abundance being in Autumne did so spoile the wayes and raise the waters and wet the Souldiers with their armour that they were forced to retire home again into Scotland In the mean time King Richard greatly moved that the Scots must bring in strangers to waste his Countrey entereth Scotland with an Army of 60000. foot and 8000. horse and used all sort of Hostilitie in the Merse and Lowthian not sparing the religious houses and persons such as Newbotle Melrosse and Dribrough with the Monkes thereof The French Admirall better remembring and more carefull of his Masters directions then considering what was fit to bee done dealt earnestly with the Earle of Douglas to give him battell But the Earle knowing better and regarding more the good of his Countrey and weighing with judgement the English power and forces would no wayes listen to him he told him it was not for want of affection to doe the King of France service that he refused to fight but in respect of the unequall number and appointment of the Armies at that time And that he might the better see the English forces he tooke him up to a hill from whence they might have a reasonable view of them as they passed by in order which when the Admirall had seen and considered thereof hee easily yeelded to the Earles opinion Hollinshed setteth downe the oddes saying that the Scots and French were not above 8000. speares and 30000. of all other sorts and the most part of those not well armed where he reckoneth of English 6000. horse and 60000. Archers which are 2000. horses fewer then our Histories do reckon In this inequalitie therefore being no lesse a wise Conductour then a valiant Warriour he resolved not to hazard a battell but determined to take another course which he did for he entered England on that quarter which was furthest distant from the English Army and wasted Cumberland and the adjacent Countrey neare to it The King of England being advertised hereof purposed to have followed him and forced him to fight but being better advised and put in mind no question of what had beâ—…allen his Grandfather Edward the third at Stanhope Parke against good Sir James he altered his purpose and marched the readiest way home And so both Armies having spoiled and wasted each others Countreyes they returned without encountring or fight of other In the return the Earle Douglas perswaded them to besiege Roxbrough Castle making full account that the King of England would not raise a new Army before the next Spring and so they sat downe before it but it did not continue eight dayes ere they raised the siege The cause was a reasonlesse demand of the Frenchmen who would needs have the Castle to bee given to them and to belong to the King of France when it were wonne from the enemy This demand did so offend the Scots that they could by no means heare of it and so the enterprise was deserted upon this occasion but chiefly by the Frenchmens insolent and licentious behaviour and carriage in the warres who rob and steal and use all manner of force and violence there arose many times great strife and many quarrells between the Country people and them for the Country people watched them when they were alone or but few together and sometimes robbed them of their horses sometimes of their valises and luggage sometimes they hurt and at other times slew of them The French Commanders complained to the Kings Councell and the common people answered that they had received more losse and hurt by the French who professed themselves to be friends then they had done by the English who were sworne enemies And therefore they said it were reason that the French should no wayes be suffered to goe home untill they had satisfied for the wrongs they had done The Earle Douglas in this hard case seeing they were strangers that came to aide Scotland was willing partly to bear with their faults as proceeding from an evill custome and form used at home in France and therefore interposed himself to have mitigated the people but could hardly pacifie them yet at last with great instancy and entreatie being greatly favoured and generally well beloved and popular hee obtained that the common Souldiers and the Army should be suffered to returne into France and that their Captains and Commanders should be retained still untill satisfaction were made for the losse they had sustained And so the King of Frances desire was satisfied who had then sent for them and withall order taken with the dammage done by them This was the aide and this was the successe of the help received from France now the second time It was very small before and it is now to very little purpose more hurtfull and troublesome to the Countrey then of importance against the enemy Aâ—…ter their embarking the Scots remained still in England the space of two moneths and then the English having withdrawne and conveighed all the victuall out of the way they returned into Scotland And hereby they did show clearly how little they leaned to forrain aid without which there greater enterprises were ever performed neither was there ever either by these or by others before or since though we looke over all Histories any great exploit atchieved All the help they ever got was onely in the besieging of some Townes at some happening times and some such trifles scarce worth the naming in respect of the whole power of the body and state of the Countrey which I remark again and commend to the Reader to be truely considered for vindicating the valour and worth of the inhabitants from that obloquie and unequall judgement of such as diminish and impair it who cannot but know that it was never forraine forces as is wrongfully surmised but the vertue and valour of their Predecessours that hath preserved the honour and liberty of their Countrey all manner of wayes and that any one man amongst diverse of the name of Douglas hath done more in that cause then the force of France if it were put all together did ever to this houre The yeare following the Earle of Douglas with Robert Stuart Earle of Fife and Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway his Uncle entered into England with an Army of three thousand men passing the water of Solway so secretly that they were at Cocket-mouth on such a sudden that the people had no leasure to convey their goods out of the way Wherefore having for the space of three dayes gathered together a rich bootie they returned home through Cumberland Westmerland and Northumberland into Scotland again without any encounter Not long after Archbald Lord of Galloway in company of the same Earle of Fife made a road into England in revenge whereof the King of England sent an Army into Scotland which did great harm in the Merse and occasioned that notable battell of Otterburn For the Scots irritated herewith boyled with deâ—…ire of revenge being at that time very flourishing
so farre as to cast off the Earles sister whereof we heare nothing And even in that case seeing there is alwayes some hope of reconcilement between man and wife and therefore such fallings out are often born with in Princes upon that hope it is likely he would have used his care and credit to have composed things in some better sort however whether through his absence or negligence or that having small hope of amendment he would not meddle in it the Duke persists in his lewd wayes and growes rather worse then better Wee reade of no help or assistance that the Douglas made unto him as hee was bound by so neare alliance Neither do we heare how he carried himself toward the Earles sister his wife or whether shee had any children by him or not though they had been married at that time some foure or five yeares and hee was a man of twenty three or twenty foure years of age at the least having been eighteen when hee was enstalled Duke in the 1396. yeare which is a great neglect and oversight in our Writers This is clear that neither party had any contentment or comfortable succes from this match which they so much affected brought to passe with so great trouble disquiet and mischiefe in the Kingdome â—…a notable lesson for men to moderate their desires of any thing and not to seeke it over eagerly though it seem never so advantagious in respect of the uncertainty of the sequell and event of all humane things But to returne to our prisoner wee see him hurt defeated a captive but neither disgraced nor discouraged no nor any whit lesse esteemed of by his friends or enemies who indeed needed not to bee over proud of this victory which was obtained rather by the multitude of men then meer valour neither were they yet quit with the house of Douglas for what they had received of them before however these vicissitudes of fortune in the emulation of these two houses Douglas and Percie were matter rather of sharpning then discouraging and dejecting their spirits and bâ—…ed not hatred but an higher though emulous esteem of each towards other This overthrow and losse of the Earle Douglas did not diminish but rather increase his praise and glory and that even in the opinion of the Conqueror It became also the occasion of shewing his worth in a more conspicuous and publike Theatre and on a more eminent subject and powerfull enemy for not long after the Earle of Northumberland whether for envie of King Henries good successe to whom he had been a great friend in the beginning or for that Henry usurped the Kingdome contrary to his oath and promise or for his neglecting to relieve Edmond Mortimer Earle of March taken prisoner in his service against Owen Glendour by the said Owen or out of indignation against him for craving to have his prisoners from him which hee had taken at West Nisbet and at Homildon of whom onely they had sent Murdock Stuart to the King or for what ever other cause the said Earle entered into league with Edmond Owen and some other Lords against the King with such confidence that they made a tripartite Indenture wherein they divided all England into three parts to each of them a third whereupon Percie esteeming highly of the Douglas valour having had good proofe thereof at Homildon offered if hee would take part with him in this enterprise and shew himself as valiant on his side as hee had done against him that he should not onely be let goe without ransome but also if they prevailed he should have Berwick and a part of Northumberland for his reward Douglas who was no wayes slack to embrace any good occasion against England gladly accepted the condition and getting leave to come home returned again at the time appointed well accompanied with many of his friends and followers The leading of the vantguard was committed to him which place he discharged bravely and behaved himself so as no man ever did more valiantly and admirably by all mens confession for after the Scots who were led by him had made a fierce onset upon the Kings foreward conducted by the Earle of Stafford and forced them to give back having almost broken their ranks the King came to their aid with his fresh troupes and renewed the fight more fiercely then before Douglas and Percie perceiving the King to be there in person bent their whole forces towards him with such violence that if George Dumbarre Earle of March who had of late betaken himself to the Kings side had not warned the K. to withdraw himself from that place Douglas had certainly slain him for hee made so hard an onset on the Kings Standard that he bore all down before him and slew the Earle of Stafford with his owne hands who had been made Constable of England that same day as also three more who were apparelled like the King and when the K. restored the battell again and had broken the rankes of those that stood against him Douglas seeing him the fourth man in royall apparell hee said aloud in great choler and indignation where the Devil were all these Kings borne and withall running fiercely at him beat him from his horse and at the same instant slew Sir Thomas Blunt the Kings Standard-bearer and overthrew the Standard But the K. was rescued and mounted again by those that were about him especially by his owne sonne afterward Henrie the fifth and so escaped At last the victory fell to the Kings side who had behaved himself most valorously and is reckoned to have slain with his owne hands thirty six of the enemies So that the victory is ascribed chiefly unto him who did both by word and example encourage his Souldiers that they renewed the fight slew the Lord Percie and with him discomfited the whole Hoast The Earle Douglas was taken prisoner and brought to the King who would on no wise consent to have him put to death though divers perswaded him to it but commended his faithfulnesse to his friend and praised his valour which he honoured much in regard whereof he both caused cure his wounds and sent him rich presents Some write that being asked by those of the Kings side why hee did joyne with such traitours against the King his reply was onely this It seemeth saith hee that the King is yet alive though divers Kings have been killed to day This answer being so full of resolution and courage and void of all fear did move the King to regard him so much the more They tell also that being hurt in his privie members when after the battell every man was reckoning his wounds and complaining hee said at last when hee had hard them all They sit full still that have a riven breike The speach continueth still in Scotland and is past into a Proverb which is used to designe such as have some hidde and secret cause to complaine and say but little
him happily aâ—…chieved for the good of his Countrey In Piety hee was singular through his whole life and most religious according to those times He did very much honour and reverence all religious persons for whose use he founded the Colledge of Bothwell Out of his zeal and sincerity he expelled the Nuns of the Abbacie of Lincloudon and changed it into a Colledge of Clerks because the Nuns saith Boetius kept not their institution of their order and Major faith it is to be presumed that they kept not their Chastitie otherwise he could never have thrust them out And in this he commendeth him as having an eye to Religion and a speciall care of the pure and sincere worship of God as his onely end and intention As for his prudence and providence it appeareth that he did greatly encrease his Revenues and enlarge his Dominions hee was trusty and faithfull in his promises and carried a minde free from all ambition and vain glory All vertues greatly to bee accounted of and imitated of all Of Archbald the third of that Name and thirteenth Lord the fourth Earle of Douglas Lord of Bothwell Galloway and Annandale first Duke of Turrane Lord of Longe-ville and Marshall of France UNto Archbald the Grimme succeeded his second sonne named also Archbald he was married to Margaret daughter to King Robert the third and second of the Stuarts She lieth buried in the Church of Linclouden with this inscription on her Tombe Hic jacet Margarita Scotiae regis filia Comitissa de Douglas vallis Anandiae Gallovidiae Domina Here lies Margaret daughter to the King Countesse of Douglas Lady of Annandale and Galloway He had by her two sonnes Archbald to whom Thomas Flemine Earle of Wigton resignes the Earledome of Wigton and he is entitled during his fathers life time Archbald Earle of Wigton his other sonne was James Lord Abercorne called grosse James Hee had alâ—…o two daughters Margaâ—…et married to Sir William Sinclair Earle of Orkney who was fifth in line â—…rom the Earle of Saint Clarences second sonne that came first out of France and was sonne to Giles or Egidia Douglas daughter to the Earle of Niddisdale Elizabeth was the other who was married to John Stuart Earle of Buchan second sonne to Robert the Governour afterward Constable of France her dowry or portion given with her in marriage were the lands of Stuarton Ormeshugh Dunlope Trabuyage in Carrict by resignation This Archbald is hee who was called Tine-man for his unfortunate and hard successe he had in that he tint or lost almost all his men and all the battels that hee fought This nick-name or cognomination in the old manuscript of Sir Richard Metellan of Lithington giveth to Archbald slain at Halidoun hill and callâ—…th this Archbald one eye for distinction because of the losse of his eye in a battell against Percie But that surname of Tyne man cannot bee given so conveniently to the former Archbald who lost onely one field and himself in it whereas this man ever lost his men himself escaping often hee is distinguished also from others by the Title of Duke of Turrane But however he be named it is true that no man was lesse fortunate and it is no lesse true that no man was more valorous as will appeare by the History At his beginning to bee Earle a little after the decease of his father in August 1409. Henry the fourth of England entered Scotland with an Army and came to Edinburgh where he besieged the Castle in the which the Duke of Rothsay Prince of Scotland and with him the Earle of Douglas were The Governour of Scotland raised an Army to have given him battell and was come to Calder-more but went no further and there disbanded his Army The English Histories say that the Governour sent word to the King of England that if he would stay for him but sixe dayes onely he would give him battell and that the Herauld got a silke gowne and a gold chain for his newes from the King but the King having stayed twice sixe could heare nothing of his coming The cause of the Governours slacknesse is given out by some to have been the desire that he had that the Duke of Rothsay might perish and be taken out of the way that he himself might come to the Crown Now as all do agree that he had these ambitious thoughts so Major sheweth that there was also some other particular between them whereof he relateth the occasion to have been this There was one John Remorgeny who first laboured to perswade the Duke of Rothsay to cause slay the Governour and then when he could not prevail with him to wrong his Uncle he dealt with the Governour to cut off the Duke his Nephew as one that would ruine him if ever he should come to be King This Remorgeny was seconded by Lindsay who was upon the plot with him and helped it forward upon malice against Rothsay who had betrotâ—…ed his sister anâ—… rejected her as he had done to the Earle of Marches eldest daughter This seemeth not to be unlikely and giveth some further light to the History as containing the cause of the Governours not releeving the Castle of Edinburgh It is also a remarkable example of crafty Counsellours who are to be noted and avoided And I marvell much how it hath escaped the diligence of our best Writers I thought it not to be omitted in this place as an instance of feare concurring with ambition in the Governour and indeed these two are commonly joyned together and take matter each of other Ambition bringeth feare with it and feare spurreth forward ambition toward that it aimes at as being not onely honourable but necessary and the onely meane to secure a mans selfe especially where it lighteth upon such Counsellours as these were to blow the fire whereof Princes had need to be aware and stop the entrie to the first motions thereof The blacke booke of Scone saith that Henry the fourth acknowledged himselfe to be semi Scotus de sanguine Cumini halfe a Scot of the bloud of the Cummins and that he tooke the most High to witnesse that he was not come to hurt the Countrey but onely to have reason of some of the Nobilitie who had written to the King of France that he was a Traitour in the superlative degree which letters his men had intercepted and to trie if the Authours of these letters durst fight it with him The Manuscript saith that he was disappointed of his purpose notwithstanding for he thought to have taken the Castle of Edinburgh and to have made Scotland subject to him thereafter but it being valiantly defended by the Earle Douglas he was constrained to rise from before it with great losse and discontentment and no great credit especially for that the winter drew on apace having sat downe before it about the end of September I am not ignorant that our Writers give this Henry the commendation of great
Ecclesiae Aurelianensis auctore Carolo Sanseye Aureliano Wherefore in the principall Church in Orleance called Saint Croix there is Masse said for the soules of the Scots dayly that were slain there But to return The Duke of Turraine being thus slain was buried in the Church of Tours called Saint Gratians the 20. of August in the yeare 1424. whose coat of armes was to bee seen long agoe upon the gates of Tours Hee was a man no where branded for any vice and of unquestioned valour for so much as belonged to his own person equall to any that were before him Neither can I see any evident fault in his conduct and leading It is true Major taxeth him as unskilfull and unfit for matters of warre though hee gives him a large commendation of courage and personall valour But he seemeth to have grounded his censure more upon the successe then upon his actions to which we will answer with the Poet Careat successibus quisquis ab eventu c. Or if that will not serve we wil choke him with the French Proverb Le clerc aux armes he is not a fit judge of such things But we have to do with a more judicious indeed who glanceth at no lesse for speaking of his father Archbald the Grimme he saith that Chivalry stood in him as though hee would have said it fell also with him which seemeth to prejudge this his sonne Tine-man if not in his valour which no man can call in question yet in his conduct and leading which is the chiefe propertie and qualitie of a Generall and Commander Of which judgement questionlesse the ground is the same his hard successe in his interprises And there is no reason that hee should be thought so of for it if there be no other cause of evill successe But if there may bee some other reason and if many well guided Armies and interprises have mis-carried which none will deeme there is no necessity nor just cause why he should be double burthened both with ill luck and the blame of it unlesse it be shewed where and how he erred which neither hee nor any other Historian doth Wee must therefore absolve him as free from this imputation seeing they do not make it to appeare that hee was guilty of any errour or oversight either at Homildon Shrewsberry or Vernoill On the contrary his warinesse and circumspection may sufficiently appeare to the attentive and judicious Reader Let not then his praise be lessened or his glory eclipsed by his crosse fortune nor himselfe esteemed any whit inferiour to his Predecessours Naâ—… hee deserveth to have so much more praise as that his worth doth shine through the thick cloud of the frownings of fortune whereas their glory is increased and lustred with the beams of a prosperous issue in their exploits Archibaldus Duglassius Dux Turronensis Johannes Stuartus Buchaniae comes ad Vernolium coesi Gallia vos titulis vos gallica regna trophaeis Auxistis meritis utraque regna cluunt Tertia si invideant quid mirum ingentia damna Queis data Saxonidum dum cecidere duces Desine lingua procax verbis incessere Testis Gallus adest servat tot monumenta ducum Et vos aeternum memorabit Gallia cives Grata suos titulos quae dedit tumulos Johan Johnston Heroes Archbald Douglas Duke of Turraine and John Stuart Earle of Buchan his son in law Constable of France killed at Vernoill France gave you Titles you it Trophies gave Both Kingdomes mutuall obligation have If the third envi'd it their losse receiv'd Might well excuse them being oft bereav'd Of their most ancient Leaders no bold tongue By base detraction can have power to wrong Your merit and the French will witnes beare To whom your memory shall still be deare Their gracefull Monuments the same expresse As do the places you did there possesse Archbaldus Dux Turonensis c. Bis viâ—…tus captusque amisso milite caesus Denique cum sociis Vernoliae occubui Dura meis raro affulsit victoria signis Nostra tamen nusquam sunt data terga fugae Semper at ingentes haec dextra liquit acervos Hostibus semper maxima damna dedit Hinc fortis magnisque ducis 〈◊〉 urnant Me titulis nec non hostis ipse colit In me virtutem videas verumque laborem Fortunam proprio quis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Discite ab eventu qui censes facta virosque Exemplo non sic 〈◊〉 notanda meo Archbald Tine-man Duke of Turraine Twice with my Armies rout I lost the field Now with my friends I am at Vernoil kill'd My labours hardly met with victory Yet did I never stay behinde nor flie But kill'd my foes on heaps my valiant arme Did ever bring revenge and equall harme Hence was I honoured as most fit to be A Leader courted ev'n by th' enemy In me you may the hight of worth behold But ah who in his power can Fortune hold O! you who from th' event your censures take Disprove your selves and me the instance make Of Archbald the fourth of that Name the foureteenth Lord and fifth Earle of Douglas he was the first Earle of Wigton Lord of Bothwell Galloway and Annandale the second Duke of Turraine Lord of Longe-ville and Marshall of France UNto Archbald Tine-man succeeded his eldest son Archbald he had to wife Mauld Lindsay daughter to David Earle of Crawford hee was married at Dundee with great solemnitie and pompe This alliance hath been the occasion of Crawfords going with him into France as wee told before and the ground of that friendship that was betwixt Earle William slain at Stirlin and that Earle Crawford whereof wee shall heare more of hereafter It appeareth also that there hath beene continuall friendship betwixt these houses from the first Earle Douglas time who procured a pardon for Crawford who had slain John Lyon His children were William David and a daughter named Beatrix The time that he possessed the Earledome of Douglas from his fathers death in the yeare 1424. untill the year 1439. is fifteen yeares all the time of King James the first and about two yeares in the minority of King James the second So that the estate of the Countrey may easily bee knowne if wee call to minde what hath beene said of the death of King Robert the third and of Robert the Governour to whom his sonne Murdock did succeed in the government before the King came home out of England This Murdock when hee had governed or rather misgoverned some three yeares or foure being provoked by an insolent fact of his eldest sonne Walter who to despight his father had wrung off the necke of a Hawke which hee loved determined in revenge hereof to send and fetch home the King out of England and to possesse him of his Kingdome No other motive we reade of to induce him to this whether it bee because there were no other or because they have not beene carefull to set downe the true cause I
