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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A30330	A collection of several tracts and discourses written in the years 1678, 1679, 1680, 1681, 1682, 1683, 1684, 1685 by Gilbert Burnet ; to which are added, a letter written to Dr. Burnet, giving an account of Cardinal Pool's secret power, the history of the power treason, with a vindication of the proceedings thereupon, an impartial consideration of the five Jesuits dying speeches, who were executed for the Popish Plot, 1679.; Selections. 1685	Burnet, Gilbert, 1643-1715.	1685 (1685)	Wing B5770; ESTC R214762	83,014	140

of Quality Cavagnes and Briquemaut who had been dealt with to accuse the Admiral but they would not save themselves by so base a ransom so they were both condemned as Complices with him But when the Sentence was pronounced against them Thuanus that was an Eye-Witness says Briquemaut cried out when that part of the Judgment was read that concerned his Children Ah Innocents what have they done And then he who for 50 years together had served in the Warrs with a high and approved Valour being then 70 what for fear of Death what out of pity to his Children would have done any thing to have saved himself He sent the King word first that he would put Rochel in his Hands if he would spare his Life But that being rejected he offered to accuse the Admiral to preserve himself But neither was that considered All that while his Fellow-Sufferer Cavagnes continued most serious in his Devotions and for three hours together was either Praying or reciting some Psalms and expressed no concern for his Life his thoughts being wholly employed about Eternity He encouraged Briquemaut to die as he had lived and to turn himself to God and not to stain so honourable a Life as he had led with an ignominious end And he seeing he must die recollected his Thoughts and seemed ashamed of his former abject behaviour and composed and prepared himself for Death They both were carried to the place of Execution in Hurdles where they not only suffered the reptoches of the Multitude as they went along who threw Filth and Clay at them with their most scurrilous Language but Death it self with much Christian Patience and Magnanimity They were hanged at the Greve and their Bodies after they were dead were barbarously mangled by the cruel Multitude With them the brave Admiral was hanged in Effigie whose Innocence as well as their own they did to their last Breath assert The King who delighted in such bloody Spectacles did not only look on himself with the Queen-Mother and the Court but forced the King of Navarre likewise to be a Witness of it It is needless to say much for evincing the Admiral 's Innocence for all the Writers of the time acknowledg the Process was only to cover the infamy of the Massacre And Thuanus has so fully demonstrated it that none can so much as doubt of it If the Admiral had any such design why came he to Court Why to Paris where he knew he had few Friends and a vast number of mortal Enemies and why did he desire a Guard from the King But since they could not find a better colour for so foul a Business they must make use of the best they had They took another course to stop the Queen of Englands resentments who besides the common Cause of Religion had a particular esteem for the Admiral for they shewed a Memorial which he had given the King to perswade the War of Flanders to Walsingham the ever renowned Secretary of State then her Ambassador in France In which one of the reasons was That if the King would not receive these oppressed Provinces into his Protection they would throw themselves into the Queen of Englands Hands and if the English made themselves Masters of them or of any considerable Ports in them they would be again uneasy and formidable Neighbours to France which would thereby lose the great security they had in taking Calice out of their Hands When Walsingham read this and was asked what he thought of the Admirals Friendship to his Mistress he answered as became so great a Man That he could not say much of his Friendship to the Q. of England but he was sure it appeared from that what a faithful Subject he was to the King of France A Week after this was done the King compleated the Treachery of this Precedure for by his Letters directed to the Governours of the Provinces bearing date the 3d of November He declared he would Tollerate no Religion but the Roman Catholick in all his Dominions Upon which the following Civil Wars began and in excuse of them I shall only say that besides the barbarous and persidious Treatment the Protestants had now received they had this legal Warrant for standing on their own defence That by the former Treaty the King granted them Cautionary Towns for Pledges of the observation of the Edict And it is certain that if a Prince grants his Subjects Cautionary Towns for their Security he does thereby relax their Alleagiance to him and gives them a right to defend themselves if the Agreement upon which these Pledges were given should come to be broken This is the true and just account of that foul and treacherous Massacre even as it is represented by the Historians of that Age and Church who can neither deny nor excuse the Infamy of it tho some rejoyced at it and others wrote in defence of it The King gloried so much in it that three Meddals were struck to perpetuate