bare to their vsuries wherevppon they yet vse this prouerbe when any is noted for a great vsurer He is in vsury a very Iewe. Vpon the whiche occasion also the Italians heeretofore called Lombards whiche with their great vsuries did robbe as still they do the realme of the treasure haue bin chased out of Fraunce In the best townes whereof yea and that in the very harte of the same where diuers streetes and places yet beare the names of Iewries the Iewes shuld now dwell at their ease as well as euer they did were there none other matter to let them than their onely religion whiche though it bee muche contrary to that of the Catholiques was neuer the cause of their chasing out of Fraunce where before their expulsemente they hadde dwelte many hundred yeeres Neyther can it bee denied that the Paynims Religion is cleane contrary to that of the Catholiques and yet haue diueâ—s Paynim Emperours suffered as many as wold to become Christians vnder them as Nerua Anthonius Pius and Alexander Seuerus Traian also did secretly suffer them likewise to do withoute any search made after them And those Emperours dyd not so in respecte of any good thyng they founde in the Christian Religion the professors whereof they beleeued to be the wickeddest people in the worlde in somuche as among the Paynim people the only name of Christian was detested and abhorred witnesse heereof Suetonius whych called the Christians men of a newe and malitious superstition And Tacitus sayd that the people vsed the name of Christian as a matter of mockery and derision the professours whereof were hated bycause of their wickednesse Wherein Suetonius and Tacitus shewed them selues good courtiers taking pleasure with lying to please the princes and the people Pliny the seconde though hee was a Painim as they were and lyued in their time durst not lye so impudently but of the liues of the Christians to the Emperour Traian rendred a good testimonie as in his Epistles is to bee seene Seeyng then the Painim Emperoures had so euill opinion of the christians wherefore suffered he them to be Christened Euen for the benefyte of peace The Emperours Dioclesian and Maximian did greatly persecute the Christians and that of purpose to roote them out in whyche persecution they did to deathe an infinite number but when they sawe theyr crueltie nothyng to paruayle but that for euery one they kilde ten other encreased Maximian at the last suffered who so woulde to become Christened and to exercise that Religion As much myghte bee sayde of the Christian Emperours which did as well detest the Painims Religion as dyd the Painims that of the Chrystians yet woulde they neuer take vppon them she constraint of their consciences but suffered to continue Painims as many as woulde The Historiographer Marcellinus witnesseth that the Emperoure Valentinian whyche was a Christian vsed not to molest any person for matters of Religion nor euer commaunded that any shoulde worship eyther this or that with one fashion or other Likewise also the Emperours Honorius and Theodosius whyche were Christians woulde not that the Painims should be forced to be Christened but caused an expresse lawe to bee made that none should offende them eyther in their persons or their goods vnder the pretence of Religion If then the Christians haue suffered the Painims Religion and the Painims haue likewise suffered the Religion of the Christians Wherefore to winne peace will not the Catholiques suffer that Religion of the Gospellers Those two religions haue bin seene sir to dwel peaceably togither within your realme of Poland as also in many towns of Almaine and wherefore should they not as well dwell peaceably togyther in Fraunce Are the French men more hard to be tamed more disobediente or more barbarous and fierce than other nations It appeareth cleane contrary For vpon the Edict of Ianuary the Catholiques were not greeued at all to see the Gospellers vse the exercise of their religion though it were somewhat newe vnto them but liued the one with the other togither in good peace wherein also they had till this time continued if the vnhappy execution of Vassi which was the welspring of all our warres and of all the miseries and mischiefes which we haue since that time suffered or yet doe suffer had not happened I will not denie but the warres and acts of hostilitie passed betweene the one the other haue bredde in the hartes of men hautie minds euil dispositioÌ„s which may be som cause that the Catholiques will now more hardly thaÌ„ in the beginning suffer to come so neere them the exercise of the Religion and the rather for that many esteeme the same Religion to bee the cause of all the sayde miseries and mischiefes whiche they feare would exceede if it shoulde againe be reestablished in Fraunce Wherevnto I answere that