third or for his neglecting himself in his captivity or for that he esteemed all that government of Robert and Murdock to be an usurpation of the Crowne and feared the like hereafter or even perhaps found such practisings to his prejudice is uncertain However being resolved to ridde himself of them he thought it the safest way to make them fast who hee beleeved would not be so well contented with it as he desired Hee did therefore commit them till he had tried their minds and drawn them to his course or at least taken order with them to sit quiet And this was not long a doing for we reade that the foresaid prisoners were all shortly releeved and some of them also put upon the others quree or assise as Douglas March Angus Arrole But by what means he hath constrained them to be content or what remonstrance or evidence hee hath given them to let them see that those men were guilty of death or what crime they died for if any new conspiracy or what else our Histories tell us not which is a great defect in them Major thinketh it likely that there was some conspiracy found against the King otherwise they would never saith hee have condemned such men to death Princes of the blood as wee may call them and their owne especiall friends And thus much of the Earle Douglas first committing and the issue thereof For the second Hollinshed and Boetius doe agree that the K. arrest the Earle Douglas and kept him long in prison till at last by the mediation of the Queen and Prelats he and the Earle of Rosse were released Boetius calleth him Archbald Duke of Turraine plainly but Hollinshed is pleased out of sume partiall humour as should seeme to suppresse the Title of Duke of Turrain and this is all the difference betwixt them It was some yeares after his first committing but what yeare it is not condiscended upon Some say it was in the yeare 1431. but impertinently for the yeare 1430. is the yeare of his releasing except wee will thinke that hee hath been imprisoned thrice which is not mentioned by any And a little mention there is of the cause wherefore hee was warded whereof Major complaineth saying that our Annals tell not the cause of the Stuarts executions and the incarcerating of the Earle Douglas and John Lord of Kennedie the Kings owne sister sonne for both were committed Douglas in Logh-leeven and Kennedy in Stirling for how shall it bee knowne whether it was done justly or for matters of weight or if for trifles onely and for his owne pleasure Others insinuate a cause but doe but glance at it without setting it downe so clearely as to let men know whether it were just or unjust which is the light and life of History and the right end and use thereof for they say no more but that they had spoken sinisterly or rashly and somewhat more freely then became them of the estate and government of the Countrey What use can any man make of this generality rashnesse may be a fault yet perhaps none at all in them of whom it is spoken they being Privie Counsellers Likewise the phrase freelier than became is so generall that the Reader remaineth unsatisfied neither can posteriry either King or Subject judge of this fact whether it were right or wrong or whether the example were such as men ought to follow or forbeare and avoid It should have been expressely set downe what they spake to whom if to the King himselfe or to others In what sort if by way of admonition counselling or advising or if by forme of cavilling detracting murmuring mutining and such other circumstances whereon the judgeing of it chiefly dependeth In this uncertainty wee can hardly condemne or absolve praise or censure them In that the Lord Kennedy was of the same minde and category with the Earle Douglas apparently it hath not been spoken in malice seeing the Kings nearest and his best friends such as these Kennedies were having approved thereof And that Noblemen must not speake their opinion freely of things to the King or if the King being without malice is very hard for how shall a King know that will not heare hee cannot know all by himself And how shall he heare if Noblemen have not leave to speake freely he cannot heare all by himself Such carriage as this hath often done Princes ill and it may bee hath done this same Prince no good And what ever it was that displeased the Earle Douglas in the government was either for the Countreyes sake or the Kings owne sake or for both why might not the King thinke there might be errours And why might hee not then have heard them To have proceeded so vehemently for their hath been great veâ—…emency in it to have cut off his owne kinsmen and leave none but himself for the Earle of Athole to aim at it was most important and worthy to be considered of whether or not it were best for him in policie to do Doubtlesse his doing of it hath emboldned Athole to cut off the King himselfe when all the rest were cut off first by the King And was it nothing to lose the Nobility to alienate their hearts to irritate them by imprisonments forfeitures hath it not done ill thinke you and encouraged him to goe on in his intended treason looking for the favour of the offended Nobility or for neutrality and slacknesse to revenge the Kings death We see the King himselfe retreateth his taxations once or twice when he saw the people grieved therewith And wisely in that hee â—…as carefull to keep the hearts of the people But was there no care to bee taken for keeping the Nobility also ungrieved was it enough that they would not or durst not perhaps or could not openly rebell was it not something to want their affections to want the edge and earnestnesse thereof to relent them to coole them Certainly such proceedings as these have encouraged his enemies in hope of impunitie greater then they found yet in hope of it to go on with their designes and hath furthered and hastned that dolorous conclusion which ensued What ever the cause were he acknowledgeth the Earle Douglas mind not to have been of the worst sort in that he releaseth him and in token of a full reconcilement makes him a witnesse to the Baptisme of his two sonnes twinnes which was in those dayes no small honour and signification of good will and a pledge of intimate friendship He made also his sonne William though but a childe of five yeares of age the first knight of fiftie who were dubbed at that solemnity as the Manuscript affirmeth By which actions as he honoured Douglas so did he withall honour himself in the eyes of the people and of forrainers gracing his Court and that so solemne action by the presence of such a Peere farre more then if he had been onely accompanied by Creighton and Levingston and such new men who were but
which being expired and none compeiring they were denounced Rebels Then the King himselfe went with an Army into Galloway where at his first entrie having forced their Captaines to retire to their strengths a small number of his hoast whilest they followed the Rebels uncircumspectly through strait places were beaten backe upon the King not without some disgrace The king moved with great indignation hereat went and assaulted their chiefe fortes And first he tooke the Castle of Lochmabane without great trouble or travell thereafter with great toile and wearying of his men the Castle of Douglas which he razed to the ground He commanded the Farmers Tenants and Labourers of the ground to pay their Meales to his Collectours untill such time as the complainers were satisfied with their Lords goods These things being reported thus as they were done to the Earle Douglas while hee was yet at Rome moved him greatly and greatly astonished them that were in his company so that many withdrew themselves fearing what it might turne to and he with the few that remained with him made what haste they could homeward As hee came through England hee was honourably entertained by the King and Queene there but when hee approached neere to the borbers of Scotland hee stayed a little time and sent his brother James before to trie the Kings minde toward him which when hee found to be placable hee returned home was kindely received and lovingly admonished to put away from him disorderly persons especially the men of Annandale who had in his absence committed many outrages and cruelties This when hee had faithfully promised to performe hee was not onely received into his former place of favour but was made also Lieutenant Generall of the whole Kingdome of Scotland And this was the bitter fruit of his perillous Pilgrimage that hereby hee loosed the reines to his enemies and gave them power so farre to prevaile as to embarke the King in open quarrell against him even to the casting downe of his Houses and intrometting with his Revenues This notwithstanding was either his wisedome or the account and respect of his place and person that the King who had done him such harme and disgrace could bee contented so to forget it receiving him so farre into favour and advancing him whatever blame or imputation may bee laid upon him for his journey which was so rashly taken on and which had so dangerous a sequell yet this retreate from that storme cannot but bee commended and his dexteritie whatever it were acknowledged to have beene great which guided him through such billowes and surges to so peaceable a Port and Haven And it were to be wished that Writers had set downe by what means this was brought to passe for the more perfect understanding of the History but we must beare with this amongst many more defects that are to be found in them Now what ever wisedome though undescribed in the particular may appeare to bee in this as much unadvisednesse is evident in that which hee did immediately after in his journey to England For without acquainting the King hee went to the Court of England and had privie conference with that King and Queene hee pretended that it was for restitution of some goods taken out of Scotland and not restored by the Wardens of England but this cause the lighter it was the greater suspition did it move in his owne King who could not thinke it probable that hee being of that place of that courage of that nature would upon such an occasion onely take such a journey The true cause is thought to be that he went to treat of certaine conditions for his assistance to be given to the King of England against his Nobilitie with whom he was then in hard termes the warres of the house of Yorke beginning to spring up which increased afterward so mightily and prevailed to the ejecting him out of the Kingdome This the Queene of England either foreseeing or fearing some other such like enterprise against her husband had dealt with the Earle Douglas when he came home through England from Rome the yeare before to strengthen them by his help and appointed him to return for performance and perfecting of all conditions of agreement But we finde no effect of this agreement and conditions whether because that conspiracie of the Duke of York was not yet come to maturitie and so Douglas was not employed being prevented by death which fell out shortly aâ—…ter this or because they were not fully agreed is uncertaine Neither is it specified what the conditions were onely it is conjectured that they were the same or such like as the same King Henry the sixth granted afterward to the Earle of Angus in the time of King James the third which if they were they were no wayes prejudiciall to the King of Scotland as shall appeare there yet being done without his knowledge it gave occasion either to the naturall jealousie of Princes to think hardly of it by his owne meere motion or to his enemies so to construct it to the King and stirre him up by their speeches to that suspicion which he enclined to Of both which he ought to have beene warie and not to have given such ground to the one or to the other by such a journey undertaken without the Kings allowance Whether at his returne he acquainted the King with what had past betwixt him and the Kings of England it is not certaine and our Writers seeme to say the contrary yet in that hee brought letters from the Queene of England to the Queene of Scotland and shee thereupon interceded for him it is not improbable that he hath acquainted her and so the King also with the truth of the whole businesse which whether the King did not beleeve or if his jealousie remained not the lesse and that hee was not willing there should bee such an accession and increase of the Earles greatnesse who he thought was greater already then was safe for a King hee pardoned him the fault at the intercession of the Queene and some Nobles but he tooke from him the Office of Lieutenant and all other publicke charge that so he might be made unusefull and unsteadable to the King of England or at least not so able to aid him and so he might be frustrate of the conditions so liberally promised unto him from thence Hee â—…estored also his old enemie Creigâ—…ton to the Office of Chancellour and the Earle of Orkney was made Lieutenant Thus not onely disappointed of his hopes but disgraced at his Princes hands both by being himselfe depressed and his enemies advanced he was incensed against all the Courtiers taking all to proceed from their instigation But more especially his anger was bent against Creighton both as the ancient enemie of his House and also as the chief Authour of all this present dis-favour by his surmisings transported herewith hee gave way to his passion to carry him to a course somewhat more then civill which
greatly perplex the King between domestick and forraign enemies In the year 1457. the Earl Douglas came in with Henry Percie Earle of Northumberland to the Merse which as they were in wasting pillaging they were encountred by Gâ—…orge Earle of Angus and put backe to their Camp Being irritated with this indignitie they put themselves in order of battell without staying for their full companies many of which were gone abroad into the Countrey and Villages for spoile and bootie and so entred into conflict When the noise hereof was carried to the eares of the forrowers they for feare of losing what they had gotten which was a very rich and great prey past directly into England without regarding what became of the two Earles Hereby the battell was lost by the English but the losse of men was almost equall on both sides This victorie did not a little recreate the King and so affrighted Donald and his Islanders that he sent and submitted himselfe to the King and was received by him Neither was there any farther insurrection within the Countrey Neither did the Earle Douglas without the Countrey enterprise any thing by the aid of England they being distracted at home by the dissention of Lancaster and Yorke during the dayes of this King which were not many for about two or three years after this the King alone was slain by the wedge of a peece of Ordnance of his own and with him George Earle of Angus hurt amongst 30000. of his Armie of whom none else was either slaine or hurt at the siege of the Castle of Roxburgh in the 29. yeare of his age in September 1460 some 8. yeares after the killing of Earle William in Stirlin Castle at which time he was about the age of twenty one or twenty two yeares Neither hear we any mention of the Earle Douglas his stirring in the next Kings James the thirds time either in his minoritie being but a childe of seven or eight yeares of age at his coronation or in his majoritie either in the dissentions betwixt the Kennediâ—…s and the Boydes or the dissention betwixt the King and the Nobilitie Whether it bee the negligence and sloth of Writers that have not recorded things or whether hee did nothing indeed through want of power his friends and dependers and vassals being left by him and despairing of him having taken another course and his lands being disposed of to others so it is that for the space of twenty yeares or three and twenty untill the yeare 1483. there is nothing but deepe silence with him in all Histories Onely wee finde that hee was made Knight of the noble Order of the Garter by King Edward the fourth and is placed first in order of all the Earles and next to him the Earle of Arundell who is the first Earle of England in the booke intituled Nobilitas Politica and the English Heraulds say of him that he was a very valiant noble Gentleman well beloved of the King and Nobility and very steadable to King Edward in all his troubles These troubles perhaps have beene the cause that they could enterprise nothing in Scotland untill the soresaid yeare 1483. However it be he hath the honour to be the first of his Nation admitted into that Order At last then in the yeare 1483. Alexander Duke of Albanie and brother to King James the third who was also banished in England and the Earle Douglas desirous to know what was the affection of their Countreymen toward them vowed that they would offer their offering on the high Altar of Loch-mabane upon the Magdalen day and to that effect got together some five hundred horse what Scottish what English and a certaine number of English foot-men that remained with Musgrave at Burneswark hill to assist them in case they needed So they rode toward Loch-mabane and at their coming the fray was raised through Niddisdale Annandale and Galloway who assembling to the Laird of Moushill then Warden encountred them with great courage The English who were on the hill Burneswark fled at the first sight of the enemy so that the rest behoved either to doe or die And therefore they fought it out manfully from noone till twilight with skirmishes after the border fashion sometimes the one sometimes the other having the advantage At last the victorie fell to the Scots though it cost them much bloud The Duke of Albanie escaped by flight but the Earle of Douglas being now an aged man was stricken from his horse and taken prisoner with his owne consent by a brother of the Laird of Closeburnes in this manner The King James 3. had made a proclamation that whosoever should take the E. Douglas should have 100. l. land the E. being then thus on foot in the field wearied of so long exile and thinking that he might perhaps be knowne by some other seeing in the field Alexander Kilpatrick a son of Closeburnes and one that had beene his owne servant before he calls on him by his name and when he came to him he said I have foughten long enough against my fortune and since I must die I will rather that ye who have bâ—…ene my owne servant and whom I knew to be faithfull to me as long as I did anything that was likely for my selfe have the benefit thereby then any other Wherefore take me and deliver me to the King according to his Proclamation but see thou beest sure hee keepe his word before thou deliver me The young man who loved the Earle entirely in his heart wept as is reported for sorrow to see him thus aged and altered in disguised apparell and offered to goe with him into England But hee would not being wearied of such endlesse troubles onely hee desired the young man to get his life safe if hee could obtaine so much at the Kings hands if not to bee sure of his owne reward at least Hereupon Kilpatricke conveyed him secretly out of the field and kept him in a poore cottage some few dayes untill hee had spoken with the King who granted him the Earles life and gave unto himselfe the fiftie pound land of Kirk Michaell which is possest by his heires unto this day Some give the honour of this victory to Cockpool and Johnston and make the number of those that came with Douglas and Albany greater and say that King Richard of England blamed the Duke of Albanie for the losse thereof and that hee discontented and taking it ill to bee so blamed withdrew himselfe secretly into France The Earle Douglas being brought to the King hee ordained him to be put into the Abbacie of Lindores which sentence when hee heard hee said no more but this Hee that may no better bee must bee a Monk which is past in a Proverbe to this day Hee remained there till the day of his death which was after the death of King James the third which fell out 1488. he being of a good age and having beene a man in action from the
favour of the Earle of Angus Other things remarkeable we have none untill about the time of the Field of Flowden which makes it seem to be probable which some allege that all this time he was confined in Arane The pretended cause as they say was secret intelligence with King Henry of England but the true cause they say was his taking Jean Kennedie daughter to the Earle of Cassils out of Galloway to whom the King bare affection and to whom the Earle gave infeftement and seizing of the Lands of Bothwel although he never married her As touching the pretended cause it hath no appearance at all seeing there was alwayes peace and friendship betwixt us and both the Henries the 7. and 8. untill the warre was denounced or a very short time before And concerning that of Jeane Kennedie we have a note of an Indenture betwixt Angus Chancellour and the Lord Kennedie but they have neglected to set down about what it hath been in the year 1496. So that we are uncertain what to think of it And contrary to this we finde that the Lands of Bothwel were not in the Earles hands but in his sonne Georges who got them from the Lord Bothwel in exchange for the Lordship of Liddisdale which for that cause he resigned into the Kings hands in favor of the Earle Bothwel in the year 1492. so that the Earle could not give her the Lands that belonged to his sonne Further our Histories tels us that when James Earle of Aran who was sent with the Navy which the King had prepared for a present to Queene Anne of France had turned in upon Ireland and having burnt Knockfergus was come to Air a Sea-port in Coile the King offended with his folly gave the charge of the Ships to Angus for prosecuting of the voyage But Aran having heard of it hoysed saile and was gone before Angus could come to the place where the Ships lay Now although it should seem by this that the King continued his favour toward him yet there are some apparant reasons to move us to think that it hath been somewhat diminished For Alexander Lord Hume was made Warden of all the three marches and that before Flowdon of which the east and middle march at least had continued under the government of the Earles of Angus for the space of three or foure generations descending from father to sonne by succession from Earle William in the persons of James and George to this present Archbald Other mention or monument of him we have none till the Warres betwixt King James the 4. and King Henry the 8. of England It is reported by some that the Queene and he did what they could to disswade the King from that Warre but when he could not prevaile with him he followed him into England There the King having wasted Northumberland and taken Norham with some few other Castles got a view of the wife of one Heron of the Foord and did so fancie her that he neglected the prosecuting of the warre and care of his Army and did nothing but dallie with her Whilest the Army lay there idle the English sent a Herauld to the King desiring that he would appoint a day for battell But the greatest part of the Nobility did dislike it And the Earle of Angus though he saw all this and many moe errours yet he held his peace all this while whereas the rest of the Nobilitie reasoned with the King but in vain For the King told them flatly he would fight them though they were a hundreth thousand more and that he would retire Then and not till then the Earle of Angus hearing his answer and knowing the danger of such resolution being the Chief man amongst them both for years and authoritie he went about to set before the King the reasons of the counsell given him hoping by that meane to break him of his determination in these words Sir said he your Majestie hath done abundantly to satisfie your friendship with the King of France in that ye have made the King of England withdraw the greater part of his Army out of France and have turned the danger of the War from him without endangering your self For they cannot keep the fields long in a Countrey that is so cold and wasted especially now when the Winter is so near Neither need your Majestie to wonder that the French Ambassadour is so instant with us to fight he being a stranger it is no strange thing to see him prodigall of other mens bloud who doth not regard the good of the parties but the benefite that will thereby redound to France Besides his request is altogether impudent and shamelesse For he requires us to do that which his master a man of great understanding thinks not fit to do for his own Kingdom Neither should the losse of this Army seem small because our number is few for all that are of worth excell either in wisedome or valour in Scotland are here and these being slain the vulgar will become a prey to the enemy Therefore as it is safest for the present to prolong the Warre so is it most profitable in generall For if Lewis would have either thè English exhausted with charges or wearied with delay what is more convenient then to compell him to divide his Forces by keeping one half thereof continually in readinesse against us who lye in wait to invade his Countrey upon every occasion so to ease the French of so much of their burden As for your honour and reputation which men pretend what can be more honourable than having razed so many Forts and Castles wasted and spoyled their Countrey with fire and sword to returne laden with such store of spoyle that they shall not be able to recover their losses nor their soile redeem the former beautie in many years though there should happen to be peace What greater commoditie can we expect to reap of the Warre than in such a tumultuous noise of Armes to have leisure to refresh our souldiers with ease and quietnesse to our credit and to our enemies shame Of all the victories that are acquired that which is obtained more by counsell than force of Armes is most properly the victory of man and the praise of it doth onely redound to the Commander and Generall for in it the Armie can claim no part or interest When the Earle had ended his speech all that were present shewed by their countenance that they did approve and assent unto his counsell But the King who had solemnely sworn to give battell heard him unwillingly and answered angerly bidding him if he were afraid go home Then Angus seeing the King obstinate and fore-seeing in his minde what would be the event of such headinesse burst forth in teares and after a while having gathered his spirits again when he was able to speak If my former life said he doth not free me from the imputation of fearfulnesse I know not by what other