the memory of it In one Hercules is both with his Club and a Flambeau fighting against the seven-headed Serpent with this Motto Ne ferrum temnat simul ignis obsto On the reverse the King with his Hand supports two Crowned Pillars ready to fall with this Motto Mira fides lapsas relevat manus una Columnas Hereby intimating that Heresy was the Serpent which was to be destroyed by main Force and by Fire And that by this Act the King had supported Religion and Justice In the second the King sits in his Chair of State with a Sword in his right Hand and an Hand on the Head of a Scepter in his left And many Heads lying about his Feet with this Motto Virtus in Rebelles On the Reverse were the Arms of France between two Pillars and two Lawrel Branches with this Motto Virtus excitavit Iustitiam The third had on the one side a Woman environed with Rays and a Book open in one Hand and a Palmin the other and at her Feet many Heads in Flames with this Motto Subducendis rationibus The Reverse was the same with the first The Signification of this was Religion triumphing over Heresy But this was only a false shew of Joy for he was ininvardly tormented with the horrours of a guilty Conscience which the effusion of so much Blood did justly raise in him so that being often troubled with Visions he was frequently heard say Ah! my poor Subjects what had you done But I was forced to it The strange manner of his Death looked like a signal Judgment from Heaven for that bloody day for after a long Sickness which was believed the effect of a lent Poison given him by the Queen-Mother Blood not only came out through all the Conduits of his Body but through the very Pores so that he was sometimes found all bathed in his own Blood And he that had made his Kingdom swim with Blood died thus wallowing in his own All the servile Pens of the Lawyers

and the bitter ones of enraged Priests were also set on work to appear in Defence of it Of whose Writings Thuanus gives a full account One mercenary Protestant was also hired to excuse if not to defend it I have never been able to meet with any of these Books only Rosseus that wrote in defence of the Holy League calls it the Iustice of St. Bartholomews day And Andreas Eudemon Iohannes does also commend it The Arguments they used have been formerly glanced at The late Civil Wars the pretended Conspiracy of the Admiral the necessity of using desperate Remedies in extream Cases and the Sovereign Power of Kings were what the Lawyers could pretend But the Divines had a better Plea that by one General Council all Hereticks were to be extirpated And by another Faith was not to be kept to them And it cannot be denied but this is unanswerable according to the Principles of the Roman Church The Protestants were not wanting to their own Cause but answered these Books and sufficiently discovered the impudent Allegations of those shameless Persons who hired themselves out to defend so horrid an Action Maximilian the 2d the Emperor is the Person whose Judgment we have least reason to suspect He was the King of France his Father-in-Law and both by Blood and Alliance was joined to the Crown of Spain yet he in a private Letter writing to Scuendi his chief Minister in Hungary has delivered his sense of this Matter so sincerely and fully And that whole Letter is so excellently well written and shews so much true piety and so rare a temper of mind that I shall not fear the Reader 's censure for inserting it at its full length It is but in one Book that I know and that is very scarce Dear Scuendi I Received your Letter and took in good part your Christian and Friendly Condoleance for my late Sickness The Eternal God in whose hands are all things do with me according to his Will I bless him for every thing that befalls me He only knows best what is healthful and profitable and what is hurtful to me I do patiently and chearfully acquiesce in his Divine Pleasure And indeed Matters go so in this World that a Man can have little pleasure or quiet in them for every where there is nothing to be found but trouble treachery and foul dealing God pity us and deliver his Church from these mischiefs It were no wonder if from such a prospect of Affairs a Man should become stupid or mad of which I could say much to you I begin to recover and am now so strong that I walk about with a Stick God be blessed in all his Works For that strange thing which the French have lately acted most tyrannically against the Admiral and his Friends I am far from approving it and it was a great grief to me to hear that my Son-in-Law had been perswaded to that vile Massacre tho I know that others reign rather than he yet that is not sufficient to excuse him nor to palliate such a wickedness I would to God he had asked my advice I should have given him faithful and fatherly Counsel and he should never have had my consent to this Crime which has cast such a blemish on him that he will never wash it off God forgive them that lie under such guilt I apprehend within a little while they shall perceive what they have gained by this method For indeed as you observe well the Matters of Religion are not to be handled or decided by the Sword and no Man can think otherwise that is either pious or honest or desirous of Publick Peace and Happiness Far otherwise did Christ teach and his Apostles instruct us their Sword was their Tongue their Doctrine the Word of God