Papal power whatsoeuer and yet saith withall the Pope winketh at the French by his toleration to hold this dogmaticall point for problematicall And by this meanes the Martyrdome that hee affecteth in this cause will prooue but a problematicall Martyrdome whereof question might grow very well whether it were to be mustered with grieuous crimes or with phreneticall passions of the braine or with deserued punishments Fiftly he denounceth Anathema dischargeth maledictions like haile-shot against parricides of Kings and yet elsewhere hee layes himselfe open to speake of Kings onely so long as they stand Kings But who doeth not know that a King deposed is no longer King And so that limme of Satan which murthered Henry the III. then vn-king'd by the Pope did not stabbe a King to death Sixtly he doeth not allow a King to be made away by murder and yet he thinks it not much out of the way to take away al meanes whereby he might be able to stand in defence of his life Seuenthly Pag. 95.97 hee abhorreth killing of Kings by apposted throat-cutting for feare lest body and soule should perish in the same instant and yet he doth not mislike their killing in a pitcht field and to haue them slaughtered in a set battaile For he presupposeth no doubt out of his charitable mind that by this meanes the soule of a poore King so dispatched out of the way shall instantly flie vp to heauen Eightly he saith a King deposed retaineth stil a certaine internal habitude and politike impression by vertue and efficacie whereof he may being once reformed and become a new man be restored to the lawfull vse and practise of Regalitie Whereby hee would beare vs in hand that when a forraine Prince hath inuaded and rauenously seised the kingdome into his hands he will not onely take pittie of his predecessour to saue his life but will also proue so kind-hearted vpon fight of his repentance to restore his kingdome without fraud or guile Ninthly he saith euery where in his Discourse that he dealeth not in the cause otherwise then as a problematicall discourser and without any resolution one way or other and yet with might and maine hee contends for the opinion that leaues the States and Crownes of Kings controulable by the Pope refutes obiections propounds the authoritie of Popes and Councils by name the Lateran Councill vnder Innocent III. as also the consent of the Church And to crosse the Churches iudgement is in his opinion to bring in schisme and to leaue the world without a Church for many hundred yeeres together which to my vnderstanding is to speake with resolution and without all hesitation Tenthly he acknowledgeth none other cause of sufficient validitie for the deposing of a King besides herefie apostasie and infidelitie neuerthelesse that Popes haue power to displace Kings for herefie and apostasie hee proueth by examples of Kings whom the Pope hath curbed with deposition not for heresie but for matrimoniall causes for ciuill pretences and for lacke of capacitie Eleuenthly hee alledgeth euery where passages as well of holy Scripture as of the Fathers and moderne histories but so impertinent and with so little trewth as hereafter wee shall cause to appeare that for a man of his deepe learning and knowledge it seemeth not possible so to speake out of his iudgement Lastly whereas all this hath bene hudled and heaped together into one masse to currie with the Pope yet hee suffereth diuers points to fall from his lips which may well distast his Holinesse in the highest degree As by name where he prefers the authoritie of the Councill before that of the Pope and makes his iudgement inferiour to the iudgement of the French as in fit place hereafter shal be shewed Againe where he representeth to his hearers the decrees of Popes and Councils already passed concerning this noble subiect and yet affirmes that he doth not debate the question but as a Questionist and without resolution As if a Cardinal should be afraid to be positiue and to speake in peremptory straines after Popes and Councils haue once decided the Question Or as if a man should perorate vpon hazard in a cause for the honour whereof he would make no difficultie to suffer Martyrdome Adde hereunto that his Lordship hath alwayes taken the contrary part heretofore and this totall must needs arise that before the third Estate his lips looked one way and his conscience another All these points by the discourse which is to follow and by the ripping vp of his Oration which by Gods assistance J will vndertake tending to the reproch of Kings and the subuersion of kingdomes J confidently speake it shal be made manifest Yet doe J not conceiue it can any way make for my honour to enter the lists against a Cardinall For J am not ignorant how farre a Cardinals Hat commeth vnder the Crowne and Scepter of a King For well J wot vnto what sublimitie the Scripture hath exalted Kings when it styles them Gods Whereas the dignitie of a Cardinall is but a late vpstart inuention of man In the Preface to my Apologie as J haue elsewhere prooued But J haue imbarqued my selfe in this action mooued thereunto First by the common interest of Kings in the cause it selfe Then by the L. Cardinall who speaketh not in this Oration as a priuate person but as one representing the body of the Clergie and Nobilitie by whom the cause hath bene wonne and the garland borne away from the third Estate Againe by mine owne particular because he is pleased to take me vp for a sower of dissention and a persecutour vnder whom the Church is hardly able to fetch her breath yea for one by whom the Catholikes of my Kingdome are compelled to endure all sorts of punishments and withal he tearmes this Article of the third Estate a monster with a fishes taile that came swimming out of England Last of all by the present state of France because France being now reduced to so miserable tearmes that it is now become a crime for a Frenchman to stand for his King it is a necessary duetie of her neighbours to speake in her cause and to make triall whether they can put life into the trewth now dying and ready to be buried by the power of violence that it may resound and ring againe from remote regions J haue no purpose once to touch many prettie toyes which the ridges of his whole booke are sowen withall Such are his allegations of Pericles Agesilaus Aristotle Minos the Druides the French Ladies Hannibal Pindarus and Poeticall fables All resembling the red and blew flowers that pester the corne when it standeth in the fields where they are more noy some to the growing crop then beautifull to the beholding eye Such pettie matters nothing at all beseemed the dignitie of the Assembly and of the maine subiect or of the Orator himselfe For it was no Decorum to enter the Stage with a Pericles in his mouth but with the
Vrbanus part was punished for his presumption dispoyled of his estate and kept in prison whereof he makes complaint himselfe in his 19. and 20. Epistles The L. Cardinall besides in my vnderstanding for his Masters honour should haue made no words of interdicting the whole Kingdome For when the Pope to giue a King chastisement doeth interdict his Kingdome hee makes the people to beare the punishment of the Kings offence For during the time of interdiction the Church doores through the whole Kingdome are kept continually shut and lockt vp publike seruice is intermitted in all places bels euery where silent Sacraments not administred to the people bodies of the dead so prostituted and abandoned that none dares burie the said bodies in holy ground More it is beleeued that a man dying vnder the curse of the interdict without some speciall indulgence or priuiledge is for euer damned and adiudged to eternall punishments as one that dyeth out of the communion of the Church Put case then the interdict holdeth and continueth for many yeares together alas how many millions of poore soules are damned and goe to hell for an others offence For what can or what may the faltlesse and innocent people doe withall if the King will repudiate his wife and she yet liuing ioyne himselfe in matrimonie to an other The Lord Cardinall after Philip the 1. produceth Philippus Augustus Examp. 12. who hauing renounced his wife Ingeberga daughter to the King of Denmarke and marrying with Agnes daughter to the Duke of Morauia was by Pope Innocent the third interdicted himselfe and his whole Kingdome But his Lordshippe was not pleased to insert withall what is auerred in the Chronicle of Saint Denis that Pope Caelestinus 3. sent forth two Legats at once vpon this errand Bochel pag. 320 Who being come into the assemblie and generall Council of all the French Prelats became like dumbe dogs that can not barke so as they could not bring the seruice which they had vndertaken to any good passe because they stood in a bodily feare of their owne bydes Not long after the Cardinall of Capua was in the like taking For hee durst not bring the Realme within the limits of the interdict before hee was got out of the limits of the Kingdome The King herewith incensed thrust all the Prelates that had giuen consent vnto these proceedings out of their Sees confiscated their goods c. To the same effect is that which wee reade in Matthew Paris After the Pope had giuen his Maiestie to vnderstand by the Cardinal of Anagnia that his kingdome should be interdicted vnlesse he would be reconciled to the King of England the King returned the Pope this answere that he was not in any sort afraid of the Popes sentence for as much as it could not be grounded vpon any equitie of the cause and added withall that it did no way appertaine vnto the Church of Rome to sentence Kings especially the King of France And this was done saith Iohannes Tilius Register in Court of Parliament of Paris by the counsell of the French Barons Most notable is the example of Philip the faire and hits the bird in the right eye In the yeere 1032. the Pope dispatched the Archbishop of Narbona with mandates into France commanding the King to release the Bishop of Apamia then detained in prison for contumelious words tending to the Kings defamation and spoken to the Kings owne head In very deed this Pope had conceiued a secret grudge and no light displeasure against King Philip before namely because the King had taken vpon him the collation of Benefices and other Ecclesiastical dignities Vpon which occasion the Pope sent letters to the King of this tenour and style Feare God and keepe his Commandements Wee would haue thee know that in Spirituall and Temporall causes thou art subiect vnto our selfe that collating of Benefices and Prebends doeth not in any sort appertaine to thy office and place that in case as keeper of the Spiritualties thou haue the custodie of Benefices and Prebends in thy hand when they become voyd thou shalt by sequestration reserue the fruits of the same to the vse and benefit of the next Incumbents and successors and in case thou hast heretofore collated any we ordaine the said collations to be meerely void and so farre as herein thou hast proceeded to the fact we reuoke the said collations We hold them for hereticks whosoeuer are not of this beliefe A Legate comes to Paris and brings these brauing letters By some of the Kings faithfull seruants they are violently snatched and pulled out of the Legates hands by the Earle of Artois they are cast into the fire The good King answeres the Pope and payes him in as good coyne as he had sent Philip by the grace of God King of the French to Boniface calling and bearing himselfe the Soueraigne Bishop little greeting or none at all May thy exceeding sottishnesse vnderstand that in Temporall causes we are not subiect vnto any mortall and earthly creature that collating of Benefices and Prebends by Regall right appertaineth to our office and place that appropriating their fruits when they become void belongeth to our selfe alone during their vacancie that all collations by vs heretofore made or to bee made hereafter shall stand in force that in the validitie and vertue of the said collations wee will euer couragiously defend and maintaine all Incumbents and possessors of Benefices and Prebends so by vs collated We hold them all for sots and senselesse whosoeuer are not of this beliefe The Pope incensed herewith excommunicates the King but no man dares publish that censure or become bearer thereof The King notwithstanding the said proceedings of the Pope assembles his Prelates Barons and Knights at Paris askes the whole assembly of whom they hold their Fees with al other the Temporalties of the Church They make answere with one voice that in the said matters they disclaime the Pope and know none other Lord beside his Maiestie Meane while the Pope worketh with Germanie and the Low Countreis to stirre them vp against France But Philip sendeth William of Nogaret into Italy William by the direction and aide of Sciarra Columnensis takes the Pope at Anagnia mounts him vpon a leane ill-fauoured iade caries him prisoner to Rome where ouercome with choller anguish and great indignation he takes his last leaue of the Popedome and his life All this notwithstanding the King presently after from the successours of Boniface receiues very ample and gratious Bulls in which the memorie of all the former passages and actions is vtterly abolished Extrauag Meruit Witnesse the Epistle of Clement 5. wherein this King is honoured with praises for a pious and religious Prince and his Kingdome is restored to the former estate In that aage the French Nobilitie caried other maner of spirits then the moderne and present Nobilitie doe I meane those by whom the L. Cardinal was applauded and assisted in his
conclusion of all his examples The Cardinals paire of Martyrs weighed he reckoneth his two English Martyrs Moore and Roffensis who died for that one most weightie head of doctrine as he alledgeth refusing the Oath of Supremacie I must tell him that he hath not been well informed in some materiall points which doe very neerely concerne his two said Martyrs For it is cleare and apparantly to be prooued by diuers Records that they were both of them committed to the Tower about a yeere before either of them was called in question vpon their liues for the Popes Supremacie And that partly for their backwardnesse in the point of the establishment of the Kings succession whereunto the whole Realme had subscribed and partly for that one of them to wit Fisher had had his hand in the matter of the holy 8 Called Elizabeth Barton See the Act of Parliament maide of Kent hee being for his concealement of that false prophets abuse found guiltie of misprision of Treason And as these were the principall causes of their imprisonment the King resting secure of his Supremacie as the Realme stood then affected but especially troubled for setling the Crowne vpon the issue of his second mariage so was it easily to be conceiued that being thereupon discontented their humors were thereby made apt to draw them by degrees to further opposition against the King and his authoritie as indeede it fell out For in the time of their being in prison the Kings lawfull authoritie in cases Ecclesiasticall being published and promulged as well by a generall decree of the Clergie in their Synode as by an Acte of Parliament made thereupon they behaued themselues so peeuishly therein as the olde coales of the Kings anger being thereby raked vp of new they were againe brought in question as well for this one most weighty head of doctrine of the Pope his supremacy as for the matter of the Kings mariage and succession as by the confession of one of themselues euen Thomas Moore is euident For being condemned he vsed these words at the barre before the Lords Non ignoro cur me morti adiudicaueritis videlicet ob id Histor aliquet Martyrum nostri seculi Anno 1550. quòd nunquam voluerim assentiri in negotio matrimonij Regis That is I am not ignorant why you haue adiudged mee to death to wit for that I would neuer consent in the businesse of the new mariage of the King By which his owne confession it is plaine that this great martyr himselfe tooke the cause of his owne death to be onely for his being refractary to the King in this said matter of Marriage and Succession which is but a very fleshly cause of Martyrdome as I conceiue And as for Roffensis his fellow Martyr who could haue bene content to haue taken the Oath of the Kings Supremacie with a certaine modification which Moore refused as his imprisonment was neither onely nor principally for the cause of Supremacie so died hee but a halting and a singular Martyr or witnesse for that most weighty head of doctrine the whole Church of England going at that time in one current and streame as it were against him in that Argument diuers of them being of farre greater reputation for learning and sound iudgement then euer he was So as in this point we may well arme our selues with the Cardinals owne reason where he giueth amongst other notes of the trew Church Vniuersalitie for one wee hauing the generall and Catholique conclusion of the whole Church of England on our side in this case as appeareth by their booke set out by the whole Conuocation of England called The Institution of a Christian man the same matter being likewise very learnedly handled by diuers particular learned men of our Church as by Steuen Gardiner in his booke De vera obedientia with a Preface of Bishop Boners adioyning to it De summo absoluto Regis Imperio published by M. Bekinsaw De vera differentia Regiae Potestatis Ecclesiasticae Bishop Tonstals Sermon Bishop Longlands Sermon the letter of Tonstall to Cardinall Poole and diuers other both in English and Latine And if the bitternesse of Fishers discontentment had not bene fed with his dayly ambitious expectation of the Cardinals hat which came so neere as Calis before he lost his head to fill it with I haue great reason to doubt if he would haue constantly perseuered in induring his Martyrdome for that one most waighty head of doctrine And surely these two Captaines and ringleaders to Martyrdome were but ill followed by the rest of their countreymen for I can neuer reade of any after them being of any great accompt and that not many that euer sealed that weighty head of doctrine with their blood in England So as the trew causes of their first falling in trouble whereof I haue already made mention being rightly considered vpon the one part and vpon the other the scant number of witnesses that with their blood sealed it a point so greatly accompted of by our Cardinal there can but smal glory redound thereby to our English nation these onely two Enoch and Elias seruing for witnesses against our Antichristian doctrine And I am sure the Supremacie of Kings may The Supremacy of Kings sufficiently warranted by the Scriptures wil euer be better maintained by the word of God which must euer be the trew rule to discerne all waighty heads of doctrine by to be the trew and proper office of Christian Kings in their owne dominions then he will be euer able to maintaine his annihilating Kings and their authorities together with his base and vnreuerend speaches of them wherewith both his former great Volumes and his late Bookes against Venice are filled In the old Testament Kings were directly 1 2. Chron. 19.4 Gouernours ouer the Church within their Dominions 2 2. Sam. 5.6 purged their corruptions reformed their abuses brought the 3 1. Chron. 13.12 Arke to her resting place the King 4 2. Sam. 6.16 dancing before it 5 1. Chron. 28.6 built the Temple 6 2. Chron. 6. dedicated the same assisting in their owne persons to the sanctification thereof 7 2. King 22.11 made the Booke of the Law new-found to bee read to the people 8 Nehe. 9.38 Dauid Salomon renewed the Couenant betweene God and his people 9 2. King 18.4 bruised the brasen serpent in pieces which was set vp by the expresse commandement of God and was a figure of Christ destroyed 10 1. King 15.12 2. king 13.4 all Idoles and false gods made 11 2. Chron. 17.8 a publike reformation by a Commission of Secular men and Priests mixed for that purpose deposed 12 1. King 2.27 the high Priest and set vp another in his place and generally ordered euery thing belonging to the Church-gouernment their Titles and Prerogatiues giuen them by God agreeing to these their actions They are called the 13 2.