the people of any good iudgemeÌ„t are not of that opinion as those that well knowe and it is in deede most true that the ambition of some with the desire they haue to commaunde and their greedinesse by the robberie of other to enrich them selues haue bene and are the only causes of our troubles and that there the name of Religion hath bene vsed but as a cloake or a curtaine to couer those pretences For some say they wyll not suffer in Fraunce any other religion thaÌ„ the Catholike as the most auncient and that hath bene receiued from time out of mynde since the time of great king Clouis and other some say they will folowe the religion refourmed that was not only before Clouis but also before the realme of Fraunce and that they ought not in their consciences to be forced vpon the which controuersie these ciuill warres haue bene builded but the chiefe aduauncers of the cause haue had in their hartes another maner of zeale than of religion as men of iudgement haue well perceyued the common people which iudge all things rashly for that they esteeme religion to be the cause of our warres and calamities stande in feare that it taking place the olde woundes woulde breake out and bleede againe This vulgar opinion is not much to be passed on bycause it always readily rangeth to the strongest parte But for myne owne part I beleeue that the best part of nobilitie of the commonaltie yea of the cleargie for the obtayning of peace would easily consent that the Gospel should freely be stablished in Fraunce till such time as God to whome onely the clearing of mans heart by the light of his truth appertayneth myght knit vs all in one kynde of religion whiche we are to hope that he who is the father of knowledge and discouerer of all things will doe after men shall awhyle haue reposed them from the ciuill warres and cast quite off thâ—… stoutnesse and hatred whiche nowe blindeth their iudgementes There is at this present no order bycause each to the side be standeth on sticketh fast each 〈◊〉 saith to him selfe my
A DECLARAtion concerning the needfulnesse of peace to be made in Fraunce and the means for the making of the same exhibited to the most Christian king Henrie the second of that name King of Fraunce and Polande vpon two Edictes put forth by his Maiestie the one the tenth of September the other the thirtenth of October Anno. 1574. Translated out of Frenche by G. H. Esquire ¶ Jmprinted at London by Henrie Bynneman for Raufe Newberie dwelling in Fleetstreat a little aboue the Conduit ¶ To the right worshipfull his especiall good father Sir Pearciuall Hart Knight one of the Sewars and Knight Harbinger to hir Maiestie his humble and obedient sonne G. H. wisheth health and long lyfe IT is now Syr long time since I not onely desired but fully determined to testifie the acknowledgement of my dutie towardes you by some peece of my trauell in this present kinde of exercise The bringing whereof to passe although I haue oftē sought by perusing many bookes yet could I not light vpō any to answere my contentment which stood alwayes on the choyce of some such matter as J thought myght best like you vntil there chanced into my hands this little frenche aduertisement The which I had no soner read ouer but by and by there was kindled in me a certaine desirousnesse to take it in hād partly for the argumēt therof which caryeth great cause of likelyhoode to please the reader in generall but chiefly for my perticular purpose to delight you whom I know to haue a special inclination to heare and reade the discourses of the frenche affayres bycause you youre selfe in youre yong dais hauing serued the kings Grandfather Francis of Valoys in his Courte and trauayled that countrey haue had good occasion to be acquainted with the customs thereof and with the nature of the people there And I doubte not but it will like you so much the better for the varietie of foraine histories applyed most aptly to the groūd of the present mater wherwith it is I say not poudered or filled but fraughted Neuerthelesse althoughe my liking of the worke did hale forward my labour to the translating thereof yet I must needes say that after I was somewhat entred thereinto straitwayes there stoode vp such a number of doubts and so huge a heape of imperfections to withstand me as had not my desire to pleasure you preuayled againste all those stoppes and stayes my trauell and deuotion therein had lyen in the dust before my race had halfe bin runne But yet notwithstandyng the reasons aforesayd and the desire I had to do the thing and the delight I tooke in doing it wrought such persuasion and incouragemēt in me and did so keepe me still in breath as I neuer gaue it ouer till J had turned it into Englishe in suche sorte as you my good father may nowe vouchesafe to see to whome J moste