and a Life worthy of Christ. Their Example should draw us to follow them in so far as they were followers of Christ. Besides that mad sort of People might have seen after so many years Trials and so many Experiments that by their Cruelties Punishments Slaughters and Burnings this Business cannot be effected In a word Their ways do not at all please me nor can I ever be induced to approve them unless I should become mad or distracted which I pray God earnestly to preserve me from And yet I shall not conceal from you that some impudent and lying Knaves have given out That whatever the French have done was by my knowledg and approbation In this I appeal to God who knows how deeply I am injured by it but such Lies and Calumnies are no new things to me I have been often forced to bear them formerly and in all such cases I commit my self to God who knows in his own good time how to clear me and vindicate my innocence As for the Netherlands I can as little approve of the Excesses committed there And I do well remember how often I wrote to the King of Spain Advices far different from those they have followed But what shall I say The Councils of the Spaniards relished better than mine They now begin to see their Error and that they themselves have occasioned all the mischief that hath since followed I had a good end be-before me that these noble and renown'd Provinces might not be so miserably destroyed And tho they would not follow my Counsel so that I may well be excused from medling any more yet I do not give over but am sincerely pressing them all I can to follow another method God grant I may see the wished-for effect of these endeavours and that Men may be at last satisfied with what they have done and may use no more such violent Remedies In a word Let the Spaniards or the French do what they will they shall be made to give an account of their Actions to God the Righteous and Just Judg. And for my part by the help of God I shall carry my self honestly christianly and faithfully with all candour and uprightness and I hope God will so assist me with his Grace and Blessing that I may approve all my Designs and Actions both to him and to all Men. And if I do this I little regard a wicked and malicious World How the rest of the World looked on this Action may be easily gathered from the Inclinations and Interests of the several Parties That all Protestants did every where abhor it and hold the remembrance of it still in detestation needs not be doubted All that were noble or generous in the Roman Church were ashamed of it but many extolled it to the Heavens as a work of Angels and others did cast the blame of it on the Protestants The Court of Spain rejoiced openly at it They delighted in the shedding of Protestant Blood and were also glad to see France again embroil'd and to be freed of the fears they had of a War in Flanders In which if the French King had engaged he had in all appearance conquered in one year that

the Tradition of the Church was confidently alledged and some Quotations were brought and very oft out of some later Writers The Paper was no sooner read than a loud and often repeated Shout of applause followed without any further search or canvasing about these Authorities And upon that the Decree was made This was the practice both of the second Nicene and of some more ancient Councils whose Journals are hitherto preserved and where the Journals are lost we have reason to believe they followed the same method so that it is very probable there might have been some such Writing read in the Council of Lateran And if they did not found their Decree upon Tradition they were much to blame for they had as venerable a Tradition as either the second Council of Nice or some other Councils had a practice about 150 years standing from the days of Pope Gregory the VII so that it is not to be denied but they had as good authority from Tradition to make this Decree as to make most of the other Decrees on which they insist much in the Books of Controversies that are written by them By the fourth Rule of judging about Tradition the matter is yet much plainer for if the generally received Belief of any Age of the Church is a good Thread to lead us up to the Apostles times then there needs no more be said For it is certain that for near four Ages together this was the universally received Doctrine of the Church of Rome And the opposition that some Princes made to it was condemned as Heresy Rebellion and every thing that was evil And it is remarkable that both O●…kam that wrote much for the Emperors cause against the Pope and Gerson and Almain no great favourers of Papal power are cited by Cardinal Perrow as acknowledging the Ecclesiastical power of deposing if a Prince were guilty of spiritual crimes So that the Controversies in this matter that were managed between the Writers for the Popes and Emperors were not whether the Pope in cases of Heresy might depose a Prince but were concerning two things very remote from this The one was whether the Pope had a direct Temporal power over all Kings by which as being Lord of the Fe●… he could proceed upon any Cause whatsoever against a King and take his Dominions from him To this indeed Gregory the 7th pretended tho more covertly and Boniface the 8th more avowedly There was great Opposition made to this by many Writers but at the same time they all agreed on it as an undeniable