The King of England no Monarch I. THe real Sovereignty here amongst us was in King Lords and Commons Pag. 72. The King has the Militia if the People please II. The Law that saith the King shall have the Militia supposeth it to be against Enemies and not against the Common-wealth nor them that have part of the Sovereignty with him To resist him here is not to resist Power but Usurpation and private will in such a case the Parliament is no more to be resisted then He. Thes. 363. III. If the King raise Warr against such a Parliament upon their Declaration of the Dangers of the Common-wealth The People judges of the King the People are to take it as raised against the Common-wealth Thes. 358. And may depose or resist him at pleasure IV. And in that Case saith he the King may not only be resisted but ceaseth to be a King and entreth into a State of Warr with the People Thes. 368. Of These Blasphemous and Seditious Maxims though Charg'd upon Mr. Baxter by the Bishop of Worcester the Libeller takes no notice otherwise then by a Tacit Allowance of them his Agreement with Mr. Baxter in These Particulars being sufficiently intimated in his express Acknowledgment wherein he dissents Nor in Summe are they any other then the pure result of his own Opinions only Digested into a more Popular and Intelligible Methode What Judgements may not That Nation expect from Divine vengeance where This Spirit of Treachery and Impâ—sture reigns in the Pulpit Or if This be Lâ—yalty what is it which the Law calls Treason If Mr. Bagsâ—aw had been very wise he would have forborn the Justification of so great a Guilt as under his own Hand appears against him and indeed his fate is hard that his Testimony which goes for nothing against any mâ—n else should yet stand good against himseâ—f He had been wiser yet if he had totally declined the Controversie and spent Those Hours in Gratitude and Repentance which he has rather chosen to Employ in Oâ—stinacy and further Disobedience But to cast himself at once out of all Terms both of Christianity and Humanity neither to Regard his Duty to God his Neighâ—our or Himself To lash out beyond all bounds of Piety Loyalty Modesty Truth and Prudence even to the forfeiture of his own safety This is a Prodigious heap of Miscarriages and yet no more then the Just Measure of his Confidence Fâ—lly and Wickedness To dip into the Immoralities of his Life were to stir a Puddle and in Truth rather to Gratifie my Revenge then my Duty so that I shall rather adhaere to my Purpose of Discovering a Publique Enemy then exercise the Sting of a Private Passion Those Pamphlets of his which in this Discourse I have made use of against him are Thus Dated De Mon. Aâ—s 1659. The Great Question 1660. After the Act of Indempnity Pars 2 a. of the Great Quest. Sept. 10. 1661. Pars 3 a. Of Heresies Jan. 10. 1661. Brief Treatise c. Feb. 15. 1661. Two Liâ—els against the Bishop of Worcester Jan. 21. Feb. 26. 1661 2 Signs of the Times Jan. 28. 1661 â— Letter to The Lord Chancellour May 10. 1662. Only the First of These can in the very poynt of Time pretend to any favour from the Act of Pardon but That will not much avail Mr. Bagshaw who by Justifying Now what he Did Then does it over again and stands accomptable for the same Fault upon another Score But methinks the Case is not here whether This Pamphâ—et but whether or no the very Authour of it be Pardon'd and This Question if any there be arises from the very Letter both of his Majesties Declaration from Breda and of the Act it self Decl. from Breda His Majesty in his Declaration from Breda Grants a Free and General Pardon to all that shall lay hold upon that Grace and Favour and by any Publique Act Declare their doing so and Return to the Loyalty and Obedience of Good Subiects Exceptis Excipiendis Which Loyalty is to be Manifested by not Persevering in Guilt for the Future and by not Opposâ—ng the quiet and happiness of their Country in the Restoration both of King Peers and People to their Just Antient and Fundamental Rights Here 's the Promise and Condition of the Pardon Persuant to which Promise and Correspondent to which Condition the following Pardon is said expresly to be Enacted i. e. In Performance of his Royal and Gracious Word signified by His Letters to the several Houses of Parliament now Assembled Act of Pardon and His Declarations in that behalf Published Now the Qâ—estion is first Whether Those that Persevere in their Guilt and oppose the Restoration of the King to any of his Just Antient and Fundamental Rights are not by This Limiting Condition excepted from Pardon And the next Question is Whether His Majesties Supreme Authority in Causes Ecclesiastical be not One of His Just Antient and Fundamental Rights If so Whoever Persists to oppose the Prerogative Royal in This Particular has no Right or Title to the Intent or Benefit of the Act of Indempnity The Extent of his Majesties Power as to the matter in Question may be seen in King James his Ratification of The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical in 1603. Annexed to the Book of Canons We do not only by our Prerogative Royal and Supreme Authority in causes Ecclesiastical ratifie confirm and establish by These our Letters Patents