humbly present it as a newyeeres gift Therewithall hartely wishing that your earnest zeale towardes all wise worthy and vertuous proceedynges whereof neerenesse in bloud forbiddeth me to speak according either to your desert or to my knowledge desire and duetie may encrease to Gods glory the profit of your countrey And the same God prosper you and all youre doinges and blesse you with manye moe newe yeeres to the contentation of your owne harts desire This first of Ianuary .1575 Your humble and obedient sonne George Harte ¶ The fyrste Edicte the tenth of December of the wil and intent of the most Christian King of France and Poland Henry of Valoys the third of that name HEnry by the grace of God Kyng of France and Poland To all that shall see and reade this present Edict greting The brotherly amitie whyche alwayes hathe bene mutually betweene our late most honorable Lord and brother king Charles whose soule God pardone and vs and the naturall inclination and duetie whiche we haue to the conseruation and quietnesse of thys realme hathe heretofore not only made vs mindfull of the welfare of our sayde late Lorde and brother and of his subiects but also inforced vs to neglect our owne commodities and to participate the care trauell of managing all affayres as wel publike as priuate and as well of wars as of peace in which we haue willingly imployed not only al our means but also our own proper person as appereth by diuers encounters battailes which God by his holy grace hath alwais fauored according to the right equitie of the cause which we defend Whereas notwithstanding it is most certain euident that the losses in that case so happening as wel on the one part as on the other did altogether tend to the diminishing weakning of the forces of the realme Our sayde late brother knowing this had at sundry times assayed to qualifie the sharpnesse of that inconuenience by benignitie and clemencie indeuouring to bryng agayne the hartes of his subiects to their due obedience by gentlenesse and to reconcile their willes to good vnitie and concorde whiche were at oddes before specially the yeere passed when I was his Liefetenant generall before Rochel we following his mind and commandement by the aduice and counsell of Princes Lords notable persons which at that time wer with vs did thē again accept that gētle means of pacification which we thought most meetest as the thing which we specially desired to be firme durable knowing that the most part of the subiects of the realme had sufficiently tried felt proued the miseries calamities which ciuil inwarde war bringeth with it And that was the very cause vpō hope wherof we tooke our iourney into Polande whither the states of the countrey that alittle before had elected vs for their king did call vs wheras if we had thought that the warres shuld haue seased rested so short a time we had not abādoned our said lord brother nor yet the realm But rather we wold haue preferred the conseruatiō defence thereof aboue al aduancemēt or perticular benefite that could touch vs or apertain vnto vs Yet notwithstāding some being seduced by euill councel haue vnder diuers pretēces renued the troubles and entred again into armes Wherby it is come to passe that the realme is immediatly falne into the same malady of whiche it was but newly crept out the means that had bin attēpted for the redresse thereof brought not the fruite that was looked for and desired Nowe for asmuche as it is the duetie of a good king as well as of a good father and pastor to strayne him selfe to the vttermost of his power and to imploy all his doyngs to the benefyte and preseruation of those whome God hathe put vnder hys charge specially at the beginning of hys raigne And seeing that it hath pleased the deuine bountie to call vs to the rule and gouernment of this realme We haue thought good fyrst of all to proue all meanes possible to bryng our subiectes agayne to the righte
suche wise as for the giuing of one blowe he caused three thousand persons to be slaine by his horsemen whome he made to trauerse and runne through the whole assembly of his people Wherevpon his brother Antipas sped him strayght vnto Rome where before Augustus Caesar he accused Archelaus for at that time welneere all the Kings of the world were subiect to the Romane Empire The Iewes also sente from Iudea to Rome fiftie Ambassadours to accuse hym before Augustus and to shewe how vnworthy he was to raigne that had vpon his people committed suche crueltie and that also there was no better curtesie to be loked for at his handes that woulde so soone after the death of his father and immediatly vpō hys entrie commit actes so cruell and vnnaturall In consideration wherof they besought Augustus to gyue them rather Antipas for their king Augustus Caesar tooke knowlege