the Queen-Mother during her abode out of the Kingdom contrary to his Majesties Will. That he would dwell in such place as his Majesty would prescribe and live like a true Brother and Subject Moreover Monsieur obliged himself not to take any part in their Interest who were ingaged with him nor complain if at any time the King should bring them to condigne punishment To receive such persons as his Majesty should nominate into the Offices which should at any time become vacant in his family and to remove such as should be disagreeable to his Majesty Briefly It was agreed that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens having been the chief Agent of those evil Councels which had ingaged Monsieur in the War should be obliged sincerely to inform his Majesty of what ever had been negotiated for the time past by which the State might receive any prejudice and that under penalty of being reputed Criminal and to have incurred his Majesties displeasure These were the chief Articles whereunto Monsieur consented an assured testimony they were of his natural inclination to live quietly and submissely They were signed by him for his Majesties greater assurance and thereupon the Sieurs de Bullion and Fossex promised him in his Majesty behalf that his Majesty should receive him into his favor establish him in al his goods and pensions give him liberty to live peaceably in such of his houses as should be thought fit and that a pardon should be granted to Monsieur de Elboeuf and all others then residing neer his person without ingaging any thing for the rest His Majesty received these Articles by the Marquesse de Fossez and accordingly ratified them and thus was this desired agreement concluded which every one considered as one of the most certain foundations of France its happinesse Nothing was discoursed of but Peace the King permitted the strangers six days time to march out of France by Roussillon who scattering themselves abroad from one Coast to another received the same entertainment from the Country people as they had before offered unto them Monsieur retired to his house of Champigzy near Tours seemed to be satisfied in his very soul and withall writ several Letters to the Cardinal full of affectionate expressions disowning those aspersions published against him under his name assuring him that he had never consented to them in a though and that in his greatest Passion he had ever much esteem for him not only in regard of his loyalty towards the King but also for his eminent vertues and the great services he had done the State And thus every one saw an agreeable calm succeed that storm wherewith France had been so much agitated Politique Observation AS Kings are obliged to chastize some of the chief Authors of a revolt as shall hereafter be declared so ought they readily to pardon the rest Caesar was more esteemed for his easie condiscension to be reconciled to his enemies that Hannibal for his harsh courage It was his usual saying that nothing was lesse proper for those who aspired unto great things than willfully to persist in enmities which oftentimes cause those forces which were design'd for
great atchievements to be made use of in a mans own defence and to secure him for the ambushments of his enemies Clemency ought to shut a Soveraign's eys that he may no more behold their faults who beg his favour in matters of revolt having first layed by some of the chief for examples sake And is it not then a generous revenge to pardon a man already overcome especially if he be of the same blood Pardon is sometimes as difficult to be supported by Grandees as the confusion of a defeat some have chosen rather to perish then to beg it Withall a King is so far from receiving any detriment in his government by granting it the rather on the contrary Clemency is a spell which charmeth every one to love him it is one of the strongest Pillars of his State besides the glory which it carries with it whose splendour is not small generosity having no stamp more venerable then Clemency And Experience evidenceth that all good courages have a natural sweetnesse to cure wounds without leaving any scars behind them The Herb called by Homer Nepenthe presented to Helen by the Queen of Egypt was much esteemed of for the allaying of all griefs for causing an oblivion of offences and for restoring the same sentiments of affection which had been before the breach of friendship The Grecians were esteem'd very wise who when they could find no other expedient to redresse the many crimes during the time of the thirty Tyrants published a Decree by them called the Amnesty commanding they should all be buried in Oblivion and the valiant Scipio took the same course with his revolted Souldiers telling them he desired Oblivion might efface their fault and in case that could not do it it might at least be smothered in silence to the intent it might not be cast in their teeth All that Princes have to consider in communicating the effects of their Clemency is so to pardon that they leave neither the courage nor the liberty of relapsing into a second fault by making sure of those who may occasion it Those who humble themselves they ought to set free from the rigours of their justice yet the favours they grant ought to be managed with such prudence that whilest they forget those crimes which they pardon the other may forget their ways of offending them The Cities of Languedoc return to their Obedience AS a Tempest usually giveth place to the Sun so divers the revolted Cities of Languedoc upon his Majesties approach to their Province returned to their obedience and among others Bagnols Alby Lunel Villenene Maguelonne Frontignac and Beziers But the Calm did intirely manifest it self after Monsieur's accommodation had been signed and confirmed every one then returning to his duty yet because the Peace of that Province and the peoples safety were necessarily to be secured his Majesty commanded that Brescon the Castle of Pezenas the Cittadel of Beziers and divers other places should be eraz'd which not being any Frontiers could onely serve for a retreat to Rebels Withall he gave Commission to the Sieur de Muchaut Master of the Requests assisted by the Marquess de Tavannes Marshal of his Camps and Armies to chastize divers partakers of that Rebellion both in their persons and the razure of their Castles And in conclusion that he might draw a general acknowledgement of the Rebellions committed by those of that Province and leave some better settlement behind him he assembled the Estates at Beziers upon the first of October the next day the Session began himself being personally present He appeareth with that splendour wherewith he is usually inviron'd when he sitteth in his Throne of Justice being accompanied by the Cardinals Princes Dukes and Peers Marshals of France and other Lords attending him The first sitting of the Court was in his Majesties presence and the Keeper of the Seals having represented to the Bishops Gentlemen and other Deputies there present how hainous the crime of Rebellion which they had committed in the late Commotions was he was most humbly beseeched by the Arch-Bishop of Narbone their Speaker that he would pardon the whole Province in whose name he promised him a most inviolable fidelity Whereupon the King that he might fully make to appear the effects of his Clemency not only pardoned them but suppress'd the Esleus and confirm'd their priviledges yet he made a new order for the imposition of monies which were at any time to be levied in their Province Politique Observation IT is not enough to beat Rebels out of the field and to force them to their houses a Soveraign is moreover obliged to establish such an Order in the Province where the Rebellion hath been that it remain not exposed to the danger of a second storm after he shall withdraw himself He ought judiciously to imitate the Prudent Physician who having rais'd his Patient out his bed indeavoureth to re-establish his temper and to restore him to such a condition of health that he may not fear a relapse It would be a great rashnesse to punish all that are guilty so to do would assuredly raise a greater revolt and which instead of troubling one single Province might indanger the whole Kingdome It is indeed proper to assemble some of them that he may receive and acknowledgement of their crimes their submissions and their repentance that once past his Clemency ought to pardon the multitude his Justice having reserved some of the Ring-leaders for exemplary punishment Thus Aristides having received intelligence in the War how some the noblest of the Athenians finding themselves oppressed by poverty and discontented to see themselves depriv'd of that Authority they had formerly injoyed in them management of affairs had conspired against the people and resolved to deliver the Common-Wealth into the hands of the Barbarians rather then live in the estate whereunto they were then reduced satisfied himself with causing eight of the principle to be taken to punishment and exhorted the rest to behave themselves with such courage that their generousnesse might efface the memory of so ignominious and enterprize which one thing wrought more effectually with them then if he had severely punished them It is only fit for inferiour Judges to raise informations against all the particular accessaries to a crime Kings who Clemency maketh far more glorious then Severity ought to wink at the disorders of the multitude seeing they had not ingaged in a Rebellion but by the Artifice of the chief men of the Province who are more in fault on but by the Artifice of the chief men of the Province who are more in fault then all the rest I will moreover adde that it were proper they did a little sweeten those Orders which clash with the peoples sence and which have served for a pretence to their Rebellion for it is exceeding dangerous to be obstinately resolute in any thing that goes against the hair of the multitude not that I should think it Prudence to admit of what