the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and all and every thing in Them contained as aforesaid but do likewise propound Publish and straightly enjoyn and Command by our Authority and by These our Letters Patents the same to be diligently observed executed and equally kept by all our loving Subjects of This our Kingdom c. Straightly Charging and Commanding all Arch-Bishops Bishops and all other that exercise any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction within This Realm every man in his place to see and procure so much as in them lieth all and every of the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions to be in all Poynts duly observed not sparing to execute the Penalties in them severally mentioned upon any that shall wittingly or wilfully break or neglect to observe the same as they Tender the Honour of God the Peace of the Church Tranquillity of the Kingdom and their Duties and Services to Us their KING and Soveraign If the King's Authority in Church-Matters reaches Thus far And if His such Authority be a Just Antient and Fundamental Right And finally if a perseverance in Guilt and the Opposal of the Restoration of His Majesty to His Just Antient and Fundamental Rights be a Delinquency which is in Terminis Excepted And that the express Condition be a Return to the Loyalty and Obedience of Good Subjects In what a Case is Mr. Bagshaw who has Constantly and Openly defi'd the very Letter Intent and Equity of that Gratious and Incomparable Act of Mercy As is already
and Prophaneness more then in all other Reformed Churches Doth not the Root of These Disorders proceed from the Bishops and their adherents We have chosen rather to subjoyn by way of Appendix Ibid. Pag. 68. and Historical Narration of those bitter fruits Pride Rebellions Treason Unthankefulness c. which have Issued from Episcopacy while it hath stood under the continued influences of Sovereign Goodness Here 's Presbyterian Gratitude for his Majefties Declaration from Breda See now a seasonable and Modest Quaere Covenanters Plea Pag. 52. Whether the Lords and Commons of England assembled in Parliament have not a power to make a new Oath and impose it upon the People unless the King first consent Now see Gelaspies Dâ—spute against the English Popish Ceremonies a Book formerly condemn'd by the Secret Counsel in Scotland to be burnt by the Hand of the Common Hang-man and now lately Published by Philip Chetwynd In his Epistle to the Râ—form'd Churches Thus. Pag. 9. 1. Be not deceived to think that they who so eagerly press this Course of Conformity have any such end as Gods Glory or the Good of his Church and profit of Religion 2. Let not the pretence of Peace and Unity cool your fervour Pag. 11. or make you spare to oppose your selves unto those Idle and Idolized Ceremonies against which we dispute 3. If once you yield to these English Ceremonies think not that thereafter you can keep your selves back frâ—m any greater evils Pag. 16. or grosser corruptions which they draw after them Ibid. Pag. 20. 4. Among the Laws of Solon there was one which pronounced him defamed and unhonest who in a Civil uproar among the Citizens sitteth still a Looker on and Neuter much more deserve they to be so accompted of who sâ—un to mâ—ddle with any controversie which disquieteth the Church wherâ—as they should labour to win the Advâ—rsaries of the Truth and if they prove obstinate to defend and propugne the Truth against thâ—m Pag. 245. 5. Whensoever you may omit that which Princes enjoyn without violating the Law of Charity you are not holden to obey them for the Majesty of Princely Authority Pag. 266. 6. The Lawfulness of our conforming unto the Ceremonies in question can be no way warranted by any Ordinance of the Supream Magistrate or any Power which he hath in things Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Here 's first the very Intention of Authority uncharitably Dâ—fam'd Secondly the People Animated to Disobedience In the Third place Here 's a Jelousie injected of more Mischeives to follow Fourthly Not only Argument but Violenâ—e it self not obscurely Encouraged Fifthly Here 's the King's Prerogative render'd dependent upon the Good Pleasure of his People And Lastly here 's an Absolute denyal of his Majestie 's Supreme Authority The same Things over again are Mainteyned in The Old Non-confâ—rmist The Tryal of the English Lyturgy Mr. Crofton 's Pamphlets The Interest of England The Presbyterian Accompt from the Savoy Their Petition for Peace and Their Two Papâ—rs of Proposals Mr. Bagshaw 's Treatises and finalâ—y Where not See next Mr. Watson's Word of Comfort of but the other day Now saith he because the Church of God appears in his Cause and loseth Blood in his Quarrel Pag. 8. therefore God is in the midst of Her This was Calculated for Corbet and Berkstead c. Take hâ—ed of Idolatry yea and of Superstition too Pag. 28. which is a Bridge leading ovâ—r to it Superstition is an intermixing our fancies and invâ—ntions with Divine Institutions 't is an Affront offer'd to God as if he were not wise enough to appoint the manner of his own Worship Is not God upon the Threshold of his Temple ready to fly Pag. 30. Are not the Shadows of the Evening Stretchâ—d ouâ— And may we not fear the