of this matter neuerthelesse for that hee bare some fauour and friendship to Archelaus be confirmed his succession in Iudea Samaria Idumea and assigned Galile to Antipas But therewith hee exhorted Archelaus to the gouerning of him selfe thencefoorth more mildly and gently towards his subiects Archelaus returning into his coūtrey with so good speede at Augustus hande behaued him selfe there more cruelly than before Wherevpon hee was agayne accused at Rome and there condemned by the Senate to whome Augustus had referred the examination of the matter in somuche that all his goodes were confiscate to the Emperour by sentence of the Senate and hee him selfe was banished to Vienna in Dauphine there to ende hys dayes as he miserably did After this iudgement Iudea Samaria and Idumea were ruled by suche gouernours as the Emperour did establishe as by Coponius and Annius Rufus in the raigne of Augustus Caesar and by Valerius Gratus and Pontius Pilate that cruell man whiche iudged our Sauiour to death during the dayes of Tiberius The conclusion is that Archelaus for his warring and ouerrigorous dealing with hys subiectes miserably ended his dayes and was the causer of the alteration of the state of hys countrie Vpon this matter of alteration of states I say by the way that it hath often fallen out and still dothe that when Monarchies haue bin excessiuely corrupted with vice they haue bin changed into common weales and likewise when the common weales haue once bin corrupted they also haue bin changed into Monarchies and kingdomes The example heereof was seene in the nation of the Iewes at whose beginning euen from the tyme of Moyses and Iosua that people was gouerned in the fourme of a Monarchie for those two were as chiefe gouernours one after another Afterwarde in the time of the Iudges was the same state chaunged to the fourme of a common weale for the people were gouerned by a chosen number of auncients except in time of warre when God alwayes raysed vp to them a Captayne which they called their iudge But againe in the dayes of Samuell it altered from a common wealth to a Monarchie at whiche time Saul was chosen king After that in the time of the Machabees it was changed from a Monarchie to a popular state howbeit that to say the truth it was a confused state whiche had no manner of forme of good gouernement and yet afterwarde it returned to the manner of a Monarchie in the raign of Herode the great and was lastly put into the forme of a prouince vnder the Romane Empire Likewise the estate of the Romanes was gouerned as a Monarchie frō the raigne of Romulus till the time of Tarquine the proud whose pride and euill gouernemente was the cause that the same state was changed into the forme of a common wealth In that state the Romanes continued vnto the dayes of Iulius Caesar at which time it was so corrupted with riot auarice ambition whereof the ciuil warres betweene Scilla and Marius and betweene Caesar and Pompei may be a witnesse that it could not but alter and come agayne to a Monarchie Since the which time that great Romane Monarchie hathe bene piteously wasted by the euill gouernmentes of many Emperours And of the wast of the same haue bin erected many common wealthes and great kingdomes as Fraunce Spayne Englande and other greater and smaller Monarchies To bee shorte these chaunges haue bene seene in the state of the Romane Empire in lesse than .1500 yeare France before the time of Iulius Caesar stood in the state of small common wealthes which gouerned themselues apart the one by the other by cōfederations that they had together to reuēge them vpon strangers as the Cantons do at this day But ambition made them bandie and make warre eache agaynste other to proue whiche shoulde be the greatest Of whome when they of Autun had gotten the vpper hand as the stronger those of Sequanois their neighbours feeling them selues the weaker called the Almaines to their succors against them of Autun The Almaines comming downe vnder the conduct of Arionistus serued them and occupied a good part of the countrie Sequanois for their wages They of Autun on the other syde demanded succor of the Romanes wherevppon Caesar came into France and vnder the colour to succour them of Autun and to chace Arionistus from the countrie that he occupied he wonne to himselfe the whole countrie of France So as it may truely be sayd that that change of the Frenche state happened through the diuision that then was in Frāce without the which deuision Caesar had neuer vanquished them what Caesar soeuer he had bin And truely we see by the histories that alwayes till then the Frenchmen had well canuassed the Romanes yea and taken and burned Rome In somuch that as sayth Salust the Romanes so feared them that alwayes when they hearde the Frenche to be in armes yong