Germanic c. 32. TORTVS Pag. 88. 5 Adde heereunto that Cuspinian in relating the history of the Turkes brother who was poysoned by Alexander 6. hath not the consent of other writers to witnesse the trewth of this History CONFVTATION The same History which is reported by Cuspinian is recorded also by sundry other famous Historians See Francis Guicciardin lib. 2. Histor Ital. Paulus Iouius lib. 2. Hist. sui temporis Sabellic Ennead 10. lib. 9. Continuator Palmerij at the yeere 1494. THE NOVEL DOCTRINES WITH A BRIEFE DECLARATION of their Noueltie NOVEL DOCTRINE Pag. 9. 1 IT is agreed vpon amongst all that the Pope may lawfully depose Hereticall Princes and free their Subiects from yeelding obedience vnto them CONFVTATION Nay all are so farre from consenting in this point that it may much more trewly be auouched that none entertained that conceit before Hildebrand since he was the first brocher of this new doctrine neuer before heard of as many learned men of that aage and the aage next following to omit others of succeeding aages haue expresly testified See for this point the Epistle of the whole Clergie of Liege to Pope Paschal the second See the iudgement of many Bishops of those times recorded by Auentine in his historie lib. 5. fol. 579. Also the speech vttered by Conrade bishop of Vtretcht in the said fifth booke of Auentine fol. 582. And another by Eberhardus Archbishop of Saltzburge Ibid. lib. 7. p. 684. Also the iudgement of the Archbishop of Triers in constitut Imperialib à M. Haimensfeldio editis pag. 47. The Epistle of Walthram Bishop of Megburgh which is extant in Dodechine his Appendix to the Chronicle of Marianus Scotus at the yeere 1090. Benno in the life of Hildebrand The author of the booke De vnitate Ecclesiae or the Apologie for Henry the fourth Sigebert in his Chronicle at the yeere 1088. Godfrey of Viterbio in his History entituled Pantheon part 17. Ottho Frisingensis lib. 6. c. 35. praefat in lib. 7. Frederick Barbarossa lib. 6. Gunther Ligurin de gestis Frederici and lib. 1. c. 10. of Raduicus de gestis eiusdem Frederici Vincentius in speculo historiali lib. 15. c. 84. with sundry others NOVEL DOCTRINE Pag. 51. 2 In our supernaturall birth in Baptisme wee are to conceiue of a secret and implied oath which we take at our new birth to yeeld obedience to the spirituall Prince which is Christes Vicar CONFVTATION It is to bee wondred at whence this fellow had this strange new Diuinitie which surely was first framed in his owne fantasticall braine Else let him make vs a Catalogue of his Authors that hold and teach that all Christians whether infants or of aage are by vertue of an oath taken in their Baptisme bound to yeeld absolute obedience to CHRISTS Vicar the Pope or baptized in any but in CHRIST NOVEL DOCTRINE Pag. 94. 3 But since that Catholike doctrine doth not permit for the auoidance of any mischiefe whatsoeuer to discouer the secret of Sacramentall confession he Garnet rather chose to suffer most bitter death then to violate the seale of so great a Sacrament CONFVTATION That the secret of Sacramentall confession is by no meanes to bee disclosed no not indirectly or in generall so the person confessing bee concealed for auoydance and preuention of no mischiefe how great soeuer Besides that it is a position most dangerous to all Princes and Common-wealths as I shew in my Praemonition pag. 333 334. It is also a Nouell Assertion not heard of till of late dayes in the Christian world Since the common opinion euen of the Schoolemen and Canonists both old and new is vnto the contrary witnesse these Authors following Alexander Hales part 4. qu. 78. mem 2. art 2. Thom. 4. dist 21. qu. 3. art 1. ad 1. Scotus in 4. dist 21. qu. 2. Hadrian 6. in 4. dist vbi de Sacramen Confes edit Paris 1530. pag. 289. Dominic Sot in 4. dist 18. q. 4. art 5. Francis de victor summ de Sacram. n. 189. Nauar. in Enchirid. c. 8. Ioseph Angles in Florib part 1. pag. 247. edit Antuerp Petrus Soto lect 11. de confess The Iesuites also accord hereunto Suarez Tom. 4. disp in 3. part Thom. disp 33. § 3. Gregor de Valentia Tom. 4. disp 7. q. 13. punct 3. who saith the common opinion of the Schoolemen is so NOVEL DOCTRINE Pag. 102. 4 I dare boldly auow that the Catholikes haue better reason to refuse the Oath of Allegeance then Eleazar had to refuse the eating of Swines flesh CONFVTATION This assertion implieth a strange doctrine indeede that the Popes Breues are to be preferred before Moses Law And that Papists are more bound to obey the Popes decree then the Iewes were to obey the Law of God pronounced by Moses NOVEL DOCTRINE Pag. 135. 5 Churchmen are exempted from the Iurisdiction of secular Princes and therefore are no subiects to Kings yet ought they to obserue their Lawes concerning matters temporall not by vertue of any Law but by enforcement of reason that is to say not for that they are their Subiects but because reason will giue it that such Lawes are to be kept for the publike good and the quiet of the Common-wealth CONFVTATION How trew friends the Cardinall and his Chaplen are to Kings that would haue so many Subiects exempted from their power See my Praemonition Pag. 296 297. Also Pag 330. 331. c. But as for this and the like new Aphorismes I would haue these cunning Merchants to cease to vent such stuffe for ancient and Catholike wares in the Christian world till they haue disprooued their owne Venetians who charge them with Noueltie and forgerie in this point A DECLARATION CONCERNING THE PROCEEDINGS WITH THE STATES GENERALL OF THE VNITED PROVINCES OF THE LOW COVNTREYS Jn the cause of D. CONRADVS VORSTIVS TO THE HONOVR OF OVR LORD AND SAVIOVR JESVS CHRIST THE ETERNALL SONNE OF THE ETERNALL FATHER THE ONELY ΘΕΑÎΘΡΩΠΟΣ MEDIATOVR AND RECONCILER OF MANKIND IN SIGNE OF THANKFVLNES HIS MOST HVMBLE AND MOST OBLIGED SERVANT IAMES BY THE GRACE OF GOD KING OF GREAT BRITAINE FRANCE AND IRELAND Defender of the FAITH Doeth DEDICATE and CONSECRATE this his DECLARATION THat it is one of the principall parts of that duetie which appertaines vnto a Christian King to protect the trew Church within his owne Dominions and to extirpate heresies is a Maxime without all controuersie in which respect those honourable Titles of Custos Vindex vtriusque Tabulae Keeper and Auenger of both the Tables of the Law and Nutritius Ecclesiae Nursing Father of the Church do rightly belong vnto euery Emperour King and Christian Monarch But what interest a Christian King may iustly pretend to meddle in alienâ Repub. within another State or Common wealth in matters of this nature where Strangers are not allowed to be too curious is the point in question and whereof we meane at this time to treate For our zeale to the glory of God being the onely motiue that induced
more Pope Iulius tooke the Kingdome from the one and gaue it vnto the other the French thereupon resisted the Pope and declared him to be fallen from the Papacie This noble spirit and courage of the French in maintayning the dignitie and honour of their Kings Crownes bred those ancient customes which in the sequence of many aages haue bene obserued and kept in vse This for one That no Legate of the Pope Pag. 26. Nisi de consensu Regis Christianissimi nor any of his rescripts nor mandates are admitted and receiued in France without licence from the King and vnlesse the Legate impart his faculties to the Kings Atturney Generall to be perused and verified in Court of Parliament where they are to be tyed by certaine modifications and restrictions vnto such points as are not derogatorie from the Kings right from the liberties of the Church and from the ordinances of the Kingdome When Cardinal Balua Bochellus contrary to this ancient forme entred France in the yeere 1484. and there without leaue of the King did execute the office speed certaine Acts of the Popes Legate the Court vpon motion made by the Kings Atturney Generall decreed a Commission to be informed against him by two Councellors of the said Court and inhibited his further proceeding to vse any facultie or power of the Popes Legate vpon paine of beeing proclaimed rebell In the yeere 1561. Iohannes Tanquerellus Batchelour in Diuinitie by order of the Court was condemned to make open confession that hee had indiscreetly and rashly without consideration defended this proposition Indiscretè ac inconsideratè The Pope is the Vicar of Christ a Monarke that hath power both Spirituall and Secular and he may depriue Princes which rebell against his commandements of their dignities Doctrinaliter tantum non iuridicè Which proposition howsoeuer he protested that he had propounded the same onely to be argued and not iudicially to be determined in the affirmatiue Tanquerellus neuerthelesse was compelled openly to recant Here the L. Cardinall answeres The historie of Tanquerellus is from the matter because his proposition treateth neither of Heresie nor of Infidelitie but I answere The said proposition treateth of both forasmuch as it maketh mention of disobedience to the Pope For I suppose hee will not denie that whosoeuer shall stand out in Heresie contrary to the Popes monitorie proceedings he shal shew but poore and simple obedience to the Pope Moreouer the case is cleare by the former examples that no Pope will suffer his power to cast downe Kings to be restrained vnto the cause of Heresie and Infidelitie In the heate of the last warres raised by that holy-prophane League admonitory Bulls were sent by Pope Gregorie 14. from Rome Anno 1591. By these Bulls King Henrie 4. as an Heretike and relapse was declared incapable of the Crowne of France and his Kingdome was exposed to hauocke and spoile The Court of Parliament being assembled at Tours the 5. of August decreed the said admonitorie Bulls to bee cancelled torne in pieces and cast into a great fire by the hand of the publike executioner The Arrest it selfe or Decree is of this tenour The Court duely pondering and approouing the concluding and vnanswerable reasons of the Kings Attourney Generall hath declared and by these present doeth declare the admonitorie Bulls giuen at Rome the 1. of March 1591. to be of no validitie abusiue seditious damnable full of impietie and impostures contrary to the holy decrees rights franchises and liberties of the French Church doeth ordeine the Copies of the said Bulls sealed with the seale of Marsilius Landrianus and signed Septilius Lamprius to bee rent in pieces by the publike executioner and by him to be burnt in a great fire to be made for such purpose before the great gates of the common Hall or Palace c. Then euen then the L. of Perron was firme for the better part and stood for his King against Gregorie the Pope notwithstanding the crime of eresie pretended against Henrie his Lord. All the former examples by vs alledged are drawen out of the times after Schooles of Diuinitie were established in France For I thought good to bound my selfe within those dooles and limits of time which the L. Cardinal himselfe hath set Who goeth not sincerely to worke and in good earnest where he telleth vs there be three instances as if wee had no more obiected against Papall power to remooue Kings out of their chaires of State Page 47. by name the example of Philip the Faire of Lewis XII and of Tanquerellus For in very trewth all the former examples by vs produced are no lesse pregnant and euident howsoeuer the L. Cardinall hath bene pleased to conceale them all for feare of hurting his cause Nay France euen in the dayes of her sorest seruitude was neuer vnfurnished of great Diuines by whom this vsurped power of the Pope ouer the Temporalties and Crownes of Kings hath beene vtterly misliked and condemned Robert Earle of Flanders was commanded by Pope Paschal 2. to persecute with fire and sword the Clergie of Liege who then adhered and stood to the cause of the Emperour Henrie 4. whom the Pope had ignominiously deposed Robert by the Popes order and command was to handle the Clergie of Liege in like sort as before hee had serued the Clergie of Cambray who by the said Earle had beene cruelly stript both of goods and life The Pope promised the said Earle and his army pardon of their sinnes for the said execution The Clergie of Liege addressed answere to the Pope at large They cried out vpon the Church of Rome and called her Babylon Told the Pope home that God had commanded to giue vnto Caesar that which is Caesars that euery soule must bee subiect vnto the superiour powers that no man is exempted out of this precept and that euery oath of alleagiance is to be kept inuiolable yea that hereof they themselues are not ignorant in as much as they by a new Schisme and new traditions making a separation and rent of the Priesthood from the Kingdome doe promise to absolue of periurie such as haue perfidiously forsworne themselues against their King And whereas by way of despight and in opprobrious maner they were excommunicated by the Pope they gaue his Holinesse to vnderstand that Dauids heart had vttered a good matter but Paschals heart had spewed vp sordid and railing words like old bawdes and spinsters or websters of linnen when they scold and brawle one with another Finally they reiected his Papal excommunication as a sentence giuen without discretion This was the voyce and free speach of that Clergie in the life time of their noble Emperour But after hee was thrust out of the Empire by the rebellion of his owne sonne instigated and stirred vp thereunto by the Popes perswasion and practise and was brought vnto a miserable death it is no matter of wonder that for the safegard of their life
be more cruel or more voyd of reason then to seeke to stop the strong and violent streame of tyrannie by sedition These words me thinke doe make very strongly and expresly against butchering euen of Tyrannical Kings And whereas a little after the said passage he teacheth to expell Tyrannie he hath not a word of expelling the Tyrant but onely of breaking and shaking off the yoke of Tyrannie Yet for all that he would not haue the remedies for the repressing of Tyrannie to be fetcht from the Pope who presumeth to degrade Kings but from Philosophers Lawyers Diuines and personages of good conuersation It appeareth now by all that hath bin said before that whereas Gerson in the 7. Considerat against Flatterers doeth affirme Whensoeuer the Prince doeth manifestly pursue and prosecute his naturall subiects and shew himselfe obstinately bent with notorious iniustice to vexe them of set purpose and with full consent so farre as to the fact then this rule and law of Nature doeth take place It is lawfull to resist and repell force by force and the sentence of Seneca There is no sacrifice more acceptable to God then a tyrant offered in sacrifice the words doeth take place are so to be vnderstood as he speaketh in another passage to wit with or amongst seditious persons Or else the words doeth take place doe onely signifie is put in practise And so Gerson there speaketh not as out of his owne iudgement His Lordship also should not haue balked and left out Sigebertus who with more reason might haue passed for French then Thomas and Occam whom hee putteth vpon vs for French Sigebertus in his Chronicle vpon the yeere 1088. speaking of the Emperours deposing by the Pope hath words of this tenour This Heresie was not crept out of the shell in those dayes that his Priests who hath said to the King Apostata and maketh an hypocrite to rule for the sinnes of the people should teach the people they owe no subiection vnto wicked Kings nor any alleagiance notwithstanding they haue taken the oath of alleagiance Now after the L. Cardinal hath coursed in this maner through the histories of the last aages which in case they all made for his purpose doe lacke the weight of authority in stead of searching the will of God in the sacred Oracles of his word and standing vpon examples of the ancient Church at last leauing the troupe of his owne allegations he betakes himselfe to the sharpening and rebating of the points of his aduersaries weapons For the purpose he brings in his aduersaries the champions of Kings Crownes makes them to speake out of his own mouth for his Lordship saith it will be obiected after this maner Pag. 52. sequentibus It may come to passe that Popes either caried with passion or misled by sinister information may without iust cause fasten vpon Kings the imputation of heresie or apostasie Then for King-deposers he frames this answere That by heresie they vnderstand notorious heresie and formerly condemned by sentence of the Church Moreouer in case the Pope hath erred in the fact it is the Clergies part adhering to their King to make remonstrances vnto the Pope and to require the cause may be referred to the iudgement of a full Councel the French Church then and there being present Now in this answere the L. Cardinall is of another mind then Bellarmine his brother Cardinall Aduers Barclaium For hee goes thus farre That a Prince condemned by vniust sentence of the Pope ought neuerthelesse to quit his Kingdome and that his Pastors vniust sentence shall not redound to his detriment prouided that hee giue way to the said sentence and shew himselfe not refractarie but stay the time in patience vntil the holy Father shall renounce his error and reuoke his foresaid vniust sentence In which case these two material points are to be presupposed The one That he who now hath seized the kingdome of the Prince displaced wil forthwith if the Pope shall sollicit and intercede returne the Kingdome to the hand of the late possessor The other That in the interim the Prince vniustly deposed shall not need to feare the bloody murderers mercilesse blade and weapon But on the other side the Popes power of so large a size as Bellarmine hath shaped is no whit pleasing to the L. Cardinals eye For in case the King should be vniustly deposed by the Pope not well informed he is not of the minde the Kingdome should stoupe to the Popes behests but will rather haue the Kingdome to deale by remonstrance and to referre the cause vnto the Council Wherein he makes the Council to be of more absolute and supreme authority then the Pope a straine to which the holy father will neuer lend his eare And yet doubtlesse the Council required in this case must be vniuersall wherein the French for so much as they stand firme for the King and his cause can be no Iudges and in that regard the L. Cardinal requireth onely the presence of the French Church Who seeth not here into what pickle the French cause is brought by this meanes The Bishops of Italie forsooth of Spaine of Sicilie of Germanie the subiects of Soueraignes many times at professed or priuie enmitie with France shall haue the cause compremitted and referred to their iudgement whether the Kindome of France shall driue out her Kings and shall kindle the flames of seditious troubles in the very heart and bowels of the Realme But is it not possible that a King may lacke the loue of his owne subiects and they taking the vantage of that occasion may put him to his trumps in his owne Kingdome Is it not possible that calumniations whereby a credulous Pope hath beene seduced may in like maner deceiue some part of a credulous people Is it not possible that one part of the people may cleaue to the Popes Faction another may hold and stand out for the Kings rightfull cause and ciuill warres may be kindled by the splene of these two sides Is it not possible that his Holinesse will not rest in the remonstrances of the French and will no further pursue his cause And whereas now a dayes a Generall Councill cannot be held except it be called and assembled by the Popes authority is it credible the Pope will take order for the conuocation of a Council by whom he shall be iudged And how can the Pope be President in a Councill where himselfe is the party impleaded and to whom the sifting of his owne sentence is referred as it were to Committies to examine whether it was denounced according to Law or against Iustice But in the meane time whilest all these remonstrances and addresses of the Council are on foot behold the Royall Maiestie of the King hangeth as it were by loose gimmals and must stay the iudgement of the Council to whom it is referred Well what if the Councill should happe to be two or three yeeres in assembling and