Sun-setting of the Gospel And again The Lord may let his Church be a while under Hatches Pag. 39. to Punish her security and to awakâ—n her out of her slumbering fits yet surely the storm will not continue long What can This Gentleman mean here now by Superstition but the Rites of the Church What by the Sun-setting of the Gospel but the Approaching settlement of Conformity And what by the short continuance of the Storm but the speedy Subversion of The Present Authority And in Truth their Pulpits do Generally speak the same Language Christians says Mr. Jenkins some five weeks since you do not know what God has Reserv'd to be done For you and BY you only wait the Lord's Leisure David had Sauls life in his Power but far be it from him he would not say to lift up his hand against the Lord 's Anointed but to anticipate God's time Who knows but the Lord may smite him or he may descend into the Battle and fall by the Edge of the Sword Look behind ye and ye must All confesse that God has relieved ye in your distresses when ye have most desponded In short he might as well have said to his Congregation Remember the last Turn and Rely upon Another Nor is This any Uncharitable Glosse upon his Meaning who may very well be suspected to be no great Friend to the Son having Publiquely absolv'd the Nation of the Bloud of the Father Observe now in the Last Place how Bold the Presse is with the King's Cause and Authority When as a part of the Legislative Power resides in the Two Houses Interest of Eng. Pag. 49. as also a Power to redresse Grievances and to call into Question all Ministers of State and Justice and all Subjects of whatsoever degree in case of Delinquency it might be thought that a Part of the Supreme Power doth reside in them though they have not the honorary Title Here is Coordination asserted which is Destructive of the King 's Imperial Title Hear now the Publishers of the Speeches of some of the late King's Judges viz. Harrison Carew c. In his Praeface to the Reader He calls them the Servants of Christ and Publishes the Story as he sayes that men may see what it is to have an Interest in Christ ☞ in a dying hour and to be faithful to his Cause If These People Suffered for God's Cause by what Authority did They Act that put them to Death Pag. 11. Mr. Carew could have Escap'd he sayes but would not knowing how much the Name and Glory of God was concern'd in his Faithful Witness to the Cause of Christ for which he was in Bonds In another Place a Letter is pretended to be written to a Christian Friend by Mr. Justice Cook I look upon it as the most Noble and High Act of Justice Pag. 41. that our Story can Parallel and so far as I had a hand in it never any one Action in all my life comes to my mind with lesse Regret or Trouble of Conscience then that does for the Bloud must ly upon Him meaning the King or upon the Parliament More of This Stuffe there is but it would be too tedious Proceed now to the Narrative of John James If there hath been any undue Combination against this poor man Praeface if for some Reason of State rather then for any real Guilt on his part he was made an Example if his Judgment and Conscience rather then any Just Crime were the cause of his Condemnation as he so often declared if suâ—mitting to a Tryal by the Word of God he was judged contrary thereto the Lord in his due time will Manifest and his Bloud will most certainly be required c. And again He was Tryed in so high a Court Pag. 36. there being sevâ—ral Judgâ—s before him and four of the King's Counsellours besides the Atturny and Solicitour General pleading against him to take away his Life and a Jewry of Knights and Gentlemen all of the same spirit thirsting after his Bloud c. Take now for a Close the Miserable Madness of another Pamphlet against the King's Proclamation Prohibiting Convenâ—icles Oh it is sad to Consider that the Proclamation of a poor Worm should not only Command mens persons Loud Call Pag. 16. â—ut their very Spirits also If any King or Powers dare offâ—r to intrench on men's Consciences to their utmost Peril be it and if men give way to their Usurped Authorities to their uttermost Perils be it also No Governours nor Rulers have any more Power as from God to give Laws in matters of Religion or to Rule over mens Consciences then they have to sit in Gods Throne in Heaven Ibid. Pag. 17. or to pluck him from his Throne Stand up for your Meetings and holy Services let Men and Powers Decree never so Contrary Ibid. I might Insist upon divers other Seditious Pamphlets but let This Suffice Here is the Sacred Government of the Church Vilify'd the Rulers of it Revil'd the People Animated and Enflam'd against the Magistrate Here is the Prerogative of his Most Gratious Majesty not onely question'd but Disclaim'd his Indulgence Trampled upon and the Execrable Murtherers of his Royal Father Sainted Let the World now Determine Whether it be not highly Nâ—câ—ssary that These Bold and Pestilent Defamations should be either Punished or Confuted FINIS