and had put servants into it but the Priour was stronger about the town and findes a mean to thrust them out Foreman cannot get his Bulls proclaimed none durst take it in hand so long as Hume and Hepburne agreed He workes wisely having been born under the Lord Hume he flees to him as his Patron agrees with him as a friend and gives the Abbacie of Coldinghame to his youngest brother David He doth his turne proclaimeth his Bull but had no power in Fife to prosecute it any further Yet it causeth Hepburne to come to a point to take composition the Bishoprick of Murray and 3000. crownes by year and a discharge for all his by-past intromissions So he agrees with Foreman but dis-agrees with the Lord Hume and despites him with such malice because of that morsell pulled out of his jawes that he ceased not to work him what mischief he could He did so possesse the Governour with jealousie of the Lord Humes and Angus greatnesse and aspiring that he thought there was no way to secure himself and his Government but by ridding the Countrey of them both Wherefore the Lord Hume repairing to him and finding by his neglectfull carriage and cold entertainment the little good-will he bare him repenting too late his forwardnesse in his election and calling to minde what Angus had foretold him though he had contemned his counsell yet now seeing no other remedie went to him and the Queen his wife condemning his fact and regrating the present estate of the King and Countrey and advised them to flie into England with the young King When the Governour had notice of this consultation he used such diligence and expedition that coming to Stirlin unlooked for he surprized the Queen and removing her and the Douglasses from about the King he gave the keeping of him to the Lord John Ereskin and other three Noblemen Hereupon the Queen and Angus as also the Lord Hume and his brother William with-drew themselves into England and the Governour upon their departure sent Ambassadours to King Henry to clear himself that he had done nothing why they should be so afraid of him or leave their Countrey He dealt also privately with themselves by their friends promising and protesting to give them all content and satisfaction in such wayes that they beleeving and desiring to live at home returned all of them save onely the Queen who being then near the time of her childe-birth remained at Harbottle in Northhumberland where she was brought to bed of Lady Margaret Douglas Then assoon as she was able to endure travell she went to London where she was kindly welcomed and lovingly entertained by her brother King Henry and her sister Mary Queen of France and afterward Dutchesse of Suffolk But the Governours head being once filled with suspitions and new causes of distrust arising dayly could not be quieted by their return nor the Queens absence neither could he think himself bound by promises Gawin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel uncle to Angus was committed to prison John Lord Drummond his Grandfather or mothers brother David Panetier Secretarie to the late King were likewise laid fast Alexander Lord Hume and his brother William were executed their goods confiscat their lands forfeited and their heads affixed on the Citie Gate of Edinburgh called the Nether-Bow Being thus rid of the Chamberlain he did much fear the Earle of Angus whom he left to governe in his absence for he went into France but joyned with him the Earles of Arran Argyle Huntley the Archbishop of S. Andrews and Glasgow together with a Frenchman named Antonius Darsius commonly known by the title of Sieur de la Beaute To this La Beaute he allotted Dumbar the Shires of Lowthian and the Merse where the Chamberlaines lands and friends were This Darsius was slain by Sir David Hume of Wedderburn occasionally in the year 1517. the 18. of September For this Sir David was out-lawed his house seized and Sir George Douglas Angus brother suspected to be accessarie imprisoned in Garvet Castle they not daring to meddle with the Earl himself who was no lesse suspected to have been conscious of it though falsely because Sir David had married their sister Alison Not long after this there fell out an occasion of great troubles betwixt the Earle of Angus and the Earle of Arrane There was some question of the Bailiff-ship and right of keeping Courts in Jedward Forrest the Earle of Angus his Lands but in which Andrew Ker of Farnihaste challenged a right and priviledge of doing justice and punishing male-factors as hereditarie Bailiff In this controversie Arrane sided with Farnihaste not for any particular relation or because he thought his right was good but onely in opposition to Angus whom he hated inwardly What the cause of his hatred was we â—…ear not and they had been good friends before Arrans base sonne James Hamilton as he was on his way towards Farnihaste to assist him John Summervale of Camnethen set upon him killed five or six of his company took thirty men and horses and pursued himfelf so near that he was forced to turne in to Hume Castle for his safetie This fact was imputed to Angus on whom Summervale did for the most part depend men thinking that it was done by his direction But it is well known that besides this quarrell of the Earles that man had ever a particular feude with the Hamiltons But if the Earle had been guiltie of this wrong and offence done unto them it is not likely that he would have been so slightly accompanied at Edinburgh and have stayed their coming thither with so small forces if he had suspected any ill meaning from them or known any such deserving in himself Besides they having so just cause they might have complained and gotten redresse and satisfaction of the Earle by order of law if they could have made it appear that he had any hand in it and not have taken this violent course Wherefore in all likelihood this was but a colour and pretext Hereupon however in the year 1520. the 27. of April a convention being appointed at Edinburgh where Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie the Earle of Angus his uncle or Consin-German rather was Provest the Hamiltons refused to come thither alledging that they could not think themselves assured of their lives in the Town where he was Provest Archbald to cut off their excuse and that he might not hinder publick businesse laid down his office voluntarily and in his room was chosen Robert Logane a Burgesse of Edinburgh Then they came to the City and finding the Earle of Angus there but meanly attended and weakly guarded his friends not being yet conveened they assembled together with the chief Noblemen of the West in Archbishop Betons house in the Black-Frier-Winde this Beton was also Chancellour and there resolve by all means to apprehend Angus alledging that his power was so great that nothing could be discerned freely so long as he
that name THere is as little mention made of this Archbald as of the former William we find him onely inserted witnesse in a second Charter granted to the town of Aire by Alexander the second sonne to King William in the 22. of his reigne and of our redemption 1236. Of the third William and fifth Lord of Douglas maker of the Indenture with the Lord Abernethie THis VVilliam is found in an Indenture made betwixt him and the Lord Abernethie which the Earles of Angus have yet extant amongst their other evidents and rights of their lands The date of this Indenture is on Palmesunday in the yeare 1259. in the reigne of Alexander the third the place the Castle of Edinburgh It is a contract of marriage in which the father called there VVilliam Lord Douglas doth contract his sonne Hugh Douglas to Marjory Abernethie sister to Hugh Lord Abernethie The summe and contents thereof are that the marriage shall be solemnized on Pasche day that all things may be perfected before Ascension day The conditions are these for the Lord Abernethies part that he shall give with his sister to Hugh Douglas viginti carictas terrae perhaps it should be Carrucatas terrae twenty plough gate of land in the towne of Glencors And for the Lord Douglas part that he shall give to his son Hugh Douglas and Marjory his wife 20. Carrucatas in feudo de Douglas twenty plough gate of land in the few of Douglas The witnesses are Alexander Cumine Earle of Buchan Raynold Cumin John of Dundie-Moore and one Douglas whose Christian name was worn away and could not be read This should seem to be that Indenture which Sir Richard Metellane of Lithington father to Iohn Lord of Thirlestane sometime Chancellour of Scotland of worthy memory doth mention in his manuscript where he hath carefully collected some memories of the house of Douglas He sayes that Sir John Ballandine of Achnoute Knight did show to John Lesly Bishop of Rosse one Indenture that makes mention of Douglassas 80. yeares before that Lord William the Hardie who was contemporary with William Wallace and this Indenture is very neare so long before his time But he saith that the Lord Abernethie who doth there indenture with the Lord Douglas was father to Marjory and our Indenture â—…akes him brother to her It may be there have been two Indentures one before this made by her father which not being accomplished during his life hath been renewed by his sonne or brother or that they have mistaken it for there is no other save this onely which doth clearly call him her brother amongst their writs and evidents Upon this there was drawn up a Charter without date of either time or place onely it appears by the tenour thereof that it was made after the Indenture The giver is the same Lord William to Hugh his son and heire the lands disposed to him are Glaspen Hartwood Kennox and Carmackhope and Leholme together with the lands sayes he quae sunt in calumnta inter me haeredes Johannis Crawford that are in suit of law betwixt me and the heirs of John Crawforde without any detriment Then the cause of his giving is set down that they may be a dowry to Marjorie Abernethie his sonnes wife and sister to Hugh Lord Abernethie Ever after this he intitles his sonne Dominus Hugo de Douglas Sir Hugh of Douglas It hath an expresse caveat that if after the marriage be solemnized the said Sir Hugh of Douglasdale shall happen to die or if he shall aliquo malo suo genio through some devillish or wicked disposition abstain from copulation with her she shall brook and injoy these lands although the said Lord VVilliam should be alive And if the said Marjory shall outlive the said Lord VVilliam thought her husband Hugh should die before him yet he shall have the third part of his lands in Douglasdale excepting the third of so much as the said Lord VVilliam shall leave to his wife There is in it another very strange point and as it were a provision in case of divorcement or not consummating the marriage viz. that if the said Sir Hugh or Lord Hugh Dominus Hugo be then after his fathers death living lord and heir or have an heire by any other wife the said Marjory shall possesse the lands notwithstanding all the dayes of the said Hughs life Now he could not have an heire by another wife unlesse he were first divorced from her There is also one clause more touching her security That if the Lord Abernethie or his counsell shall desire any other security reasonable by Charter or hand-write that they shall cause make the conveyance as they think good and Lord VVilliam shall signe it and set his seal to it The seal at this is longer then broad fashioned like a heart the letters thereon are worn away and not discernable save onely Wll and the armes seeme to be three Starres or Mullets at the upper end thereof but I cannot be bold to say absolutely they were so This I have set down the more particularly and punctually that by these circumstances the truth may be more clear and free from all suspition of forgery and invention I have done it also that though every one be not curious or taken with these things such as are of which number I prefesse my self to be one may find something to please their harmelesse desire of the not unpleasant and some way profitable knowledge of Antiquity By this Indenture it is cleare that this William is not the same with VVilliam Hardie who died in prison and was father to good Sir James because his name was VVilliam and had a sonne Hugh as the other also had for if we do but suppose that Hugh contracted to Marjory Abernethie were 25. yeares of age at the making of the â—…ndenture 1259. and that his father Lord VVilliam were twenty five yeares elder then his son Hugh fiftie in all then must he have been when he married the young English Lady by whom he had divers children and when he assisted VVilliam VVallace when he surprised the Castles of Sanquhaire and Disdeir and performed other warlike exploits being still in action till the 1300. about 90. or 100. years of age which carries no likelihood with it that one so old should be so able of his body Besides this Lord VVilliam the Authour of this Indenture had for his eldest sonne and heire this Hugh contracted to Marjory Abernethie but the eldest sonne and heire to that Lord VVilliam wanted good Sir James who died in Spain for all our Histories do tell how that the Bishop of Saint Andrews did sute King Edward for good Sir James to restore him to his fathers lands and inheritance but King Edward refused to do it and in a Charter given by King Robert Bruce in the fifteenth yeare of his reigne Bervici super Twedam at Berwick upon Tweed of the Lordship of Douglas these expresse words are contained Jacobo
diligence order and exhortation all possible meanes used both humane and divine wisedome joyned with religion and prayer and what pious formes were then in use They digged trenches and ditches which they covered with greene turfe for the horsemen to fall into and did knit together and twist as it were a net of crosse ropes to entangle the footmen which stratagems being seconded with true courage resolution and valour of the common souldiers and Commanders together with the device of those that were set to keep the baggage the sculs and grooms who made showes and musters as if they had beene another armie of their owne head without the direction of any were the chiefe meanes of the victorie For the first was the overthrow of the men at armes and barbed horses and the second the bane of the middle battell of the English who seeing this trap laid for them fled presently and turned their backs But above all these the principall and prime cause was even the Lord of hosts who guided all these and gave successe unto them Let no mortall man ever think other of any his enterprises or that any man however wise provident or valorous can use his wisedome providence or valour or whatever other vertue he hath to any purpose or succesfully unlesse it be given him in the very instant of using it A lesson much inculcat but little learned often approved by experience but seldome marked or soone forgotten at least little appearing by our practice and which doth produce no other effect but a superficiall acknowledgement and slender confession thereof But to returne to our Douglas though the King himselfe did thus escape his service yet out of all doubt he hath beene imployed against his subjects seeing our Historians doe tell us that after this battell there were divers incursions made into England for which they never stirred but sate quiet for 2. or 3. yeares howbeit there are no particulars set downe In the yeare 1316. King Robert Bruce went into Ireland to support his brother Edward Bruce made King of Ireland and King Edward of England thinking this a fit opportunity for him to be revenged on the Scots did levie a great Armie and came to the borders of Scotland hoping to doe some notable exploit now in the Kings absence But many things faile that are intended and princes as well as others may be disappointed of their purposes and frustrate of their hopes It seemes he had forgotten or not well considered what a Lieutenant he had left behinde him and how good a second Sir James had alwayes beene to his master the King But howbeit he knew it not perhaps or would not take any notice of him yet King Robert knew it full well and put such trust and confidence in his well knowne worth and sufficiencie that he durst go abroad out of his owne Kingdome and hazzard himselfe and the flower of the youth in Ireland concrediting the Countrey unto his care and conduct leaving him Governour in his absence and entailing the Crowne unto him next unto Thomas Randulph by making him Protectour of the young King during his minority if he himselfe should happen to die in that voyage as the blacke booke of Scone doth witnesse And indeed Sir James did not deceive the Kings expectation and trust neither did King Edward finde him asleepe but watchfull and diligent in his charge as became a good Governour for he raised an Army to give him battell and put both him and his people to flight slew three notable Captains with his owne hand Sir Edward Lillow a Gascoine Captaine of Berwick others call him Callock and say that he was slaine at the rescue of a bootie which he had taken in the Merse and Tivedale which narration agreeth with the Bruces booke which calls him Edmond de Callock The second was Sir Robert Nevill and the third a Nobleman whom they doe not name onely they say that Sir James slew him with his owne hand but the Bruces booke calls him John de Richmond and sayes he slew him in Jedward Forrest in the midst of his Armie Sir James having very few with him not above fiftie horse and some Archers in a strait Cleugh or Valley betweene two hills which he had of purpose taken as a place of advantage and tying together the young birk trees by their boughs in the way by which the English were to passe the horsemen being entangled in the thickets he set upon them and defeated them From hence it is that some think the Earls of Douglas and Angus have stakes rice in their Coat of Armes yet such points of Heraldrie are hard to interpret and give a reason for them This was the second peece of service that he did to King Edward himselfe say some others but others say that the King was not there in person but sent a great Army commanded by divers Captains with whom Sir James fought in three severall battells at three sundry times and slew all their Chieftains with most part of their companies Others againe aâ—…irme that in every one of those battels he slew the Commander with his owne hand in sight of both Armies the which whatsoever way it was the victorie was notable and glorious And thus did he governe in the Kings absence He had beene a good subject before when the King was present now we see how well he governes when he is absent and at his returne laying downe his authoritie and returning to his former subjection he proves as good a companion and colleague unto Thomas Randulph then made Earle of Murray with whom the King did joyne him for the prosecuting of the warres It is seldome found that these vertues are so happily linked together in one person abilitie to governe and willingnesse to be subordinate and obey excellencie of parts and patient enduring of an equâ—…ll and companion I have often observed and admired it in these two the ground whereof seemes chiefly to have beene in Sir James his love and modestie as we observe in his carriage towards this man at Bannockburne that in all their joynt-services being equall in authority and both commanding in chiefe we never heare of any question controversie or debate of any grudging or heart-burning betweene them but find them ever agree and concurre without any dissention or variance with one heart and minde as if they had beene one man in all businesse whatsover Their first association after the Kings returne out of Ireland was when they went and burnt Northallerton and Burrowbrigs and spoyled Rippon where they spared the Church onely they caused those that fled thither to pay 5000. marks sterling to be free They burnt also Scarborough towne and hearing that the people had fled into the woods with their goods and cattell they went and searched them out and brought away a great bootie Then returning home by Skipton in Craven they spoyled the Towne and after burnt it without resistance This was in the yeare
of the souldiers and left the rest in the Ships to keepe the mouth of the river and he himselfe marched to Cowper in Fife to take it It had beene deserted by the Englishmen for want of vivers in the time of Murray the Governour and now againe it was seized by the Englized Scots for the use of the English Their Captaine at this time was one William Bullock an English Priest but a valiant man who was also Treasurer for them and the faction The Lord Liddesdale deales with him that seeing there was no hope of succour from England and that the Scots Garrison was not to be 〈◊〉 to he would forsake the English faction and enter into King Davids service promising to procure him lands in Scotland Bullock accepted his offer and having obtained his promised lands hee did much service afterward to the King and the Lord of Liddesdale Having by this meanes recovered Cowper he returned to the siege of Saint Johnstoun where as he was ever forward he was hurt in the leg with the shot of a Crosbow going to the Scalade Neverthelesse he departed not till the Towne was taken or given up by the Governour thereof Thomas Uthred The manner of the taking of it was this when the siege had lasted foure moneths and was like to have continued longer the Earle of Rosse by digging of Mines drew away the water and dried up the Fousâ—…es and Ditches so that the Souldiers going to the assault upon dry ground and approaching the walls without any let or difficultie beat the defenders from off the walls especially by shooting of darts and arrowes out of the Engines which they had caused make And so they rendred and departed with bag and baggage in the yeare 1340. Within foure dayes after Stirline was also besieged and rendred on the same conditions After the siege of Saint Johnstoun was ended the Lord Liddesdale rewarded the Frenchmen very liberally and sent them backe into France well contented He caused also restore to Hugh Hambell one of his best Ships which was taken by the enemie during the siege For Hambell having adventured to approach the Towne with his Ships to give an assault one of them was taken by the English and now was restored Thus K. Davids party did flourish by the faithfull valour of these his good and notable subjects and prevaile against the pretended K. Balliol who seeing such successe in K. Davids affaires durst show his face no longer but having lurked a while in Galloway by changing and shifting places for feare of being intercepted and wearying of that kinde of life he returnes into England now the second time after his conquest he did not possesse his Kingdome long and but with little ease or contentment what by the Scots chasing of him what by the King of England his good Master detaining of him little better then a captive A shadow of a kingdome or slaverie rather being miserable indeed yet sees he not his miserie but seeketh it againe and loseth it againe But let us returne to our Lord of Liddesdale who desists not here from doing of good service to his King and Countrey Edinburgh Castle is yet in the possession of the English it was too strong to force wisedome must supply which was not lacking in him no more then valour a good harmonie and happy conjunction which were ever to be wished There was one Walter Towers of whom are descended the Towers of Innerleith a man of his acquaintance and a follower of him had by chance a Ship laden with victuall in the Firth of Tâ—…y beside Dundie Liddesdale causeth him to bring about his Ship to Forth where as he was instructed feigning himselfe to be an English Merchant and sending some flagons of very fine wine to the Captaine of the Castle he prayed him to take him into his protection and that he would give such order as the rest of his victuall might be free from all danger and perill of his souldiers and of the enemie promising that if the Garrision in the Castle had need of any thing he should command any thing that was in his power so â—…arre as it could reach The Captaine desired him to send some hogsheads of the same wine and some bisket bread and promised him accesse when he pleased he further warned him that he should come timely in the morning for feare of the Scots that did make frequent onsets and incursions in those parts The Lord of Liddesdale being advertised hereof chooseth out 12. of his best men and the same night goeth out to Walter Towers ship and he and his men having borrowed the Mariners apparell did put it on above their Armour and so went to the Castle carrying the wine and victuall with them he had before placed the rest of his men as neare as he could that they might be in readinesse upon a signe given them to come to the Castle to his aid Liddisdale himselfe with Simeon Fraser and William Bullock say our Writers but his name was Sir John Bullock went a little before and the rest followed a certaine space after When they were let in within the Bulwarke perceiving the keyes of the Castle hanging upon the Porters arme they slew him and without noise opened the gate and presently gave the signall by winding of a horne This sound gave warning both to his friends and enemies that the Castle was taken Both made haste the one to defend the other to pursue but the Scots having a steep hill to ascend behoved to come forward the more slowly for that cause lest their Lord should be excluded from his men they cast down the carriage in the gate to keep it open and having fought a sharp fight at last they that were within gave place the Captaine with six more were taken the rest were all slaine And having thus wonne the Castle he made his brother William Douglas say they but should call him Archbald Keeper and Captain thereof This same yeare or the next 1342. the 30. of March Alexander Ramsay tooke Roxburgh in Tividale and sone after John Randulph was set at liberty in exchange for John Montague taken in France saith Major and tooke in his owne Castle of Lochma-bene in Annandale So that by the industrie and efforts of these three Wairdens the Lord Liddesdale in the middle March Alexander Ramsay in the East and John Randulph in the West the English were wholy expelled out of Scotland beyond the Borders which fell out in the time of Edward the third neither did the English men possesse one foote of Scottish ground excepting the towne of Berwick Such good service did these Noblemen with the other good Nobilitie in the minoritie and absence of their Prince from his Countrey against the great force of England and a great part of their owne Countrey of Scotland being unfaithfull Subjects unnaturall Scottishmen And this these Nobles did even for the love they bore to King Robert this Davids