what purpose Onely to die vpon the points of the Saracens pikes or by the edge of their barbarous courtelasses battle-axes fauchions and other weapons without any benefit and aduantage to themselues or others Then the Nobles were driuen to sell their goodly Mannors and auncient demaines to the Church-men at vnder prises and low rates the very roote from which a great part of the Church and Church-mens reuenewes hath sprung and growne to so great height Then to be short See the Bull of Innoc. 3. at the end of the Lat. ter Conc. his most bountifull Holinesse gaue to any of the riffe-raffe-ranke that would vndertake this expedition into the Holy land a free and full pardon for all his sinnes besides a degree of glory aboue the vulgar in the Celestiall Paradise Military vertue I confesse is commendable and honourable prouided it bee employed for iustice and that generous noblenesse of valiant spirits bee not vnder a colour and shadow of piety fetcht ouer with some casts or deuises of Italian cunning Now let vs obserue the wisedome of the Lord Cardinall through this whole discourse His Lordship is pleased in his Oration to cite certaine few passages of Scripture culls and picks them out for the most gracefull in shewe leaues out of his list whole troupes of honourable witnesses vpon whose testimonie the Popes themselues and their principall adherents doe build his power to depose Kings and to giue order for all Temporall causes Take a sight of their best and most honourable witnesses Peter said to Christ See here two swords and Christ answered It is sufficient Christ said to Peter Put vp thy sword in to thy sheath God said to Ieremie Ier. 1. I haue established thee ouer Nations and Kingdomes 1. Cor. 2. Paul said to the Corinthians The spirituall man discerneth all things Christ said to his Apostles Whatsoeuer yee shall loose vpon earth by which words the Pope hath power forsooth to loose the oath of allegiance Moses said In the beginning God created the heauen and the earth Vpon these passages Pope Boniface 8. Extrauag Vnam Sanctam grapling and tugging with Philip the Faire doth build his Temporall power Other Popes and Papists auouch the like authorities Christ said of himselfe All things are giuen to me of my Father and all power is giuen vnto me in heauen and in earth The Deuils said If thou cast vs out send vs into this herd of swine Christ said to his Disciples Yee shall finde the colt of an asse bound loose it and bring it vnto me By these places the aduersaries prooue that Christ disposed of Temporall matters and inferre thereupon why not Christs Vicar as well as Christ himselfe The places and testimonies now following are very expresse Psal 45. In stead of thy fathers shall be thy children thou shalt make them Princes through all the earth Item Iesus Christ not onely commaunded Peter to feed his lambs but said also to Peter Arise kill and eat the pleasant glosse the rare inuention of the L. Ioh. 12. Cardinall Baronius Christ said to the people If I were lift vp from the earth I will draw all things vnto me who lets what hinders this place from fitting the Pope Paul said to the Corinthians Know ye not that we shall iudge the Angels how much more then the things that pertaine vnto this life A little after Haue not we power to eate These are the chiefe passages on which as vpon maine arches the roofe of Papall Monarchie concerning Temporall causes hath rested for three or foure aages past And yet his Lordship durst not repose any confidence in their firme standing to beare vp the said roofe of Temporall Monarchie for feare of making his auditors to burst with laughter A wise part without question if his Lordship had not defiled his lips before with a more ridiculous argument drawne from the leprosie and drie scab Let vs now by way of comparison behold Iesus Christ paying tribute vnto Caesar and the Pope making Caesar to pay him tribute Iesus Christ perswading the Iewes to pay tribute vnto an heathen Emperour and the Pope dispensing with subiects for their obedience to Christian Emperours Iesus Christrefusing to arbitrate a controuersie of inheritance partable betweene two priuate parties and the Pope thrusting in himselfe without warrant or Commission to bee absolute Iudge in the deposing of Kings Iesus Christ professing that his Kingdome is not of this world and the Pope establishing himselfe in a terrene Empire In like manner the Apostles forsaking all their goods to followe Christ and the Pope robbing Christians of their goods the Apostles persecuted by Pagan Emperours and the Pope now setting his foote on the very throate of Christian Emperours then proudly treading Imperiall Crownes vnder his feete By this comparison the L. Cardinals allegation of Scripture in fauour of his Master the Pope is but a kind of puppet-play to make Iesus Christ a mocking stocke rather then to satisfie his auditors with any sound precepts and wholefome instructions Hereof he seemeth to giue some inckling himselfe For after he hath beene plentifull in citing authorities of Scripture and of newe Doctors which make for the Popes power to depose Kings at last he comes in with a faire and open confession Pag. 85. that neither by diuine Oracles nor by honourable antiquitie this controuersie hath beene yet determined and so pulls downe in a word with one hand the frame of worke that he had built and set vp before with an other discouering withall the reluctation and priuie checkes of his owne conscience There yet remaineth one obiection the knot whereof the L. Cardinall in a maner sweateth to vntie His words be these Page 84. The champions for the negatiue flie to the analogie of other proceedings and practises in the Church They affirme that priuate persons masters or owners of goods and possessions among the common people are not depriued of their goods for Heresie and consequently that Princes much more should not for the same crime bee depriued of their estates For answere to this reason he brings in the defendants of deposition speaking after this maner In the Kingdome of France the strict execution of lawes decreed in Court against Heretikes is fauourably suspended and stopped for the preseruation of peace and publike tranquilitie He saith elsewhere Conniuence is vsed towards these Heretikes inregard of their multitude because a notable part of the French Nation and State is made all of Heretikes I suppose that out of speciall charitie he would haue those Heretikes of his owne making forewarned what courteous vse and entreaty they are to expect when he affirmeth that execution of the lawes is but suspended For indeed suspensions hold but for a time But in a cause of that nature and importance I dare promise my selfe that my most honoured brother the King of France will make vse of other counsell will rather seeke the amitie of his neighbour Princes and
violent and bloody death or some other mischiefe more intolerable then death it selfe What are we the better that parricides of Kings are neither set on nor approued by the Church in their abominable actions when shee layeth such plots and taketh such courses as necessarily doe inferre the cutting of their throates In the next place be it noted that his Lordship against all reason reckons the absoluing of subiects from the oath of alleagiance in the ranke of penalties awarded and enioyned before the Ecclesiasticall tribunall seate For this penaltie is not Ecclesiasticall but Ciuill and consequently not triable in Ecclesiasticall Courts without vsurping vpon the Ciuill Magistrate But I wonder with what face the L. Cardinall can say The Church neuer consenteth to any practise against his life whom she hath once chastised with seuere censures For can his Lordship be ignorant what is written by Pope Vrbanus Can. Excommunicatorum Can. excoâ— Caus 23. Quaest 6. Wee take them not in any wise to bee man-slayers who in a certaine heat of zeale towards the Catholike Church their Mother shall happen to kill an excommunicate person More if the Pope doth not approoue and like the practise of King-killing wherefore hath not his Holinesse imposed some seuere censure vpon the booke of Mariana the Iesuite by whom parricides are commended nay highly extolled when his Holinesse hath beene pleased to take the paines to censure and call in some other of Mariana's bookes Againe wherefore did his Holinesse aduise himselfe to censure the Decree of the Court of Parliament in Paris against Iohn Chastell Wherefore did hee suffer Garnet and Oldcorne my powder-miners both by bookes and pictures vendible vnder his nose in Rome to be inrowled in the Canon of holy Martyrs And when hee saw two great Kings murdered one after another wherefore by some publike declaration did not his Holinesse testifie to all Christendome his inward sense and trew apprehension of so great misfortune as all Europe had iust cause to lament on the behalfe of France Wherefore did not his Holinesse publish some Law or Pontificiall Decree to prouide for the securitie of Kings in time to come Trew it is that he censured Becanus his booke But wherefore That by a captious and sleight censure he might preuent a more exact and rigorous Decree of the Sorbone Schoole For the Popes checke to Becanus was onely agenerall censure and touch without any particular specification of matter touching the life of Kings About some two moneths after the said booke was printed againe with a dedication to the Popes Nuntio in Germany yet without any alteration saue onely of two articles conteining the absolute power of the people ouer Kings In recompence and for a counterchecke whereof three or foure articles were inserted into the said booke touching the Popes power ouer Kings articles no lesse wicked iniurious to Regall rights nay more iniurious then any of the other clauses whereof iust cause of exception and complaint had bene giuen before If I would collect and heape vp examples of ancient Emperours as of Henrie IV. whos 's dead corps felt the rage and furie of the Pope or of Frederic II. against whom the Pope was not ashamed to whet and kindle the Sultane or of Queene Elizabeth our Predecessour of glorious memorie whose life was diuers times assaulted by priuie murderers expresly dispatched from Rome for that holy seruice if I would gather vp other examples of the same stampe which I haue layd forth in my Apologie for the oath of alleagiance I could make it more cleare then day-light how farre the L. Cardinals words are discrepant from the trewth where his Lordship out of most rare considence is bold to auow Page 97. That neuer any Pope went so farre as to giue consent or counsell for the desperate murdering of Princes That which already hath bene alleadged may suffice to conuince his Lordship I meane that his Holinesse by deposing of Kings doeth lead them directly to their graues and tombes The Cardinall himselfe seemeth to take some notice hereof The Church as he speaketh abhorreth sudden and vnprepensed murders aboue therest Pag. 95. Doth not his Lordship in this phrase of speech acknowledge that murders committed by open force are not so much disauowed or disclaimed by the Church A little after he speakes not in the teeth as before but with full and open mouth that hee doeth not dislike a King once deposed by the Pope should be pursued with open warre Whereupon it followes that in warre the King may be lawfully slaine No doubt a remarkeable degree of his Lordships clemencie A King shall bee better entreated and more mildly dealt withal if he be slaine by the shot of an harquebuse or caleeuer in the field then if hee bee stabd by the stroke or thrust of a knife in his chamber or if at a siege of some city hee be blowne vp with a myne then by a myne made and a traine of gunpowder laid vnder his Palace or Parliament house in time of peace His reason Forsooth because in sudden murders oftentimes the soule and the body perish both together O singular bountie and rare clemencie prouokers instigators strong puffers and blowers of parricides in mercifull compassion of the soule become vnmercifull and shamefull murderers of the body This deuice may well claime and challenge kinred of Mariana the Iesuites inuention For he liketh not at any hand the poisoning of a Tyrant by his meat or drinke for feare lest he taking the poison with his owne hand and swallowing or gulping it downe in his meate or drinke so taken should be found felo de se as the common Lawyer speaketh or culpable of his owne death But Mariana likes better to haue a Tyrant poysoned by his chaire or by his apparell and robes after the example of the Mauritanian Kings that being so poysoned onely by sent or by contact he may not be found guiltie of selfe-fellonie and the soule of the poore Tyrant in her flight out of the body may be innocent O hel-hounds O diabolical wretches O infernall monsters Did they onely suspect and imagine that either in Kings there is any remainder of Kingly courage or in their subiects any sparke left of ancient libertie they durst as soone eat their nailes or teare their owne flesh from the bones as once broach the vessell of this diabolicall deuice How long then how long shall Kings whom the Lord hath called his Anointed Kings the breathing Images of God vpon earth Kings that with a wry or frowning looke are able to crush these earth-wormes in pieces how long shall they suffer this viperous brood scotfree and without punishment to spit in their faces how long the Maiestie of GOD in their person and Royall Maiestie to be so notoriously vilified so dishonourably trampled vnder foot The L. Cardinall borads vs with a like manifest ieast and notably trifles first distinguishing betweene Tyrants by administration and Tyrants by vsurpation then
of his life in the city of Tours Certaine it is they neuer abandoned that Henry 3. nor his next successor Henry 4. in all the heat of reuolts and rebellions raised in the greatest part of the Kingdome by the Pope and the more part of the Clergie but stood to the said Kings in all their battels to beare vp the Crowne then tottering and ready to fall Certaine it is that euen the heads and principalls of those by whom the late King deceased was pursued with all extremities at this day doe enioy the fruit of all the good seruices done to the King by the said Protestants And they are now disgraced kept vnder exposed to publike hatred What for kindling coales of questions and controuersies about Religion Forsooth not so but because if they might haue equall and indifferent dealing if credit might be giuen to their faithfull aduertisements the Crowne of their Kings should bee no longer pinned to the Popes flie-flap in France there should bee no French exempted from subiection to the French King causes of benefices or of matrimonie should bee no longer citable and summonable to the Romish Court and the Kingdome should bee no longer tributarie vnder the colour of annats the first fruits of Benefices after the remooue or death of the Incumbent and other like impositions But why doe I speake so much in the behalfe of the French Protestants The Lord Cardinall himselfe quittes them of this blame when he telleth vs this doctrine for the deposing of Kings by the Popes mace or verge had credit and authoritie through all France vntill Caluins time Doth not his Lordship vnder-hand confesse by these words that Kings had beene alwaies before Caluins time the more dishonoured and the worse serued Item that Protestants whom his Lordship calls heretikes by the light of holy Scripture made the world then and euer since to see the right of Kings oppressed so long before As for those of the Low Countries and the subiects of Swethland I haue little to say of their case because it is not within ordinary compasse and indeed serueth nothing to the purpose These Nations besides the cause of Religion doe stand vpon certaine reasons of State which I will not here take vpon me like a Iudge to determine or to sift Iunius Brutus Whom the Lord Cardinall obiecteth is an author vnknowne and perhaps of purpose patcht vp by some Romanist with a wyly deceit to draw the reformed Religion into hatred with Christian Princes Buchanan I reckon and ranke among Poets not among Diuines classicall or common If the man hath burst out here and there into some tearmes of excesse or speach of bad temper that must be imputed to the violence of his humour and heate of his spirit not in any wise to the rules and conclusions of trew Religion rightly by him conceiued before Barclaius alledged by the Cardinall meddles not with deposing of Kings but deals with disavowing them for Kings when they shal renounce the right of Royalty and of their owne accord giue ouer the Kingdome Now he that leaues it in the Kings choice either to hold or to giue ouer his Crowne leaues it not in the Popes power to take away the Kingdome Of Gerson obtruded by the Cardinal we haue spoken sufficiently before Where it hath beene shewed how Gerson is disguised masked and peruerted by his Lordship In briefe I take not vpon me to iustifie and make good all the sayings of particular authors We glory and well we may that our religion affordeth no rules of rebellion nor any dispensation to subiects for the oath of their allegiance and that none of our Churches giue entertainement vnto such monstrous and abhominable principles of disloyaltie If any of the French otherwise perswaded in former times Richcrius now hauing altered and changed his iudgement doth contend for the Soueraignty of Kings against Papall vsurpation He doubtles for winding himselfe out of the Laborinth of an error so intricate pernicious deserueth great honour and speciall praise He is worthy to hold a place of dignity aboue the L. Cardinall who hath quitted and betrayed his former iudgement which was holy and iust Their motions are contrary their markes are opposite The one reclineth from euill to good the other declineth from good to euill At last his Lordship commeth to the close of his Oration and bindes vp his whole harangue with a feate wreath of praises proper to his King He styles the King the eldest Sonne of the Church a young shoot of the lilly which King Salomon in all his Royaltie was not able to match He leades vs by the hand into the pleasant meadowes of Histories there to learne vpon the very first sight and view That so long so oft as the Kings of France embraced vnion and kept good tearmes of concord with Popes and the Apostolike See so long as the spouse of the Church was pastured and fed among the lillies all sorts of spirituall and temporall graces abundantly showred vpon their Crownes and vpon their people On the contrary when they made any rent or separation from the most holy See then the lillies were pricked and almost choaked with sharpe thornes they beganne to droope to stoope and to beare their beautifull heads downe to the very ground vnder the strong flawes and gusts of boystrous windes and tempests My answere to this flourishing close and vpshot shall be no lesse apert then apt It sauours not of good and faithfull seruice to smooth and stroake the Kings head with a soft hand of oyled speech and in the meane time to take away the Crowne from his head and to defile it with dirt But let vs try the cause by euidence of Historie yea by the voice and verdict of experience to see whether the glorious beauty of the French lillies hath beene at any time blasted and thereupon hath faded by starting aside and making separation from the holy See Vnder the raigne of King Philip the Faire France was blessed with peace and prosperity notwithstanding some outragious acts done against the Papall See and contumelious crying quittance by King Philip with the Pope Lewis 12. in ranged battell defeated the armies of Pope Iulius 2. and his Confederates proclaimed the said Pope to be fallen from the Popedome stamped certaine coynes and pieces of gold with a dishonourable mot euen to Rome it selfe Rome is Babylon yet so much was Lewis loued and honoured of his people that by a peculiar title he was called the Father of the Country Greater blessings of God greater outward peace and plenty greater inward peace with spirituall and celestiall treasures were neuer heaped vpon my Great Brittaine then haue beene since my Great Brittaine became Great in the greatest and chiefest respect of all to wit since my Great Brittaine hath shaken off the Popes yoke since she hath refused to receiue and to entertaine the Popes Legats employed to collect S. Peters tribute or Peter-pence since the Kings of England
acquainted with their state If I had not more then cause you may be sure I would be loth to trouble you But what he hath affirmed in this vpon the honour of a Gentleman whom you neuer had cause to distrust for his honestie that doe I now confirme and auow to be trew in the word and honour of a King And therein you are bound to beleeue me Duetie I may iustly claime of you as my Subiects and one of the branches of duetie which Subiects owe to their Soueraigne is Supply but in what quantitie and at what time that must come of your loues I am not now therefore to dispute of a Kings power but to tell you what I may iustly craue and expect with your good wills I was euer against all extremes and in this case I will likewise wish you to auoyd them on both sides For if you faile in the one I might haue great cause to blame you as Parliament men being called by me for my Errands And if you fall into the other extreme by supply of my necessities without respectiue care to auoyd oppression or partialitie in the Leuie both I and the Countrey will haue cause to blame you When I thinke vpon the composition of this body of Parliament I doe well consider that the Vpper house is composed of the Seculer Nobilitie who are hereditary Lords of Parliament and of Bishops that are liue Renter Barons of the same And therefore what is giuen by the Vpper house is giuen onely from the trew body of that House and out of their owne purposes that doe giue it whereas the Lower house is but the representatiue body of the Commons and so what you giue you giue it aswell for others as for your selues and therefore you haue the more reason to eschew both the extreames On the one part ye may the more easily be liberall since it comes not all from your selues and yet vpon the other part if yee giue more then is fit for good and louing Subiects to yeeld vpon such necessary occasions yee abuse the King and hurt the people And such a gift I will neuer accept For in such a case you might deceiue a King in giuing your flattering consent to that which you know might moue the people generally to grudge and murmure at it and so should the King find himselfe deceiued in his Caloule and the people likewise grieued in their hearts the loue and possession of which I protest I did and euer will accompt the greatest earthly securitie next the fauour of GOD to any wise or iust King For though it was vainely saide by one of your House That yee had need to beware that by giuing mee too much your throats were not in danger of cutting at your comming home yet may ye assure your selues that I will euer bee lothe to presse you to doe that which may wrong the people and make you iustly to beare the blame thereof But that yee may the better bee acquainted with my inclination I will appeale to a number of my Priuie Councell here present if that before the calling of this Parliament and when I found that the necessitie of my estate required so great a supply they found me more desirous to obtaine that which I was forced to seeke then carefull that the people might yeeld me a supply in so great a measure as my necessities required without their too great losse And you all that are Parliament men and here present of both Houses can beare me witnesse if euer I burthened or imployed any of you for any particular Subsidies or summes by name further then my laying open the particular necessities of my state or yet if euer I spake to any Priuie Councellour or any of my learned Councell to labour voyces for me to this end I euer detested the hunting for Emendicata Suffragia A King that will rule and gouerne iustly must haue regard to Conscience Honour and Iudgement in all his great Actions as your selfe M. Speaker remembred the other day And therefore ye may assure your selues That I euer limitall my great Actions within that compasse But as vpon the one side I doe not desire you should yeeld to that extreame in giuing me more then as I said formerly vpon such necessary occasions are fit for good and louing Subiects to yeeld For that were to giue me a purse with a knife So on the other side I hope you will not make vaine pretences of wants out of causelesse apprehensions or idle excuses neither cloake your owne humours when your selues are vnwilling by alledging the pouertie of the people For although I will be no lesse iust as a King to such persons then any other For my Iustice with Gods grace shal be alike open to all yet ye must thinke I haue no reason to thanke them or gratifie them with any suits or matters of grace when their errand shall come in my way And yet no man can say that euer I quarrelled any man for refusing mee a Subsidie if hee did it in a moderate fashion and with good reasons For him that denies a good Law I will not spare to quarrell But for graunting or denying money it is but an effect of loue And therefore for the point of my necessities I onely desire that I be not refused in that which of duety I ought to haue For I know if it were propounded in the generall amongst you whether the Kings wants ought to be relieued or not there is not one of you that would make question of it And though in a sort this may seeme to be my particular yet it can not bee diuided from the generall good of the Common wealth For the King that is Parens Patriae telles you of his wants Nay Patria ipsa by him speakes vnto you For if the King want the State wants and therefore the strengthening of the King is the preseruation and the standing of the State And woe be to him that diuides the weale of the King from the weale of the Kingdome And as that King is miserable how rich soeuer he bee that raines ouer a poore people for the hearts and riches of the people are the Kings greatest treasure So is that Kingdome not able to subsist how rich and potent soeuer the people be if their King wants meanes to mainaine his State for the meanes of your King are the sinewes of the kingdome both in warre and peace for in peace I must minister iustice vnto you and in warre I must defend you by Armes but neither of these can I do without sufficient means which must come from your Aide and Supply I confesse it is farre against my nature to be burthensome to my people for it cannot but grieue me to craue of others that was borne to be begged of It is trew I craue more then euer King of England did but I haue farre greater and iuster cause and reason to craue then euer King of England had And though