Truth and Loyalty VINDICATED From the Reproches and Clamours OF Mr. EDWARD BAGSHAW TOGETHER WITH A Further Discovery of the LIBELLER Himself and his Seditious Confederates By ROGER L'ESTRANGE Ex Ore Tuo LONDON Printed for H. Brome and A. Seile and are to be sold at the Gun in Ivy-lane and over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet June the 7 th 1662. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE THE LORDS OF HIS MAJESTIES Most Honorable Privy-Counsel My LORDS IF in Duty to his Majesty I become Troublesome to your Lordships I hope you will vouchsafe to Pardon so honest an Importunity Especially considering the high Necessity of the Office as to the Publique and the little Benefit he expects to reap by it that Undertakes it It is in Truth My Lords grown hazzardous to Assert the Cause of the Late King or the Authority of This against the open and profess'd Adversaries of Both And they Proceed as if the Act of Oblivion had only Bound the Hands of his Majesties Friends and left his Enemies Free Which would not be were but your Lordships duly Enform'd in the Matter and That you may be so is the Scope and Service I pretend to in This most humble Dedication I Think My Lords it may be made appear upon a Modest Calculation that not so few as Two-Hundred-Thousand Seditious Copies have been Printed since the blessed Return of his Sacred Majesty which being Exposed with Freedome and Impunity cannot fail to be Bought up with Greediness To These may be added divers Millions of the Old Stock which are Contriv'd and Penn'd with Accurate Care and Cunning to Catch All Humours What This Glut of Poysonous Libels may Produce is submitted with Just Reverence to your Lordships Wisdom for I presume not to make a Judgement but barely to Offer an Information Wherein as the fairest Evidence of my Respect and Duty I shall be as short and plain as possibly the Case will bear The late War is in Terms Justified against the Late King Pag. 57. and His Majesty Charg'd as an Overthrower of Religion Parliaments Laws and Liberties Several Counterfeit Prodigies Apply'd Pag. 58. as Portents of Revolts Persecutions Casting off Kings And in fine the Drift of the whole Book tends Chiefly to Predict the Dissolution of the English Monarchy and Episcopacy The Totall Extirpation of Bishops under the Title of Sons of Belial is Recommended Pag. 59. in Mr. Manton his Publication of Smectymnuus The King 's Supreme Authority in Matters Ecclesiastical is absolutely disclaym'd Pag. 60. and the People are Encouraged to Oppose the Imposers of Ceremonies as Adversaries of the Truth The Power of the Two Houses is Asserted in Coordination with the King Pag. 62. Harrison Carew Ibid. c. are call'd the Servants of Christ Their Cause Christ's Cause and the Murther of the late King is reported as the most Noble Pag. 63. and High Act of Justice that our Story can Parallel Iâ—id The King's Judges and Counsell together with the Jury that Sate upon John James are Charg'd with thirsting after His Blood Iâ—id His Majesty is Revil'd and Menaced for his Proclamation against Conventicles For Opposing These Insolencies and Defending the King's Rights His Cause and Government without ever receiving any Pretence to a Reply I have been Twice Libell'd by Mr. Edward Bagshaw as Cromwels Spy Pag. 34. and a Person Infamous both for Condition and Morality My Lords I dare not Beg but I do secretly Wish that he may be call'd to make it Good which I the rather do because the Latter of the Two was Tender'd to your Lordships as My Character But Principally for the Consequence For if it comes to That once That in a time of Peace a Man cannot be Loyall but at the Hazzard of his Life and Honour and that it becomes more Safe and Beneficial to be Guilty then to be Innocent I do mâ—st Dutyfully remit the Rest to your Lordships Humbly Beseeching You My Lords to receive This further Advertisement concerning Mr. Bagshaw He denies the King's Supremacy Pag. 11. and Animates the Subject against it Affirming That God has not Committed unto the Magistrate but to his Son the Government of His Church even in the Outward Polity That the Command renders a Thing in it self Innocent utterly Unlawful He makes the King an Usurper An Idolater Pag. 12. An Impious Pretender Pag. 14. He calls the Praelation of Bishops an undue and Anti-Christian Dignity He Inferrs His Majesty either no King Pag. 15. or no Christian. He is Peremptory Pag. 16. That the King is Singulis Minor and that the People may Depose him Fixum Ratumque habeatur Pag. 17. Populi Semper esse debere Supremam Majestatem Having exposed These Particulars with several of the Authours and Publishers of them Referring to the Pages of the Ensuing Discourse I shall leave before your Lordships Feet This Humble Testimony of my Desires to serve the King Wherein if I have done Amisse I Submit if Otherwise I have done but my Duty Which obliges me to Live and Dy with an Unspotted and Inviolable Faith toward his Sacred Majesty keeping my self also within Those Terms of Modesty and Veneration which may become My LORDS Your Lordships Most Obedient Servant Roger L'Estrange The Praeface I Have no Ambition to get my self a Name by a Dispute with Mr. Bagshaw and in effect This way of Wrangling is but a putting of it to the Question Which is the finer Fool the Plaintiff or the Defendent Yet in regard that in This Case the Publique and my Particular appear so Complicated that as I Suffer for That so That likewise is Wounded through Mee