father bearing the heat of the day for him while he is at ease and securitie with watching hunger thirst cold and great effusion of their bloud to make the Kingdome peaceable to him choosing to adventure their lands their lives and whatsoever worldly thing is deare unto men rather then to abandon him and follow his enemies with ease and quietnesse under whom they might have lived a peaceable life if they would set aside regard unto their honour and duetie Such is the force of the love of Subjects beyond all strength of men and riches of treasures onely able to bide a stresse and hold out As may bee seen by this example to bee remarked greatly by subjects and entertained above all treasure by Soveraignes and to be accounted a chiefe yea almost the onely point of true policy to love and make much of all men and most specially their Nobilitie that they may in such their Princes straits when they shall happen endure the better as these men did which they could not have done if they had not had authority and dependance and so been respected by their inferiours who so would diminish this authority in Noblemen abasing them too farre and making them suspect to Princes and not safe for them they erre greatly in policie and unadvisedly cut the props of the Princes standing which being brangled but a little his Kingdome is easily bereft him all authoritie going away with his owne person It fell well out with King David Bruce that these Noblemen were not so and therefore the more able to doe so great things for him After these things they sent Ambassadours to desire King David to come home and so hee did the 2 of June that same yeare His first Act was carefully to inquire for and gratefully to reward such as had suffered in his service a prudent Act But allas the mal heur it falleth often out that Princes know not all things and ere they be informed they many times conclude The cause of many errours and much mischief hath happened thereby as it fell out here We have heard how the Lord of Liddesdale amongst many his notable services had in speciall expelled the English out of Tividale and diverse other places by his wisedome and valour and was therefore rewarded with the same lands which he injoyed afterwards as his rightfull inheritance from thenceforth he so used it as in a manner conquered by himself He was Wairden and so defended it defending ministred justice and discharged the place and office of Sheriffe having wonne it from the enemy This hee did with the tacite consent of the Countrey and by allowance of those that were in authoritie Thus being in possession and trusting to his deserving towards King and Countrey and the Nobilitie of his bloud and potencie of that house he was come of he looked for no competitour in that which he had taken from the enemy And not knowing or not caring for the Law as is customable to Martiall men or perhaps being prevented being slower in going to King David or on some such like occasion the Sheriffe-ship is given from him to another Alexander Ramsay was amongst the first that welcomed King David at his return and was received kindly as hee had merited and much made of by him who for his service gave him the keeping of the Castle of Roxbrough and together with it whether of the Kings owne free and mere motion or any other suggestion or by Ramsayes procurement the Sheriffe-ship of Tividale very unadvisedly if hee knew Liddesdales interesse very ill formed if he knew it not Very imprudently say our Writers who blame the Kings indiscretion for giving it from William Douglas Lord of Liddesdale to Alexander Ramsay and for withdrawing of it from so worthy a man so well deserving to whomsoever for that was to make a division among his owne so it proved for VVilliam Douglas of Liddesdale tooke it very highly that Alexander Ramsay should be preferred before him to that office But hee was chiefly incensed against the taker of it as having done him a great indignitie which makes it apparant that hee hath not onely accepted of it but sued for it therefore set altogether on revenge he suppressed his ire for that present But after some three moneths as Alexander Ramsay was exercising the office in Hawick and looked for no such thing hee set upon him and having slain three of his men that stood to the defence of their master hee hurt himself and casting him on a horse carried him to the Hermitage where hee died of famine according to the testimony of sundry of our Writers and the black booke of Sâ—…ne where it is showen that hee was taken the 20. of June and keeped seventeene dayes without meat save that some few grains of corne which falling downe out of a corne loft which was above him were gathered by him and eaten Such is the unbridlednesse of anger justly called fury to be greatly blamed in him yet they marke the cause thereof the Kings unadvisednesse in procuring thereby the losse and ruine of so worthy a man of war farre from his fathers prudencie and probitie The King not acquainted yet with military dispositions was marvellously moved therewith and purposed to have punished it exemplarily to deterre others from doing the like and therefore caused search very diligently to have apprehended Liddesdale but in vain for hee withdrew himself to the mountains and desert places and in time obtained pardon by the sute of his friends of whom he had purchased good store by his worthy acts for the liberty of his Countrey Among whom Robert Stuart the Kings sisters sonne was his speciall good friend That which most effectually served to procure him favour was the magnificke but true commemoration of the great exploits atchieved by him the consideration of the time in respect whereof the peace being uncertain without and things not very quiet at home military men were to bee entertained and used with all favour By this occasion he did not onely obtain pardon for his fault but hee got also the gift of keeping of the Castle of Roxbrough and Sheriffeship of Tivedale and all other his lands in Tivedale or elsewhere restored to him which the other had and which were the cause of the slaughter This clemencie of King David was perhaps profitable for that time but pernicious in example This fell out as hath been said three moneths after the Kings coming home and therefore in October or perhaps in September at the head Court in Hawick His pardon was obtained and his peace made with the King a little before the battell of Durham which was in the yeare 1346. the 17. of October So as hee hath beene three or foure yeares a banished man After his returne from banishment finding the King bent upon his journey against England he wisely and earnestly disswaded him and did exhort him first to take order with the discorders at home and
I should die with the greater contentment for long since I heard a Prophesie that a dead man should winne a field and I hope in God it shall be I. Hereupon they covered his body with a cloake that it might not bee knowne and then hoiseing aloft his Standard and crying as the manner is a Douglas a Douglas most part repairing thither from all quarters they began the fight afresh for not onely the common sort of Souldiers came thither but the Earle of Murray also came with great speed thinking that the battell went hard on that hand for he had beaten those that he had to deal with and Sir John Mackyrell had taken the young Percie named Ralph and delivered him to his Master the Earle of Murray who had sent him being hurt to the Camp to bee cured as Froysard saith Hollinshed and Boetius agree that it was Keith Marshall that tooke him By this means the ardour of the battell being relented on that hand the fight was renewed and the strife redoubled on this side and the Earle Douglas followers who were gathered about his Ensigne did at last scatter and defeat the English weary with the former fight which had continued both day and night And in this assault the Earle of Montgomery tooke Henrie Percie their Captain prisoner whereupon the Army fled and turned their backs There were slain in this batteil 1840. of the English and 1040. taken prisoners 1000. also were hurt Of the Scots there were 100. slain and 200. taken prisoners whilest they followed over rashly fewer following more they turned and tooke those that would have taken them This is the battell at Otterburn memorable not onely for the magnanimity courage perseverance tolerance of travell and in victory modestie of Souldiers and Captains but also for the variable event where the victor in high expectation of glory prevenâ—…ed by death could not enjoy the fruit of his travels the vanquished albeit his Army was defeated and himselfe made a prisoner yet lived long after this battell with praise for it was no reproach to him to be overcome nor so great a blot to have been put to the worse as it was honourable to have so contended The event of battells is uncertain and onely in the hands of the highest if men do there endeavour what more can be required It is not the least part of the Percies honour that they did contest with the Douglasses and did sometimes overcome and sometimes were thus vanquished thought it were but seldome that the Douglasses got the worse when their forces were equall Here there was great inequalitie where notwithstanding he wonne the honour through the losse of himselfe neither was it accounted dishonour to his Army though more in number or to himselfe to have been thus overcome for they are recorded to have done their endeavours and discharged the parts of valiant men and were onely overmatched by excellency of valour as we have showne and as it may be seen by all Writers not by hunger or cold steepnesse of hills and mountains which I speake not to reproach any but to make known the truth and withall not to cover vertue on either side which was confessed of all in that age neither was any man found of another minde onely the Earle Marshall of England being a little after sent downe with a company to be Warden of the Borders during Percies captivitie who did build for his ransome the Castle of Penoun neare to Glasgow durst extenuate the vertue of the Scots with the reproach of his owne Countrey-men attributing the cause of this victory not to the valour of the Scots but to the cowardise of the English that fought against them boasting much of himselfe that if hee had beene present or if he should happen to have occasion to sight with the Scots he should doe great matters but his brags were soone made to appeare but idle words for moved by these his speeches the Governour of Scotland viz. Robert Earle of Fife having raised an Army went into England with Archbald Earle of Douglas called the Grimme brother to this deceased Earle and who did succeed him in the Earledome and made directly toward the Earle Marshall and as soone as they came in sight offered him battell and when they could not draw him out to fight they sent an Herauld to him to challenge him and provoke him to fight but all in vain for neither did hee send back any answer neither would hee come to an equall and even ground Therefore they having spoyled and wasted the Countrey with fire and sword in his sight and as it were under his nose returned home into Scotland to the great contentment of the Scots and no great discontentment of the English prisoners who were not sorry that his vanity was thus discovered Certainly the truth can hardly be belied and if partiality will not yet indifferency will beare witnesse to it Froysard a stranger and favouring more the English concludeth touching this battell that in all History there is none so notable by the vertue of the Captains and valour of the Souldiers fought so long so hardely so variable the victory enclining diveâ—…sly divers times and at last obtained not by the cowardise of the overcome but by the valour of the overcomers neither is that vertue of valour onely remarkable in this place and marked by him but their modestie when they had overcome rare and wonderfull to him as it is indeed to others but common enough to the Scottish Nation practised by them often in their victories and almost ever where some great enormitie hath not irritated them contrary to their nature and custome yet here very singularly for in the heat of the conflict no men ever fought more fiercely in the victory obtained none ever behaved themselves more mercifully taking prisoners and having taken them using them as their dearest friends with all humanitie courtesie gentlenesse tendernesse curing their wounds sending them home some free without ransome some on small ransome almost all on their simple word and promise to return at certaine times appointed or when they should be called upon So that of 1000. prisoners scarce 400. were brought into Scotland the rest all remitted in that same manner with Ralph Percie and by his example who because of his words desired this courtesie of the Earle of Murray and obtained it and was sent to Newcaste on his naked word to returne when hee should be called for But what courage and confidence was it that they durst adventure with so great perill to bee so courteous as they were when the Bishop of Durham approaching to invade them the next day 10000. as some say with 7000. as others of fresh men yet they would not kill their prisoners that were within their Campe equall almost to the halfe of their owne number but on their owne promises to remaine true prisoners how ever the field went and with a small guard having onely pinioned them together with small cords
a few of those It is hard to beleeve this upon any mans word chiefly such a one as lived not in those times nor was an eyewitnesse as we say of things who by such speeches would have us to conceive more then he could or by any could be expressed in words But what one man could only gather out of Histories we might also â—…ve gathered by the same Historie if he had named his Authors or showne the way of his collecting of it from thence But there being no footsteps of such enormities in the Histories which we have that can lead us to this I know not if we be bound so to reverence any mans person as to receive it absolutely That which followes is of the same kinde wherein the evils of those times are amplified That it fell out well for Scotland that England had their owne civill warres in those dayes otherwise Scotland had sunke under the burden For first their civill warres from this time which was from 1444. untill 1448. were not great and but secret grudgings onely The commotion of Blue-beard was not untill 1449. and in Kent by John Cade in 1450. Then the forraine warres with England might have moved the discord at home as they have done often and men fit for warlike employment and given to arms should have had matter to exercise themselvs upon the common enemie who in time of peace for want of such employment as they are inclined to are the cause of much evill at home Last of all we finde the contrarie by experience for notwithstanding of these dissentions and disorders yet they obtained a notable victorie of the English by the same Douglasses who are accounted so disorderly in time of peace but have ever proved in the eyes of all men honourable and dutifull in warre their enemies not being able to detract from their manifest and evident worth The occasion of this victorie fell out thus Wee heard how after the burning of Anwicke by James Douglas younger brother to the Earle a Truce was taken for seven yeares notwithstanding of which in this yeare as would seeme or in the next at farthest the English without any regard of the Truce made inroades upon Scotland spoyled forrowed and burnt the Villages farre and wide where they went which the Scots would not suffer to passe unrevenged Wherefore to cry quit with them they entred England and returned unto them as much hurt as they had received and the storme fell chiefly upon Cumberland from whence the beginning of the troubles had arisen which was by this incursion almost redacted to a wildernesse When newes hereof were brought to London they gave order for levying of an Army of 40000. men as some write intending to bring Scotland under their subjection which they thought would not be hard to doe in respect the Countrey had beene so lately wasted and impoverished as also â—…or that they knew their divisions at home Therefore having made a levie of the best and choice souldiers the Earle of Northumberland is made Generall and there was joyned with him a certaine man called Magnus onely a Gentleman borne who had given good proofe of his valour many times in France where he had beene brought up and trained in the warres from his youth This man bearing great hatred to the Scots and being too confident of his owne sufficiency is said to have obtained of the King of England for the reward of his service whatever lands he could winne from them for himselfe and his heires in perpetuall inheritance He was remarkable by his long and red Beard and was therefore called by the English Magnus Red-beard and by the Scots in derision Magnus with the red Maine as though his beard had beene an horse Maine because of the length and thicknesse thereof The Manuscript calleth him Magnus with the red hand taking the word Maine for the French word which signifieth an hand but the attentive Reader may perceive the errour and how it was a word meerely Scottish and used by the Scots in derision The King of Scots hearing of this preparation in England caused also levie an Army wherein he made the Earle of Ormond George or rather Hugh Douglas Generall who immediately went into Annandale through which the English Army was to come Both sides being thus prepared the English having passed the Rivers of Solway and Annand pitch their Camp upon the brinke of the water of Sarke The Scots marched towards them and they hearing of their approach made themselves ready so that being come within sight one of another they ranged their men in order of battell In the right wing of the English Army was this Magnus with the red Maine In the left Sir John Pennington with the Welsh men The middle battle was led by the Earle of Northumberland himselfe On the Scots side was the Earle of Ormond in the middle battell over against Northumberland and William Wallace of Craiggie opposed Magnus and against Sir John Pennington was placed the Knight of Carlaverocke called Maxwell and Johnston of Johnston with many inland Gentlemen saith the Manuscript because they had no great confidence in their owne Annandale men who were more set upon spoile then victorie Ormond exhorted the Armie in few words telling them That they had great reason to hope for the victorie because they had taken armes being provoked thereto and that it could not be but that so just a cause should have a happy event Onely behave your selves valiantly abate the pride of the enemy with a notable defeat and so you shall reape a long lasting fruit of a short travell When the English Archers did annoy the Scots with their arrowes from afarre William Wallace cried out with a loud voice so as he was heard by his followers Why should we stand still thus to be wounded afarre off Follow me sayes he and let us joyne in hand stroakes where true valour is to be seene and so marching forward and the rest following his example they made so fierce an onset that they quite overthrew the right wing thereof Magnus perceiving that being more mindfull of his honour acquired in time past then of the present danger resolved either to restore the battell or lose his life with credit pressed forward against Craiggie Wallace to have encountred him and ere he could come at him he was encompassed about by the Scottishmen and slaine his death put the English in such a feare for they had great confidence in his valour and conduct that they without any further resistance turned their backs and fled in great disorder The Scots pursued so fiercely and eagerly that there was more of the enemies slaine in the chase than in the battell chiefly upon the brinke of the River of Solway where the tide being come in the river was not passable and such as adventured to take it were drowned There were slaine in this battell 3000. English and amongst those their great Magnus and the Scots deadly enemie who
King an insolent fact against law and custome and however Colvill had deserved it which they could not deny yet it was a perillous example prejudiciall to all order and to the King to whom the punishing of such things belonged So that the King became highly offended therewith Hereupon the Earle Douglas partly to give place to his Princes anger partly upon some remorse as all bloud hath ever some touch and sting of Conscience with it the next yeare beeing the yeare of Jubilee hee purchased a license from the King to goe to Rome pretending he would doe pennance for the said slaughter but as his enemies did interpret it to shew his greatnesse to forraigne Princes and Nations Before hee tooke his journey having a care of his house and being out of hope to have children of his owne as having been seaven or eight yeare married without children he procured his second brother James to be received by the King and confirmed in the Earledome after himselfe There went with him in company a great number of Noblemen and Gentlemen such as the Lord Hamiltoun Gray Salton Seaton Oliphant and Forbesse also Calder Urwhart Cambell Fraiser Lawders of Crumartie Philorth and Basse Knights with many other Gentlemen of great account Hee went first to Flanders and from thence by land to Paris where he was honourably received by the King of France whom some call Lewis the eleaventh but it must needs be Charles the seaventh who lived till the yeare 1460. some tenne yeares after this Jubilee which behoved to bee in the yeare 1450. The remembrance of the good service done by his Uncle at Bauge and his Grandfather at divers times and at last for spending his life for him at Vernoile was not yet worne out of Charles his memory in regard whereof and for the place he carried and the publick League between the Countreyes he omitted no kind of honour undone to him that was fit for his qualitie and ranke from thence he tooke his journey towards Rome which was filled with the expectation of his coming He had taken from Paris with him his youngest brother George a young man who was there at Schooles and of whom there was great expectation but he died by the way to his great griefe he is said by the manuscript to have been nominated Bishop of Dunkell and that he was to be inaugurated at Rome Buchannan also saith it perhaps following the manuscript but they both forget that his eldest brother Henry is said by the same manuscript in the life of their father to have beene Bishop of Dunkell and this George died before he was fifteene yeares of age I take it also to be an oversight in this same Buchannan that hee saith that this George was destinated to be Earle by the Kings permission after his brother who had no children For it is against reason that hee being youngest of many brethren worthy men should have been preferred before them while he was but yet a childe at school While the Earle was thus in his pilgrimage his enemies slept not at home but taking the opportunitie of his absence did both blame him at the Kings hand by all invention they could devise and stirred up such of the common people as had received any wrong of any man to complaine to the King alledging they had received it by the Earle Douglas friends or servants and by such wayes moved the King to cause seeke Siminton then Bailiffe to the Earle in Douglasdale and to cite and summon him to answer to such crimes as were laid to the Earles charge for the actions perhaps of his dependers and clients or at least for such things as his Lord had neither commanded neither happely heard of Siminton looking for no equitie at their hands who moved such a citation choosed not to come into judgement suffering things to passe rather for non-compeirance than to compeire not knowing the state of things nor how to answer having neither knowledge of them by himselfe nor direction nor information from his Lord. Upon this occasion his enemies laid hold interpreted this his non-compeirance in the most odious sort and called it contumacie and what grievous name they could devise So they moved the King to send his servants and apprehend him and would gladly have proceeded with all extremity against him exclaiming against his presumptuous contempt of the King and telling the King that his royall authoritie was become a mockerie and despised by every base fellow That by his lenitie he did but foster the malapertnesse of the wicked sort That by impunitie new doores were opened to new misdoers with such other speeches in the most vehement maner they could to have dipped the King in bloud and cut off all hope as farre as in them lay of reconcilement betwixt them But he not being so farre alienated as yet from Douglas howbeit the complaints of so many had stirred up some dislike and taken impression in his minde was not moved with their speeches in that high nature but persisted in his opinion to recompence the Complainers in their losses of goods by goods but not to meddle with any mans bloud wherefore he caused Siminton to be set at libertie and commanded him onely to satisfie the Complainers But hee who could neither answer without information nor satisfie without direction humbly besought his Majestie that since he had not information and could not answer being but a servant and unacquainted with businesse seeing also he was not Collector of his masters rents but onely commander of his servants it would please him to delay the matter till his Lord returned whom he expected within few moneths who he doubted not both could and would answer to whatsoever complaint and satisfie sufficiently at his Princes pleasure whatsoever dammage he should have beene found to doe to any man This seemed most reasonable that the Earle himselfe should be heard first and not condemned unheard and in his absence and there could bee no great prejudice in a short delay Wherefore the King condescended to it and yet notwithstanding being importuned by the multitude of new complaints he sent William Sinclair Earle of Orkney a near Cousin to the Earle Douglas being Chancellor for the time to intromet with his goods and rents in Galloway and Douglas to satisfie Complainers therewith but it was to no purpose for hee was eluded and almost mocked by the tenants He alledged and reported to the King that was done by the instigation of the Earle of Ormond that he was so frustrate for the Earle Douglas had committed to him the mannaging of his estate in his absence and he greatly disdained that Orkney being so neare of bloud and alliance to them should have undertaken that charge The King irritated herewith as a contempt of his authoritie caused Heraulds to be directed or Pursevants to summon all of the name of Douglas and their favourers to compeire upon a certaine day and the Earle himselfe within threescore dayes