her needle and is now of his Maiestie esteemed as a most pretious Iewell Therefore since wee are compassed about with such a Clowd of Witnesses albeit these are but a little handfull in comparison of the infinite multitude that might be produced Since we haue the examples of all the Mightie-men of the World euen from the beginning thereof vnto this day who haue striuen as much to get a Name for their writings as fame for their doings haue affected as much to be counted Learned as Victorious and to be reputed of as much for their wise Sayings as for their worthy Deeds Why should it bee thought a thing strange in this time that his Maiestie whom GOD hath adorned with as many rare perfections of Nature and Arte as euer he did any that wee read of I except such as were Diuinely inspired should lend the world a few leaues out of the large Volumes of his Learning J commend the wisedome of our Aduersaries who hauing assayed all meanes the wit of man is able to inuent to incline his Maiestie to like of their partie and finding by all their Tricks they haue got no ground would at last put his Maiestie to silence and gaine thus much of him at least that since he will doe nothing for them yet that he would say nothing against them Therefore they cry out against his Maiesties writing and vpbrayd him more for that hee doeth write then they doe for any thing that hee hath written Jt is ynough to wonder at that Rex scribit These people are wise in their generation and haue learned by long experience that as the Kingdome of CHRIST is the Gospel of peace so it hath bene from the beginning spread more by the Pennes of the Apostles then by the power of Princes more propagated by the sweet writings of the ancient Fathers then it could bee suppressed by the seuere Edicts of Emperours and of late their Kingdome hath bene more shaken by a poore Monke then it hath bene able to recouer by the helpe of Mighty Monarches Therefore since the writings of poore Schollers haue so raised the Kingdome of CHRIST and so discouered the Mysterie of Jniquitie they do well to feare what may follow vpon the Writings of so great a King They liue securely from bleeding by his Maiesties Sword but they are not safe from being blasted by the breath of his Maiesties Bookes Jf they could bring it about therefore to calme and quiet his Maiesties Spirit from working vpon them that way as they see his Maiesties sweetnesse to bee farre from drawing of their bloods the other way they would deeme it a greater Conquest then all the conuersions of the Kings of the East and West-Indies they tell vs so many tales of For they looke vpon his Maiesties Bookes as men looke vpon Blasing-Starres with amazement fearing they portend some strange thing and bring with them a certaine Influence to worke great change and alteration in the world Neither is their expectation herein deceiued for we haue seene with our eyes the Operation of his Maiesties Workes in the Consciences of their men so farre as from their highest Conclaue to their lowest Cells there haue bene that haue bene conuerted by them and that in such number as wee want rather meanes to maintaine them then they minds to come to vs. But to conclude this point that Kings may write Giue mee leaue to offer you this Meditation How many are the wayes that men doe inuent to perpetuate their Memorie Insomuch that mortall-men haue made themselues Gods when they were dead that they might be adored as if they were aliue Wherein is the Impetus of Nature so strong as in the affection that propogates to Posteritie Wherefore serue Pictures but to continue our features Why doe men bestow so much cost in sumptuous Buildings but to leaue a Monument of their Magnificence To what end doe we erect Holy-houses and Hospitalls but to possesse mens mindes with the Deuotion of our Soules And shall wee blesse a King when wee behold him in his Posteritie Shall wee admire his features when wee contemplate them in his Pictures Shall we wonder at his Magnificence when we gaze vpon it in his stately Edifices and may wee not as well bee rauished when wee see his sharpe Wit his profound Judgement his infinite Memorie his Excellent affections in his admirable Writings Certainely it is a peruersnes to esteeme a man least for that whereby hee liues the longest to value him more for the outward worke of his hand then for the inward operation of his minde to esteeme him more for that which instructs but little then for that which shall edifie for euer What now remaines of Caesar so famous as his Commentaries What of Cicero as his Orations How comes Aristotle to be of more authoritie then Alexander Seneca then Nero The Triumphes and Victories of the one are vanished the Vertues of the other remaine in their perfect vigour And though all other Monuments by time consume and come to nothing yet these by time gaine strength and get authoritie and euer the more ancient the more Excellent Hauing now deliuered my opinion that J thinke it neither vnlawfull nor inconuenient for a King to write but that he hath the Liberty that other men haue if hee can get the leysure to shew his abilities for the present to perpetuate his Memory to Posterity to aduance his praise before his owne People and gaine Glory from others but especially to giue Glory vnto GOD. J will craue leaue to descend to an other Consideration for it may be there will not be so much fault found with a King for writing as for the matter or Subiect whereof he treates For Personages of their eminent Degree and State must not spend their paines on poore purposes nor write so much to try their witts on triuiall thinges as to winne themselues Honor by the Excellency of their subiect Jndeed if I were worthy to aduise a King hee should meddle very sparingly and but vpon important Causes with Polemicalls Hee should not often fight but in the field for put the case a King writ neuer so modestly that there be not in a whole Booke one word ad hominem nor any touch of his Aduersary in any personall infirmity yet J know not how it comes to passe that in all Controuersies a solide answere to an argument is a very sufficient occasion to make an Aduersary wonderfull angrie And so long as there are diuersity of Opinions there will neuer want matter for Confutations And in these Replications the person of a King is more exposed and lyes more open then the person of a poore Scholler can doe for as he is a farre greater marke so he may farre more easily be hit And though they misse him and can hit vpon nothing iustly to bee reprehended in him yet they doe thinke it Operaepretium to make a Scarre in the face of a King Whereas on the contrary if a King
doe write of Piety or Deuotion compile a History giue Precepts of Policy handle Moralls or treate of some rare Experiences of Nature wee doe in these things commend his Iudgement admire his parts without any euill cogitation against his Person There can hardly be giuen a more viue Example in this case then is to be found in the Writings of his Maiestie When the King had published his Basilicon-Doron a Booke so singularly penned that a Pomegranat is not so full of kernells as that is of Excellent Counsells What applause had it in the world How did it inflame mens minds to a loue and admiration of his Maiestie beyond measure Insomuch that comming out iust at the time his Maiestie came in it made the hearts of all his people as one Man as much to Honour him for Religion and Learning as to obey him for Title and Authoritie and gaue vs then a taste or rather the first fruits of that we haue since reaped a plentifull Haruest of by his Maiesties most prudent and Gracious Gouernment ouer vs. The like I may say of his Maiesties Demonologie a rare peece for many Precepts and Experiments both in Diuinitie and Naturall Philosophie Jn these there was nothing heard of but Sunne-shine and faire-weather euery countenance sweet and smiling vpon them But as soone as his Maiestie dealt against the Pope tooke the Cardinall in hand made the world see the vsurped power of the one and Sophistry of the other Good Lord what a stirre we had what roaring of the wilde Bulls of Basan what a commotion in euery Countrey Jnsomuch that I thinke there is scarce a People Language or Nation in Christendome out of which his Maiestie hath not receiued some answere or other either by way of resuting or at least by rayling So that had not the King contemned and made himselfe sport and recreation by such kinde of Reuelling rather then bene mooued to passion It could not haue bene but a marueilous perturbation to a Prince of so exquisite sense and vnderstanding But what of all this Shall wee wish his Maiestie had not fought with beasts at Ephesus stopped the roaring of the Bull nor encountered the Cardinall Trewly when J thinke vpon the wonderfull abuses and Hyperbolicall indignities his Maiestie hath receiued from these men I am somewhat of that minde But when on the other side J consider his Maiesties zeale for to maintaine the cause of GOD and Right of Kings his singular dexteritie to doe it the blessing of GOD that hath followed vpon his so doing of it I cannot but change my opinion and bee of another minde And the better to induce you to bee of my minde I will make vnto you a trew Relation of his Maiesties entering into this businesse and then leaue it to your consideration whether there were not a Diuine hand that led his into it or no. Jt is the Speach of our Blessed Sauiour that there is nothing hid that shall not be knowne and what is spoken in darkenesse shall be heard in the Light This his Maiestie as himselfe confesseth found trew in the comming foorth of one of his Bookes and I thinke it may bee found as trew in the comming foorth of some other of them For after the Pope had put forth his Breues and the Cardinall had sent his Letters to the Archpriest the one to enioyne the People not to take the Oath of Allegiance affirming they could not take it with safety of their Saluation the other to reproue the Arch-priest for that hee had taken it and to draw him to a penitencie for so foule a Lapse His Maiestie like as became a Prudent and a Religious Prince thought it not meete that these things should passe for current but that it was expedient his People should know that the taking of this Oath was so farre from endangering their Soules as that it intended nothing but ciuill Obedience and without touching any point of their conscience made the State secure of their Allegiance To performe this worke his Maiestie thought the Bishop of Winchester that then was a very fit man both for his singular Learning as for that he had long laboured in an Argument not much of a diuers nature from this Whereupon his Maiestie calling for penne and incke to giue my L. of Winchester directions how and in what maner to proceed in this Argument I know not how it came to passe but it fell out trew that the Poet saith Amphora coepit Institui currente rota post vrceus exit For the Kings Penne ranne so fast that in the compasse of sixe dayes his Maiestie had accomplished that which hee now calleth his Apologie which when my Lord of Canterburie that then was and my Lord of Elie had perused being indeed deliuered by his Maiestie but as briefe Notes and in the nature of a Minute to bee explicated by the Bishop in a larger Volume yet they thought it so sufficient an Answere both to the Pope and Cardinall as there needed no other Whereupon his Maiestie was perswaded to giue way to the comming of it foorth but was pleased to conceale his Name And so haue wee the Apologie beyond his Maiesties owne purpose or determination After that the Apologie was out his Maiestie diuerse times would bee pleased to vtter a Resolution of his that if the Pope and Cardinall would not rest in his answere and sit downe by it take the Oath as it was intended for a point of Allegiance and Ciuill Obedience Hee would publish the Apologie in his owne name with a Preface to all the Princes in Christendome wherein hee would publish such a Confession of his Faith perswade the Princes so to vindicate their owne Power discouer so much of the Mysterie of Jniquitie vnto them as the Popes Bulles should pull in their hornes and himselfe wish he had neuer medled with this matter The Cardinall contending against the Apologie his Maiestie confirmed his Resolution and with the like Celerity in the compasse of one weeke wrote his Monitory-Preface for as Hirtius said of Caesars Comentaries Qua foelicitate they were done let others iudge but Qua celeritate J can tell And being so written published it and the Apologie in his owne Name and made good his word sent it to the Emperour and all the Kings and free Princes in Christendome Now hauing made this Relation wherein J haue deliuered nothing but trewth Let me offer vnto you some few things worthy Consideration First that vpon the comming foorth of that Booke there were no States that disauowed the Doctrine of it in that point of the Kings power And the Venetians mainetained it in their writings and put it in Execution The Sorbons maintained it likewise in France Secondly their owne writers that opposed it so ouerlashed as they were corrected and castigated of men of their owne Religion Becanus his Booke corrected by the Cardinalles of Rome Bellarmines Booke burnt in Paris Suarez his Answere burnt also in France As for the
by this that the persecution of this Destroyer shall last the halfe to wit it shall reigne about the midst of the last aage of this whole weeke which begins at his incarnation and first comming and ends at his last comming againe which because it is the last period it is here compared to a weeke 3 But I shall giue that holy towne to two witnesses of mine who clothed with sackecloth shall prophesie the space of one thousand two hundred and threescore dayes for these my successours he shall raise vp as witnesses to wit a sufficient number of them for out of the mouth of two or three witnesses euery word is confirmed to witnesse that their doctrine is false who persecute the Church which he shal giue vnto them for he shall make them their patrons to defend and feed them by the power of the true word and they shall preach repentance to that counterfeit Church and therefore they are said to be clothed in sackecloth And to assure vs to our great comfort that in all the time of blindnesse God shall euer be raising vp some of these two witnesses against the hypocriticall Destroyer and to comfort and confirme his true Church it is said They shall prophesie the number of dayes that yee haue heard which is correspondent iustly to the moneths before mentioned to wit they shall not leaue off to witnesse all the time of the Antichristian kingdome 4 These witnesnesses are two greene Oliues who anoint the Elect with that holy oyle and two Candlestickes as Christ said to enlighten the world with their brightnesse who are set downe and doe their office in the presence of him who is Lord and ruler of the earth 5 And if any shal presse to harme them fire shall come out of their mouthes and deuoure their enemies for whosoeuer will doe them any hurt himselfe must be slaine so to wit the holy Spirit who is the fire in their mouth shall accuse and cause to be destroyed with the second death all them that either persecute them or will not heare or obey their doctrine 6 These witnesses haue power to shut heauen that it raine not in the dayes of their prophesie and they haue power ouer the waters to turne them into blood and to strike the earth with euery kinde of plague so often as they please for hee shall authorize them and their message with as sure testimonies as the shutting of the heauen and stay of the raine was vnto Elias so long as he forespake it should be so and as vnto Moyses the turning of the waters into blood and the striking of the earth of the land of Egypt with diuers and sundry plagues 7 But these shall be witnesses by their death as well as by their life For how soone any of them shall haue runne that course in the earth which God hath appointed them they shall be persecuted ouercome and slaine by that beast the Angel of that bottomlesse pit and king of the locusts and that great towne seat of the Monarchy shal publikely put them down as malefactours 8 So as their dead bodies or carkeises shall lie in the streets thereof And this towne is spiritually called Sodom because of the spirituall adultery to wit Idolatrie that it shall commit and maintaine and spiritually Egypt because it shall oppresse and intollerably burthen the soules of the chosen euen as Egypt captiuated the bodies and burthened the backes of the people of Israel and in that towne also was our Lord crucified for where Christs members are put to death for their Masters cause as this towne and Kings therof shal do there is Christ himselfe crucified in effect and his crucifying shal be as wel imputed to them as to Iudas who betrayed him 9 And men of all tribes peoples tongues and nations shall see their carkeises the space of three dayes and a halfe and they shall not be suffered to be buried in sepulchres 10 And the inhabitants of the earth shall be glad and reioyce for their slaughters and shall send gifts one to another in token of ioy because they are made quit of these two prophets who tormented the indwellers of the earth for the whole world who are not in Sancto Sanctorum shall not onely suffer but allow that these witnesses be not onely slaine but also be so cruelly vsed an contemned as not to be suffered to be buried amongst others And the whole earth shall reioyce at their death because that euen as Achab blamed Elias for troubling of Israel so shall the world thinke these witnesses troublesome vnto them because they discouer vnto them their shamefulnesse and call them to the repentance thereof 11 And thus shall they be contemned for the space of three dayes and a halfe to wit of three yeeres and a halfe which signifies that during the space of the Antichrists reigne they shall be thus vsed but after the space of three dayes and an halfe the Spirit of life comming from God shall enter into them and they shall be set vpon their feete and a great feare shall fall vpon them that did see them before 12 And they heard a great voice from the heauen saying vnto them Come vp bither then they ascended vp into heauen and their enemies saw them doe so for although that during the flourishing of this hereticall and bypocriticall Monarchie the trew Pastours no sooner appeared then they were put to death yet at the last this Monarchie shall begin to decay when the three yeeres or the three dayes and an halfe thereof shall be expired and then shall the Spirit of life from God to wit the holy Spirit sent from God worke mightier in the latter Pastours of these dayes so as in them shall the by-past Martyrs be reuiued and their doctrine shall take roote in the hearts of many and their reasons shal be so pithie as the Antichristian sect and the rest of the world shall know as perfectly that they shall preuaile as if they heard God call them to heauen to reward them there for their victory Neither shall they haue power of their liues for God shall mooue the hearts of many to defend them in such glory and safetie as if they were mounting vp to heauen in a cloud and they not able to hinder them 13 And then at that time shall be a great earthquake to wit great tumults among nations and the tenth part of the citie shall fall This citie is diuided in tenne parts to shew it is the same Monarchie that shall afterwards be described by a beast with ten heads And by the falling of the tenth part thereof is meant that diuers nations shall shake off the yoke of that Monarchie and so a part of the strength of that citie shall decay and there was slaine in that earthquake seuen thousand men to wit a great number of men shal be slaine in these tumults and the rest were afraid and gaue glory vnto the God of Heauen for these tumults