for 't is the King is Strook at in his Loyal Subjects and They are only Persecuted as the Bar betwixt Auâ—hority and Rebellion I hold it but a Modest and Discreet Justice not to divide in the Defence what Faction and Malice have united in the Scandal This being Resolv'd upon The Course I mean to take with Bagshaw's late Rhetorical Libell obtruded upon the World in form of a Letter to my Lord Chancellour is to Report him Word for Word and then to Examine First his Pretended Loyalty and after That his Bold and Scurrilous Defamations Pag. 10 11 12 16 17. For want of Softer Words I must make use of Schism Sedition Treason c. All which are prov'd against him under his own Hand Touching the Libellous part I leave it so clear that I defie his greatest Adorers to be my Judges The Greatness of His mind we must Imagine would never have stoop'd to so low an Ebbe of Baseness Pag. 46. as to have brought a Fiddle under his Cloke for a Recommendation to Oliver as he sayes L'Estrange did See now This Miserable Snake licking the very Dust at the Feet of Bradshaw Pag. 53. The Measure of his Conduct and Veracity may be taken from his Frequent and Ill-Menag'd Contradictions For the Purity of
his Style I refer the Reader to Pages 34 35 36. But the Story of his Life and Manners I 'll keep for a Reserve for I am loth to overlay him at once This is a quick and Homely Methode to Say and Prove all in a Breath and I ask no further Credit to This Paper then is due to the Evidence which goes along with it So that hereafter no man that is not a Professed Enemy to the King the Church Nay Government it self Truth Modesty and Discretion must ever own himself a Friend to Mr. Bagshaw Yet after all never were Cause and Advocate better Suited When I have laid his Imposture as Naked as Truth it self I do intend so far to Oblige him as to shew the World in a further Discovery of Seditious Persons and Papers that Mr. Bagshaw is not the only Enemy the King has I do expect that he shall thank me too for sparing him in his Character which even read at the Bar would make a Judge Blush upon the Bench and shake the Faith of a Good Christian to see a Person of That Marque in the Pulpit But this is to Proclaim Day-light and tell the World what every Body knows already In fine Excesses and Revilings are Familiar with Him and He that wonders to see Mr. Bagshaw for or against Any thing may as well take the Changes of the Moon for Miracles To the Right Honourable Edward Earl of Clarendon Lord High Chancellor of England c. Right Honourable I Am so much a Stranger to your Lordship that I believe the subscribing my Name will but little benefit your Lordships knowledge of me EDWARD BAGSHAW Pag. 1. and the cause about which I write being meerly the cleariâ—g of my self is of so pâ—tty concernment that I am afraid in stead of procuring your Lordships good opinion it may expose me to your Censure and though I purge my self from all other my supposed Crimes Which he neither does nor caâ— yet the very undertaking to trouble your Lordship with a matter so much below you may render me guilty of a very transcendent presumption But my Lord since none who is made so considerable as to be repuâ—ed dangerous can be too mean to appear in his own just defence and since your Lordship hath already suffered your Goodness so much to be wrought upon as in a manner to condemâ— me unheard and seem to conceive of me as I have been lately represented for a direct enemy unto the Church and but meanly affected to the State I thought it necessary if for no other respect yet for the sake of â—ruth which always suffers in the Oppression of any one of her followers to remove your Lordships mistakes and by making a kind of Publick confession of my Faith to vindicate my self from those suspicions which if well grounded would render mee not only incapable of Preferment the want of which I shall never complain of but likewise unworthy of any Protection TRUTH and LOYALTY c. BEhold the Prologue to Mr. Bagshaw's Pretended Vindication who it seems R. L'S has been lately Represented to my Lord Chancellour for an Enemy both of Church and State 'T is a great Truth and L'Estrange is the Person that has so Represented him and This Paper is to make good That Charge I am not Ignorant that in laying him Open I do but crush a Punaise and raise a Stink to avoid an Importunity yet since that beastly work is for once necessary in order to my Quiet I shall first for my Credits sake shew the World by what unlucky Chance we came acquainted In Jan. last was Printed a Discourse Entit'led The Bishop of Worcester's Letter to a Friend for Vindication of himself from Mr. Baxter 's Calumny The Right Reverend Bishop having by undeniable Proofs and unanswerable Arguments put the Case past all possibility of a Rational Reply was soon after assaulted by a Libel bearing for Title Animadversions on the Bishop of Worcester's Letter It was Dated Jan. 21. and Subscrib'd D. E. In This Pamphlet finding not only the Person of the Bishop ill-Treated but the King's Authority tacitly Disclaim'd and That of the Church more directly Vilify'd I thought it my duty to endeavour something in their Defence which I did and while my Papers were yet in in the Press D. E. casts out a Second Libel