Maxim That the Pope had an indirect Power over Princes by which in the Cases of Heresy he might excommunicate and depose them nor was there so much as any Debate about it A second thing about which there was some Controversy was whether the Particulars that fell under debate came within the Head of Heresy or not So in the Case of Princes giving the Investitures into Bishopricks the Pope brought it in within the Head of Heresy and condemned those Persons as Simoniacks The Writers on the other side denied this pretending it was a Civil Matter and a right of the Crown The like Debates fell in when Princes were sentenced on any other account The Authority of the Sentence in the Case of Heresy was not controverted all the Question was Whether the Point under debate was Heresy or not And concerning these things any who have read the Writings in the great Collection made of them by Goldastus will receive an easy and full Satisfaction By which it appears that the Popes Power of deposing Kings in the Case of Heresy was the received Doctrine of the Church for several Ages and by consequence it must be looked on as derived down from the Apostles If the Doctrine of any one Age of the Church can lead us backward in a certain Track to discover what it was in the Apostles days By the first Position about the Nature of Supreme Power it is apparent that in the Case of Heresy a Prince deposed by the Pope if he stands out against the Sentence may be as lawfully killed as any Tory or Moss-Trooper or Bantito may be for he is a Rebel against his Lord and an Usurper over the People from that day forward And therefore tho Mariana told a Secret too publickly yet it cannot be denied to be a certain Consequent of their Principles It had been indeed more discreetly done to have ordered this only to be infused unto Peoples Consciences by their Confessors in secret And for Mariana tho the Book in gross is condemned as they give out yet the Opinions set down in it are not censured But Suarez writing against K. Iames tells him in plain Terms That a King who is canonically deposed may be killed by any man whatsoever This was not only published with an ordinary License but the whole University of Alcala declared every thing in it to be according to the Doctrine of the Church Valentia tho he disguises it a little yet says That an Heretical Prince may by the Popes Sentence be deprived of his Life Foulis cites ten more Doctors for the same Opinion of killing Kings by private persons I do not build upon the Assertions of these Jesuits as binding Authorities in that Church but make use of them to shew that some of their own eminentest Writers acknowledg the force of this Consequence which is indeed so evident that nothing but good Manners and some small Care not to provoke Princes too much by such bare-faced Positions keeps others from asserting it Few Princes are so tame as Childeric was to go into a Monastery after they are deposed Therefore this Doctrine is but a lame provision for the Churches Security from Heresie if the Lawfulness of killing does not follow that of deposing Kings And it was so generally received that it is told of Gerson that he was at great pains to get it declared that no private Cut-throat might kill a King and that by consequence it was only the Popes Prerogative to order them to be destroyed By the second Position about the Nature of Supreme Power that in extraordinary Cases Forms of Law may be superseded It is also clear that tho we know nothing of any Sentence of Deposition given out against the King yet he is not a whit the safer for he lies under an yearly Curse every Maundy Thursday The Notoriousness of his Heresy will sufficiently justify a particular Sentence without any further Process or Citation according to the Maxims of the Canon Law And there may be for ought we can know as valid a Deposition as Parchment and Lead can make it already expeded And if it be not yet done we are sure it may be done very suddenly and will be done whensoever they see any probability of Success Bellarmine hath very sincerely told us the Reason why Heretical Princes are not deposed because the Church has not strength enough to make such

of Brenne had the Kingdom of Ierusalem by that same Popes Gift who took it from Almeric King of Cyprus and gave it him But Almeric had no cause to complain since he held Cyprus only by the same Copy of the Popes Gift So they both were at the Popes Mercy Our Iohn of England was his Vassal as he usually called him But his Successour went higher calling the King of England not only his Vassal but his Slave and Declared That at his beck he could procure him to be Imprisoned and Disgraced Iames King of Arragon who was also the Popes Ward had no less reason to be afraid of the Pope who had Deposed his Father for Assisting the Count of Tholouse Philip Augustus King of France had his Kingdom twice put under an Interdict worse things being also threatned The like Threatnings had been made to Andrew King of Hungary but upon his Submission he was received into favour And now is it any wonder that those Princes gave way to such a Decree when they knew not how to help themselves by Opposing it which would have raised a Storm that they could not hope to weather Anothet thing is remarkable concerning this time by which the Belief of the Deposing Doctrine in that Age will better appear Other Princes whom Popes