not envious of the praife of the English though indeed it were not without a good policie For by that meane he had leasure to prosecute his French intentions without fear of being disturbed or diverted by the Scottish incursions But we will not extenuate it he had indeed the better hand of it and at this time peace was more needfull for Scotland And therefore this reason brought by Angus for the continuation of the Queens authoritie was so much the greater But it could not move the other party whereoâ—… the Lord Hume Chamberlain was Chief They shew their willingnesse to honour the Queen That appeared say they in this that contrary to the ancient custome of this Kingdome they had suffered and obeyed her authority whiles she her self kept her right by keeping her widow-hood Now that she had quit it by marrying why should they not choose another to succeed into the place which she had left which the old laws would also have taken from her which do not permit that a woman should govern in the most peaceable times far lesse now when such evils do threaten as can scarce be resisted by the wisest and most sufficient men This they pretended and touched the point that did annoy them The marrying of the Earle of Angus had made him too great already the continuing of her authority would make him farre greater This they can not endure especially the Chamberlain who was jealous of his greatnesse which he thought would impair and lessen his own already beginning to decline by the retiring and with-drawing of Liddisdale and Anandale from following him and casting them again under the wings of the Douglasses to whom they had wont to belong This point being once obtained that the Queen should governe no more the next was who then should be the man Here also was no lesse strife and contention The Chamberlains credit carried it away his own power his alliance the Earle of Arane being his brother in law the Earle of Lennox Aranes sisters son joyned to the Prelates a Faction ever French and then more than ever by the King of Englands shaking off the yoke of Rome especially the Archbishop of Glasgow a proud Prelate and ever factious By these men all Noblemen at home are despised and balked and the Office cast upon John called afterward Duke of Albanie Cousin-germane to the late King being then in France brought up in France and onely with the French tongue where his father was banished and forfeited and he himself not restored yet is he by them who had not so much power as to restore him in the minoritie of a King as had been proved in King James the second his time against the Earle of March restored in his minoritie ordained to be Governour of the King and whole Countrey Bent was the Chamberlain that way And so bent he was that he professed openly at the Convention that though they would all refuse yet he alone would bring him home and make him Governour A great word if he were not able to do it a great power if he were able It is interpreted ambition in him and that despairing to have that honour conferred on himself and envying it to any other he took this course I cannot be of that minde He that had power to do so much for another had power to have done somewhat for himself At least so far as to have gotten some part of the government with others as it was customable when they could not agree upon any one man they divided it It is reported also for certain that the Earle of Angus finding that he was so earnest in that course went to him and naming him familiarly by his name Alexander said he what do you mean by this that man is a stranger to us and understandeth not our language no more than we do his He will work his own ends and who knoweth after what manner Whether or not to the Kings prejudice who is onely between him and the Crown Certainly he will never regard either of us whom he will rather seek to depresse than to advance Go to therefore let us agree amongst our selves Take you the government of the borders and of all that lieth on that side of the river of Forth and let me have the command on the other side A fair offer and a wise consideration which the Chamberlain shall acknowledge hereafter too late and shall himself say the like to him that now doth thus admonish him For the present he refused obstinately and as it may be thought fatally persisting in his former resolution Whereof when I consider what might have been the cause I think it hath been not any distrust to obtain some place in the guiding of affairs but a doubting how to keep it if by chance any thwarting or insociablenesse of Empire should fall out between them at any time thereafter in which case Angus could not but be the stronger by the power of England his allies they having no partie so great to counterpoize them For this cause he hath thought it fit to bring in the French to equall the ballance as principall himself onely as accessarie not doubting of a chief place both by his desert in bringing him home and the necessitie of his service which could never be lacking On this rather than the other ground as I take it he hath laid down his course But as well as he laid his grounds hereupon he built both his ruine before three years were come about and speedie repentance soon after the arrivall of his Governour Howbeit upon this occasion the Duke of Albanie so called afterward is sent for arrives is made Earle of March Duke of Albanie which his father had been before but was forfeited and Governour untill the Kings ripe years The Lord Hume comes to him some say with a huge number 10000. horse to Dumbartan whereupon the Governour said he was too great to be a subject Others report that he came very privatly with his houshold onely some 24. horse in Kendall Green which was his Livery and that the Duke slighted him with this sentence minuit praesentia famam being a man of low stature and carrying no appearance of much stuff to be in him by his out-side However he was then welcomed and what faire and good countenance he got then it lasted not long John Hepburne Prior of S. Andrews was his enemie on this occasion Andrew Stuart Archbishop of S. Andrews was slain at Flowdon Three divers pretended to the place by divers meanes Gawin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel uncle to the Earle of Angus by the Qneens admission Hepburne by the election of the Chapter Andrew Foreman by the Popes gift This Foreman was Abbat of Dumfermling and Aberbrothe Legat from the Pope and had gotten this to maintain his grandour or as a reward of his service The question was hard to decidè All pretended right and reason Gawin Douglas had gotten possession of the Castle
chased by so few Besides these there were many others that had fled before and divers stayed still in the City lurking This conflict fell out in the year 1520. the last of April in which there were 70. slaine and two of note Patrick Hamilton brother to Arran and the Master of Montgomerie The Chancellour as we have said fled disguised to Stirlin to the Queen After this Sir David Hume returning to the Merse and being thus strengthened by the authority and countenance of Angus found means to take his own house of Wedderburne from those that had kept it since the killing of De la Beaute He took also the Castle of Hume at the same time which had been seized on by the Governour and was kept by men that he had put into it And thus was the Earle of Angus partie settled and strengthened in the Merse Also in Lowthian he had no opposition or contrary neither in Tividale and such other parts of the borders The Hamiltons were the onely great men that had any equality to match him and were now incensed by their losse at Edinburgh Some of his friends lay near unto them Robert Lord Boyde was his depender and speciall friend He was also near to him in bloud for Angus his Grand-mother Elizabeth Boyde was sister to Thomas Boyde Grand-father to this Robert The Lord Boyde was nearer to Arran for King James the third his sister was mother to Arran and Grand-mother to Boyde as is probable But Boyde followed Angus more than him His house of Kilmarnock in Cunninghame lay nearest to their Forces in Cliddisdale and farthest from the Earle of Angus his power and friendship Therefore they besiege it but without successe it being so well defended that they rose and went away without getting of it The next year 1521. the 18. of July Angus came to Edinburgh accompanied with his friends and especially the Humes that were banishshed as our writers designe them By which he means rathest as I think George now Lord Hume for he is Lord ever after this and Sir David of Wedderburne with his brothers who may be said to have been banished in regard he was denounced Rebell and out-lawed but otherwise he never went out of the Countrey but dwelt ever still in some part of the Merse There Angus as Buchanan sayes but as our folks say George Lord Hume and Wedderburne by Angus his connivence took down the heads of the late Chamberlain and his brother William and interred them solemnly in the Gray-friers He passed from thence to Stirlin hoping to have found the Chancellour Beton there but he was fled From thence he returned to Edinburgh About the 28. of October the Governour returned out of France Angus his power seemed to him to be too great He determines to diminish it For which purpose he commands himself to go into France causeth his uncle the Bishop of Dunkell to be sent for to Rome as wee have said above Neither did Angus return out of France untill the Government was taken from the Duke who from this time forward doth nothing of importance For the next year 1522. he went with an Army to Solway to have invaded England But his Army loved him not all went unwillingly with him and against the hair The Earle of Huntly being come within three miles of England openly refused to go any further so that he was forced to move Dacres and Musgrave English-men under hand to sue for peace that he might have some shew of an honourable cause for his retreat Wherefore the 10. of October the same year away he goeth again to France having stayed one full year in Scotland and returnes into Scotland the next year 1523. the 22. of September He brought then with him 3000. foot and 100. men of arms Then assembling an Army of Scots the 20. of October thinking to do great matters with his French aid but having passed Tweed at the Bridge of Melrosse he was served just as he had been the year before they refused still to enter into England Thereupon he came back again to the other side of the River and coming along by the bank thereof on Scottish ground he began to batter from thence the Castle of Warke standing on the other side of the River on English ground And having made a breach caused his French-men to give the assault who entred the breach but they were repulsed again and beaten out So he left the siege and retired to Lawder in the night In the spring he goeth again into France promising to return before September and taking a promise of the Nobilitie that they should not transport the King from Stirlin before his return This their promise was keeped with the like fidelity as he had kept his promise made to the Chamberlain For the King was brought to the Abbey of Halyroodhouse by the Queen his mother The Earls of Arran Lennox Crawford and many others And from thence with all solemnitie of Parliament to the Parliament house where he did solemnly abrogate the Governours authority by which mean he saved him a labour of returning into Scotland again He needed not neither did he return any more to it nor passe the Seas for that errand He had governed or rather mis-governed the space of nine years He spent in his journeyes and staying in France five whole years or six of these nine being absent from the countrey and leaving it a prey to forreiners and civill ambition and dissention and when he was at home he abused and oppressed the Nobilitie by slaughter or banishment But though he returned no more yet others returned for him those whom he had caused go to France by his authoritie do now return without his licence yea without licence or recalling of any other for ought we read The Earle of Angus returnes after he had been in France almost three years He returned through England having first sent Simon Panango and obtained licence of K. Henry by whom he was received lovingly and dismissed liberally For K. Henry desired greatly the diminishing of the Governours authoritie was glad of the alterations in Scotland therefore did make the more of Angus because he knew that he was opposite to the Duke At his returne he found the estate of the Countrey in this case We told before how in the year 1518. the Queen his wiâ—…e and he had with-drawn themselves into England and stayed at Harbottle where she bare her daughter Lady Margaret Douglas how her husband having returned into Scotland she after her deliverie went to the Court of England to visit her brother and her sister with whom she stayed for the space of a whole year In which time the Earle her husband becomes acquainted with a daughter of Traquair by whom he had a daughter called Jeane Douglas married afterward to Patrick Lord Ruthven When the Queen came home again he meets her at Berwick and brought her to Edinburgh She having
their own slain of the enemie besides Sir Ralph Ivers and Brien Laton 200. or as others say 800. amongst whom there were divers Gentlemen of good note and qualitie There were taken prisoners 1000. or as others 2000. with all their baggage which had been left at Melrosse of which there were 80. of good birth and qualitie It was no little furtherance to the victory the advantage which the Scots had of the Sunne going down and so beating full in the eyes of the enemy as also of the Winde that blew the smoak of the Powder on their faces likewise so that they were blinded two wayes They had also marched so fast to overtake the Scots that they were quite out of breath almost ere they came to strokes and when they came to them at the first joyning the Scots that were on their side fled without fighting It is said that the Earle of Angus was so resolute and void of feare that when they were going to joyn battell he perceiving a Heron flie over their heads cryed out aloud `` O that I had my white Gose-hawke here we should all yoke at once The honour of the victorie was wholly given to him and the profit came to the Governour But the more honour that Angus got at home of his own countrey-men the more hatred he had of the Enemy the English King Henry blamed him saying he was ungratefull and vowed to be avenged of him for it As if any gratitude could binde a man to betray his Countrey or any benefite tie him to omit his duty toward it Angus had never learned such gratitude of his Predecessours nor could his noble heart stoop to such mercenarinesse And as for his threatnings he looked upon them with the same courage and resolution Is our brother-in-law offended sayes he that I am a good Scottish man Because I have revenged the defacing of the tombes of my Ancestors at Melrosse upon Ralph Ivers They were better men than he and I ought to have done no lesse And will he take my life for that Little knows King Henry the skirts of Kirnetable I can keep my self there from all his English hoste The newes of this victory being come to France the King sent Monsieur de L'orge Earle of Montgomerie into Scotland with 3000. foot and 500. horse to assist against England He gave him also commission to bestow the order of the Cockle or S. Michael on the Governour Angus Huntley and Argyle which he did accordingly De L'orge arrived about the fourth or fifth of July 1545. and moved the Governour to assemble some power of men about 15000. which were mustered at Hadington From thence they went to the Borders and encamped over against Warke an English Castle upon Tweed But they did nothing to any purpose Hereupon the Count Montgomerie returnes into France the rest of that year and the next following with a good part of the year 1547 there was nothing done abroad or at home save that the Cardinall was busied in causing execute such as were of the reformed Religion whereupon followed his own tragicall death and the French Galleyes coming besieged S. Andrewes Castle and carried away the authors of the Cardinals slaughter into France The Earle of Angus hath had no hand in all these broyles for he is never mentioned in any of them Only his naturall son George is said to have gotten the Abbacie of Arbrothe But then if he got it he might have been called Abbot and not Postulat or Postulant which implies that he was ever asking it but got it not In the same year 1547. in August King Henry of England dying his son Edward a childe of some eight or nine years of age succeeded and his Uncle the Earle of Hereford was created Duke of Sommerset and made Protectour of England He levied two Armies to come against Scotland one by sea another by land in which he came himself in person and with him the Earle of Warwick It contained 18000. men He pretended for the cause of his coming the performance of the marriage betwixt the King his Nephew and the young Queen of Scots together with the observation of the Articles agreed upon with the Scottish Nobilitie in the Treatie of Peace with King Henry The Governour was mightily perplexed herewith He had no forraigne aide and he distrusted his Countreymen at home Notwithstanding he causeth it to be proclaimed that they should assemble themselves to resiste the common enemie They had their randezvous at Edinburgh and there came thither to the number of 30000. men From thence they march to Musclebrugh which is seated at the mouth of the river of Eske in Lowthian some foure miles from Edinburgh The English lay at Preston within two miles and their Fleet sailed along the Coast still in the view of the Land army ready to second or succour it The Protector looking down from Carberrie Hill and perceiving the Scottish Army to be greater than he had expected in regard of the civill discord and dissention that was amongst them called a Councell of Warre to advise about the Battell and in the mean time he sends a Letter to the Governour to try if things could be taken away without blood The summe of the Letter was that he was come to crave the performance of the marriage and the observance of the conditions agreed unto by the Scots If they would not yeeld to that yet if they would but promise not to enter into terms of marriage with any other forrain Prince nor carry her out of the Countrey till she were come to years of discretion to choose her own husband they should return in peace and make satisfaction for any dammage their Army had done This was very reasonable but it should have been treated of before they came from home and rather by Ambassadours than in the field and camp It hath never been the cause of their coming with an Army but rather hope that no head could have been made against them in respect of the dissention for Religion and other divisions which perswaded them to come Now the sight of an Army which was a sufficient party for them had taught them wisedome and moderation in their conditions If the Governour could also have moderated his hope of victorie which arose from his confidence in the number of his men the bargaine had been agreed on and the businesse had ended without blood But his councell of Warre his base brother the Bishop of S. Andrews George Durie Abbot of Dumfermling Archbald Beton and Hugh Rigge puffed him up with idle hope of a sure victory So the Letter is supprest and preparation made for battell The Armies were thus ordered The English were divided into three battels Whereof Warwick led the Vaunt-guard together with Sir Francis Brien who commanded 800. light horsemen which were in the wings The Protectour himself commanded in the mid battell having with him Sir Peter Mewtas with 600. Musketiers and Jamboas a Spaniard
with the mantle of silence and oblivion the nakednesse of those to whom we owe even a filial dutie pietie Concerning that Princesse my heart inclineth more to pitie I see good qualities in her and love them I see errours and pity them I see gentlenesse courtesie humilitie beautie wisedome liberalitie who can but affect these If they be carried to inconvenience who can but lament it In that sex in that place in that education in that company a woman a Princesse accustomed to pleasure to have their will by Religion by sight by example by instigation by soothing and approbation Happie yea thrice happy are they who are guided through these rocks without touch nay without shipwrack I do advert more than I finde set down by Writers while I search into all the causes which might have drawn on these lamentable events Besides the secret loathings in the estate of marriage which who knows but the actors bringing forth dislike then quarrels on both sides then crossing thwarting then hatred then desire to be freed besides all this impotencie and desire of revenge being seconded with shew of reason and backed with a colour of law and justice what wil it not do Her husband had killed a servant of hers whom he had dragged violently out of her bed-chamber Behold him therefore as Lawyers or such as pretended skill in law would alledge guiltie of death in their judgment He was not crowned but proclaimed King only by her sole authority never acknowledged by a Parliament so was he but a private man a subject to her his Soveraigne as are the wives and children of Kings Wherefore his Fact in slaying Rizio was flat treason for which he might have bin arraigned and suffered according to law But bearing the name of a King having many friends and kinred a legall proceeding could hardly be attempted without great difficulty and might have caused an insurrection and much bloud-shed with uncertain event Wheresore in wisedome the most convenient way was to do it privatly and secretly secret justice is justice notwithstanding formalities are but for the common course of things This was an extraordinary case Justice is absolutly necessary the form whether this or that way is indifferent it may be altered or omitted the Princes power may dispense with forms in case of necessitie or conveniencie so the substance be observed Well I conceive that a Prince upon such suggestions upon dislike in anger and indignation might be drawn by his counsellours neither can I but conceive that these colours have been here represented to perswade or to sooth To be short that fact so lamentable and which I can never remember without lamenting every way in her own and her husbands person done by the Earle Bothwell he murdering her husband she marrying him the matter seemed extreame strange and odious in the eyes of many It is true Bothwell was cleared or rather not filed by an Assise but the Nobilitie judging him not to be sufficiently cleansed but rather being fully perswaded that he was the authour of the murder thought themselves bound in duty to bring him to a further triall And howsoever he had married the Queen yet did they not take themselves to be so farre bound in obedience to her as in that regard to desist from all further inquiring into that Fact Nay it did rather move their indignation to see him who had committed so vile and execrable a murder not onely to escape Scot-free but to reap so large and rich a reward as was the Queens own person Besides they thought the consequent might prove dangerous if he who had massacred the father and married the mother should also have the son the onely barre and lett of his ambition to establish the Crown to himself and his posteritie in his power and custodie These were given out as the causes of their taking arms which were very plausible to the vulgar especially the safetie of the young Prince James There is no question they had also their own particular respects which are seldome wanting and do commonly concurre with the publick cause wherefore there joyned together the Earles of Argyle Glencairne and Marre the Lords Lindsay and Boyde These bound themselves to pursue Bothwel and to assist one another against whosoever would oppose them especially to keep the young Prince from coming into Bothwels power But Argyle repenting him went the next morning to the Queen and revealed all the matter and the Lord Boyde also was at last perswaded with many fair promises to forsake them and joyn with Bothwell The rest notwithstanding remained firme with whom Morton took part He thought he could do no lesse being so near a kinsman to the late King and so to the young Prince It is true he had been beholding to Bothwell but no benefit could binde him to assist him in this case for by so doing he should have given some colourable ground to that report which had so spred it self that it was beleeved a while about the Court of England that Murray and he were authours of the Kings murder To have remained neutrall would have been but ill taken on both sides The Lord Hume Cesford and Balcleugh though they had not subscribed with the other Lords yet did they hate Bothwell and were suspected to incline to the contrary Faction The year preceding Bothwel had made an in-rode upon Liddisdale for the suppressing of theeves and apprehending of out-lawed Borderers with bad successe for he was wounded and hardly escaped with his life This year he resolves to repair his honour and by some notable exploit to gain the good-will of the people which that he might the more easily do the chief men of the name of Scot and Ker who were likely to â—…inder him were commanded to enter into prison in the Castle of Edinburgh and there to remain till his returne But they fearing some worse meaning went home to their houses The Lord Hume also being summoned to enter would not obey Notwithstanding Bothwell goeth on with his intended journey and so the Queen and he come to Borthwick Castle there to make all things ready for this expedition The adverse party thought this place was not unfit to surprize him in it and therefore they appointed their Rendezvous at Liberton whither Morton onely came The Earle of Athole whither through his naturall slownesse or fearfulnesse by his not keeping that appointment caused the rest to break also and to stay still at Stirlin The Lord Hume in hope to have been seconded went directly to Borthwick and lay about the Castle but seeing no appearance of their coming he kept such negligent watch that the Queen and Bothwell escaped and went back to the Castle of Dumbar The Lords thus frustrated went to Edinburgh to practise the Citizens there and to draw them to their side which they easily effected The Castle was kept by Sir James Belfoure whom Bothwell had made Captain thereof and who had
been his intimate friend and prâ—…vie to all his secrets But upon some distaste or distrust Bothwell had sought to put him out of the place which he finding had made himself full Master thereof and he was now entred in termes of agreement and capitulation with the Lords to put it into their hands but had not yet concluded and transacted with them There were in the City at this time of the other party John Hamilton Bishop of S. Andrews the Earle of Huntley and the Bishop of Rosse John Lesly These when they heard that the Lords were come into the Citie came forth into the Street hoping the Citizens would assist them and help them to expell the Lords but when they saw that few or none did resort to them they fled to the Castle where they were received the Captain thereof not having as yet agreed with the Lords and some few dayes after were let out at a posterne and so escaped In the mean time the Queen had sent abroad to assemble her forces There came to her out of Lowthian the Lords Seton Yester and Borthwick small Barons Waughton Basse and Ormeston Out of the Merse Sir David Hume of Wedderburne with his Uncle Blackader notwithstanding their Chief the Lord Hume and his Cousin German Morton were on the other side Besides these they had 200. hired Souldiers under the leading of Captain Anstrudder mounting in all to 2000. and 500. with these they set forward from Dumbar with intention to go to Leith that so they might be nearer the enemy and lose no opportunity of taking advantage of them A wrong course and ill advised Whereas if they had but stayed a space in the Castle of Dumbar the Lords not having sufficient forces to assault them there nor Ordnance or any other necessary provision for a seige had been constrained to disperse themselves and retire home to their own houses Which if they had done they might easily have been overthrown being separated and scattered before they could have joyned their forces again But there is a directour of all things who had not ordained that Bothwell should prosper in his wayes which fell out also by his own temeritie and the counsel of Master Edmond Hay his Lawyer who is said to have advised him thus alledging that the Lords neither would nor durst abide their coming but would presently flee upon the first noise of their approach and that if they did but once shew themselves in the fields the Commons would all come flocking to them But it fell out clean contrary for neither did the people concurre with them because they hated Bothwell and the Lords having once taken Arms were enforced by necessity to fight for their own safety Their number was about some 2000. most part Gentlemen of good quality and ranke of the which the chief were Morton Marre 〈◊〉 Glencairne Montrose the Lords Hume Lindsay Ruthven Semple and Sanwhere Small Barons Cesford Drumlenrigge Tillebardine Grange They had no Artillerie neither any Musketiers save a few from Edinburgh They caused to be drawn on their ensignes the late King lying dead and his young son the Prince James sitting on his knees with his hands heaved up to Heaven with this Motto Judge and revenge my cause O LORD While they were in Edinburgh word was brought to them about midnight that the Queen and Bothwell were come to Seton and Salt-Preston within six miles of them Whereupon they made haste and having armed went speedily toward Muscleburgh lest the enemie should seize the Bridge and Foords of the River which was within two miles of Preston So having passed it without disturbance a little after the Sun-rising finding that the enemy did not stirre they took their refreshment and broke their fast at leasure Not long after those whom they had sent before to currie the fields and to give notice what the enemie was about having perceived a few horsemen without the village drove them back again but not daring to follow them for fear of some ambuscade could learne nothing else save that the enemie was ready to march Hereupon the Lords also began to set forward toward them and being now without the Towne of Muscleburgh they perceived the enemy ranged in order of battell all along Carburie hill ready to encounter them The hill was steep and the ascent difficult on that side wherefore they turned a little to the right hand where they might with more ease and lesse disadvantage ascend the hill being there much plainer and the ground more levell This deceived the enemy who seeing them turn aside supposed they had fled to Dalketh which belonged to Morton and lay on that hand But they being come where they would have been set their men in order having the Sun on their backs and in the face of the enemie which was no small advantage for the day was exceeding hot being the fifth of June 1567. besides the Townes-men of Dalkeeth did furnish them sufficiently with drink together with other villages that lay on that hand But on Bothwels side it was not so there was no such alacrity and readinesse in the people to supply them no foresight in themselves to provide no chearfulnesse in the Army but most of them wavering between their duty to the Queen and their suspicion of Bothwels guiltinesse Yet did they not offer to forsake her neither would they have done it for any thing we hear of if Bothwell durst have stood to it But his self-accusing conscience struck his minde with such terrour and dread that knowing what he had deserved he judged other mens mindes to be accordingly affected toward him and seeing head made against him beyond his expectation he began to doubt of the fidelity of those that were come to take part with him Especially he distrusted Sir David Hume of Wedderburne in regard of his friendship and Kinred with the Lord Hume and Earle of Morton Wherefore he moved the Queen to ask him whether he would abide constantly by her and performe his part faithfully He answered freely that he was come to serve her as his Soveraigne out of duty and in sincerity which he would do to the utmost of his power against whomsoever without respect of whatsoever friendship or kindred with any Blackader said the like and added withall speaking to Bothwell I wish my Lord you stay as well by it as we shall That which made them the more to fear Sir David was because a servant of his as he went to drink at a well not farre from the enemie was taken and brought to Morton who hearing whose man he was dismissed him and bade him tell his Master from him That if he were the man he should be he alone might put an end to that dayes work which is like enough he might have done if either he would have revolted to the Lords or forsaken Bothwell and gone home The rest of the Nobles and Gentlemen being in like manner exhorted by the Queen to