the faithfull who though they be otherwise in enmitie among themselues yet agree in this respect in odium tertij as did Herod and Pilate Sixtly the compassing of the Saints and besieging of the beloued City The false Church euer persecuteth declareth vnto vs a certaine note of a false Church to be persecution for they come to seeke the faithfull the faithfull are those that are sought The wicked are the besiegers the faithfull the besieged Seuenthly Scripture by Scripture should be expounded 2. King 1.10 11. in the forme of language and phrase or maner of speaking of fire comming downe from heauen here vsed and taken out of the Booke of the Kings where at Elias his prayers with fire from heauen were destroyed Achazias his souldiers as the greatest part of all the words verses and sentences of this booke are taken and borrowed of other parts of the Scripture we are taught to vse onely Scripture for interpretation of Scripture if we would be sure and neuer swarue from the analogie of faith in expounding seeing it repeateth so oft the owne phrases and thereby expoundeth them Eightly of the last part of the confusion of the wicked euen at the top of their height and wheele we haue two things to note One that God although he suffereth the wicked to run on while their cup be full yet in the end he striketh them first in this world and next in the world to come to the deliuerance of his Church in this world and the perpetuall glory of the same in the world to come The other note is that after the great persecution and the destruction of the pursuers shall the day of Iudgement follow For so declareth the 11. verse of this same Chapter but in how short space it shall follow that is onely knowne vnto God Onely this farre are we certaine that in the last estate without any moe generall mutations the world shall remaine till the consummation and end of the same To conclude then with exhortation It is al our duties in this Isle at this time to do two things One to consider our estate And other to conforme our actions according thereunto Our estate is we are threefold besieged First spiritually by the heresies of the antichrist Secondly corporally generally as members of that Church the which in the whole they persecute Thirdly All men should be lawfully armed spiritually and bodily to fight against the Antichrist and his vpholders corporally and particularly by this present armie Our actions then conformed to our estate are these First to call for helpe at God his hands Next to assure vs of the same seeing we haue a sufficient warrant his constant promise expressed in his word Thirdly since with good conscience we may being in the tents of the Saints beloued City stand in our defence encourage one another to vse lawfull resistance and concurre or ioyne one with another as warriors in one Campe and citizens of one beloued City for maintenance of the good cause God hath clad vs with and in defence of our liberties natiue countrey and liues For since we see God hath promised not only in the world to come but also in this world to giue vs victory ouer them let vs in assurance hereof strongly trust in our God cease to mistrust his promise and fall through incredulitie or vnbeliefe For then are we worthy of double punishment For the stronger they waxe and the neerer they come to their light the faster approcheth their wracke and the day of our deliuery For kind and louing true and constant carefull and watchfull mighty and reuenging is he that promiseth it To whom be praise and glory for euer AMEN A MEDITATION VPON THE xxv xxvj xxvij xxviij and xxix verses of the xv Chap. of the first Booke of the Chronicles of the Kings Written by the most Christian King and sincere Professour of the trewth IAMES by the grace of God King of England France Scotland and Ireland Defender of the Faith THE TEXT 25 So Dauid and the Elders of Israel and the Captaines of thousands went to bring vp the Arke of the Couenant of the Lord from the house of Obed-Edom with ioy 26 And because that God helped the Leuites that bare the Arke of the Couenant of the Lord they offered seuen Bullockes and seuen Rammes 27 And Dauid had on him a linnen garment as all the Leuites that bare the Arke and the singers and Chenaniah that had the chiefe charge of the singers and vpon Dauid was a linnen Ephod 28 Thus all Israel brought vp the Arke of the Lords Couenant with shouting and sound of Cornet and with Trumpets and with Cymbales making asound with Violes and with harpes 29 And when the Arke of the Couenant of the Lord came into the Citie of Dauid Michal the daughter of Saul looked out at a window and saw King Dauid dauncing and playing and shee despised him in her heart THE MEDITATION AS of late when greatest appearance of perill was by that forreine and godlesse fleete I tooke occasion by a Text selected for the purpose to exhort you to remaine constant resting assured of a happy deliuerance So now by the great mercies of God my speeches hauing taken an euident effect I could doe no lesse of my carefull duety then out of this place cited teach you what resteth on your part to be done not of any opinion I haue of my abilitie to instruct you but that these meditations of mine may after my death remaine to the posteritie as a certaine testimony of my vpright and honest meaning in this so great and weightie a cause Now I come to the matter Dauid that godly King you see hath no sooner obtained victory ouer Gods and his enemies the Philistines but his first action which followes is with concurrence of his whole estates to translate the Arke of the Lords couenant to his house in great triumph and gladnesse accompanied with the sound of musicall instruments And being so brought to the Kings house he himselfe dances and reioyces before it which thing Michal the daughter of Saul and his wife perceiuing she contemned and laughed at her husband in her minde This is the summe THE METHOD FOr better vnderstanding whereof these heades are to be opened vp in order and applied And first what causes mooued Dauid to doe this worke Secondly what persons concurred with Dauid in doing of this worke Thirdly what was the action it selfe and forme of doing vsed in the same Fourthly the person of Michal And fiftly her action THE FIRST PART AS to the first part Zeale in Dauid and experiēce of Gods kindnesse towards him moued Dauid to honour God The causes moouing Dauid passing all others I note two One internall the other external the internall was a feruent and zealous mind in Dauid fully disposed to extoll the glorie of God that had called him to be King as he saith himselfe The zeale of thy house it eats
troubled in spirit and hauing fasted long before as the text testifieth and being come to a woman that was bruted to haue such knowledge and that to enquire so important newes he hauing so guilty a conscience for his hainous offences and specially for that same vnlawfull curiositie and horrible defection and then the woman crying out vpon the suddaine in great admiration for the vncouth sight that she alledged to haue seene discouering him to be the King though disguised and denied by him before it was no wonder I say that his senses being thus distracted hee could not perceaue her faining of her voice he being himselfe in another chalmer and seeing nothing Next what could be or was raised The spirit of Samuel prophane and against all Theologie the deuill in his likenesse as vnappeirant that either God would permit him to come in the shape of his Saints for then could neuer the Prophets in those dayes haue beene sure what spirit spake to them in their visions or then that he could fore-tell what was to come thereafter for Prophecie proceedeth onely of GOD and the diuell hath no knowledge of things to come EPI Yet if ye will marke the words of the text yee will finde clearely that Saul saw that apparition for giuing you that Saul was in another chalmer at the making of the circles and coniurations needfull for that purpose as none of that craft wil permit any others to behold at that time yet it is euident by the text that how soone that once that vncleane spirit was fully risen she called in vpon Saul For it is said in the text that Saul knew him to be Samuel which could not haue beene by the hearing tell onely of an olde man with a mantill since there was many moe old men dead in Israel nor Samuel And the common weid of that whole countrey was mantils As to the next that it was not the spirit of Samuel I grant In the prouing whereof ye need not to insist since all Christians of whatsoeuer religion agrees vpon that and none but either mere ignorants or Necromanciers or Witches doubts thereof And that the deuill is permitted at sometimes to put himselfe in the likenesse of the Saints it is plaine in the Scriptures 1. Cor. 11.14 where it is said that Satan can transforme himselfe into an Angel of light Neither could that bring any inconuenience with the visions of the Prophets since it is most certaine that God will not permit him so to deceiue his owne but onely such as first wilfully deceiue them-selues by running vnto him whom God then suffers to fall in their owne snares and iustly permits them to be illuded with great efficacie of deceit because they would not beleeue the trueth as Paul sayth And as to the diuels foretelling of things to come it is true that he knowes not all things future but yet that hee knowes part the tragicall euent of this historie declares it which the wit of woman could neuer haue fore-spoken not that hee hath any prescience which is onely proper to God or yet knowes any thing by looking vpon God as in a mirrour as the good Angels doe hee being for euer debarred from the fauourable presence and countenance of his Creatour but onely by one of these two meanes either as being worldly wise and taught by a continuall experience euer since the Creation iudges by likelyhood of things to come according to the like that hath passed before and the naturall causes in respect of the vicissitude of all things worldly or else by Gods imploying of him in a turne and so foreseene thereof as appeares to haue beene in this 1. King 22. whereof we finde the very like in Micheas propheticke discourse to king Achab. But to prooue this my first proposition that there can be such a thing as Witch-craft and Witches there are many moe places in the Scriptures then this as I said before As first in the Lawe of GOD Exod. 22. it is plainely prohibited But certaine it is that the Law of God speakes nothing in vaine neither doeth it lay curses or enioyne punishments vpon shadowes condemning that to be ill which is not in essence or being Exod. 7. 2. as we call it Secondly it is plaine where wicked Pharaobs Wise-men imitated a number of Moses miracles to harden the tyrants heart thereby Thirdly said not Samuel to Saul that disobedience is as the sinne of Witch-craft 1 Sam. 15. To compare it to a thing that were not it were too too absurd Acts 8. Acts 16. Fourthly was not Simon Magus a man of that craft And fiftly what was she that had the spirit of Python beside innumerable other places that were irkesome to recite CHAP. II. ARGV What kind of sinne the practisers of these vnlawfull arts commit The diuision of these arts And what are the meanes that allure any to practise them PHILOMATHES BVt I thinke it very strange that God should permit any man-kind since they beare his owne Image to fall in so grosse and filthie a defection EPI Although man in his Creation was made to the image of the Creator Gene. 1. yet through his fall hauing once lost it it is but restored againe in a part by grace onely to the elect So all the rest falling away from God are giuen ouer into the hands of the diuell that enemy to beare his image and being once so giuen ouer the greatest and the grossest impretie is the pleasantest and most delightfull vnto them PHI. But may it not suffice him to haue indirectly the rule and procure the perdition of so many soules by alluring them to vices and to the following of their owne appetites suppose hee abuse not so many simple soules in making them directly acknowledge him for their master EPI No surely for he vses euery man whom of he hath the rule according to their complexion and knowledge and so whom hee findes most simple he plaineliest discouers himselfe vnto them For he being the enemie of mans saluation vses all the meanes hee can to intrappe them so farre in his snares as it may bee vnable to them thereafter suppose they would to rid themselues out of the same PHI. Then this sinne is a sinne against the holy Ghost EPI It is in some but not in all PHI. How that Are not all these that runne directly to the diuell in one Categorie EPI God forbid for the sinne against the holy Ghost hath two branches The one a falling backe from the whole seruice of God and a refusall of all his precepts The other is the doing of the first with knowledge knowing that they doe wrong against their owne conscience Hebr. 6.10 and the testimonie of the holy Spirit hauing once had a taste of the sweetnes of Gods mercies Now in the first of these two all sorts of Necromancers Enchanters or Witches are compre hended but in the last none but such as erre with this knowledge
extraordinarily wrought by God wherin many things were inordinately done by a popular tumult and rebellion The occasion of the Tribunat of some Puritanes of such as blindly were doing the worke of God but clogged with their owne passions and particular respects as well appeared by the destruction of our policie and not proceeding from the Princes order as it did in our neighbour countrey of England as likewise in Denmarke and sundry parts of Germanie some fierie spirited men in the ministerie got such a guiding of the people at that time of confusion as finding the gust of gouernment sweete they begouth to fantasie to themselues a Democraticke forme of gouernment and hauing by the iniquitie of time beene ouer-well baited vpon the wracke first of my Grandmother and next of mine owne mother and after vsurping the libertie of the time in my long minoritie Such were the Demagogâ— at Athens setled themselues so fast vpon that imagined Democracie as they fed themselues with the hope to become Tribuni plebis and so in a popular gouernment by leading the people by the nose to beare the sway of all the rule And for this cause there neuer rose faction in the time of my minoritie Their formes in the State nor trouble sen-syne but they that were vpon that factious part were euer carefull to perswade and allure these vnruly spirits among the ministerie to spouse that quarrell as their owne where-through I was oft-times calumniated in their populare Sermons not for any euill or vice in me but because I was a King which they thought the highest euill And because they were ashamed to professe this quarrel they were busie to look narrowly in all my actions and I warrant you a mote in my eye yea a false report was matter enough for them to worke vpon and yet for all their cunning whereby they pretended to distinguish the lawfulnesse of the office from the vice of the person some of them would sometimes snapper out well grossely with the trewth of their intentions informing the people Their razing the ground of the princely rule that all Kings and Princes were naturally enemies to the libertie of the Church and could neuer patiently beare the yoke of Christ with such sound doctrine fed they their flockes And because the learned graue and honest men of the ministerie were euer ashamed and offended with their temeritie and presumption preassing by all good meanes by their authoritie and example to reduce them to a greater moderation there could be no way found out so meete in their conceit that were turbulent spirits among them for maintaining their plots as paritie in the Church whereby the ignorants were emboldened as bairdes to crie the learned Their pretence of paratie godly and modest out of it paritie the mother of confusion and enemie to Vnitie which is the mother of order For if by the example thereof once established in the Ecclesiasticall gouernment the Politicke and ciuill estate should be drawen to the like the great confusion that thereupon would arise may easily be discerned Take heede therefore my Sonne to such Puritanes verie pestes in the Church and Common-weale whom no deserts can oblige neither oathes or promises binde An cuill sort of seed-men in the State breathing nothing but sedition and calumnies aspiring without measure railing without reason and making their owne imaginations without any warrant of the word the square of their conscience I protest before the great God and since I am here as vpon my Testament it is no place for me to lie in that ye shall neuer finde with any Hie-land or Border-theeues greater ingratitude and moe lies and vile periuries then with these phanaticke spirits And suffer not the principals of them to brooke your land if ye like to sit at rest except yee would keepe them for trying your patience Xantippe as Socrates did an euill wife And for preseruatiue against their poison Preseruatiue against such poison entertaine and aduance the godly learned and modest men of the ministerie whom-of God be praised there lacketh not a sufficient number and by their prouision to Bishoprickes and Benefices annulling that vile acte of Annexation if ye finde it not done to your hand yee shall not onely banish their conceited paritie whereof I haue spoken and their other imaginarie grounds Parity incompatible with a Monarchie which can neither stand with the order of the Church nor the peace of a Common-weale and well ruled Monarchie but ye shall also re-establish the olde institution of three Estates in Parliament which can no otherwise be done But in this I hope if God spare me dayes to make you a faire entrie alwayes where I leaue follow ye my steps And to end my aduice anent the Church estate Generall aduice in behalfe of the Church cherish no man more then a good Pastor hate no man more then a proude Puritane thinking it one of your fairest styles to be called a louing nourish-father to the Church seeing all the Churches within your dominions planted with good Pastors the Schooles the seminarie of the Church maintained the doctrine and discipline preserued in puritie according to Gods word a sufficient prouision for their sustentation a comely order in their policie pride punished humilitie aduanced and they so to reuerence their superiours and their flockes them as the flourishing of your Church in pietie peace and learning may be one of the chiefe points of your earthly glory being euer alike ware with both the extremities as well as yee represse the vaine Puritane so not to suffer proude Papall Bishops but as some for their qualities will deserue to bee preferred before others so chaine them with such bondes as may preserue that estate from creeping to corruption The next estate now that by order commeth in purpose according to their rankes in Parliament is the Nobilitie although second in ranke Of the Nobilitie and their formes yet ouer farre first in greatnesse and power either to doe good or euill as they are inclined The naturall sickenesse that I haue perceiued this estate subiect to in my time hath beene a fectlesse arrogant conceit of their greatnes and power drinking in with their very nourish-milke that their honor stood in committing three points of iniquitie to thrall by oppression the meaner sort that dwelleth neere them to their seruice and following although they holde nothing of them to maintaine their seruants and dependers in any wrong although they be not answerable to the lawes for any body will maintaine his man in a right cause and for anie displeasure that they apprehend to be done vnto them by their neighbour to take vp a plaine feide against him and without respect to God King or common-weale to bang it out brauely hee and all his kinne against him and all his yea they will thinke the King farre in their common in-case they agree to grant an assurance to a short day
of nouelties For remedie whereof besides the execution of Lawes that are to be vsed against vnreuerent speakers I know no better meane then so to rule as may iustly stop their mouthes from all such idle and vnreuerent speeches and so to prop the weale of your people with prouident care for their good gouernment that iustly Momus himselfe may haue no ground to grudge at and yet so to temper and mixe your seueritie with mildnes that as the vniust railers may be restrained with a reuerentawe so the good and louing Subiects may not onely liue in suretie and wealth but be stirred vp and inuited by your benigne courtesies to open their mouthes in the iust praise of your so well moderated regiment Arist 5. pol. Isoc in paneg In respect whereof and therewith also the more to allure them to a common amitie among themselues certaine dayes in the yeere would be appointed for delighting the people with publicke spectacles of all honest games and exercise of armes as also for conueening of neighbours for entertaining friendship and heartlinesse by honest feasting and merrinesse For I cannot see what greater superstition can be in making playes and lawfull games in Maie and good cheere at Christmas then in eating fish in Lent and vpon Fridayes the Papists as well vsing the one as the other so that alwayes the Sabboths be kept holy and no vnlawfull pastime be vsed And as this forme of contenting the peoples mindes hath beene vsed in all well gouerned Republicks so will it make you to performe in your gouernment that olde good sentence Omne tulit punctum Hor. de art poet qui miscuit vtile dulci. Ye see now my Sonne how for the zeale I beare to acquaint you with the plaine and single veritie of all things I haue not spared to be something Satyricke in touching well quickly the faults in all the estates of my kingdome But I protest before God I doe it with the fatherly loue that I owe to them all onely hating their vices whereof there is a good number of honest men free in euery estate And because for the better reformation of all these abuses among your estates it will be a great helpe vnto you to be well acquainted with the nature and humours of all your Subiects and to know particularly the estate of euery part of your dominions I would therefore counsell you Plat. in pol. Min. Tacit. 7. an Mart. once in the yeere to visite the principall parts of the countrey ye shal be in for the time and because I hope ye shall be King of moe countries then this once in the three yeeres to visite all your Kingdomes not lipening to Vice-royes but hearing your selfe their complaints and hauing ordinarie Councels and iustice-seates in euerie Kingdome of their owne countriemen and the principall matters euer to be decided by your selfe when ye come in those parts Ye haue also to consider Protection from forraine miuries Xeno 8. Cyr. Arist 5 pol. Polib 6. Dion Hal. de Romul that yee must not onely bee carefull to keepe your subiects from receiuing anie wrong of others within but also yee must be careful to keepe them from the wrong of any forraine Prince without sen the sword is giuen you by God not onely to reuenge vpon your owne subiects the wrongs committed amongst themselues but further to reuenge and free them of forraine iniuries done vnto them And therefore warres vpon iust quarrels are lawful but about all let not the wrong cause be on your side Vse all other Princes as your brethren honestly and kindely What formes to be vsed with other Princes Isoc in Plat. Parag. Keepe precisely your promise vnto them although to your hurt Striue with euâ—râ—e one of them in courtesie and thankefulnesse and as with all men so especially with them bee plaine and trewthfull keeping euer that Christian rule to doe as yee would be done to especially in counting rebellion against any other Prince a crime against your owne selfe because of the preparatiue Supplie not therefore nor trust not other Princes rebels but pittie and succour all lawfull Princes in their troubles Arist ad A. Verr. 11. de V. p. R. Cu. 2. Of. Liu. lib. 4. But if any of them will not abstaine notwithstanding what-soeuer your good deserts to wrong you or your subiects craue redresse at leasure heare and doe all reason and if no offer that is lawfull or honourable can make him to abstaine nor repaire his wrong doing then for last refuge Liu. lib. 1. Cic. cod commit the iustnesse of your cause to God giuing first honestly vp with him and in a publicke and honourable forme But omitting now to teach you the forme of making warres Of warre because that arte is largely treated of by many Prop. 4. Eleg. Lucan 7. Varro 11. de V. P. R. and is better learned by practise then speculation I will onely set downe to you heere a few precepts therein Let first the iustnesse of your cause be your greatest strength and then omitte not to vse all lawfull meanes for backing of the same Consult therefore with no Necromancier nor false Prophet vpon the successe of your warres remembring on king Saules miserable end 1. Sam. 31. but keepe your land cleane of all South-sayers Deut. 18. according to the commaund in the Law of God dilated by Ieremie Neither commit your quarrell to bee tried by a Duell for beside that generally all Duell appeareth to bee vnlawful committing the quarrell as it were to a lot whereof there is no warrant in the Scripture since the abrogating of the olde Lawe it is specially moste vn-lawfull in the person of a King Plutat in Sect. Ant. who being a publicke person hath no power therefore to dispose of himselfe in respect that to his preseruation or fall the safetie or wracke of the whole common-weale is necessarily coupled as the body is to the head Before ye take on warre Luke 14. play the wise Kings part described by Christ fore-seeing how ye may beare it out with all necessarie prouision especially remember Thuc. 2. Sal in lug Cic. prol Man Demost olyn 2. Liu. li. 30. Veger 1. Caes 1. 3. de 〈◊〉 ciuilâ— Proh in Thras that money is Neruus belli Choose old experimented Captaines and yong able souldiers Be extreamely strait and seuere in martiall Discipline as well for keeping of order which is as requisite as hardinesse in the warres and punishing of slouth which at a time may put the whole armie in hazard as likewise for repressing of mutinies which in warres are wonderfull dangerous And looke to the Spaniard whose great successe in all his warres hath onely come through straitnesse of Discipline and order for such errours may be committed in the warres as cannot be gotten mended againe Be in your owne person walkrife Caes 1. de bello ciu Liu. l. 7. Xen. 1. 5. Câ—r de