had Deposed procured some Civilians to write for them and got Synods of Bishops sometimes on their side against the Pope Because it was evident the Pope proceeded not upon the Account of Heresie but of private spite and hatred But in the case of the Count of Tholouse who was a manifest Favourer of that which was esteemed Heresie the Opinions of the Albigenses that were his Subjects not a Writer in all that Age durst undertake to defend his cause nor could he procure one Bishop to be of his side So universally was it received that in the case of Heresie a Prince might be Deposed by the Pope The 3d General Council that Confirmed this Power was the Council of Lions held by Innocent the 4th against the forementioned Frederick the 2d where as the Sentence bears The Pope having Consulted with his Brethren and the Holy Council being Christs Vicar on Earth to whom it was said in the person of St. Peter whatsoever ye bind on Earth c. Declares the Emperor bound in his sins and thereupon Deprived by God of his Dominions Whereupon he by his Sentence does Depose him and absolves all from their Oaths of Fidellty to him Straitly charging all persons to acknowledge him no more either Emperor or King Declaring all that did otherwise Excommunicated ipso facto There are in this Process several things very remarkable It is grounded on a pretence to a Divine Tradition So here the whole Council concur with the Pope in asserting this power to flow from that Conveyance And thus either that Tradition is true or the Councils are not to be believed when they Declare a Tradition 2ly Tho this is but a Decree in one particular Instance yet it is founded on the General Rule And so is a Confirmation of it by which it is put out of doubt that the 4th Council of Lateran included Soveraign Princes within their Decree 3ly When the Emperors Advocate appeared to plead for him He did not at all except to their Jurisdiction over him or Power of Deposing in the case of Heresie but denyed that the Emperor was guilty of the crimes Objected namely Heresie whereby he at least waved the denial of their Power in that case He also desired some time might be granted for the Emperor to appear and plead for himself in person Whereby he plainly acknowledged their Jurisdiction 4ly When the Ambassadors of France and England Interceded that the Emperors desire might be granted the Council gave him near two weeks time to appear in which was so incompetent a time and all had declared themselves so prepossest or rather so overawed by the Pope that hated him Mortally That the Emperor would not appear because they were his professed Adversaries And upon that and other grounds none of them touching on the power of Deposing in cases of Heresie He appealed from them to the next General Council Upon which the Pope and Prelates sitting in Council with Candles burning in their hands thundred out the Sentence against him Here were three very publick Judgments of three General Councils on this Head within the compass of sixty years But it may be imagined these were Councils that wholly depended on the Pope and so their Decrees are to be looked on only as a Ceremony used by the Pope to make his own Sentence look more solemn But when upon the long Schism in the See of Rome the power of that See was much shaken and a Council met at Constance to heal that Breach in which the Bishops taking advantage from that Conjuncture to recover their former Dignity began to Regulate many matters It may be upon such an occasion expected that if any Party in the Church had disliked these practices they should have been now condemned and that the rather since by so doing the Bishops might have hoped to get the Princes to be of their side in their Contests with the Pope But it fell out quite otherwise For as the Murtherers of his late Sacred Majesty pretended when the King was killed that all his power was devolved on them and would have even the same precedence allowed their Ambassadors in forreign parts that his had So the Council of Constance reckoned that whatever Rights the Popes had assumed did now rest with them as the Supreme Power of the Church For in one of their Sessions a Decree was framed made up of all the severe Decrees that had ever been made against those who violated the Rights of the Church And this Clause often returns That all the Breakers of these Priviledges whether they were Emperors Kings or whatsoever other Degree were thereby ipso facto subjected to the B●…nns Punishments and Censures set down in the Council of Lateran And tho they do not call it the Fourth Council yet we are sure it could be no other for they relate to that in which Frederick the 2d was consenting to which was the fourth in the Lateran And in another Decree by which they hoped to have set up a Succession of General Councils at evety ten years end this Clause is added That if any person whether of the Papal for they had subjected the Pope to the Council and had more reason to fear his opposing this Decree than any Bodies else Imperial or Regal Dignity c. should presume to hinder any to come to the next General Council he is declared to be first Excommunicated then under an Interdict and then to be subject to further punishment both Temporal and Spiritual And in the Pass they gave the King of the Romans to go to the King of Arragon they add this Sanction That whatever person whether King Cardinal c.