fight valiantly promised that for their own parts they would do it faithfully but they said the hearts of the common Souldiers were averse from Bothwell and thought it more reasonable that he should adventure his own Person in his own quarrell for maintaining his innocency than that either her Majestie or so many of her good Subjects should adventure or endanger their lives for him But if she were resolved to trie the hazard of a battell it was her best to deferre it till the next day that the Hamiltons who were on their journey might joyne with them As they were about to joyne battell the French Ambassadour La Croque would have mediated a Peace and came to the Lords promising to obtain their pardon at the Queens hands for what was past and that none of them should ever be called in question for their taking Armes against her so that they would now lay them down and proceed no further Morton made answer that they had not taken Armes against the Queen but against Bothwell who had murthered their King whom if her Majestie would be pleased to abandon they would quickly make it appear that they desired nothing more than to continue in all dutifull obedience and allegeance to her as became Loyall Subjects but so long as Bothwell remained unpunished they could not in duty and conscience be so forgetfull of their late King as not to avenge his murther La Croque not being able to perswade them retired to Edinburgh All hope of peace and agreement being cut off Bothwell being jealous of his Souldiers and either intending in good earnest to fight or for a Bravado sent a Trumpet to the Lords to declare his innocency in confidence whereof if any would accuse him and stand to his allegation he was ready to maintain his cause against whosoever would attach him in Duel and single Combate There were two of the Lords faction that undertook to make it good against him William Kirkadic of Grange and James Murray brother to Tilliberdine but he rejected these as not being his equals and Peeres he being an Earle and they but Gentlemen onely Wherefore he challenged Morton by name He accepted of the challenge and appointed the Weapons two-handed Swords and to fight on foot But the Lord Lindsay stepping forth besought Morton and the rest that for all the service that ever his Predecessours or himself had done or could do unto the country that they would do him that honour as to suffer him to undertake that Combate which he said did also duly belong unto him in regard of his nearnesse in bloud to the defunct King They condescended and Bothwell having nothing to accept against him they prepared on both sides Morton gave Lindsay the Sword which had been Earle Archbalds called commonly Bell the Cat wherewith he cut asunder Spenses thigh as is shewed in his life With this which Lindsay wore ever after and a buckler as the manner then was he presents himself before the Army to attend Bothwels coming But the Queen would not suffer him to fight and interposing her authority commanded him to desist Then she sent a Heâ—…auld to the Lords requiring them to send Grange to her that she might conferre with him and that in the mean time the Army should stand quiet While the Queen did Parley with Grange Bothwell as it had been fore-plotted conveyes himself secretly out of the Army and fled to Dumbar When the Queen had talked so long with Grange as that Bothwell had time enough to escape and be out of their reach free from all danger of being overtaken she went with him to the Lords and desiring them to suffer her Army to depart in safetie which they easily granted she dismissed them Then she requested that she might go to the Hamiltons who were not farre off at Corstorphing to give them thanks for their good will promising faithfully to return whereupon she desired Morton to passe his word and be suretie for her A strange request for her to ask in such a case farre stranger for them to have granted or for Morton to have undertaken that which lay not in his power to see performed Bothwell had escaped to their great grief and discontentment the Queen onely remained the pledge of peace and foile of their enemies who wanting her did want a head Therefore her suite was denied and she brought to Edinburgh There a consultation was held what were fittest to be done with her Amongst great diversitie of opinions Morton would by no means yeeld to have her life meddled withall desiring onely that some such course might be taken as that the professed Religion might not be prejudiced and that they themselves might be secured from future danger Yet there were some that pressed the matter very hard against him alledging that there was no possibilitie either to preserve Religion or secure themselves so long as she were alive Promises were to no purpose and of no value They might be easily eluded as proceeding from a just fear and compulsion as they would call it And to imprison her were no better seeing there would not want a party ere long to set her free And though there were no party yet she her self might use means to escape and others might help her yea without all these time and occasion would work her delivery Nay some went so far with him as to denounce GODS judgements against him as a hinderer of the execution of justice which he himself should feele upon his own person because he would not give way to it in the person of another For it is but justice said they else if it be unlawfull so is this detaining of her unlawfull and whatsoever we have done is unlawfull and flat treason All this notwithstanding Morton would not consent unto it but made answer That howsoever they had gone thus farre being drawne to it by necessity for the preservation of Religion the good of their Countrey their own honour and credit and even led by nature to look to their own safetie yet they ought not to meddle with the life of their Soveraignâ—… To secure themselves it was sufficient to have her kept in some place of suretie and strength which he thought even too much if he could see any other remedie And so it was concluded that shee should be sent to Logh-leven there to be kept by William Douglas owner thereof a very honest Gentleman and who had sided with neither Partie And although the same matter was agitate again while she remained in Logh-leven the 25. of August at a solemne meeting of the Estates after Murray was come home and had accepted the Regencie and many did incline to have her executed some out of zeal to Religion and love of Justice as they deemed it some out of love to the Hamiltons who by her death would be but one step from the Crown yet Morton stuck to his former opinion and resolution Shee was no sooner committed but some began to
plot her deliverie supposing that undoubtedly she would get out at last by one mean or other they strove to anticipate her favour and make her beholding to them for that which could not faile to come to passe Neither did they fear the consequent if once she were set at libertie for they made no question to make their partie good The authoritie was hers time would make the peoples heart to relent and fold to their naturall Princesse the Faction that was against her was the weaker and diversitie of opinions would bring forth division amongst them Of those that sought her favour Sir William Metellane Secretarie was one His dis-like and hatred of Bothwell had made him joyne with the Lords being now rid of him he returned to his old byas again and bent his course toward her But not daring to do it openly he wrote privately to her and assured her of his good-will and promised his best endeavour to serve her and that howsoever his power were none of the greatest he shewed that he might prove steadable to her by the Apologue of the Lion which being taken in a net was delivered from thence by the help of a Mouse that did shear the net and cut it in pieces with her teeth Morton did constantly prosecute the course begun with great courage and wisedome over-coming all difficulties before the Earle of Murrays returne who had gone to France in the beginning of these stirres which were neither small nor few His Associates found them moe than they had expected They had promised themselves the approbation of all men and that all would joyne with them at least the best affected It fell out otherwise time diminished envie change of their Princes estate begate pity fear of the event kept aloof doubt of dutie restrained some and desire of rest and securitie others So that no new Forces came to them but on the contrary some of their own side forsook them and went to the other new hopes not onely cooling but even changing their affections Wherefore they were much perplexed and had it not been for Morton they had quite deserted the cause But he perswaded them to keep together at Edinburgh and to write to the other Lords that were assembled at Hamilton to desire them to come to Edinburgh that so they might consult together what were fittest to bee done for the good and peace of the Kingdome But they would neither receive Letter nor Message saying It was great presumption in them to have possessed themselves of the chief City and to offer to send for them and not to come to them who were so they thought the stronger and had the better cause The others to give them satisfaction in that point caused the Ministers of Edinburgh to write to them jointly as also severally to their particular friends and acquaintance both to excuse that which they took exception at which they told they had done not because they did challenge or claime any preeminence or prerogative to themselves beyond them or for any other cause save onely the conveniencie of the place for both parties to meet in and withall to exhort them that in so perillous a time setting aside all particular respects and quarrels they would have a care of the common good of the Countrey But these Letters prevailed no more than the former Yet though they would not concurre with them they did nothing against them whether because they were not able they being within the town of Edinburgh or because they did not agree among themselves or that they wanted a Commission and a sufficient Warrant from the Queen they dissolved and returned every man to his own home This their attempt to have kept some forme of meeting and Parliament in the Queens name admonished the Lords to take away that which would beare greatest shew against them the Queens authoritie Wherefore they deale with her to resigne it to her sonne which she was very loath to do yet at last shee consented to it and having subscribed a formall renunciation and dimission shee made also and signed a Procuration or Letters of Attourney to cause crown her sonne at Stirlin or where they pleased She named likewise his Curators Murray if he would accept of it at his returne failing him these seven The Duke Hamilton Lennox the Childes grandfather Argyle Morton Glencairne Marre and Athole It was presently put in execution for within two dayes the 26. of July the Prince was crowned at Stirlin being then thirteen moneths and eight dayes old Morton and the Lord Hume took the Oath for him that he should observe the Laws and maintain the Religion then professed Master Knox made the Sermon the Coronation was also performed by him and two Super-intendents Having gained this point they had now this advantage of the others that not only were their enemies deprived of the countenance and colour of authoritie but they themselves were armed therewith And thus they remained till Murrays returne who at first would not accept of the Place which by the Queens direction was reserved for him but being pressed by the rest that they might have an established and certain Head he yeelded to their requests and took the Place and charge of Regent uponhim From this time forward Murray being Regent according as did belong unto his place hee was chief Commander in every thing yet was hee assisted by Mortons faithfull counsell and advice who did also many times supply the publick wants with his private meanes in times of greatest necessitie Especially when Bothwell was to be pursued who having put forth to sea and being turned Pirate lay about Orknay robbing all that came in his way without fear of being followed knowing wel that there was no money in the treasurie he himself having emptied it to rig out any shipping against him Then did Morton on his own charges provide Vessells hire Mariners and Souldiours to go out after him This was the fruit of his good husbandrie and the good use he made of his parsimonie and menagerie Grange was sent Admirall who came so suddenly upon him that he had well-nigh taken him before he was aware yet he escaped in a light Pinnace over a craig in the sea with such hazard that it is thought to have grazed upon it The Lion which followed after being a Ship of greater bulk and burden and which drew more water stuck fast upon it so that the men were constrained to betake themselves to their Cock-boat The Bishop of Orknay Bothwell to his name who was father to the Lord Haly-rude-house was last in the Ship and seeing the Boat loosing called to them to stay for him but they being already sufficienrly laden would not hear him He seeing no other remedy leapt into the Boat having on him a Corselet of proof which was thought a strange leap especially not to have over-turned the Boat Thus the men were all saved and the Earle Bothwell sailed to Denmark There being
go on with such hazard and disadvantage and therefore they took the way of Rutherglem which leads to Dumbartan The Regent perceiving their intent commanded the horsemen to hye them quickly to Langside Hill which they did and the rest of the Army followed them so fast as that they were all got thither before the enemie understood their meaning Two things made for the Regents advantage one was Argyles sicknesse who being overtaken with a sudden fit of an Epilepsie or Apoplexie the Army halted and thereby gave the Regent time to choose his ground though he came a further way about The other was their confidence in their number and despising of the small number of their enemies who were indeed fewer than they yet were they moe than they were aware of For having marched over hils and dales they never had a full view of them to know their number aright and perfectly When they came within a little of the hill perceiving that it was already taken by the Regent they retired to another little hil just over against it where they drew up their Companies and put their men in order Argyle was Lieutenant and led the Rere-ward With him there was the Earles of Cassils Eglinton and Rothuse the Lords Seton Somervaile Yester Borthwick Sanwhere Boyde and Rosse with divers Gentlemen of good quality The Vant-guard was committed to Claude Hamilton of Pasley sonne to the Duke and Sir James Hamilton of Evendale consisting most of Hamiltons together with their friends and followers James Stuart of Castleton and Arthur Hamilton of Mirrinton were Commanders of the Musketiers which were some 300. The Lord Harris commanded the horsemen which were most part Borderers dependers and servants to his brother the Lord Maxwell The Regent did likewise divide his men in two battels the Vant-guard was conducted by Morton with whom were the Lord Hume and Semple The Regent himself was in the Reer and with him Marre Glencairne Monteith the Lord Ruthven Ochletree and Kirkart with the small Barons of the Lennox and the Citizens of Glasgow The horsemen were committed to William Douglas of Drumlenrig and Alexander Hume of Manderston and John Carmichell of Carmichell They were inferiour in horse and therefore upon the first encounter they retired and fell back to the footmen who made out to succour them and drave back the enemies horse by the means of the High-Landers especially who bestowed a flight of arrowes amongst them and so galled them that they could no longer endure it The Queens Vant-guard coming to joyn battell with the Vant-guard of the enemy marched through a narrow Lane near unto which the Regents shot were placed in the Yards Gardens and Orchards of the Village of Langside so conveniently that they being at covert did annoy the enemie and shoot at them as at a mark without any danger or hurt to themselves In this Lane many were slain before they could get through and having passed it they were assaulted by Morton very fiercely with Pikes and Speares and other long Weapons on both sides of the Lane They fought very eagerly a while in so much that when their long Weapons were broken being so close together that they could not draw their Swords they fell to it with Daggers and Stones and and what so came readiest to hand In the midst and heat of the fight Mackfarlane with his High-Landers fled out of the last Ranks of the Regents Companies as our Writers say but indeed it was from this wing where they were placed as I have heard it of those that were present The Lord Lindsay who stood next to him in the Regents own battell when he saw them go away Let them go saith he and be not afraid I shall supply their place and withall stepping forward with his Company charged the enemy afresh Their long Weapons being broken and themselves well nigh overcome before they were not able to sustaine a new impression but turned their backs and fled The Regent and his Squadron stood still and kept their Ranks and places till they saw that the victory was clearly theirs and that the enemy did flee disorderly then they also brake their order and followed the chase in the which moe were killed than in the fight and that most part by the High-Landers who seeing that their side had the day returned and made great slaughter to make amends for their former fleeing There were many wounded and many taken but 300. slain who had been many moe had not the Regent sent horsemen throughout all quarters with command to spare the fleers There were taken of note The Lord Seton and Rosse Sir James Hamilton the Sheriff of Aire and Linlithgow with others On the Victors side one man onely slain John Balonie of Preston in the Merse a servant of Mortons few hurt the Lord Hume with a stone on the face very ill and Andrew Stuart Lord Ochletree by the Lord Harris The Queen who stood as a spectatour about a mile off seeing the field lost fled away with the Lord Harris and his horsemen For after he was repulsed by the Regents Vant-guard and the High-Landers he went to her and stayed by her From thence she fled to England suspecting the Lord Harris his fidelitie Some do reckon amongst the causes of this victory a contention which fell out between John Stuart and Arthur Hamilton two Captains of the Queens Musquetiers who that morning before they set out strove for precedencie and the matter being referred to the Queens decision she adjudged it to Stuart for the names sake and because he had been sometime Captain of her Guard Hamilton took this so ill that when they came neare to the enemie he cryed out aloud Where are now these Stuarts that did contest for the first place let him now come and take it The other hearing him answered presently And so I will neither shalt thou nor any Hamilton in Scotland set his foot before me to day whereupon they rushed forward unadvisedly and were followed as inconsiderately by Claude Hamilton of Pasley with the Vantguard which was the occasion of their disconfiture The battell was fought the 13. of May eleven dayes after the Queen came out of Logh-leven The Regent returned to Glasgow and after publick thanksgiving for the victorie and mutuall congratulation the rest of the day was spent in taking order with the prisoners Morton sought to have had the Lord Seton in his keeping but he was withstood by Andrew Ker of Fadunside whose prisoner he was whether out of fear of hard dealing towards him or lest he should lose his thanks in saving of him wherefore Morton modestly desisted The day after they went into Cliddesdale and cast down Draphan and some Houses that belonged to the Hamiltons Afterward there was a day appointed for a Convention of the Estates at Edinburgh for staying of which the other faction did use all possible means They caused rumours to be spread of some help to come out of France
which had come indeed under the conduct of Martige of the House of Luxemburg but that the Civill Warres at home made him to be called back again The Earle of Argyle came to Glasgow with 600. horse and had some conference with the Hamiltons and others of that faction but they not agreeing he went home again and did nothing Huntley also with 1000. men was coming toward Edinburgh and was on his journey as farre as the water of Erne but the Bridges and Foords being guarded by the Lord Ruthven he went likewise home again Last of all they procured Letters from the Queen of England in which she desired that they would delay the meeting till such time as she were informed of their proceedings and justnesse of their cause why they took Arms against their Queen her Cousin of whose wrongs she behooved to take notice and be sensible It was hard to offend her but harder to suffer their adversaries to gain the poynt they aimed at which was in the Queens name and by her authoritie to keep a meeting and to forfeit all those who were on the K. side having already appointed a day for that purpose Wherefore they go on with their Convention and punish some few for example to terrifie others And for suppressing the daily incursions of the Niddisdale Anandale and Galloway men they raised an Army of 5000. horse and 1000. Musketiers which expedition because it was memorable for the extreame scarcitie of victuals when they came to Hoddam was called The Roade of Hoddam They set forth from Edinburgh the 11 of June and returned thither againe the 26. The chief thing that they did in that journey was that they seized the houses of Bog-hall Crawford Sanwhere Logh-wood Hoddam Logh-Maban and Annand Logh Maban is a house of the Kings and was then in the Lord Maxwels keeping but now being surrendred Drumlenrigge is made keeper of it who was also made Warden of the West Marches Assoone as the Regent was gone from thence with his Armie Maxwels folks who had hidden themselves in some secret corner of the Castle turned out Drumlenrigges men and re-possessed themselves thereof again Logh-wood belonged to Johnston Hoddam to the Lord Harris and the rest to their severall Lords and Owners which were all spared on hope of their promised obedience Onely Skirlin was razed and Ken-Moore a house of Loghen-varres who was obstinate and would not yeeld upon any condition The Regent and Morton sent Sir David Hume of Wedderburne to him who was brother to his wife but no entreatie nor threatning could prevail with him or move him to submit himselfe When they threatned to pull down his house he said They should by so doing save him a labour for he meant to take it down himselfe and build it up again better Which was performed on both sides for it was cast down the 16 of July and he did afterward re-edifie it much better Many yeelded divers stood out of whom there came a thousand within a mile of the Regents Camp Who were their heads is not mentioned but as yet Maxwel Johnston Loghen-varre and Cowehill were not come in and whether it were any of these or some other we have not learned Morton and the Lord Hume with a thousand horse went out against them but they were gone before they came neere and fled to the Boggs and waste Marishes In their return at Peebles they received Letters again from the Queen of England wherein she renewed her former request to them that they would send some up to her to inform her of the equity of their cause The Regent himselfe undertakes the journey with whom went Morton Lindsay the Bishop of Orknay Master Pitcarne Abbot of Dumfermeling Sir William Metellan Secretary Master James Mackgill Master Henry 〈◊〉 and Master George Buchanan The Queene having heard their Justification and Defences made answer That she saw nothing for the present to object against their proceedings yet she desired them to leave some of their company behinde to answer to such things as might be objected afterward by their Queens Ambassadours While they are there Duke Hamilton came over out of France and desired the Queene of England to cause Murray give over the Regents place to him being as he alledged his due seeing he was next heire to the Crowne But the Queen perceiving that he intended to make some stirre and to raise new troubles in Scotland commanded him to stay and not depart till he were licensed The Regent with his company was dismissed and returned into Scotland the 2 of February Within a while after the Duke returned also being made Lieutenant for the imprisoned Queene and adopted to be her father He sent forth his Proclamations commanding that no authority should be obeyed but his which no man would obey And that none might fear him the Regent went to Glasgow with an Armie and there Hamilton came ro him and promising to acknowledge the King and Regents authoritie he gave pledges to be kept till such time as he should do it prefixing a day when he would come in When the day was come he came to Edinburgh and began to shift and desire a longer day while he might have the Queens consent Then being asked what he would do if the Queen would not give her consent he answered that he would do nothing and what he had done already he had done it out of fear Hereupon he and the Lord Harris were sent to prison in the Castle of Edinburgh The next to be taken order with were Argyle and Huntley Both had been busie in the Regents absence but not alike Argyle had onely showne himself in the fields but had done hurt to no man Huntleys case was worse he had vexed the Mernes and Angus made Lieutenants about the water of Dee and behaved himself in all things as if he had been King After much debate Argyle was onely made to take an oath that he should be obedient in time coming and Huntley was also pardoned save that he was ordained to make satisfaction and restitution to the parties who were robbed and spoyled by him and his followers For the performance of which the Regent and Morton went to Aberdene Elgin and Inner-nesse with two Companies of Harquebusiers and Musquetiers where having received hostages and sureties of Huntley they returne to Perth to hold a Convention of the States Thither were brought two Packets of Letters from the two Queens The Queen of England made three Propositions First that the Kings Mother might be restored to her former Place and Crown Secondly that if they would not yeeld to that yet that her name might be used in all Writs and joyned with her sonnes and that the Government should continue in the Regents hands The third last was that if none of these could be granted she might be suffered to live a private life as another subject with as much respect and honour as could be given to her without