factious seruants Tacit. eod 1. An. Teach obedience to your seruants and not to thinke themselues ouer-wise and as when any of them deserueth it ye must not spare to put them away so without a seene cause change none of them The ground-stone of good gouernment At. 5. polit Tacit. in Ag. Dion li. 52. Xent in Ages Isoc in Sym. et ad Ph. Id. de permutat Cic. ad Q. frat Pay them as all others your subiects with praemium or poena as they deserue which is the very ground-stone of good gouernement Employ euery man as ye thinke him qualified but vse not one in all things lest he waxe proude and be enuied of his fellowes Loue them best that are plainnest with you and disguise not the trewth for all their kinne suffer none to be euill tongued nor backbiters of them they hate command a hartly and brotherly loue among all them that serue you And shortly maintaine peace in your Court bannish enuie cherish modestie bannish deboshed insolence foster humilitie and represse pride setting downe such a comely and honourable order in all the points of your seruice that when strangers shall visite your Court 1. King 10. they may with the Queene of Sheba admire your wisedome in the glorie of your house and comely order among your seruants But the principall blessing that yee can get of good companie Of Mariage will stand in your marrying of a godly and vertuous wife for shee must bee nearer vnto you Gen. 2.23 then any other companie being Flesh of your flesh and bone of your bone as Adam saide of Heuah And because I know not but God may call mee before ye be readie for Mariage I will shortly set downe to you heere my aduice therein First of all consider that Mariage is the greatest earthly felicitie or miserie that can come to a man according as it pleaseth God to blesse or curse the same Since then without the blessing of GOD yee cannot looke for a happie successe in Mariage yee must bee carefull both in your preparation for it Preparation to mariage and in the choice and vsage of your wife to procure the same By your preparation I meane that yee must keepe your bodie cleane and vnpolluted till yee giue it to your wife whom-to onely it belongeth For how can ye iustly craue to bee ioyned with a pure virgine if your bodie be polluted why should the one halfe bee cleane and the other defiled And although I know fornication is thought but a light and a veniall sinne by the most part of the world yet remember well what I said to you in my first Booke anent conscience and count euery sinne and breach of Gods law not according as the vaine world esteemeth of it but as God the Iudge and maker of the lawe accounteth of the same Heare God commanding by the mouth of Paul to abstaine from fornication 1. Cor. 6.10 declaring that the fornicator shall not inherite the Kingdome of heauen and by the mouth of Iohn reckoning out fornication amongst other grieuous sinnes that debarre the committers amongst dogs and swine Reuel 22.25 from entry in that spirituall and heauenly Ierusalem And consider if a man shall once take vpon him to count that light which God calleth heauie and veniall that which God calleth grieuous The dangerous effects of lust beginning first to measure any one sinne by the rule of his lust and appetites and not of his conscience what shall let him to doe so with the next that his affections shall stirre him to the like reason seruing for all and so to goe forward till he place his whole corrupted affections in Gods roome And then what shall come of him but as a man giuen ouer to his owne filthy affections shall perish into them And because wee are all of that nature that sibbest examples touch vs neerest consider the difference of successe that God granted in the Mariages of the King my grand-father and me your owne father A domesticke example the reward of his incontinencie proceeding from his euill education being the suddaine death at one time of two pleasant yong Princes and a daughter onely borne to succeed to him whom hee had neuer the hap so much as once to see or blesse before his death leauing a double curse behinde him to the land both a Woman of sexe and a new borne babe of aage to raigne ouer them And as for the blessing God hath bestowed on mee in granting me both a greater continencie and the fruits following there-upon your selfe and sib folkes to you are praise be to God sufficient witnesses which I hope the same God of his infinite mercie shall continue and increase without repentance to me and my posteritie Be not ashamed then to keepe cleane your body which is the Temple of the holy Spirit 1. Cor. 6.19 notwithstanding all vaine allurements to the contrary discerning trewly and wisely of euery vertue and vice according to the trew qualities therof and not according to the vaine conceits of men As for your choise in Mariage respect chiefly the three causes wherefore Mariage was first ordeined by God and then ioyne three accessories so farre as they may be obtained not derogating to the principalles The three causes it was ordeined for are for staying of lust Mariage ordained for three causes Arist 7. pol. for procreation of children and that man should by his Wife get a helper like himselfe Deferre not then to Marie till your aage for it is ordeined for quenching the lust of your youth Especially a King must tymouslie Marie for the weale of his people Neither Marie yee Id. cod for any accessory cause or worldly respects a woman vnable either through aage nature or accident for procreation of children for in a King that were a double fault aswell against his owne weale as against the weale of his people Neither also Marie one of knowne euill conditions or vicious education for the woman is ordeined to be a helper and not a hinderer to man Accessory causes of mariage AEg Ro. 2. de reg pr. The three accessories which as I haue said ought also to be respected without derogating to the principall causes are beautie riches and friendship by alliance which are all blessings of God For beautie increaseth your loue to your Wife contenting you the better with her without caring for others and riches and great alliance doe both make her the abler to be a helper vnto you But if ouer great respect being had to these accessories the principall causes bee ouer-seene which is ouer oft practised in the world as of themselues they are a blessing being well vsed so the abuse of them will turne them in a curse For what can all these worldly respects auaile when a man shall finde himselfe coupled with a diuel to be one flesh with him and the halfe marrow in his bed Then though too
companie of dames which are nothing else but irritamenta libidinis Bee warre likewaies to abuse your selfe in making your sporters your counsellers and delight not to keepe ordinarily in your companie Comoedians or Balladines for the Tyrans delighted most in them Pl. 3. de rep Ar. 7. 8. pol. Sen. 1. ep Dyon glorying to bee both authors and actors of Comoedies and Tragedies themselues Wherupon the answere that the poet Philoxenus disdainefully gaue to the Tyran of Syracuse there-anent is now come in a prouerbe reduc me in latomias Suidas And all the ruse that Nero made of himselfe when he died was Qualis artifexpereo Suet. in Ner. meaning of his skill in menstrally and playing of Tragoedies as indeede his whole life and death was all but one Tragoedie Delight not also to bee in your owne person a player vpon instruments especially on such as commonly men winne their liuing with nor yet to be fine of any mechanicke craft 1. Sep. Leur esprit s'en fuit au bout des doigts saith Du Bartas whose workes as they are all most worthie to bee read by any Prince or other good Christian so would I especially wish you to bee well versed in them But spare not some-times by merie company to be free from importunitie for ye should be euer mooued with reason which is the onely qualitie whereby men differ from beasts and not with importunitie Curt. 8. For the which cause as also for augmenting your Maiestie ye shall not be so facile of accesse-giuing at all times as I haue beene Liu. 35. Xen. in Ages Cit. ad Q frat and yet not altogether retired or locked vp like the Kings of Persia appointing also certaine houres for publicke audience And since my trust is that God hath ordained you for moe Kingdomes then this as I haue oft alreadie said preasse by the outward behauiour as well of your owne person A speciall good rule in gouernment as of your court in all indifferent things to allure piece and piece the rest of your kingdomes to follow the fashions of that kingdome of yours that yee finde most ciuill easiest to be ruled and most obedient to the Lawes for these outward and indifferent things will serue greatly for allurements to the people to embrace and follow vertue But beware of thrawing or constraining them thereto letting it bee brought on with time and at leisure specially by so mixing through alliance and daily conuersation the inhabitants of euery kingdom with other as may with time make them to grow and welde all in one Which may easily be done betwixt these two nations being both but one Ile of Britaine and alreadie ioyned in vnitie of Religion and language The fruitfull effects of the vnion So that euen as in the times of our ancestours the long warres and many bloodie battels betwixt these two countreys bred a naturall and hereditarie hatred in euery of them against the other the vniting and welding of them hereafter in one by all sort of friendship commerce and alliance will by the contrary produce and maintaine a naturall and inseparable vnitie of loue amongst them Alreadie kything in the happy amitie As we haue already praise be to God a great experience of the good beginning hereof and of the quenching of the olde hate in the hearts of both the people procured by the meanes of this long and happy amitie betweene the Queene my dearest sister and me which during the whole time of both our Reignes hath euer beene inuiolably obserued And for conclusion of this my whole Treatise Conclusion in forme of abridge of the whole Treatise remember my Sonne by your trew and constant depending vpon God to looke for a blessing to all your actions in your office by the outward vsing thereof to testifie the inward vprightnesse of your heart and by your behauiour in all indifferent things to set foorth the viue image of your vertuous disposition and in respect of the greatnesse and weight of your burthen to be patient in hearing keeping your heart free from praeoccupation ripe in concluding Thuc. 6. Dion 52. and constant in your resolution For better it is to bide at your resolution although there were some defect in it then by daily changing to effectuate nothing taking the paterne thereof from the microcosme of your owne body wherein ye haue two eyes signifying great foresight and prouidence with a narrow looking in all things and also two eares signifying patient hearing and that of both the parties but ye haue but one tongue for pronouncing a plaine sensible and vniforme sentence and but one head and one heart for keeping a constant vniforme resolution according to your apprehension hauing two hands and two feete with many fingers and toes for quicke execution in employing all instruments meet for effectuating your deliberations But forget not to digest euer your passion before ye determine vpon any thing since Ira furor breuis est Hir. lib. 1. epist. vttering onely your anger according to the Apostles rule Irascimini sed ne peccetis taking pleasure not only to reward Ephes 4. but to aduance the good which is a chiefe point of a Kings glory but make none ouer-great Arist 5. pol. Dion 52. but according as the power of the countrey may beare and punishing the euill but euery man according to his owne offence not punishing nor blaming the father for the sonne Plat. 9. de leg nor the brother for the brother much lesse generally to hate a whole race for the fault of one for noxa caput sequitur And aboue all let the measure of your loue to euery one be according to the measure of his vertue letting your fauour to be no longer tyed to any then the continuance of his vertuous disposition shall deserue not admitting the excuse vpon a iust reuenge to procure ouersight to an iniurie For the first iniurie is committed against the partie but the parties reuenging thereof at his owne hand is a wrong committed against you in vsurping your office whom to onely the sword belongeth for reuenging of all the iniuries committed against any of your people Thus hoping in the goodnes of God that your naturall inclination shall haue a happy sympathie with these pręcepts making the wise-mans scholemaster which is the example of others to bee your teacher according to that old verse Foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum eschewing so the ouer-late repentance by your owne experience which is the schoole-master of fooles I wil for end of all require you my Sonne as euer ye thinke to deserue my fatherly blessing to keepe continually before the eyes of your minde the greatnesse of your charge Plat. in pol. Cic. 5. d◠re◠making the faithfull and due discharge thereof the principal butt ye shoot at in all your actions counting it euer the principall and all your other actions but as accessories to be
being scantly inhabited but by very few and they as barbarous and scant of ciuilitie as number there comes our first King Fergus with a great number with him out of Ireland which was long inhabited before vs and making himselfe master of the countrey by his owne friendship and force as well of the Ireland-men that came with him as of the countrey-men that willingly fell to him hee made himselfe King and Lord as well of the whole landes as of the whole inhabitants within the same Thereafter he and his successours a long while after their being Kinges made and established their lawes from time to time and as the occasion required So the trewth is directly contrarie in our state to the false affirmation of such seditious writers as would perswade vs that the Lawes and state of our countrey were established before the admitting of a king where by the contrarie ye see it plainely prooued that a wise king comming in among barbares first established the estate and forme of gouernement and thereafter made lawes by himselfe and his successours according thereto The kings therefore in Scotland were before any estates or rankes of men within the same before any Parliaments were holden or lawes made and by them was the land distributed which at the first was whole theirs states erected and decerned and formes of gouernement deuised and established And so it followes of necessitie that the kings were the authors and makers of the Lawes and not the Lawes of the kings And to prooue this my assertion more clearly it is euident by the rolles of our Chancellery which containe our eldest and fundamentall Lawes that the King is Dominus omnium bonorum and Dominus directus totius Dominij the whole subiects being but his vassals and from him holding all their lands as their ouer-lord who according to good seruices done vnto him chaungeth their holdings from tacke to few from ward to blanch erecteth new Baronies and vniteth olde without aduice or authoritie of either Parliament or any other subalterin iudiciall seate So as if wrong might bee admitted in play albeit I grant wrong should be wrong in all persons the King might haue a better colour for his pleasure without further reason to take the land from his lieges as ouer-lord of the whole and doe with it as pleaseth him since all that they hold is of him then as foolish writers say the people might vnmake the king and put an other in his roome But either of them as vnlawful and against the ordinance of God ought to be alike odious to be thought much lesse put in practise And according to these fundamentall Lawes already alledged we daily see that in the Parliament which is nothing else but the head Court of the king and his vassals the lawes are but craued by his subiects and onely made by him at their rogation and with their aduice For albeit the king make daily statutes and ordinances enioyning such paines thereto as hee thinkes meet without any aduice of Parliament or estates yet it lies in the power of no Parliament to make any kinde of Lawe or Statute without his Scepter be to it for giuing it the force of a Law And although diuers changes haue beene in other countries of the blood Royall and kingly house the kingdome being reft by conquest from one to another as in our neighbour countrey in England which was neuer in ours yet the same ground of the kings right ouer all the land and subiects thereof remaineth alike in all other free Monarchies as well as in this For when the Bastard of Normandie came into England and made himselfe king was it not by force and with a mighty army Where he gaue the Law and tooke none changed the Lawes inuerted the order of gouernement set downe the strangers his followers in many of the old possessours roomes as at this day well appeareth a great part of the Gentlemen in England beeing come of the Norman blood and their old Lawes which to this day they are ruled by are written in his language and not in theirs And yet his successours haue with great happinesse enioyed the Crowne to this day Whereof the like was also done by all them that conquested them before And for conclusion of this point that the king is ouer-lord ouer the whole lands it is likewise daily proued by the Law of our hoordes of want of Heires and of Bastardies For if a hoord be found vnder the earth because it is no more in the keeping or vse of any person it of the law pertains to the king If a person inheritour of any lands or goods dye without any sort of heires all his landes and goods returne to the king And if a bastard die vnrehabled without heires of his bodie which rehabling onely lyes in the kings hands all that hee hath likewise returnes to the king And as ye see it manifest that the King is ouer-Lord of the whole land so is he Master ouer euery person that inhabiteth the same hauing power ouer the life and death of euery one of them For although a iust Prince will not take the life of any of his subiects without a cleare law yet the same lawes whereby he taketh them are made by himselfe or his predecessours and so the power flowes alwaies from him selfe as by daily experience we see good and iust Princes will from time to time make new lawes and statutes adioyning the penalties to the breakers thereof which before the law was made had beene no crime to the subiect to haue committed Not that I deny the old definition of a King and of a law which makes the king to bee a speaking law and the Law a dumbe king for certainely a king that gouernes not by his lawe can neither be countable to God for his administration nor haue a happy and established raigne For albeit it be trew that I haue at length prooued that the King is aboue the law as both the author and giuer of strength thereto yet a good king will not onely delight to rule his subiects by the lawe but euen will conforme himselfe in his owne actions thereuneto alwaies keeping that ground that the health of the common-wealth be his chiefe lawe And where he sees the lawe doubtsome or rigorous hee may interpret or mitigate the same lest otherwise Summum ius bee summa iniuria And therefore generall lawes made publikely in Parliament may vpon knowen respects to the King by his authoritie bee mitigated and suspended vpon causes onely knowen to him As likewise although I haue said a good king will frame all his actions to be according to the Law yet is hee not bound thereto but of his good will and for good example-giuing to his subiects For as in the law of abstaining from eating of flesh in Lenton the king will for examples sake make his owne house to obserue the Law yet no man will thinke he needs to take a licence to