Animadversions still but with This Addition With an Answer to all that L'S intends to write It was as foul as Malice and Forgery could make it and in fine though it pass'd without contradiction abroad that D. E. and Edward Bagshaw were one and the same Person yet would it not sink into My Thought that it was possible for a Minister of the Gospel to be Guilty of so great a Scandal to Christianity or for one that calls himself a Chaplain to a Privy-Counsellour to become an Advocate for Sedition Till at length I retrived the Printer one Hayes in Woodstreet who ingenuously confess'd upon Examination that they were done by the Order and direction of Mr. Bagshaw and that he delivered five hundred Copies of each into Mr. Bagshaw's own hand in the house of the Earl of Anglesy This Discovery was it that gave me the first Knowledge of Mr. Bagshaw and That too but of his Humour for to this hour I cannot say I have ever seen his Person Having in the first place asserted the Publique I thought it some Right to my own Particular to make some search into the Character of my rude Adversary Some of his Soberest Excesses I took notice of in my Memento but the Gentleman finding it Easier to Calumniate L'Estrange then to Defend Bagshaw without returning a Syllable to the Particulars there Charg'd upon him and under pretext meerly of clearing himself throws out his Vomit against Mee and with a Sawciness suited to his Rage and Folly he Dedicates the Unsavory Pamphlet to my Lord Chancellour His Preamble we have had already and now follows his Vindication [B] TO begin therefore with that which makes the loudest noyse in the World and that is a supposal that I am no friend to Bishops E. B. Pag. 2. 3. De Presbyteâ—iâ— Episcopis Pref. to the Great Question c. I need say no more in justification of my self than what I have already asserâ—ed not only in my Latine Dissertation upon that Subject but likewise in the Preface to that very Book which first begat the suspicion I then said that I was a strict obseâ—ver of the Doctrine of the Church of Englaâ—d as it was contained in the thirty nine Articles as my several Treatises against * Discourse about Jesus and the Resurrection Atheism †Dissertationes Anti-Socinianae Socinianism * Treatise of God's Dâ—câ—ees Arminianism and †Treatise against the Pope's infallibility The Reverend and Learned Bishop Brownrigge on Nov 3. An. 1659. Popery do witness and for that which is the prime branch of Discipline viz. Episcopacy or the
Master-piece where very slily he winds off as if the Reconcilement of Differing Opinions about Religious Matters to a Candid Persuance of the same Civil Interests were the Thing in Question But that 's a Juggle He takes the power from the King and gives it to the People He Charges his Majesty with Usurpation Reckons Him among Impious Pretenders Contradicts and Opposes Him even against the Confessed Dictates of his Proper Conscience And what 's all This now to difference of Opinion about Religious Matters We have brought him now to his last Complement where with Sir Philip Sidney's Spaniel he bemires with fawning Yet see with what a face of Dignity and Virtue the Servile Trifle Menages his Bold and Vain Pretensions 'T is not with Him you 'll find as with the greatest part of my Lords followers In Truth if it were so with Them as 't is with Him my Lord would have great Cause to be ashamed of his Retinue But Mr. Bagshaw's Picture is best drawn by his own hand and His Humour best express'd in his own words * * E. B. Pag. 10. ANd though the greatest part of your Lordship's Followers may perhaps croud to you for the Eminenâ—e of your Place and the Height of your Power Yet I can assure your Lordship that your great Personal Worth and the Excellence of your Civil Accomplishments together with That strict league of Friendsâ—ip which such Resemblance of Virtuous Qualities must needs produce between your Lordship and That Right Honorable and truly Noble Person to whom I am Related are solely reflected upon by Mee when I take leave thus publickly to profess my self My LORD Your Lordships most humble and most obedient Servant EDWARD BAGSHAW 〈◊〉 Laâ—e May 10 1662. Here 's Mr. Bagshaw's Glosing Reverence to my Lord Chancellour now let the Reader only cast his eye upon the next Column and he shall fee this very Edward Bagshaw doing more Honour and Professing Dâ—â—per to the most abominable Monster in Nature ††Epist. Ded. to Gods Decrees c. To the Honourable My Lord BRADSHAW Lord Chief Justice of Chester I Have no one outward motive more Prevailing with Me then my perhaps too great Ambition of presenting something to your Lordship whereby I might testifie to the World not only That real esteem I have of your Lordships Singular Worth and Eminence in General but likewise to manifest in Particular how mindful I am of those many Signal and Unparalell'd Marques of Favour which You have been pleased to conferre upon my self for which though the Service of my whole life will be too Poor and mean a Sacrifice and no endeavour can amount to deserve the name of Requital yet I could not but think it my duty to study an acknowledgment which Zeal of mine if your Lordship pleases either to accept or pardon I have attained my end For I aime at nothing