Regent killed the Horse of George Douglas of Park-head a naturall brother of the Earle Mortons This fell out the 21. of January 1569. The Regent finding himself hurt alighted from his horse went to his lodging and died ere midnight Bothwell-hawke who had done the deed having mounted upon a horse which hee had â—…nding ready for him of purpose escaped untaken He was much lamented of all but especially of Morton who had best reason to be sensible of this losse seeing by his death the common cause did want a main pillar and supporter thereof and the Kings side which he followed was deprived of a sufficient and able leader He himself also had lost a dear friend with whom he had so long entertained honest and faithfull friendship and who had borne so great a part of that heavie burden and weight of State affairs with him For now the whole burden of guiding the Kingdome and managing the State lay upon him almost alone and that even in the time of the two succeeding Regents for the space of some three years or thereby They indeed bare the name and the authoritie but he was the man by whose advice and counsell by whose travels and paines both of body and minde yea and upon whose charges also often times most things were performed till at last he himself was chosen Regent and did then all things alone without a helper This was well known to all and was plainly spoken in the time of Lennox his Regencie A staff under a Hood so they termed Lennox Morton rules all Yet was it not so altogether neither was Lennox so devoide of judgement but behaved himself very well very judiciously courageously and courtiously even in Mortons absence in the taking of Pasley and Dumbartan and in his courteous usage of the Lady Fleming who was within the Castle of Dumbartan Onely because matters seemed to rely most upon Mortons good advice action and means the ruder interpreters made that hard construction of it as if Morton because he did much had therefore done all as commonly men are wont to judge and speak And it is very true that is said of Lennox in that Epitaph of him famam virtute resellit Yet it cannot be denied but that even while Murray was Regent Morton did very much and though he were not equall with him in place and dignitie for there was but one Regent yet he was such a second as might well be esteemed a yoke-fellow both in consulting and performing being a partaker with him in all perrils and burdens So that of all that is set down here of Murray Morton was ever an equall sharer and may justly challenge the one halfas his due And therefore it is that we have been so particular and insisted so long in Murrayes actions because of Mortons perpetuall concurrence with him in all things and his interest in every businesse Wherefore we hope it will not be thought impertinent to our Historie thus to have handled them although Morton were not the sole actor since he was a prime and maine one For whoso will rightly consider shall finde that saying to be true of these two which Permenio said of Alexander and himself Nihil Alexander absque Permenione multa Permenio absque Alexandro being applied to Morton For Morton did many things without Murray but Murray nothing without Morton And thus it went even when Murray was alive when all acknowledged his authority Now he being dead many swarved many made defection and as if they had forgotten what they had promised became open enemies The Kings party was weakened the adverse party strengthened both by forrain and home-bred power Fear might have terrified him ease sollicited honour and profit allured him to have left it and joyned with the other side But he shrinks not for any perill hatred or envie for no pains or travell to be sustained no case or security could allure him no hope of favour of riches of honour could move him to abandon it Which doth evidently justifie and clear him of all the imputations which the wit of man can devise or imagine against him Whether it be that he conspired with Murray to make him King he was now dead and that hope with him Or if it be any particular end and aime of his own what appearance is there that he could have any private end which he followed forth with certain danger and uncertain event or profit For clearing of which let us weigh the parties and the forces and meanes at home and abroad on both sides First there were of the Queens side Duke Hamilton Argyle Athole Huntley almost all pettie Princes in their severall Countries and Shires Also the Earles of Crawford Rothuse Eglinton Cassils the Lord Harris with all the Maxwels Loghenvarre Johnston the Lord Seton Boyde Gray Oglevie Levingston Flemin Oliphant the Sheriff of Air and Linlithgow Balcleugh Faâ—…hast and Tillibardine The Lord Hume did also countenance them though few of his friends or name were with him safe one meane man Ferdinando of Broom-house Metellan the Secretarie a great Polititian and Grange an active Gentleman who was Captain of the Castle and Provest of the Town of Edinburgh they had the chief Castles and places of strength in their hands Edinburgh Dumbartan Logh-Maban France did assist them Spain did favour them and so did his Holinesse of Rome together with all the Roman Catholiques every where Their faction in England was great all the North-folcians Papists and male-contents had their eye upon Queen Mary Neither was she though in prison altogether unusefull to her side for besides her countenance and colour of her authoritie which prevailed with some she had her rents in France and her Jewels wherewith she did both support the common cause and reward her private servants and followers especially they served her to furnish Agents and Ambassadours to plead her cause and importune her friends at the Court of France and England who were helped by the banished Lords Dacres and Westmoreland to stirre up forraine Princes all they could Thus was that partie now grown great so that it might seeme both safe and most advantagious to follow it The other was almost abandoned there were but three Earles that took part with Morton at first Lennox Marre Glencairne Neither were these comparable to any one of the foremost foure In Fyfe there was the Lord Lindsay and Glames in Angus no such great men and no wayes equall to Crawford and Rothuse The Lord Semple was but a simple one in respect of Cassils Maxwell Loghenvarre and others Methvaine in Stratherne a very mean Lord Ochletree amongst the meanest that bare the title of a Lord and yet Kirkart was meaner than he both in men and means Neither was Ruthven so great but that Tillibardine and Oliphant were able to overmatch him They had no Castles but Stirlin and Tantallon which belonged to Morton The commons indeed were very forwardly set that way but how uncerraine and unsure a
any obedience at all to such a Bishop neither doth it ordain acknowledge or once name such a Bishop Thus either truly deceived or deceiving themselves that they might redeeme their ease by yeelding and cover their yeelding with an equivocation they found that it was all in vaine for they were not admitted nor permitted to expound it in that sort whatsoever their meaning was but were forced to accept of the exposition which the Court and the Bishops did put upon it who understood that phrase according to the word of God not as a limitation but affirmatively wherein it was acknowledged that the word of God did command obedience to them and therefore they promised obedience according to that command Notwithstanding of all this divers stood out and would no wayes be moved neither by threatnings nor by promises to give the least shew of approbation directly or indirectly by equivocation or any other forme whatsoever but spake plainly against them and prayed publickly for the banished brethren Of these Master Nicholas Dagleish was one who thereupon was accused as too bold to pray for the Kings Rebels He answered that they were no Rebels but true Subjects who had fled from tyranny and such as sought their lives by commanding them to doe against their conscience Hee was empannelled put to his triall by an assise and was cleansed in despite and maugre the Court so farre there remained conscience in men But the Courtiers will not let him escape thus dry-shod they labour to finde a hole in his Coat another way they search and finde that a Letter had come from Master Walter Balcanquell to his wife which because shee could not well read the hand shee had given him to read to her and he had read it Hereupon he is again put to an asâ—…se and they not daring to cleanse him yet would they not finde him guilty but desired him to come into the Kings will Hee was contented to submit himself to the Kings pleasure for so much as concerned the reading of the Letter and so was sent to the Tolbooth where hee remained three weeks and was from thence sent to Saint Andrews And thus went Church-matters In the civill government there was none now but the Earle of Arran he lacked the name of King but hee ruled as absolutely and commanded more imperiously than any King under the shadow of the Kings authority and the pretext that all that he did was for the Kings good and safety Hee had gotten before the keeping of the Castle of Stirlin he behooved also to have the Castle of Edinburgh in his power Alexander Ereskin Uncle to the Earle of Marre was Captain of it hee must needs favour his Nephew and his Faction wherefore it was taken from him and given to Arran who was also made Provest of the Towne Hee was Chancellour of Scotland and having put out Pitcairne Abbot of Dumfermling hee made Master John Metellane Secretary Hee did whatsoever hee pleased if there were no Law for it it was all one hee caused make a Law to serve his ends 〈◊〉 was observed that his Lady said to one who alledged there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…or doing of what shee deâ—…red to have done It is no matâ—… 〈◊〉 shee wee shall cause make an Act of Parliament for it If 〈◊〉 â—…an reâ—…used to do oâ—… grant any thing hee craved they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bee tossed and vexed for it even the chief of the Nobility 〈◊〉 Cassils and the Lord Hume were committed Athole beâ—…â—…ee would not divorce from his wife and entaile his estate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Earle or Master of Cassils because hee would not give 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 great summe of Money under the name of a Loane the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because he would not give him his portion of Dirleton 〈◊〉 â—…he Lord Maxwell then Earle of Morton was quarrelled be 〈◊〉 hee would not excambe his Baronie of Pooke and Maxwell 〈◊〉 â—…ld inheritance for a parcell of the Lord Hamiltons Lands which weâ—…â—…ow his by forfeiture Many Lands had hee taken from many but 〈◊〉 satisfied ever seeking to adde possession to possession 〈◊〉 was not impertinently remonstrated to him by John Barton Goldsmith a wittie and free-spoken man Hee had directed this Barton to maâ—…e him a Seale and to carve on it his Coat of Armes duely quartered according to his Lands and Honours This he did pretty well to his contentment but he left one quarter thereof blank and void Hereof when the Earle asked the reason he answered That there may be room for the Lands your Lordship shall purchase hereafter Hee took for his Motto Sic fuit est erit mâ—…ning that it was an ordinary thing in all ages for meane men to rise to great fortunes and that therefore it ought not either to bee wondred at or to be envied And it is true if the meane had been vertue and not wickednesse which ever was is and will be both envied and hated as it deserveth His ambition was such amongst other examples thereof that Queen Elizabeth must needs bee God-mother to his daughter whose Ambassadour was present at the Christening His crueltie though conspicuous many wayes did appear singularly in the causing execute Master Cunninghame of Drummewhasle and Master Douglas of Maines his sonne-in-law This Cunninghame was an ancient Gentleman and of an old house who himself in person had beene a follower of the Earle of Lennox the Kings Grandfather and had done him good service when he took in the Castle of Dumbartan and Douglas of Maines was esteemed to bee one of the properest men in the Kingdome and was a youth of good expectation yet both of them were hanged at the Market Crosse of Edinburgh The pretext was a forged conspiracie to have taken the King on a certain day at hunting and to have carried him into England Their accuser was Robert Hamilton of Inshemachon who was as hee said himself upon the plot or at least as hee said had been desired to bee of it by Master Edmiston of Duntreath Edmiston being apprehended related How they had plotted to bring in the exiled Lords on horses forsooth which had their eares their maynes and their tails cut themselves being disguised c. A tale which was so unhandsome toyish and ridiculous that no man did beleeve it but esteemed it a foolish fable yet did they make use of it to practise their crueltie upon such as they feared and to make themselves a terrour to all men To returne to the Earle of Angus he and his associats were removed from Berwick to New-castle in May. So it seemed good to the State of England seeing no appearance of their hastie restoring to their own Countrey to secure the Court of Scotland by taking that thorn out of their foot which was too near and too pricking at Berwick Besides these banished Lords were not greatly liked of by the Lord Hunsden then Governour of Berwick for hee entertained correspondencie with the contrary Faction either out of his own inclination
but small hope to prove yea or to colour their pretended accusations and that they diffide and distrust that they shall be able to doe it And most men thinke that if there bee nothing wrung out of John Hume by some one means or other as there is no cause to doubt of the Gentlemans honesty and constancy they will have no subterfuge for their false allegations which must needs tend to your Lordships good and honour clearing your innocency and confuting the calumnies of your enemies I received a letter by Master James Melvine and Master Walter Balcanquel who arrived here on friday last declaring the couragious and constant death of Maines who gave testimony of your Lordships innocency and loyall affection to his Majestie by his last words There was no other new matter of importance in it being dated the 18. of February not long after your Lordships coming from Newcastle But I shall have no more intelligence that way for the Authour is forced to flee hither having been searched for and escaped narrowly Hee was delated by the confession of William â—…ray my brother Wedderburnes servant who being booted confessed he had delivered him a letter from me It is done by Manderston to make it reflect upon my brother and he to recriminate hath accused his son George and it is thought he will be able to prove it by George Hume of Cramnicrook John Johnston is also fled and great summes of money offered for him this other letter will shew what comfort I may expect from Scotland or he who is now in the same case There is sure word from France that the Duke of Guise is in the fields with an Army of 30000. or 40000. men some say against the King maniest against Navarre or Geneva So ceasing to trouble your Lordship I rest c. Out of these may be seen the honest and honourable dealing together with the right and loyall disposition of the Earle of Angus whatever hath been set abroche or intended by any other as it is clear there have been some other motions made to him which his heart could not incline to nor his minde dispense with For certainly this feare could not arise without some great occasion and what it hath been or whether it did tend as also who are likeliest to have been Authours of it though it may be conjectured in some sort probably yet I will leave it to every mans consideration of the circumstances and persons who were upon this course of joyning together For my taske being at this time to draw though with a rude hand as I can the true draughts of this Noblemans minde whom I have now in hand I could not omit this piece whereby though there were no more to bee found of him this generall may appeare that duetie justice and vertue were the men of his counsell and the square by which hee ruled all his actions from which no extremity or hard estate could ever divert him or drive him away but to touch upon any other man or glance at any thing which might rubbe a blot upon any is besides my purpose and no wayes incumbent to mee But to returne it fell out with them according to this last letter for as they were removed from Berwick to Newcastle to secure the Scottish Court so Newcastle being not so farre from Edinburgh but that within twentie foure houres or little more they could have been there upon a necessary occasion the Courtiers were put in feare by others or faigned and imagined feares to themselves for taking away of this suggested or apprehended feare as they had been removed from Newcastle to Norwich so now they are brought from thence to London as was pretended to answer to the Embassadours accusation but indeed to advise with him of the way how they might be restored to their Countrey and the Countrey rid of Arran who was now become odious both to Court and Countrey It is a true saying That there is no society amongst Pirats without Justice for if the Arch-Pirate take all to himselfe or if hee divide not the prey equally the rest will kill or forsake him The Earle of Arran knew not this rule or regarded it not for in parting of the spoile of these Noblemen their lands their goods honours government and places of Command hee dealt them unequally drawing most to himselfe and in Councell and guiding of the State he was the onely figure or number and the rest were but ciphers and instruments to execute his decrees There were then at Court of greatest note the Master of Gray a near Kinsman to the late Earle of Gowry and of the ancient Nobilitie who did hate and disdain Arran for that he had beene Authour of the death of his deare friend seized on his lands and did presumptuously take upon him to govern the whole Countrey alone being but newly raised to bee noble There was also Sir Lewis Ballandine of kinne likewise to Gowry an ancient depender on the house of Angus and Master John Metallane Secretary who had beene indeed an enemy to the Earle of Morton and was well contented that Arran should be imployed to work his ruine but he could not away with his peremptory and absolute domineiring These were the actours and great instruments of his fall Gray directly and of purpose the other two by conniving and being conscious to the plot yet so as they would have seemed not to know of it and they did rather give way to it then worke it They all thought it reason that they should at least have their share of the spoil in a fit proportion but they could not have it any wayes proportionable to their esteem of themselves There was besides these Francis Earle Bothwell who amongst other causes of discontentment was grieved at the banishment of the Earle of Angus his Ladies brother Alexander Lord Hume had been discarded for being thought to be his friend Sir George Hume of Wedderburn and Sir James of Coldenknowes were knowne and professed friends to the Earle of Angus and Wedderburnc was of kinne to the Master of Glames and allied to the house of Marre Robert Carre of Cesford was also of the party what out of love to Angus what for emulation with the house of Farnhaste who were on the other faction His Uncle the Provest of Linclowdan Douglas to his name was a speciall stickler in the businesse hee was very familiar and intimate with the Secretary Metellane who without his advice did almost nothing But above all the Lord Maxwell made Earle of Morton entred into open hostilitie for being charged to compeare he disobeyed and refused and by intelligence with the banished Lords hee levied souldiers slew one Captain Lammie that was sent against him with his companies whom Johnston did assist Hereupon a Proclamation was set forth in the Kings name that all that were able to beare armes should come and follow the King who was to pursue him in person the 24. of October
These and many others and indeed the whole Countrey agreeing in this conclusion that Arran was to bee removed from the helme of governement which hee steerd so ill the Master of Gray was sent Ambassadour into England and had broken the businesse with the Lords concerning their returne and his removeall Now Sir Lewis Ballandine is sent up Ambassador with Commission to accuse them of a conspiracy detected by Duntrethes deposition Hereupon they are sent for from Norwich to make answer to it The Master of Glames being of greatest age and learning they made choice of him to plead their cause before a certain number of the Councellours of England deputed by the Queene to heare and judge of it Their owne innocencie the abilitie of the pleader and the favour of the Judges meeting together made them to be easily absolved notwithstanding that the Ambassadour did his best in framing and pressing his accusation to the full to discharge his Commission every way It is a pretty sport to consider the proceedings of the world and what masques and vizards men doe put on sometimes to cloake their designes With what respect and reverence did they carry themselves towards my Lord Ambassadour and with what strangenesse and aversation did he looke upon them One day as the Earle of Angus was walking into the fields for his recreation he encountered the Ambassadour coming from Tuttle-fields in a narrow lane ere he came near he espied him and knowing it was he hee called to his servants to give way to my Lord Ambassadour and he himselfe standing aloofe with cap in hand made a low reverence to his Lordship as he passed by The Ambassadour again acted his part finely remembring his place the person hee represented and the errand for which he was sent to be his accuser with a countenance which did beare anger and grief in it to see the Kings rebells hee turned away his face and would not so much as looke on that side of the street notwithstanding that hee both loved and honoured him in his heart and was even then laying the ground-work of his restitution Hee being gone home the plot went forward in Scotland England was no better affected toward Arran then his owne Countrey was they did altogether dislike of him and suspected his wayes they conceived that he did prosecute the Guisian plots begunne by Obignie and which had beene interrupted by his disgrace and discourting And yet they acted their part also bore faire countenance and correspondence with him and he with them but all was but dissimulation and like a stage play The Lord Hunsdon Governour of Berwick and Warden of the Marches on that hand paid him home in his owne coine and entertained a shew of friendship with him but no more Divers meetings they had upon the borders and many fair promises were made by Arran to keep back England from favouring or aiding the Lords That the King should bee at the Queens devotion that he should follow her advice in all things that hee should not marry without her consent and that hee should make a league with her offensive and defensive The Master of Gray Ambassadour had promised so much but when the English urged the performance of it it was a jeast to see their fine shifting The Master of Gray put it upon Arran Arran upon the Master of Gray and the King professed that neither of them had warrant or direction from him to say any such thing and therefore he was not tied to make it good they were too sharp and quick sighted not to see through greater clouds In the mean time it fell out at a meeting of the Wardens of the middle-marches that Sir Francis Russell sonne to the Earle of Bedford was killed whether by chance or of set purpose is uncertain This did alienate them from the Courtiers and joyned them to the Lords whom they knew to be honest true and trusty and therefore they wished well to them and helped forward their interprise endirectly all they could While matters were thus in working the Lords remained still at London and were lodged at a place appointed to them called long-ditch near Saint James Parke whither the banished Ministers resorted and kept continuall exercise of preaching praying and fasting on occasion in a private manner without ostentation or notice thereof in publicke being done within their lodging onely There was a motion made to the Counsell of England that there might be a particular Church allowed and allotted unto the Scots as the French Italians and Dutch have their Churches apart but it was not granted they being unwilling apparantly that being of one language our discomformitie with their ceremonies should appeare to the common people This grieved us greatly and especially Master James Lowson who partly for that partly because of a letter written to him from the towne of Edinburgh in which they did unkindly reproach his flying into England as a deâ—…ertion and did renounce him for their Pastour calling him a Wolfe who had fled without just cause and had joyned himselfe with rebells and such other calumnies as Bishop Adamson had endited and caused the Provest and towne Counsell signe he sickned and died being much lamented both of English Scots and all that knew and were acquainted with him Notwithstanding that they could not obtain a peculiar Church yet the Lievetenant of the Tower being acquainted with some of our Ministers he desired them to preach in his Church within the Tower which is a priviledged place and without the jurisdiction of the Bishops and many of the people came thither to hearethem Amongst other exercises Master Andrew Melvine read Lectures in Latine upon the old Testament beginning at Genesis which were much frequented and the Earle of Angus was a diligent Auditour and a painfull repeater of them for his owne use and contentment But now the negotiation of their returne being farre advanced and come even to the maturitie and full ripenesse Angus Marre the Master of Glâ—…mes with a few onwaiters take post from London and came with all expedition to the Borders They had composed their differences with the Lord Maxwell and the Lord Hamilton and so all were to joyne in the common businesse with one heart and hand as one man Before Angus came from London he wrote to his friends in Scotland after this sort You have now knowne by M. John Colvill as I think that wee stay here only till wee receive new advertisement from the Provest of Lincluden in name of the rest of our friends that should joyne with us in that Countrey after the receit whereof we mean not to stay but immediatly to come down wherefore be ye not unready seeing others will be forward enough as we beleeve At our first coming we mean to be quiet two or three dayes in which space I mean to speak with some principals and by their advice to go more plainly to our purpose This State will not seeme openly to