and old priestes and lay-men none excepted or excused amongst thē were commaunded to arme them Yea they would openly confesse that against all other nations they warred for the gaining of honor and glory but ageinst the French men for the preseruation of their liues But Caesar finding them in deuision added oyle to the flame of their furie partly by whiche policie and partly by his valiancie he set vppon them and ouercame them changed their state from sundry common wealthes to one only Monarchie Yea thus muche more hee did that as with the Romane power he vāquished the Frenchmen so with the French mens money he obteyned the Romane Empire another very good policie for with the money that he gate in Fraunce he corrupted the chiefe of Rome through the fauour of whome he was chosen Dictatour perpetual which is as much to say as Monarch of the Romanes So was the Realme of France by Caesar vnited to the Romane Empire from the whiche they often after soughte to cutte them selues off as in the ende they did In the tyme of the Emperour Tiberius one Iulius Sacrouir of Autun made parte of Fraunce to reuolt raysing certayne small
than to agree to suche a peace as might to each parte be both profitable and agreeable which would cause it to be of continuāce In this respect the great warrior Hāniball demanded peace of the valiant happy Scipio after this maner It is I Hānibal that do demaund the peace which I would not demaunde if it might not be profitable and hauing obteyned such a one I wil willingly keepe it for the very same profit for the which I required it for to bee shorte a good peace ought not to be made in hast but rather to be digested with meere deliberation loking to none other end than the profite of the common weale And for this cause was it by Tullus Hostilius king of the Romanes saide that the mutual entercourse of commodities was the true band of peace But cōming now to intreat of those three points whiche before I proponed as subiect to this declaration Touching the first whiche is that a prince ought not to take in hand the making of wars against his subiects I set down for a true cōsequēce that a people do neuer die The perticulars or seueral parts of the same do die in deede but they leaue alwayes behind such as do succeede them not only in their inheritāces but also in their quarels passions so as seldome or neuer dieth ther any so very a caytife vnfortunate wretche that leaueth not another yea two or three eyther children brethren parēts or friēds which wil be sorie for his death seeke reuēgemēt of it if it wer violētly procured Wherfore who soeuer hath to do with a people by killing of the perticulars profiteth little bicause they leaue alwais to succede thē such as are as it were maried to their quarels The same is at thys day to be sene by the Gospellers so do I tearm them in stead of Hugonots and catholikes in stead of Papists as did the Lord of Valence in his declaratiō made to the Poloniās for within these .xv yeres what by the warres what by iustice and what by murthers there hath bene done to death more than 200000. and yet for all that there are still so great a number of them as it may seeme there hath not any one dyed There is very apparant reason why it should be so namely for that a people dyeth not bicause the perticulars haue alwayes other perticulars to succede them not onely in their inheritances but also in theyr maners instructions and other conditions But contrarywise the great Princes dye as the late king your brother is deade and many of his best seruitors are deade your selfe also are mortall and your best seruitors be mortall wherthrough it is commonly seene that great mens great deuices vanish away in the smoake bycause that for the moste parte their successours are not of the same humor and will but vse their gouernment farre otherwise the one vndoing what by the other was done In so much as it is sene that ordinarily they pull downe whome their predecessours had set vp Whereof among others master Enguerran of Marigny may be a witnesse which hauing bin in great credite and authoritie in the time of king Philip the faire was by his brother and successor king Lewes Hutin so abased as he therethrough became a poore man without any cause apparant other than for the enuie hate borne to the greatnesse that he had gotten Also the wise Courtiers which will not their liues honors and goods to depend vpon the life of one onely man are accustomed not onely to please him that presently raigneth but also him that is like to succede him For as Pompei said vnto Scilla there be moe that doe worship the sunne rising thā the sunne setting Alexander the great did in his time many wonderful incredible things For with an armie of .30000 Macedons he ouercam Darius the great monarch of al the east leuant