and adstipulation as they call it betwixt the King and his people at the time of his coronation For there say they there is a mutuall paction and contract bound vp and sworne betwixt the king and the people Whereupon it followeth that if the one part of the contract or the Indent bee broken vpon the Kings side the people are no longer bound to keepe their part of it but are thereby freed of their oath For say they a contract betwixt two parties of all Law frees the one partie if the other breake vnto him As to this contract alledged made at the coronation of a King although I deny any such contract to bee made then especially containing such a clause irritant as they alledge yet I confesse that a king at his coronation or at the entry to his kingdome willingly promiseth to his people to discharge honorably and trewly the office giuen him by God ouer them But presuming that thereafter he breake his promise vnto them neuer so inexcusable the question is who should bee iudge of the breake giuing vnto them this contractwere made vnto them neuer so sicker according to their alleageance I thinke no man that hath but the smallest entrance into the ciuill Law will doubt that of all Law either ciuil or municipal of any nation a contract cannot be thought broken by the one partie and so the other likewise to be freed therefro except that first a lawfull triall and cognition be had by the ordinary Iudge of the breakers thereof Or else euery man may be both party and Iudge in his owne cause which is absurd once to be thought Now in this contract I say betwixt the king and his people God is doubtles the only Iudge both because to him onely the king must make count of his administration as is oft said before as likewise by the oath in the coronation God is made iudge and reuenger of the breakers For in his presence as only iudge of oaths all oaths ought to be made Then since God is the onely Iudge betwixt the two parties contractors the cognition and reuenge must onely appertaine to him It followes therefore of necessitie that God must first giue sentence vpon the King that breaketh before the people can thinke themselues freed of their oath What iustice then is it that the partie shall be both iudge and partie vsurping vpon himselfe the office of God may by this argument easily appeare And shall it lie in the hands of headlesse multitude when they please to weary off subiection to cast off the yoake of gouernement that God hath laid vpon them to iudge and punish him whom-by they should be iudged and punished and in that case wherein by their violence they kythe themselues to be most passionate parties to vse the office of an vngracious Iudge or Arbiter Nay to speake trewly of that case as it stands betwixt the king and his people none of them ought to iudge of the others breake For considering rightly the two parties at the time of their mutuall promise the king is the one party and the whole people in one body are the other party And therfore since it is certaine that a king in case so it should fal out that his people in one body had rebelled against him hee should not in that case as thinking himselfe free of his promise and oath become an vtter enemy and practise the wreake of his whole people and natiue country although he ought iustly to punish the principall authours and bellowes of that vniuersall rebellion how much lesse then ought the people that are alwaies subiect vnto him and naked of all authoritie on their part presse to iudge and ouerthrow him otherwise the people as the one partie contracters shall no sooner challenge the king as breaker but hee assoone shall iudge them as breakers so as the victors making the tyners the traitors as our prouerbe is the partie shall aye become both iudge and partie in his owne particular as I haue alreadie said And it is here likewise to be noted that the duty and alleageance which the people sweareth to their prince is not only bound to themselues but likewise to their lawfull heires and posterity the lineall successiō of crowns being begun among the people of God and happily continued in diuers christian common-wealths So as no obiection either of heresie or whatsoeuer priuate statute or law may free the people from their oath-giuing to their king and his succession established by the old fundamentall lawes of the kingdome For as hee is their heritable ouer-lord and so by birth not by any right in the coronation commeth to his crowne it is a like vnlawful the crowne euer standing full to displace him that succeedeth thereto as to eiect the former For at the very moment of the expiring of the king reigning the nearest and lawful heire entreth in his place And so to refuse him or intrude another is not to holde out vncomming in but to expell and put out their righteous King And I trust at this time whole France acknowledgeth the superstitious rebellion of the liguers who vpon pretence of heresie by force of armes held so long out to the great desolation of their whole countrey their natiue and righteous king from possessing of his owne crowne and naturall kingdome Not that by all this former discourse of mine and Apologie for kings I meane that whatsoeuer errors and intollerable abominations a souereigne prince commit hee ought to escape all punishment as if thereby the world were only ordained for kings they without controlment to turne it vpside down at their pleasure but by the contrary by remitting them to God who is their onely ordinary Iudge I remit them to the soreit and sharpest schoolemaster that can be deuised for them for the further a king is preferred by God aboue all other ranks degrees of men and the higher that his seat is aboue theirs the greater is his obligation to his maker And therfore in case he forget himselfe his vnthankfulnes being in the same measure of height the sadder and sharper will his correction be and according to the greatnes of the height he is in the weight of his fall wil recōpense the same for the further that any person is obliged to God his offence becomes and growes so much the greater then it would be in any other Ioues thunder-claps light oftner and sorer vpon the high stately oakes then on the low and supple willow trees and the highest bench is sliddriest to sit vpon Neither is it euer heard that any king forgets himselfe towards God or in his vocation but God with the greatnesse of the plague reuengeth the greatnes of his ingratitude Neither thinke I by the force and argument of this my discourse so to perswade the people that none will hereafter be raised vp and rebell against wicked Princes But remitting to the iustice and prouidence of God to stirre vp such scourges as
bee performed by one base knaue in a darke corner whereupon he was moued to interprete and construe the latter Sentence in the Letter alledged by the Earle of Salisburie against all ordinarie sence and construction in Grammar as if by these words For the danger is past as soone as you haue burned the Letter should be closely vnderstood the suddaintie and quickenesse of the danger which should be as quickly perfourmed and at an end as that paper should be of bleasing vp in the fire turning that word of as soone to the sense of as quickly And therefore wished that before his going to the Parliament His Maiesties opinion for searching of the vnder roume of the Parliament House the vnder roumes of the Parliament house might be well and narrowly searched But the Earle of Salisbury wondering at this his Maiesties Commentary which he knew to be so farre contrary to his ordinary and naturall disposition who did rather euer sinne vpon the other side in not apprehending nor trusting due Aduertisements of Practises and Perils when hee was trewly enformed of them whereby hee had many times drawen himselfe into many desperate dangers and interpreting rightly this extraordinary Caution at this time to proceede from the vigilant care hee had of the whole State more then of his owne Person which could not but haue all perished together if this designement had succeeded Hee thought good to dissemble still vnto the King that there had beene any iust cause of such apprehension And ending the purpose with some merrie ieast vpon this Subiect as his custome is tooke his leaue for that time But though he seemed so to neglect it to his Maiestie yet his customable and watchfull care of the King and the State still boyling within him And hauing with the blessed Virgine Marie laid vp in his heart the Kings so strange iudgement and construction of it He could not be at rest til he acquainted the foresaid Lords what had passed betweene the King and him in priuat Wherupon they were all so earnest to renew againe the memory of the same purpose to his Maiestie as it was agreed that he should the next day being Saturday repaire to his Highnesse which hee did in the same priuie Gallery and renewed the memory thereof the L. Chamberlaine then being present with the King The determination to search the Parliament house and the roumes vnder it At what time it was determined that the said Lord Chamberlaine should according to his custome and Office view all the Parliament Houses both aboue and below and consider what likelihood or appearance of any such danger might possibly be gathered by the sight of them But yet as well for staying of idle rumours as for beeing the more able to discerne any mysterie the nearer that things were in readinesse his iourney thither was ordeined to bee deferred till the afternoone before the sitting downe of the Parliament which was vpon the Munday following At what time hee according to this conclusion went to the Parliament house accompanied with my Lord Mountegle beeing in zeale to the Kings seruice earnest and curious to see the euent of that accident whereof hee had the fortune to be the first discouerer where hauing viewed all the lower roumes Wood and Coale found by the Lord Chamberlaine in the Vault hee found in the Vault vnder the vpper House great store and prouision of Billets Faggots and Coales And enquiring of Whyneard Keeper of the Wardrobe to what vse hee had put those lower roumes and cellars he told him That Thomas Percie had hired both the House and part of the Cellar or Vault vnder the same and that the Wood and Coale therein was the said Gentlemansowne prouision Whereupon the Lord Chamberlaine casting his eye aside perceiued a fellow standing in a corner there calling himself the said Percies man and keeper of that house for him but indeed was Guido Fawkes Guido Fawkes bearing the name of Percies man the owner of that hand which should haue acted that monstrous Tragedie The Lord Chamberlaine looking vpon all things with a heedfull indeed yet in outward appearance with but a carelesse and racklesse eye as became so wise and diligent a minister hee presently addressed himselfe to the King in the said priuie Gallery wherein the presence of the Lord Treasurer the Lord Admirall the Earles of Worcester Northampton and Salisbury The Lord Chamberlaines report and iudgement of what he had obserued in the search hee made his report what hee had seene and obserued there noting that Mountegle had told him That he no sooner heard Thomas Percy named to be the possessour of that house but considering both his backwardnes in Religion and the old dearenesse in friendship betweene himselfe and the said Percy hee did greatly suspect the matter and that the Letter should come from him The said Lord Chamberlaine also tolde That he did not wonder a little at the extraordinary great prouision of wood and coale in that house where Thomas Percie had so seldome occasion to remaine As likewise it gaue him in his minde that his man looked like a very tall and desperate fellow This could not but encrease the Kings former apprehension and iealousie whereupon hee insisted as before that the House was narrowly to bee searched and that those Billets and Coales would be searched to the bottome it beeing most suspicious that they were layed there onely for couering of the powder Of this same minde also were all the Counsailours then present Disputation about the maner of the further search But vpon the fashion of making of the search was it long debated For vpon the one side they were all so iealous of the Kings safety that they all agreed that there could not be too much caution vsed for preuenting his danger And yet vpon the other part they were all extreme loath and daintie that in case this Letter should proue to bee nothing but the euaporation of an idle braine then a curious search beeing made and nothing found should not onely turne to the generall scandall of the King and the State as being so suspicious of euery light and friuolous toy but likewise lay an ill fauoured imputation vpon the Earle of Northumberland one of his Maiesties greatest Subiects and Counsailors this Tho. Percie being his kinsman and most confident familiar And the rather were they curious vpon this point knowing how far the King detested to be thought suspitious or iealous of any of his good Subiects though of the meanest degree And therefore though they all agreed vpon the maine ground which was to prouide for the securitie of the Kings Person yet did they much differ in the circumstances by which this action might be best caried with least dinne and occasion of slaunder But the King himselfe still persisting that there were diuers shrewd appearances and that a narrow search of those places could preiudge no man that was innocent hee at last plainely
day to keepe and containe their own seruants from stealing from them who notwithstanding of all their care daily left them being farre inferiour to Gedeons hoste in number but farre more in faith or iustnesse of quarrell And so after that this Catholicke troupe had wandered a while through Warwicke-shire to Worcester-shire and from thence to the edge and borders of Stafford-shire this gallantly armed band had not the honour at the last to be beaten with a Kings Lieutenant or extraordinary Commissioner sent downe for the purpose Their flight but onely by the ordinary Shiriffe of Worcester-shire were they all beaten killed taken and dispersed Wherein yee haue to note this following circumstance so admirable and so liuely displaying the greatnesse of Gods iustice as it could not be concealed without betraying in a maner the glory due to the Almighty for the same Although diuers of the Kings Proclamations were posted downe after these Traitors with all the speed possible declaring the odiousnesse of that bloodie attempt the necessitie to haue had Percie preserued aliue if it had beene possible and the assembly together of that rightly-damned crew now no more darned Conspirators but open and auowed Rebels yet the farre distance of the way which was aboue an hundred miles together with the extreme deepenesse thereof ioyned also with the shortnesse of the day was the cause that the heartie and louing affections of the Kings good Subiects in those partes preuented the speed of his Proclamations For vpon the third day after the flying downe of these Rebels Ouertaken at Holbeech in Stafford shire Stephen Littletons house which was vpon the Friday next after the discouerie of their Plot they were most of them all surprized by the Shiriffe of Worcester-shire at Holbeach about the noone of the day and that in manner following Graunt of whom I haue made mention before for taking the great horses who had not all the preceding time stirred from his owne house till the next morning after the attempt should haue bene put in execution he then laying his accompt without his Host as the prouerbe is that their Plot had without failing receiued the day before their hoped-for successe Tooke or rather stole out those horses as I said before for enabling him and so many of that soule-lesse society that had still remained in the Countrey neere about him to make a sudden surprize vpon the Kings elder daughter the Lady ELIZABETH hauing her residence nere by that place Grant attempt to surprize the Lady Elizabeth whom they thought to haue vsed for the colour of their treacherous dessigne His Maiestie her father her mother and male children being all destroyed aboue And to this purpose also had that Nimrod Digby prouided his hunting match against that same time that numbers of people beeing flocked together vpon the pretence thereof they might the easilier haue brought to passe the sudden surprise of her person Now the violent taking away of those horses long before day did seeme to bee so great a ryot in the eyes of the Common-people that knew of no greater mystery And the bold attempting thereof did ingender such a suspition of some following Rebellion in the hearts of the wiser sort as both great and small beganne to stirre and arme themselues vpon this vnlooked-for accident Among whom Sir Fulke Greuill the Elder Knight as became one both so ancient in yeeres and good reputation and by his Office beeing Deputie Lieutenant of Warwicke-shire though vnable in his bodie yet by the zeale and trew feruencie of his mind did first apprehend this foresaid Ryot to be nothing but the sparkles and sure indices of a following Rebellion whereupon both stoutly and honestly hee tooke order to get into his owne hands the Munition and Armour of all such Gentlemen about him as were either absent from their owne houses or in doubtfull guard and also sent such direction to the Townes about him as thereupon did follow the striking of Winter by a poore Smith who had likewise beene taken by those vulgar people but that he was rescued by the rest of his company who perceiuing that the Countrey before them had notice of them hastened away with losse in their owne sight sixteene of their followers being taken by the townes-men and sent presently to the Shiriffe at Warwicke and from thence to London But before twelue or sixteene houres past Catesby Percy the Winters Wrights Rookewood and the rest bringing then the assurance that their maine Plot was failed and bewrayed whereupon they had builded the golden mountaines of their glorious hopes They then tooke their last desperate resolution to flocke together in a troupe and wander as they did for the reasons aforetold But as vpon the one part the zealous duety to their God and their Souereigne was so deepely imprinted in the hearts of all the meanest and poorest sort of the people although then knowing of no further mysterie then such publike misbehauiours as their owne eyes taught them as notwithstanding of their faire shewes and pretence of their Catholicke cause no creature man or woman through all the Countrey would once so much as giue them willingly a cuppe of drinke or any sort of comfort or support but with execrations detested them So on the other part the Sheriffes of the Shires where-through they wandered conuening their people with all speed possible hunted as hotly after them as the euilnesse of the way and the vnprouidednesse of their people vpon that sudden could permit them And so at last after Sir Richard Verney Shiriffe of Warwicke-shire had carefully and streightly beene in chase of them to the confines of his Countie part of the meaner sort being also apprehended by him Sir Richard Walsh Shiriffe of Worcester-shire did likewise duetifully and hotely pursue them thorow his Shire And hauing gotten sure triall of their taking harbour at the house aboue-named hee did send Trumpetters and Messengers to them commaunding them in the Kings name to render vnto him his Maiesties minister and knowing no more at that time of their guilt then was publikely visible did promise vpon their duetifull and obedient rendring vnto him to intercede at the Kings handes for the sparing of their liues who receiued onely from them this scornefull answere they being better witnesses to themselues of their inward euill consciences That hee had need of better assistance then of those few numbers that were with him before hee could bee able to command or comptroll them But here fell the wonderous worke of Gods Iustice The preparation to assault the house That while this message passed betweene the Shiriffe and them The Shiriffes and his peoples zeale beeing iustly kindled and augmented by their arrogant answere and so they preparing themselues to giue a furious assault and the other partie making themselues readie within the house to performe their promise by a defence as resolute It pleased God that in the mending of the fire in their chamber one
small sparke should flie out and light among lesse then two pound weight of Powder which was drying a little from the chimney which being thereby blowen vp so maymed the faces of some of the principall Rebels and the hands and sides of others of them blowing vp with it also a great bag full of Powder which notwithstanding neuer tooke fire as they were not only disabled and discouraged hereby from any further resistance in respect Catesby himselfe Rookwood Grant and diuers others of greatest account among them Catesby who was the first inuentor of this Treason in generall and of the maner of working the same by powder in speciall himselfe now first maimed with the blowing vp of powder and next he and Percy both killed with one shot proceeding from powder were thereby made vnable for defence but also wonderfully stroken with amazement in their guiltie consciences calling to memory how God had iustly punished them with that same Instrument which they should haue vsed for the effectuating of so great a sinne according to the olde Latine saying In quo peccamus in eodem plectimur as they presently see the wonderfull power of Gods Iustice vpon guiltie consciences did all fall downe vpon their knees praying GOD to pardon them for their bloody enterprise And thereafter giuing ouer any further debate opened the gate suffered the Sheriffes people to rush in furiously among them and desperately sought their owne present destruction The three specials of them ioyning backes together Catesby Percy and Winter whereof two with one shot Catesby and Percy were slaine and the third VVinter taken and saued aliue And thus these resolute and high aspiring Catholikes who dreamed of no lesse then the destruction of Kings and kingdomes and promised to themselues no lower estate then the gouernment of great and ancient Monarchies were miserably defeated and quite ouerthrowen in an instant falling in the pit which they had prepared for others and so fulfilling that sentence which his Maiestie did in a maner prophecie of them in his Oration to the Parliament some presently slaine others deadly wounded stripped of their clothes left lying miserably naked and so dying rather of cold then of the danger of their wounds and the rest that either were whole or but lightly hurt taken and led prisoners by the Sheriffe the ordinary minister of Iustice to the Gaole the ordinarie place euen of the basest malefactors where they remained till their sending vp to London being met with a huge confluence of people of all sorts desirous to see them as the rarest sort of Monsters fooles to laugh at them women and children to wonder all the common people to gaze the wiser sort to satisfie their curiosity in seeing the outward cases of so vnheard of a villeny generally all sorts of people to satiate and fill their eyes with the sight of them whom in their hearts they so farre admired and detested seruing so for a fearfull and publike spectacle of Gods fierce wrath and iust indignation What hereafter will be done with them is to be left to the Iustice of his Maiestie and the State Which as no good Subiect needes to doubt will be performed in the owne due time by a publike and an exemplarie punishment So haue we all that are faithfull and humble Subiects great cause to pray earnestly to the Almighty that it will please him who hath the hearts of all Princes in his hands to put it in his Maiesties heart to make such a conclusion of this Tragedie to the Traitors but Tragicomedie to the King and all his trew Subiects as thereby the glory of God and his trew Religion may be aduanced the future securitie of the King and his estate procured and prouided for all hollow and vnhonest hearts discouered preuented this horrible attempt lacking due epitheres to be so iustly auenged That where they thought by one Catholike indeed vniuersall blow to accomplish the wish of that Romane tyrant who wished all the bodies in Rome to haue but one necke and so by the violent force of Powder to breake vp as with a Pettard our triple locked peacefull gates of Ianus which God be thanked they could not compasse by any other meanes they may iustly be so recompensed for their trewly viperous intended parricide As Aeneas Sylâ—â—â—â— doth notably write concerning the murther of K. Iames the first of Scotland and the following punishment of the traitours whereof himselfe was an eye witnesse Hist de Europa cap. 46. as the shame and infamie that otherwise would light vpon this whole Nation for hauing vnfortunately hatched such cockatrice egges may be repaired by the execution of famous and honourable Iustice vpon the offendors and so the kingdome purged of them may hereafter perpetually flourish in peace and prosperitie by the happy coniunction of the hearts of all honest and trew Subiects with their iust and religious Soueraigne And thus whereas they thought to haue effaced our memories the memory of them shall remaine but to their perpetuall infamie and wee as I said in the beginning shall with all thankefulnesse eternally preserue the memory of so great a benefite To which let euery good Subiect say AMEN Triplici nodo triplex cuneus OR AN APOLOGIE FOR THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE AGAINST THE TWO BREVES OF POPE PAVLVS QVINTVS AND THE late Letter of Cardinall BELLARMINE to G. BLACKVVEL the Arch-priest VVHat a monstrous rare nay neuer heard-of Treacherous attempt was plotted within these few yeeres here in England for the destruction of Mee my Bed-fellow and our posteritie the whole house of Parliament and a great number of good Subiects of all sorts and degrees is so famous already through the whole world by the infamie thereof as it is needlesse to bee repeated or published any more the horrour of the sinne it selfe doeth so lowdly proclaime it For if those * Gen. 4.10 crying sinnes whereof mention is made in the Scripture haue that epithet giuen them for their publique infamie and for procuring as it were with a lowd cry from heauen a iust vengeance and recompense and yet those sinnes are both old and too common neither the world nor any one Countrey being euer at any time cleane voyd of them If those sinnes I say are said in the Scripture to cry so lowd What then must this sinne doe plotted without cause infinite in crueltie and singular from all examples What proceeded hereupon is likewise notorious to the whole world our Iustice onely taking hold vpon the offenders and that in as honourable and publique a forme of Triall as euer was vsed in this Kingdome 2. For although the onely reason they gaue for plotting so heinous an attempt was the zeale they caried to the Romish Religion yet were neuer any other of that profession the worse vsed for that cause as by our gracious Proclamation immediatly after the discouery of the said fact doeth plainly appeare onely at the next sitting downe againe of the