I continued in great anger whereof I am not yet fully freed because of that sentence or decreet reserved to Farnihaste against the Earle of Angus and though the doers bee partiall yet I blame most his owne simplicitie I must needes so call it seeing his authoritie ought to put order to others where now hee is onely a beholder of that which it pleaseth others to doe But hee must either take matters otherwayes upon himselfe or undoe himselfe and all the rest with him For if the Master of Glames forgetting the event of Ruthven businesse will needs trace the steps of the Earle of Gowrie it is not for the rest of the fellowship to be slothfull to their owne hinderance They are indeed at Court but are esteemed no better abroad then beasts in the Countrey never like to acquire the favour of any but continually declining out of the hearts of many of their well affected friends who all speake as though they saw already an evident ruine of them and that doubtlesly deserved for lying in their good cause and not vindicating Israel from Aram. Remember whence they are fallen and return or we shall bee forced to lament for that which wee shall never bee able to amend If they sticke to their cause all is sure otherwise nothing sure for either their suretie is by the Kings favour whereof I speake nothing or the favour of the people this they must have by pressing their cause of Noblemen for relieving them from bondage and revenging their bloud of Gentlemen and Commons for purging Religion restoring of Justice and providing that Tyrannie thrust not it selfe in againe If this bee urged it will confirme such as are already in the cause and will make more to joyne in it So shall the cause prosper and if occasion crave so there is a partie ever ready to take Armes for it But if omitting this a flattering or a fearefull course bee taken who shall speake plaine and assist such fearefull dissemblers who shall credit them when afterwards as heretofore they shall take on the name of the good cause I wish the Kings Majestie may bee used with all Princely reverence but not flatteringly fostered in tyranny to his owne undoing though I seeme to see even now that these flatterers shall be worthily wracked I aske them whether they had a just cause in hand or not and yet of all these evils under the burden whereof the Countrey groned they have opened nothing at all to his Majestie why is it not then justified in deed by condemning the other worthy to bee condemned Is their cause already ended And if not why is it then left off hath it not enemies why should it not then bee fortified against them The Declaration of their cause why was it published To acquire favour at the hands of the people And why then is there nothing done to retaine this favour yea rather why are such things done as procure their disfavour and hatred I see nothing but as men have dissemblingly pretended a good cause with uncleansed hearts God to discover their hypocrisie hath given them their hearts desire but for their further ruine for their Hypocrisie I cannot forbeare to write this though I bee out of hope of any good yet I suppose that such as have meant uprightly shall in Gods favour bee provided for though with trouble when God shall require of those dissemblers the bloud of such as have perished and shall perish through their default giving them a proofe of their owne wits and their unfaithfull hearts They would not serve God hee made men their masters Are means failed him No the last shall bee worse then the first It seemeth to mee that God hath even prepared a mischief for them and therefore given them over to their owne devices wherewith they are so drunke and blinded as men in a melancholicke apprehension who are past all cure of Physicke But this above all troubles mee most that till such time as good men bee all undone and the Land utterly ruined and overborne with Tyrannie it shall not bee resisted hereafter For a new Generation must arise that hath forgotten these things before that any who shall pretend a common cause get credit good men are so often deceived under that colour and pretext and drawne on to their wracke And certainely rather then I were hee that through mis-governance and evill order should undoe so many as are like to bee undone at this time I had farre rather give my owne life for it But I speake to deafe men and therefore I cease committing to God the providing for those whose hearts hee sees to bee upright having from time to time kept nothing backe of that which I knew would make for the surety of these men and the cause without troubling them with any particulars If Angus could steere in his owne roome hee might redresse the Masters errours Speake to Dunniepace and Largoe See what is done about the Barons and give me notice of such direction as goeth to their Shires I say for conclusion their earnest suite in particulars and negligence in the common cause convicts them before all men and the King may justly say They had no good meaning But if it were mine to doe wee should goe all together to the King and say this or the like speech Sir in that yee have as may be redressed our particulars wee thanke you heartily though it was ever the least part of our desire for Gods Church hath beene heavily oppressed then tell him the particulars apart Your Realme and Subjects have beene tyrannized over then tell him also some proofes Let therefore the Gospell bee restored to the owne libertie and some men chosen to set downe some sure policy which may last and continue Let some also bee deputed to heare the plaints and grievances of such as have beene wronged under the colour of your Majesties name and let their wrongs bee redressed as much as is possible and such order taken that the Subjects may bee out of feare heareafter of suffering so they keepe the Lawes Let the Lawes also bee revised by wise men and such of them taken away as bee hurtfull to the Subjects for you shall finde the like Ordinance touching Acts of Parliament of olde This being done wee doubt not but God shall blesse you and your Countrey seeing the neglecting hereof hath beene the cause of the evills past Sir doe it your selfe for the gaine is yours though wee put you in minde of it Now except this bee done there can bee no continuing quietnesse Postscript THeir foolish proceedings make all men to stand aloofe I heare the Lord Boyd is secretly in this Countrey of Scotland but seeth not that in them which hee could wish Let the Master behave himselfe as hee pleaseth can the King but thinke that hee would rather wish his owne â—…ster sonne King I finde great fault that the Abbots Driebrough and Cambuskenneth Lie abake who are practitioners and
bee loathed of them and so take away that great expectation men had of his Religion and their love to him for it I would separate and divide him from such and such from him then bring him to a neutralitie in Religion then to countenance men of contrary Religion then stirre suspicions on each side then alienation would follow and what not But as I am out of my poore affection toward his Majestie I doe wish that these occasions were taken away I wish I say that your Lordship see to it as you would have things right and out of that minde you spake of which was that you have the honour to bee nearer in kinne to him then to any King that can come after him howbeit your Lordship is in the same degree of kindred with the next apparent my Lord Hammiltouns children But you desire no change I know and that it may continue in the present race as I am perswaded that Hammiltoun himselfe hath no other minde yet the matter is worthy your Lordships consideration so much the more as ye have had experience how farre evill company about him hath had power alreadie to make things goe on I leave it and rest as having no part or particular save onely to wish well and to follow as your Lordship goes before In the meane time I have also here a note of a sheet of paper or two concerning the abuses in the Church and Common-wealth sent to me by master James Melvin to be I know imparted to your Lordship you may lay it by you and reade it when you have leasure for your remembrance This hee tooke and having read a little of it with a deepe sigh which expressed the inward passion of his heart God knowes my part sayes hee I shall neglect nothing that is possible for mee to doe and would to God the King knew my heart how I am affected to his welfare and would give eare to mee But c. Many times was hee most earnestly dealt with to take more upon him to frequent the Court more and to make his residence at it especially by Sir Lewis Ballandine His pretext was the common cause and the good of it but it proceeded from a particular betwixt him and master John Metellane then Secretarie who had crossed him in some suite hee had concerning Orkney and drawne the halfe of it to his owne use For which cause hee endeavoured to employ the same Gentleman to have perswaded my Lord to that purpose but he knowing both my Lords inabilitie of body and aversenesse of minde told him sincerely and plainly which way my Lord was inclined and that his disposition was not to be drawn by any man farther then he thought fit out of his owne discourse of reason And for his owne part hee was to follow his Lordship and not to goe before him or prescribe him what he should doe Sir Lewis grieved very much hereat having beene familiar with him of old and complained to his friends that the Earle of Angus was too slow and that he had one with him that was as slow as himselfe Not long after the infirmitie of his body increasing and his strength and health decreasing he was seldome able to come to Court and could not stay long at it when he did come I finde in a note of those times that at the Parliament holden in Edinburgh 1587. in June there was some dispute betwixt the Earle of Angus and Master of Glames But I remember no such thing neither doe I know how there could bee any publicke dissention either in this or any other thing howbeit they differed in judgement concerning the guiding Oâ—… State affaires yet I see not how that could come to any publicke contention His associates propounded to him to accept the Office of Chancellour which had beene vacant ever since the removing of James Stuart This hee did familiarly impart to the former Gentleman and asked his opinion therein Hee answered plainly That it was indeed the most fit place for him as being the most honourable Office in the Kingdome by which he might doe most good offices to his Countrey in Councell Session and elsewhere and that by that occasion it brought great dependance and many followers That it had beene before in the hands of his Predecessours as of Earle Archbald the first called Bell the Cat and of late in the Earle of Mortons before he was Regent Hee answered that it required skill in the lawes and more learning then hee had It was replied that in very deed much learning was not absolutely necessary that it was not knowne what learning Archbald the first had and it is not likely that hee had much But it was well knowne that the Earle of Morton had very little or none at all to speake of not so much in the Latine tongue as he himselfe had and yet hee had discharged the Office with credit A naturall judgement to conceive and resume the question and the reasons of each side is more needfull in a Chancellour then learning his part being properly to doe that whereas the decision seldome hangs upon his vote Or if it come to that learning does not alwayes the turne knowledge of the customes of the Countrey is more requisite and is onely required in Councell As for the Session businesse the President does commonly supply the Chancellours roome Besides seeing that ordinarily the question is not ended at the first hearing what is difficult may be advised and tossed by whom your Lordship pleaseth before the next hearing And although you finde not that full sufficiencie for the present which you could wish yet time and custome will bring experience and experience beget knowledge And this is said to have beene observed of the Earle of Morton that having beene rude enough at first he became afterward very skilfull and as able and sufficient as any man in the Kingdome and therefore your Lordship needs not to distrust or diffide your selfe in the like case Well saies my Lord I know not what dexteritie either of them hath had and as for the Earle of Morton though he wanted letters yet hee was of a singular judgement and rare wisedome scarce to be matched by any in this age But for my owne part as I yet thinke neither am I able for the present to discharge it neither doe I thinke it fit to enter into an Office before I have learned what belongs to it neither can I digest to doe it by others seeing I ought to doe it my selfe yet I shall advise The conclusion was he rejected it and thereupon it was given to Secretarie Metellane to his associates great griefe he having ever been a man of a contrary faction and disposition in all businesse of the Common-weale Hee accepted of the Office of Lieutenant on the Borders willingly being more sutable to his disposition and his proper element as we speake and he professed that he delighted as much to hunt out a theefe
their Writers to extoll their owne facts and to lessen their neighbours for they say there were slaine onely at Bannockburne of the English 10000. and at this battell but 15. how apparently let the Reader judge Our Writers say there was no small number of them slain and that it was fought with great courage neverthelesse of this inequality neither did the Scots turne their backs or give ground untill their Generall fighting valiantly in the midst of them was slaine There died with him John James and Allane Stuarts sons to Walter Stuart in his owne battell the Earle of Rosse to whom he had committed the Vauntguard with Kenneth Earle of Sutherland Alexander Bruce Earle of Carrict Andrew James and Simon Frasers Few were taken prisoners and such as were taken by the commandment of K. Edward were beheaded the next day against the law of armes some few were saved by their keepers who were more covetous of their ransome then of their bloud Such cruelty did this gentile nature practise before the battell upon the Seatons in the the chase upon the flyers and after the battell upon the prisoners in cold bloud But his aime was to make a full conquest of Scotland which did faile him notwithstanding This battell was fought July 22. 1333. called Magdalens day accounted by the superstition of the people unfortunate for Scotland Thus died Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway fighting for his Countrey his love thereof his indignation against so inhumane a fact is commendable his magnanimitie likewise and valour is such as became his house his conduct is blamed and the cause thereof whether it were anger or errour his anger or desire of revenge though the cause be never so just should have beene bridled and tempered and so governed with such wisedome as might have effected a due punishment indeed and not so headie as to have precipitated himselfe and the Countrey into extreme danger and ruine whilest he sought revenge Or if it were errour and too much relying upon the forwardnesse of his Army that indeed is a thing not to be neglected but to be taken hold of and made use of yet it ought not to be so farre trusted but well imployed and managed with judgement as a good addition to other meanes and helps but not that the whole hope of the victorie should be grounded and hang upon it alone farre lesse ought it to be made use of when there is too great odds In which case it serves but for a spurre to set us on to our more speedy ruine If it were feare that he should be thought a coward if he did not fight that moved him his feare was needlesse he had given good proofe of it before and might have given more thereafter he should have remembred that he was a Generall and Leader in whom want of wisedome and government were as much to be blamed as fearefulnesse He was also a Governour in whose safety the Kingdome was interessed and who ought to have regarded the good thereof In this ballance he should have weighed things and should have done according to it though with hazzard of a sinister report for a while which might easily have beene recovered in the owne time Concerning which and all idle fame and vaine opinion of ignorant people we have that notable example of that worthy Fabius Maximus the Romane Captaine who neither by the provocation of the enemie nor importunitie of the souldiers nor disgracefull rumours scattered among the people as if he durst not have fought or had colluded with Hanniball and other such slanders could be moved to fight but at a convenient time Nay rather then he would doe it he suffered the halfe of his Armie to be taken from him and given to his Lieutenant as the hardier man than he who both durst and would fight as he bragged And so he did indeed upon the first occasion but with such foole-hardinesse as that he had both lost himselfe and his whole Army if Fabius had not come in time to his rescue who at that fit time of fighting shewed in effect both what he durst in manhood and what he could do in wisedome and easily made those fond rumours to vanish to his perpetuall glory the confuting and confounding of his Competitour and confession and acknowledgment of his worth from those who had blamed him before Not unlike to this was the saying of great Scipio the Africane who being reproached by a certain man that he was not so forward a fighter as he could have wished though in very deed he was forward enough daigned him with no other answer but that his mother had borne him to be Commander not a fighter thinking that a Captaines chiese honour is to command well and to choose fit times places and meanes for fighting And not to goe any farther we heard before in good Sir James his life how little he was moved at the English Heralds demands who desired in the Kings name that he would fight him on the plaine field upon equall ground if he had either vertue or honour Sir James sent him away with derision as one that had made a foolish request telling him that a good Captaine should account it his honour not tofight for his enemies request but as he found most expedient and convenient for himselfe in wisedome choosing the forme the field the time the place and all for the advantage of his Army and giving no advantage to the enemy whereof he could possibly hinder him And this I have insisted upon so much the more because many that are of good spirits otherwise do oftentimes erre in this false opinion and thereby doe both lose themselves and their honours So that while they affectate to be called hardie fighters doe prove indeed to be foolish Captains and ill Commanders and so doe not eschew reproach but incurre it Neither get they the honour of valour which they seeke but the blame of temeritie and rashnesse which they should avoid So that the Writers speaking of this fact doe all of them condemne it and brand it with a note of ill conduct and some of them say in expresse termes Archbald Lord of Galloway was not valiant in this case but temerarious and foolish very truly and wisely to warne others to take heed and beware of failing in the like kinde very soberly and respectively restricting it to this particular onely and in this case leaving him his due praise and commendation in his other actions as ye have heard hee very well deserved This defeat drew on with it the surrendring of the Towne of Berwick the next day after by Sir Alexander Seaton and of the Castleby Patrick Dumbarre Earle of March lives and goods safe themselves giving their Oath of allegeance and fealty to the K. of England He commanded the Earle of March to re-edifie the Castle of Dumbarre which he being not able to keepe it had demolished that it might not be a receit to the English And within a
short time this overthrow had wellnigh overthrowne the Kingdome and the cause for the greatest part of the Nobilitie that were not dead before being slain in this conflict the rest flying to save themselves to strengths desaâ—…ts Balliol assisted by Robert Talbot a Noble man of England whom the King had left with him with a few English bands being aided by his Favourers in Scotland made himself once more King and was confirmed by Parliament within half a yeare after he had been driven out All yeelded obedience to him save onely foure Castles to wit Loch-leven Dumbarton Kildrummie Urwhart and Lowdon peele seated on a little lake so that no man in Scotland durst call David Bruce their King except young children in their playes so far were matters altered by this check Where it is to be marked that as by the wise and wary government of the same Archbald his Countrey and lawfull King were defended and Balliol chased out of his usurped Kingdome So by the same mans oversight in government both the usurping Edwards English and Scots are repossessed again therein and his Countrey plunged into misery and the rightfull King and his partners brought to great extremitie Of so great efficacie is good or evill government therefore it is so much the more circumspectly to bee looked to and to bee exercised according to the rules of wisedome and not after the opinions of men fame and reports anger or whatsoever other cause doth make men stray from the right and strait course of reason This was the lamentable condition of our Countrey But let us have patience a while and wee shall shortly have better newes Both these usurpers shall ere long bee driven to let go their hold and at last be utterly disappointed of all their hopes and projects God conserving the liberty of this Countrey and the Crowne thereof to the rightfull heire and the Bruces bloud in whose posterity it shall yet prosper In which work no little part shall bee the valiant and faithfull efforts of the Douglasses Amongst whom it were requisite to speake of the next Lord Douglas But the order of time draws me another way it being long before his turne come in even tenne or twelve or perhaps twentie yeares as shall be seen in the owne p ace for hee hath been young it should seeme and abroad out of the Countrey but in his absence some other of the Douglasses must not be idle Archibaldus Duglasius ad Halidonem coesus 1333. Non potuit perferre nefas foedamque Tyranni Perfidiam Et quisnam sustinuisse queat Ergo furens animi atque accenso pectore inardet Praelia ingratas increpat usque moras Poscimus aut aequo dixit certamine Martem Aut certum est fatis cedere velle tuis Ah nimis ah properant Non illis ignea virtus Defuerat nocuit praecipetasse nimis Nec te victorem jactes temeraria virtus Sic nocuit Vinci vis animosa nequit In English thus He was not patient enough to see The Tyrants faithlesse fact and who could be Hence his enflamed breast with anger sweld Enrag'd at such impediments as held His hand from just revenge Come let us trie Our chance and winne the field or bravely die If fate will have it so he said and all With too much haste obey'd their Generall No courage wanted but the hard event Prov'd the act rash and lose the punishment Of ill rul'd valour Thou didst nothing gain Who to his passion yeelds commands in vain Of William Douglas Lord of 〈◊〉 called the flowre of Chevalrie BEfore we proceed to the rest of the Lords of Douglas the order of the History requires that wee speake something of William not Lord of Douglas but Lord of Liddesdale and a worthy member of the house and name of Douglas The first mention of him and his actions is at the battle of Annand where hee was with Archbald Lord of Galloway The last of his actions of importance are in the beginning of the first Earle William before the battle of Durham the space of thirteen yeares or thereby which time hee imployed for his lawfull King and Countrey against the usurpers so diligently as shall bee deduced in the progresse of this Story Writers call him naturall sonne to Sir James slain in Spain which is truth But they erre when they say that John Lord Dalkeith was brother to William Lord of Liddesdale hee being Liddesdales uncle and Sir James brother so master John Major hath Davidis for Gulielmi and Hollinshed and 〈◊〉 William for Archbald who was made Captain of the castle of Edinburgh by this same William But it is so clear and manifest whom they mean of that there is no question to be made of it However it be he hath so honoured and nobilitated himself by his vertue that no posteritie needs to enquire of his birth We finde that he was married to a daughter of Sir John Grahame Lord of Abercorne called Margaret Grahame by whom he got the lands of Liddesdale he had but one onely daughter Marâ—… who was married to Sir James of Lowden who after the Lord Liddesdales his death and Margaâ—…t Grahames got the lands of Liddesdale His first appearing to wit at the battell of Annand hath been spoken of after that hee was for his wisedome and manhood accounted worthy to have the custody and government of the West Marches â—…s the charge of the East Marches was committed to Patrick Duâ—… Being Wairden there hee had his residence at Annand where at a certain skirmish with the English his men were scattered himself was hurt and taken prisoner about that same time that Regent Murray was taken at Roxbrough to wit in the yeare 1332. before the battell of Halidoun hill which was the occasion that he was not there with his uncle Archbald Lord of Galloway He continued a prisoner untill 1335. and then he and Murray were both set at libertie having payed a great summe of gold for their ransome It is strange that these two great Politicians the two Edwards I mean intending a conquest of Scotland should have suffered such men to bee set at liberty at any rate without making them sure to their side considering that the detaining of them would greatly have facilitate their designes and their liberty being enemies hinder and annoy them as we shall heare it did not a little It was apparently the pride of their hearts in that good successe which made them carelesse and secure not fearing any danger from these or any else So doth successe and pride growing thereupon commonly blind men or so doth God blinde the wisedome of unjust men when hee hath a work to do against them But before wee come to the rest of the deeds of this valorous Lord we must take a view of the estate of things at that time that the circumstances which are the life of History and light of actions being knowne the actions themselves may be the better considered