more then the Honour of being owned for My Noble Lord Your Lordships most obliged most thankful and most humble devoted Servant EDW. BAGSHAWE Ch. Ch. Dec. â—0 16â—9 I shall now give Mr. Bagshaw leasure to Reconcile his Contradictions and to Prove that the Enemy of Hierarchy is a Friend to the Order of Bishops That the Disclaymer of the King's Authority has a most Affectionate Esteem for his Majesties Person and Government and that his Adorations of the Late King's Murtherer will admit a fair and equitable Plea under the Government of his Royall Successour I am still in Mr. Bagshaws Debt for an Answer to his Second and Third Exceptions to my Memento Concerning the Defamers of the Government that scape better then their Accusers and Those that can come off for Printing and Publishing down-right Treason when I have much ado to scape for Telling it That shall be Clear'd in due Season Only there lies a General Cavil in my way to it and I shall speak â—o That First for since my Pen is in Course I think I had as good do all at a Heat I am suspected to Write out of a Love of Scribling and Traduc'd as if I medled further then belongs to me with the Government of Church and State Those very Persons that Think so I am content to make my Judges and here 's my Case Upon his Majesties Return there were Printed and Reprinted New and Old divers Seditious Pamphlets of most Pestilent Reflection upon the Kings Honour and Justice and directly Libellous against the Government of the Church Some of the Fouleft of them I delivered into the Hands of certain Parliament-men naming the Stationer for whom they were Printed and as I am enform'd Compleint was made of them in the House of Commons which notwithstanding they were still publiquely sold in Westminster-hall and There the matter rested without any further Prosecution This Freedom of the Press had so manifest an Influence upon the minds of the People that in a short time That Unanimous Proneness of Affection which upon the Kings Restauration was most remarqueably evident in the Generality of the Nation was so far alter'd and wrought upon by the means of these poysonous Discourses that the Presbyterian Caâ—se was grown to be the Common Argument of Publique Meetings and the Power of the Two Houses Co-ordinate with his Majesty not obscurely defeâ—ded Finding so many Bitter and Infectious Writings to escape not only unpunished but unanswered to the dayly Encouragement of the Faction and the Scandal of the Government I reckon'd it my Duty since no body else would meddle to supply the Place of a Better Defendent My first Engagement was a Reply by way of Observation upon a Treatise Entituled The Interest of England in the Matter of Religion Written by I. C. Wherein without any Provocation He Justifies the Presbyterian Cause of 1641. Pag. 10. He excludes the Royal Party that serv'd the late King from having any hand in the Restoring of This Pag. 13. He revives the Pretended Misdemeanures of the Bishops as Occasional to the last War Pag. 31. 32. He mainteins the Actings of the Presbyterians according to the Covenant Pag. 44. He makes the Two Houses Participant of the Sovereignty Pag. 49. He denies the Lawfulness of the English Ceremonies Pag. 88. These Positions and Others like These over and over urg'd were the Occasion of my Holy Cheat. The next Pamphlet I wrote was call'd a Caveat c. and Drawn from me by a desire to clear the Cavaliers from some Officious and well-meaning Imputations cast upon Them by I. H. in His Cordial Some Passages therein being otherwise Repâ—esented then I meant them and to my Disadvantage I was forc'd to follow it with Another by way of Explanation and that I call'd A Modest Plea c. My Relaps'd Apostate was an Answer to a Seditious and Schismatical Pamphlet Entituled A Petition for Peace with the Reformation of the Liturgy And the following Supplement was only a Discovery of the Malice of Some Other Presbyterian Pamphlets My next Discourse was a Vindication of the
Privati non debeant Uâ—iverfis Miâ—or Populus tamen universus quin possit nemo opinor dubitabit cum Privati quidem solius Publici causa lege teneantur at populo universo nulla lex est suâ Salute Commodo potior When Kings neglect Reward and Punishment They are no longer Gods Ministers but serve themselves and deserve to lofe that Power which they Menage so ill yet is it not for Private Persons to Depose a Wicked Governour But that the Universality of the People may lawfully do it I think no body questions Private Men being only subjected to Laws for the Publâ—â—ue Good which Publique Good is it self the Supreme Law Again Monarchia Mixta nihil est aliud quà m aut Aristocratia aut Democratia Imperfecta Ibid. Pag. 14. Illa enim sive Senatus sive Populi Authoritas quae Monarchiaâ—â—iscet h. e. ita Temperat ut fines ei Terminos praescribat planè tollit Monarchiam quae nisi Absoluta sit nulla est ea potestate prorsus inferior à qua Limites Metam accipit i. e. A Mixt Monarchy is nothing but an Imperfect Aristocracy or Democracy for That Authority either of the Senate or the People that compounds the Monarchy that is which so tempers it as to give it bounds and limit it utterly destroyes the Monarchy which if it be not Absolute is none at all but Inferior to