in these Courses but the Prince of Conde that was next to him in the Royal Blood declared for the Edicts Many great Lawyers were of opinion That the Regents Power was not so vast as to suspend or break the Edict and that therefore the People might follow any Person much more the next Prince of the Blood in defence of it This Plea was yet stronger before the Year ended for the King of Navarre being killed the Prince of Conde was then by the Law of France the Rightful Regent So that all the Wars that followed afterwards till the Year 1570 had this to be said for them That in the Opinion of very Learned Men the King was all that while under Age that the Edicts were broken the Kingdom governed by a Woman and Foreigners against Law and that the lawful Regent was excluded from the Government which made King Iames whose Judgment is not to be suspected in this Case always justify the Protestants in France and excuse them from Rebellion This is a piece of History little understood and generally made use of to blemish the Reformation therefore I thought it necessary to introduce the following Relation with this just account of these Wars that were the pretended grounds with which the House of Guise covered their own Ambition and hatred of the Family of Burbon After France had suffered all the Miseries which a course of Civil Wars for ten years together carries after it the King was advised to set on foot a Treaty of Peace not so much out of a design to quiet Matters by a happy settlement as to ensnare the Protestants into some fatal Trap in which they being catched might be safely and easily destroyed The chief Authors of this advice were the Queen Mother the Cardinal of Lorrain the Duke of Nevers the Count of Rets and Birague the last three were Italians and so better fitted both for designing and carrying on so wicked a Council to which the Duke of Anjou afterwards Henry the third was also admitted They said the extirpation of Heresy might be done much cheaper than by a Civil War It was fit first to grant the Protestants what conditions they desired then to treat them with all possible kindness by which their Jealousies were to be once extinguished and a confidence being begotten in them then to draw the chief Heads of the Party to Court upon some specious Attractive and there they were sure of them The first Bait to be offered was the marriage of the King's Sister to the King of Navarre and if that succeded not they were to invent still a new one till they found that which would do the Business All the danger of this Council was that the Pope and the King of Spain would be much provok'd by it and there might be some hazard of Tumults among the zealous People of France if the King seemed to favour the Hereticks too much But they reckoned that when the Design took effect all who might be discontented with the appearance of favour shewed to them would be well satisfied and the more the Pope and Spaniard complained of it it would advance their chief end of creating a confidence in the Protestants more effectually Thus were their Councils laid The Room in which this was first projected was the Council-Chamber of Blois where 16 Years after the Duke of Guise was killed by Henry the third's orders And it was more fully concluded in that Chamber at St. Clou where the same Henry the third was murdered by a Dominican The Design being agreed on the Queen-Mother made some of her Spies among the Protestants assure them that she hated the King of Spain mortally both on her Daughter's account that was his Queen and as was universally believed had been poysoned by his Orders as also upon the consideration of her own Family of Florence to which the Spaniard was then an uneasy Neighbour and designed to take the Territory of Siena out of their Hands It was reasonable enough to believe that upon such Motives a Woman of her temper would set on a War with Spain The King did also express a great inclination to the same War and to undertake the Protection of the Netherlands which were then under the Tyranny of the Duke of Alva's Government This wanted not a fair pretence Flanders having been formerly subject to the Crown of France He also seemed weary of the greatness of the Duke of Guise and his party which a Civil War did still encrease The King and the Queen-Mother employed also in these Messages Biron Momorancy Cosse and others who were Men of great Integrity and had much Friendship for the Queen of Navarre and the Admiral that were the Heads of the Protestant Party The Queen of Navarre was sensible of the great advantages her Son would receive from such an Alliance An Army was also promised her for the recovery of her Kingdom from the Spaniards which had been easily regained if the Crown of France had assisted her since the Southern Parts of France were almost all Protestants who would have w●…llingly served her against Spain Only she being a most Religious Woman had great apprehensions of the unlawfulness at least the extream danger of matching her Son to one of a different Religion therefore she took some time to consider of that part of the Proposition The Admiral was very weary of the Civil War it both ruined his Country and slackened the discipline of War which he had formerly observed with a Roman Severity He thought the Conquest of the Netherlands would be an easy and a great accession to the Crown he knew there was none so likely to be employed in it as himself and he was resolved to carry all the Souldiers of the Religion with him And being Admiral he also designed to raise the greatness of the Crown both at Sea and in the new-found World which was then sending over an incredible deal of Wealth to Spain in which the Spaniards who had landed in Florida and killed a Colony of the French that was setled there had given just cause to make War upon them Therefore as he had often expressed his being so averse to a Civil War that he could no longer look on and see the Miseries it brought on his Country so he was made believe the King did in good earnest intend to assist the Flemings which being both against the Spaniard and in defence of those of the same Religion he would by no means hinder Upon these Considerations there was a Peace concluded between the King and the Protestants by which the free exercise of their Religion was granted some Cautionary Towns were also put in their Hands to be kept by them two Years till there were a full settlement made of the Edicts and the other things agreed to for their Security The King acted his part with all the Artifice possible he became much kinder to the Family of Momorancy and the rest of the Admirals Friends and