in three battels In the first wherof Darius had 300000. mē which was twentie against one In the .2 he had .600000 which was .20 against one And in the third he had a Missiō which was thirtie against one He subdued al the Empire of Darius as the Persians the Medes the Parthians the Armenians the Babylonians with Egypt Palestine and Syria and generally all the lande habitable of Europe and Asi from Macedonie eastwarde vnto India But all those faire conquestes vanished like smoke and in the ende came to nothing for he him selfe died yong and left not successors of like noblenesse and valiācie as he was Whervpon Titus Liuius putteth forth this question If Alexander the great had taken in hande the warres of his time against the Romanes whether he should as easily haue ouercome them as he did Darius he answereth no. For though saith he Alexander was a valiant king and a stout braue warriour yet was he but one in hauing to do with Darius he had to do but with one head Where had he had to do with the Romanes he must haue fought with a number of braue Captaines one after another As Valerius Coruinus Martius Rutilius Caius Sulpicius Manlius Torquatus Publius Philo Papirius Cursor Fabius Maximus Lucius Volumnius the two Decians Marcus Curius and many other which would from hand to hande haue receyued him so as he shoulde haue knowne that they vnderstoode the mysteries of the warres And as concerning Councell Alexander whiche was a yong Prince could haue no better than they that were guided by the heades of a whole Senate The conclusion saith Titus Liuius is That the Macedons had but one Alexander but the Romanes had many captaines which woulde haue matched him of whome euerie one should haue liued and dyed without perill or danger to the state publike Whereas by the death of Alexander the state of his Monarch was rent and torne in peeces The experience of this discourse of Titus Liuius was well seene in the warres that Hanniball had against the Romanes For he was a wise and valiaunt Captaine and knewe as well howe to guide his armie as when to fight Neyther was he ignorant of the stratagemes or policies of warre And in deede he ouerthrew many of the Romane Captaines as Flamminius Paulus Emilius Terencius Varro Marcellus and many other But in the ende he was repulsed by Claudius Nero Fabius Maximus and other and last of all so vtterly ouerthrowne by the great Scipio the Affricane as he founde well that it was no small thing to haue to doe with a people which do dayly breede newe Captaines and men of warre And that wel the perticulars of a people may be vanquished and ouerthrowne but the whole people neuer According to this saying of the philosophers A generall kinde is immortall by reason of the succession of perticulars which succeede one another though euerie perticular in it selfe be mortall And this reason aduiseth a Prince not onely to forbeare to striue with his people but also to shunne the euill will of
them for feare of after clappes The Emperour Caius Caligula in his time put to death many of his subiects euen of the chiefest most commonly for his owne pleasure without lawfull cause and namely those which founde any faulte with his doings and gouernment thinking by that meanes to haue made away all that hated him imagining though fondly that with crueltie he might auoyd hatred wherewith crueltie is ordinarily and worthyly accompanied But the moe he caused to dye the more his haters encreased and by the kylling of one he gat the hatred of tenne in so much that perceyuing him selfe to be hated of all his people hee wished that all the people of Rome had had but one hed wherby he ment that if he had could he wold haue dispatched theÌ„ al at one stroke But at the last experieÌ„ce taught him that a people hath many heades which dayly multiply where hee had but one by the taking wherof from him he was miserably slayne For although by being Emperour of the worlde he was of great power yet was the power of the people founde to be greater than his This was well declared in a Comedie to the great Emperour Maximine great I say of stature for he was in length eyght foote and in bignesse therevnto accordant but in vertue verie small This Emperour was of personage so strong as with one blowe of his fist hee strake out the teeth of an horse with one spurne of his foote he burst in sunder a horses legge and with both his handes he pluckt a horseshoe in sunder With that natural force he had also the force of the Romane Empire at coÌ„maundement so as he thought him selfe to be inuincible and immortall And therefore as one carelesse of the peoples displeasure he put to death many gentlemen and other persons of credite partly for his pleasure and partly for the enuie that he bare vnto their vertues Therefore as he was one day in the Theatre