that Power which Terminates it Once more Fixum Ratumque habeatur Populi semper esse debere Ibid. Supremam Majestatem Let this stand for a Sacred and everlasting Truth that the Supreme Power resides in the People If Mr. Bagshaw can now produce a fair and equitable Plea not only for Subjecting the Order of Government to the insolencies of the Rabble But for the audacious Attempt of Advancing a Popular Tyranny upon the ruines of his native Soveraign It concerns him to shew his Cunning. But it is much harder to Prove a Traytour an Honest man then to report an Honest man for a Traytour Since the perusal of Mr. Bagshaw's Pamphlets concerning Monarchy and Things Indifferent I begin to have a little Charity for his Libel against the Bishop of Worcester wherein he does but endeavour to mainteyn the Mainteyner of his own Principles and effectually to defend Himself for there is so strict an Agreement betwixt Mr. Baxter in his Political Theses and Mr. Bagshaw in his Political Dissertation betwixt Them in fine upon a General Accompt that it is a hard Matter to press the Pastour of Kidderminster and the Student of Christ Church not to suffer under the Weight of the Argument In One Particular indeed Mr. Bagshaw seems to dissent from Mr. Baxter and allows the Bishop to have the better of him Animad Pa. 1. As to the Main Controversie sayes he I think the Bishop hath much the better of Mr. Baxter For if the Question between them was as Dr. Gunning and Dr. Pearson do attest such a Command is so evidently lawful that I shall much wonder if Mr. Baxter did ever dispute it Now see That which he calls the Main Controversie though in truth it was not so Dr. Gunning and Dr. Pearson brought this Proposition to Mr. Baxter Bishop of Worsters Letter Pag. 36. That Command which Commandeth an Act in it self lawful and no Other Act whereby any unjust penalty is injoyned nor any Circumstance whence directly or per accidens any sin is Conâ—equent which the Commander ought to provide against hath in it all things requisite to the Lawfulness of a Command and Particularly cannot be guilty of Commanding an Act per accidens unlawful nor of Commanding an Act under an unjust penalty This did Mr. Baxter deny and for This Reason given in with his own Hand in Writing Ibid. Because the first Act Commanded may be per accidens unlawful and be commanded by an unjust Penalty though no other Act or Circumstance commanded be such In This Point it seems the Brethren differ observe now wherein they Agree and let some better Casuist then my self determine Who has the more to Answer for The Execrable Headsman of the Late King or the Assertor of These following Positions Mr. Richard Baxter's and Mr. Edward Bagshaw's Political Resolutions Destructive of all Kings I. IF a Prince want such Understanding Goodness or Power as the People judge Necessary to the Ends of Government in the first Case he is Capable of the Name bu not of the Government in the Second he Deposes himself in the Third the want of Power deposes him Theses 135 136 137. II. If a Prince in a Military State against his People The Case of the late King when he was Bought and Sold in 1646. be by them Conquer'd they are not Obliged to Restore him without some other Obligation then their Allegeance Thes. 145. III. If a Prince be injuriously Expell'd The case of the King and the Commons in 1650. by what-Power-soever that Resolves to Ruine the Common-wealth rather then he shall be Restor'd and if the Common-wealth may prosper without his Restoring That Prince is bound to resign his Government or if he Refuses the People are to judge him Incapable by Providence Thes. 147. IV. If a Prince be so long Out Oliver Chosen by Providence that the Nation cannot well stand without another Providence has dispossess'd the former and we are to make a new Choyce Thes. 149. V. If a Prince be thrown out by a Rebellion Olivers taking the Government upon him was a deed of Charity the strongest Rebel may ex Charitate undertake the Government Thes. 150. VI. Any thing that is a sufficient sign of the will of God that this is the Person Oliver by the Will of God by whom we must be Governed is enough as joyned to Gods Laws to oblige us to consent and obey him as our Governour Thes. 153. VII And yet All the People have not this right of Chusing their Governours The Cavaliers compell'd to consent and the Brethren to chuse but commonly a part of every Nation must be compelled to consent Thes. 159. VIII Those that are known Enemies to the Common good in the chiefest parts of it are unmeet to Govern For fear of the King and his Friends or choose Governours else give us up to our Enemies or to Satan But such are multitudes of ungodly vicious men Presbyterian Absolution IX If a People bound by Oath shall dispossess their Prince and Chuse and Covenant with another they may be Obliged by the Latter notwithstanding their former Covenant The King can do no wrong with a Salvo X. Though a Nation wrong their King and so quoad Meritum Causae they are on the worser side yet may he not Lawfully war against the Publick good on that accompt nâ—r any heâ—p him in such a war because propter finem he hath the worser Cause Thes. 352. Take now the Opinion of these Doctors concerning the English Government