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cause_n england_n king_n lord_n 4,602 5 4.1139 3 true
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A56216 The oath of pacification, or, A forme of religious accomodation humbly proposed both to King and Parliament : thereby, to set an end to the present miseries and broyles of this discomposed, almost ship-wrackt state. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652.; England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I). His Maiesties declaration to all his loving subjects, after his victories over the Lord Fairfax and Sr. William Waller. 1643 (1643) Wing P410; ESTC R1447 17,333 32

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his wife and his wife was over-ruled by her son but this kinde of bondage is commonly more Comicall At other times Princes stand ingaged to the factions and forces by which their Dominions were atchieved and must be supported and this kinde of engagement uses to be often very Tragicall as the old Stories of the Romane Emperours and the moderne Stories of the Turkish Sultans and of sundry other insolent usurpers in other nations do sufficiently testifie It behooves Princes therefore as well for their Subjects as their owne sakes to avoid either of these servile Conditions let them not impose too heavie a yoke upon their Subjects and they shall neither have cause nor disposition to receive any other yoke upon themselves But though these additionall causes are free from exception in themselves yet as the case now stands and as the Kings successe of late hath been some men may cavill perhaps and oppose the taking of this Oath at this time I shall reply little herein for it appears as I conceive that this Oath as it is now formed does but open and explain the same intention which the King had or ought to have had in the other and therefore without great imputation and suspicion this forme cannot be refused I shall onely supplicate his Majestie that he will please yet more solicitously and intentively to review and research the true state of this transcendent Case and to come to a more equall impartiall debate about it as well with other men as with his own conscience Let it be his Majesties care to hear whatsoever can be inforced by reason from any person whatsoever let him put the Case all maner of ways take a just consideration in what condition he remains if his Cause be just or if it be unjust or if it be dubious or partly just and partly unjust if he does not cast thus about in spight of all prejudice and take in all suppositions from all sides as the fatality of this controversie now stands no excuse will be large enough to cover him from the condemnation of God or man We will first suppose his Majesties Cause to be just that he has onely the defensive part and is necessitated to fight and that the Parliament as yet hath offered no terms of Accommodation to him but such as are more unjust then all the plagues of this calamitous war This so being supposed makes him innocent but yet most unfortunate it makes him the first man that ever Fortune pickt out to ingage in such a wretched destruction of men and treasure without blame Amongst all his Ancestors there will not appear upon search one of them who was just and maintained a just cause and yet met with such generall opposition from his Subjects much lesse from the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament How triviall soever the Kings side account this there was not ever a worse prodigie in the world to amaze any State then this is if it be true that the orderly presentative Body of this Nation has causlesly and unnaturally risen up against their righteous king to pursue him so far as ours now is It is not to be denied but that some Parliaments have done some unjust things when they have been wrought upon by the force or fraud of Princes but no example can be shewed that ever any Parliament did such an unjust thing as this contrary to all motives and influences of a gracious and religious Prince Some of the kings party have argued thus if Parliaments may erre when they are perfect having the concurrence of the Royall State with them much more may they erre when the Royall State recedes from them c. But this I hold a grand mistake for if I have any reason to make a right use of Story Parliaments are represented to me never lesse liable to error then when they receive least impressions from the king With what regret then ought the king to look upon this unprecedented dysaster Certainly if he look upon us with a naturall eye under such unparalleled sufferings or upon himselfe with a pious eye under such an unequalled affliction it cannot but administer thoughts of horrour to him Bonus Pastor ponit vitam pro ovibus so said that Prince of Peace in whom onely there was no sin and in whose flock joyntly and severally taken there was nothing else but ●in and yet his death sealed as much as his mouth affirmed Moses seemed to preferre the well-fare of the obstinate Jews not onely before all his temporall interests but also before his eternall diadem in heaven and Saint Paul seemed to be rapt up with a species of the same zeale The passions of some heathen and hereticall Princes towards their liege Subjects have been almost above the pitch of humanity with what a strange kinde of hypochondriacall frenzie did Augustus Caesar cry out Redde mihi Legiones Vare If the bloud of his Subjects had been drawn forcibly out of his own dearest veins it could not have parted from him with a stronger resentment How did our Queen Mary even to the death deplore the losse of one Town in Picardie With what strange instruments did griefe make incision in her heart whilest it would in grave the name of Callice there The losse of all kings in all wars uses to be very dolorous but native kings in civil wars when they look upon such vast desolation as is now to be seen in England and Ireland must needs think that their own interest their own honour their own saftie is of lesse consequence We will now suppose the kings Cause to be unjust that the Parliament has had none but loyall intentions towards him and his Royall Dignity nor has attempted any thing but to defend Religion against the Papists the Lawes of the Land against Delinquents and the Priviledges of both Houses against Malignants and on the contrary we will suppose that that private Councell which the king has followed rather then his publike one has aimed at the Arbitrary rule of France and to effect the same has countenanced Popery and but pretended danger onely from the Parliament from the City of London and from the best affected of the whole Kingdom Qui supponit non ponit We will not assume but presume onely that the great Councell of the Land is in the right rather then the King and his clandestine Councell but see what will follow upon this supposition if it prove to be true as it is neither impossible nor improbable if this be true what a formidable day is that to be wherein the king shall render a strict account for all the English Protestant blood which ha's been issued out and is to be yet issued out in this wicked unnaturall quarrell Manasseh which filled Jerusalem with blood and made the kennells thereof flow with the precious blood of Saints could not contract so black a guilt as he that imbrues two large kingdomes with blood and that with the blood of