beholding the playing of a Commedie one of the players with a good countenance sayde aloude as foloweth Whom one alone could neuer hurt a number may confound The huge and mightie Elyphant is so borne downe to ground The princely Lion though he be vnfeareful strong and stout Is notwithstanding ouerthrowne and killed by a rout The cruell Tygre so is left starke deade vpon the ground For al his fell and furious moode that passeth for no wound And thou that standest in no feare of any one alone At leastwise feare the common rage of many knit in one Maximine perceyued not that this player had cast these verses as it were a stone into his garden Or if he did perceiue yet did he dissemble it but within a while after hee found what so was sayde in iest toward him to turne to good earnest For after he had exercised many cruelties and therein done to death moe than .4000 Gentlemen without order of iustice he was of all his subiectes so mislyked as leading an armie against the towne of Aquilee the whole countrey conspired to keepe him from victuals notwithstanding any commaundement by him put foorth to the contrarie by reason whereof the souldiers being pinched with famine conceyued a hatred against him and began to grudge at him and so at the last murthered him The auncient Romanes woulde alwayes seeme inuincible against strangers but neuer against their owne people The chiefe of whom were esteemed amoÌ„gst them as the heade and the meane sort as the members And if at any time the commons were falne into any mutenie the heads incoÌ„tinent went about to appease them by gentlenesse often thinking good rather to yeelde them what so euer they demaunded than to assay to daunt them by any force of armes On a time the people rose by reason of the great rygoure that the bankers and vsurers to whome they ought money vsed against theÌ„ By and by the Consuls assembled their Senate to be aduised howe that tumult of the people might be appeased After the matter had bene propounded and some speaches passed of it Appius Claudius a seuere man was of opinion that the bandes of the bankers and vsurers ought and were to be payd and that such a libertie was not to be set open as the suffering of the people to breake their contractes wherevnto they were bounde but that they ought rather by force to be compelled to performe them And that if they wold punish some of the ringleaders and most seditious persons that had of that mutenie bin the first mouers al the residue would shrinke and be so discouraged that hardly shoulde there any be founde that would at any time after that become a captaine to the commoÌ„s or any motioner of sedition On the contrary part the Consull Seruilius was of opinion that the sedition was to be appeased by gentle meanes saying that it is much easier to bowe a people than to breake them and that for the conseruation of the common weale the gentle meanes is much surer than the rigorous bycause if that rigour take not good successe the people become madde and vtter vnsubduable By the decree of the Senate the adulce of Seruilius was folowed that they should rather cardesure than to coÌ„mit to hazard the estate of the publike weale and for a time the exaction of the handes wherevpon the bankers and other had lent money vpon interest to the people were suspended Within a while after certaine of the chiefest in Rome caused one of the Tribunes of the people whiche was as it were the maintayner of the liberties of the third estate to be slayne as secretly as coulde be bycause that vnder the colour of his office hee had gone about to moue the people to sedition The people were sore grieued at the death of their Tribune but they sayd nothing to it bycause they knewe not to whose charge to lay it nor whom to blame for it The noble men which had caused that blowe to be giuen were verie well a payde that the people durst not open their lippes at it thinking theÌ„ selues to haue vsed a verie good mean of preuenting the sedition and that other Tribunes therby would take example of it hereafter They thought surely that by their causing of the chiefe mouer of the sedition to be slayne they had taken away the cause of sedition But in verie deede they had not the principall efficient cause that is to say the râ—…cour miscontentment and indignation of the people but they had rather increased it by such vnlawfull execution What becaâ—e thereof It happened anon after that there were certain souldiers to be leuyed in Rome for a peece of seruice that the Romanes had in hands and euerie man thought that the â—eath of the Triâ—…r had then bin falne asleepe and for euer forgotten The Consuls commaunded one Valeâ—o a man of the third estate that had beforeâ—…ene captaine of crâ—tâ—we footmen to put this compauit in a readinesse â—e answered â—…atly that