him But when hee said Goe forth to fight inuade such a nation they presently obeyed They distinguished their eternall Lord from their temporall and yet were they subiect euen vnto their temporall Lord for his sake that was their eternall Lord and Master 1 Tertull. ad Scap. Tertullian sayth A Christian is enemie to no man much lesse to the Prince whom hee knoweth to bee appointed of God and so of necessitie must loue reuerence and honour him and wish him safe with the whole Romane Empire so long as the world shall last for so long shall it endure Wee honour therefore the Emperour in such sort as is lawfull for vs and expedient for him as a man the next vnto God and obtaining from God whatsoeuer hee hath and onely inferiour vnto God This the Emperour himselfe would for so is hee greater then all while hee is inferiour onely to the trew God 2 Iust Martyr Apol. 2. ad Ant. Imperat. Iustine Martyr Wee onely adore the Lord and in all other things cheerefully performe seruice to you professing that you are Emperours and Princes of men 3 Amb. in oratcont AuxentiuÌ„ de basilicis traden habetur lib. 5. epist Ambr. Ambrose I may lament weepe and sigh My teares are my weapons against their armes souldiers and the Gothes also such are the weapons of a Priest Ocherwise neither ought I neither can Iresist 4 Optat. contra Parmen lib. 3. Optatus Ouer the Emperour there is none but onely God that made the Emperour And 5 Greg. Mag. Epist lib. 2. indict 11. Epist. 61. Gregory writing to Mauritius about a certaine Law that a Souldier should not be receiued into a Monasterie nondum expleta militia The Almightie God sayth hee holdes him guiltie that is not vpright to the most excellent Emperour in all things that hee doeth or speaketh And then calling himselfe the vnworthy seruant of his Godlinesse goeth on in the whole Epistle to shewe the iniustice of that Lawe as hee pretendeth and in the end concludes his Epistle with these wordes I being subiect to your command haue caused the same Law to be sent through diuers parts of your Dominions and because the Law it selfe doeth not agree to the Law of the Almightie God I haue signified the same by my Letters to your most excellent Lordship so that on both parts I haue payed what I ought because I haue yeelded obedience to the Emperour and haue not holden my peace in what I thought for God Now how great a contrarietie there is betwixt this ancient Popes action in obeying an Emperour by the publication of his Decree which in his owne conscience hee thought vnlawfull and this present Popes prohibition to a Kings Subiects from obedience vnto him in things most lawfull and meere temporall I remit it to the Readers indifferencie And answerably to the Fathers spake the Councels in their Decrees As the Councell of 6 Concil Arelatense sub Carolo Mag. Can. 26. Arles submitting the whole Councell to the Emperour in these wordes These things wee haue decreed to be presented to our Lord the Emperour beseeching his Clemencie that if wee haue done less then wee ought it may be supplyed by his wisedome if any thing otherwise then reason requireth it may be corrected by his iudgement if any thing be found fault with by vs with reason it may bee perfected by his aide with GODS fauourable assistance But why should I speake of Charles the great to whome not one Councell but sixe seuerall Councels Frankeford Arles Tours Chalons Ments and Rhemes did wholy submit themselues and not rather speake of all the generall Councels that of Nice Constantinople Ephesus Chalcedon and the foure other commonly so reputed which did submit themselues to the Emperours wisedome and piety in all things Insomuch as that of Ephesus repeated it foure seuerall times That they were summoned by the Emperours Oracle becke charge and commaund and betooke themselues to his Godlinesse 1 Vide Epistolaâ—â— generalâ—â— Conc. Ephes ad August beseeching him that the Decrees made against Nestorius and his followers might by his power haue their full force and validitie as appeareth manifestly in the Epistle of the generall Councell of Ephesus written ad Augustos I also reade that Christsaid His 2 2 Iohn 18 36. kingdome was not of this world bidding Giue to 3 3 Matt. 22.21 Cesar what was Cesars and to God what was Gods And I euer held it for an infallible Maxime in Diuinitie That temporall obedience to a temporall Magistrate did nothing repugne to matters of faith or saluation of soules But that euer temporall obedience was against faith and saluation of soules as in this Breue is alledged was neuer before heard nor read of in the Christian Church And therefore I would haue wished the Pope before hee had set downe this commandement to all Papists here That since in him is the power by the infabillity of his spirit to make new Articles of Faith when euer it shall please him he had first set it downe for an Article of Faith before he had commanded all Catholikes to beleeue and obey it I will then conclude the answere to this point in a Dilemma Either it is lawfull to obey the Soueraigne in temporall things Question or not If it be lawfull as I neuer heard nor read it doubted of then why is the Pope so vniust and so cruell towards his owne Catholikes as to command them to disobey their Soueraignes lawfull commandement If it be vnlawfull why hath hee neither expressed any one cause or reason thereof nor yet will giue them leaue nay rather hee should command and perswade them in plaine termes not to liue vnder a King whom vnto they ought no obedience And as for the vehement exhortation vnto them to perseuere in constancie Answere to the Popes exhortation and to suffer Martyrdome and all tribulation for this cause it requireth no other answere then onely this That if the ground be good whereupon hee hath commaunded them to stand then exhortation to constancie is necessarie but if the ground be vniust and naught as indeed it is and I haue in part already proued then this exhortation of his can worke no other effect then to make him guilty of the blood of so many of his sheepe whom hee doeth thus wilfully cast away not onely to the needlesse losse of their liues and ruine of their families but euen to the laying on of a perpetuall slander vpon all Papists as if no zealous Papist could be a trew subiect to his Prince and that the profession of that Religion and the Temporall obedience to the Ciuill Magistrate were two things repugnant and incompatible in themselues Famae vires acquirit eundo But euill information and vntrew reports which being caried so farre as betweene this and Rome cannot but increase by the way might haue abused the Pope and made him dispatch this Breue so rashly For that
all aswell strangers as naturall subiects to whose eyes this Discourse shall come may wisely and vnpartially iudge of the Veritie as it is nakedly here set downe for clearing these mists and cloudes of calumnies which were iniustly heaped vpon me for which end onely I heartily pray the courteous Reader to be perswaded that I tooke occasion to publish this Discourse A PREMONITION TO ALL MOST MIGHTIE MONARCHES KINGS FREE PRINCES AND STATES OF CHRISTENDOME TO THE MOST SACRED AND INVINCIBLE PRINCE RODOLPHE THE II. by GODS Clemencie Elect Emperour of the ROMANES KING OF GERMANIE HVNGARIE BOHEME DALMATIE CROATIE SCLAVONIE c. ARCH-DVKE OF AVSTRIA DVKE OF BVRGVNDIE STIRIA CARINTHIA CARNIOLA and WIRTEMBERG c. Earle of TYROLIS c. AND TO ALL OTHER RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTIE KINGS And Right Excellent free Princes and States of CHRISTENDOME Our louing BRETHREN COSINS ALLIES CONFEDERATES and FRIENDS IAMES by the Grace of GOD King of GREAT BRITAINE FRANCE and IRELAND Professour Maintainer and Defender of the Trew Christian Catholique and Apostolique FAITH Professed by the ancient and Primitiue CHVRCH and sealed with the blood of so many Holy Bishops and other faithfull crowned with the glory of MARTYRDOME WISHETH cuerlasting felicitie in CHRIST our SAVIOVR TO YOV MOST SACRED AND INVINCIBLE EMPEROVR RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTIE KINGS RIGHT EXCELLENT FREE PRINCES AND STATES MY LOVING BRETHREN AND COSINS To you I say as of right belongeth doe I consecrate and direct this Warning of mine or rather Preamble to my reprinted Apologie for the Oath of Allegiance For the cause is generall and concerneth the Authoritie and priuiledge of Kings in generall and all supereminent Temporall powers And if in whatsoeuer Societie or Corporation of men either in Corporations of Cities or in the Corporation of any mechanicke craft or handie-worke euery man is carefull to maintaine the priuiledges of that Societie whereunto he is sworne nay they will rather cluster all in one making it a common cause exposing themselues to all sorts of perill then suffer the least breach in their Liberties If those of the baser sort of people I say be so curious and zealous for the preseruation of their common priuiledges and liberties as if the meanest amongst them be touched in any such point they thinke it concerneth them all Then what should wee doe in such a case whom GOD hath placed in the highest thrones vpon earth made his Lieutenants and Vice-gerents and euen seated vs vpon his owne Throne to execute his Iudgements The consideration hereof hath now mooued mee to expone a Case vnto you which doeth not so neerely touch mee in my particular as it doeth open a breach against our Authoritie I speake in the plurall of all Kings and priuiledge in generall And since not onely all rankes and sorts of people in all Nations doe inuiolably obserue this Maxime but euen the Ciuil Law by which the greatest part of Christendome is gouerned doeth giue them an interest qui fouent consimilem causam How much more then haue yee interest in this cause not beeing similis or par causa to yours but eadem with yours and indeed yee all fouetis or at least fouere debetis eandem causam mecum And since this cause is common to vs all both the Ciuill Lawes and the municipall Lawes of all Nations permit and warne them that haue a common interest to concurre in one for the defence of their common cause yea common sense teacheth vs with the Poet Ecquid Ad te pòst paulò ventura pericula sentis Nam tua res agitur paries cùm proximus ardet A wake then while it is time and suffer not by your longer sleepe the strings of your Authoritie to be cut in singulis and one and one to your generall ruine which by your vnited forces would rather make a strong rope for the enemie to hang himselfe in with Achitophel then that hee should euer bee able to breake it As for this Apologie of mine it is trew that I thought good to set it first out without putting my name vnto it but neuer so as I thought to denie it remembring well mine owne words but taken out of the Scripture in the beginning of the Preface to the Reader in my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that nothing is so bid which shall not bee opened c. promising there which with GOD his grace I shall euer performe neuer to doe that in secret which I shall need to be ashamed of when it shall come to be proclaimed in publique In deed I thought it fit for two respects that this my Apologie should first visite the world without hauing my name written in the forehead thereof First because of the matter and next of the persons that I medled with The matter it being a Treatise which I was to write conteining reasons and discourses in Diuinitie for the defence of the Oath of Alleagiance and refutation of the condemners thereof I thought it not comely for one of my place to put my name to bookes concerning Scholasticke Disputations whose calling is to set forth Decrees in the Imperatiue mood for I thinke my selfe as good a man as the Pope by his reuerence for whom these my Answerers make the like excuse for that his Breues are so summary without yeelding any reason vnto them My next reason was the respect of the persons whom with I medled Wherein although I shortly answered the Popes Breues yet the point I most laboured being the refutation of Bellarmines Letter I was neuer the man I confesse that could thinke a Cardinall a meet match for a King especially hauing many hundreth thousands of my subiects of as good birth as hee As for his Church dignitie his Cardinalship I meane I know not how to ranke or value it either by the warrant of God his word or by the ordinance of Emperours or Kings it being indeed onely a new Papall erection tolerated by the sleeping conniuence of our Predecessours I meane still by the plurall of Kings But notwithstanding of this my forbearing to put my name vnto it some Embassadours of some of you my louing Brethren and Cousins whome this cause did neereliest concerne can witnesse that I made Presents of some of those bookes at their first printing vnto them and that auowedly in my owne name As also the English Paragraphist or rather peruerse Pamphleter Parsons since all his description must runne vpon a P. hath trewly obserued that my Armes are affixed in the frontispice thereof which vseth not to bee in bookes of other mens doing whereby his malice in pretending his ignorane that hee might pay mee the soundlier is the more inexcusable But now that I finde my sparing to put my name vnto it hath not procured my sparing by these answerers who haue neither spared my Person directly in naming me nor indirectly by railing vpon the Author of the Booke it is now high time for me no longer to conceale nor disauow my selfe as if I were ashamed of
Platina and a number of the Popes owne writers beare witnesse And 3 Lib. de Clericis Bellarmine himselfe in his booke of Controuersies cannot get it handsomely denied Nay the Popes were euen forced then to pay a certaine summe of money to the Emperours for their Confirmation And this lasted almost seuen hundreth yeeres after CHRIST witnesse 4 In Chron. ad ann 680. Sigebert and 5 In vit Agathen Anast. in vit eiusd Agath Herm. Contract ad ann 678. edit poster dist 63. c. Agathe Luitprandus with other Popish Historians And for Emperours deposing of Popes there are likewise diuers examples The Emperour 1 Luitpr Hist lib 6. ca. 10.11 Rhegino ad an 963. Platin. in vit Ioan. 13. Ottho deposed Pope Iohn the twelfth of that name for diuers crimes and vices especially of Lecherie The Emperour 2 Marianus Scot. Sigeb Abbas Vrsp ad ann 1046 Plat in vit Greg. 6. Henry the third in a short time deposed three Popes Benedict the ninth Siluester the third and Gregorie the sixt as well for the sinne of Auarice as for abusing their extraordinarie authoritie against Kings and Princes And as for KINGS that haue denied this Temporall Superioritie of Popes First wee haue the vnanime testimonie of diuers famous HISTORIOGRAPHERS for the generall of many CHRISTIAN Kingdomes As 3 Walthram Naumburz in lib. de inuest Episc Vixit circa ann 1110. Walthram testifieth That the Bishops of Spaine Scotland England Hungarie from ancient institution till this moderne noueltie had their Inuestiture by KINGS with peaceable inioyning of their Temporalities wholly and entirely and whosoeuer sayeth hee is peaceably solicitous let him peruse the liues of the Ancients and reade the Histories and hee shall vnderstand thus much And for verification of this generall Assertion wee will first beginne at the practise of the KINGS of France though not named by Walthram in this his enumeration of Kingdomes amongst whom my first witnesse shall bee that vulgarly knowne letter of 4 See Annales Franciae Nicolai Gillij in Phil. Pulchro Philip le Bel King of France to Pope Boniface the eighth the beginning whereof after a scornefull salutation is Sciat tua maxima fatuitas nos in temporalibus nemini subesse And likewise after that 5 Anno 1268. ex Arrestis Senatus Parifiens Lewes the ninth surnamed Sanctus had by a publique instrument called Pragmatica sanctio forbidden all the exactions of the Popes Court within his Realme Pope Pius 6 Ioan. Maierius lib. de Scismat Concil the second in the beginning of Lewes the eleuenth his time greatly misseliking this Decree so long before made sent his Legate to the saide King Lewes with Letters-patents vrging his promise which hee had made when hee was Dolphin of France to repeale that Sanction if euer hee came to bee King The King referreth the Legate ouer with his Letters-patents to the Councell of Paris where the matter being propounded was impugned by Iohannes Romanus the Kings Atturney with whose opinion the Vniuersitie of Paris concurring an Appeale was made from the attempts of the Pope to the next generall Councell the Cardinall departing with indignation But that the King of France and Church thereof haue euer stoken to their Gallican immunitie in denying the Pope any Temporall power ouer them and in resisting the Popes as oft as euer they prest to meddle with their Temporall power euen in the donation of Benefices the Histories are so full of them as the onely examples thereof would make vp a bigge Volume by it selfe And so farre were the Sorbonistes for the Kings and French Churches priuiledge in this point as they were wont to maintaine That if the Pope fell a quarrelling the King for that cause the Gallican Church might elect a Patriarch of their owne renouncing any obedience to the Pope And Gerson was so farre from giuing the Pope that temporall authority ouer Kings who otherwise was a deuoute Roman Catholike as hee wrote a Booke de Auferibilitate Papae not onely from the power ouer Kings but euen ouer the Church And now pretermitting all further examples of forraigne Kings actions I will onely content me at this time with some of my owne Predecessors examples of this kingdome of England that it may thereby the more clearely appeare that euen in those times when the world was fullest of darkened blindnes and ignorance the Kings of England haue oftentimes not onely repined but euen strongly resisted and withstood this temporall vsurpation and encrochment of ambitious Popes And I will first begin at 1 Matth. Paris in Henr. 1. anno 1100. King Henry the first of that name after the Conquest who after he was crowned gaue the Bishopricke of Winchester to William Gifford and forthwith inuested him into all the possessions belonging to the Bishopricke contrary to the Canons of the new Synod 2 Idem ibid. anno 1113. King Henry also gaue the Archbishopricke of Canterbury to Radulph Bishop of London and gaue him inuestiture by a Ring and a Crosiers staffe Also Pope 3 Idem ibid. anno 1119. Calixtus held a Councell at RHEMES whither King Henry had appointed certaine Bishops of ENGLAND and NORMANDIE to goe Thurstan also elected Archbishop of YORKE got leaue of the King to goe thither giuing his faith that hee would not receiue Consecration of the Pope And comming to the Synode by his liberall gifts as the fashion is wanne the ROMANES fauour and by their meanes obtained to bee consecrated at the Popes hand Which assoone as the King of ENGLAND knewe hee forbade him to come within his Dominions Moreouer King Edward the first prohibited the Abbot of 4 Ex Archiuis Regni Waltham and Deane of Pauls to collect a tenth of euery mans goods for a supply to the holy Land which the Pope by three Bulles had committed to their charge and the said Deane of Pauls compeering before the King and his Councell promised for the reuerence he did beare vnto the King not to meddle any more in that matter without the Kings good leaue and permission Here I hope a Church-man disobeyed the Pope for obedience to his Prince euen in Church matters but this new Iesuited Diuinitie was not then knowen in the world The same Edward I. impleaded the Deane of the Chappell of Vuluerhampton because the said Deane had against the priuiledges of the Kingdome giuen a Prebend of the same Chappell to one at the Popes command whereupon the said Deane compeered and put himselfe in the Kings will for his offence The said Edward I. depriued also the Bishop of Durham of all his liberties for disobeying a prohibition of the Kings So as it appeareth the Kings in those dayes thought the Church-men their Subiects though now we be taught other Seraphicall doctrine For further proofe whereof Iohn of Ibstocke was committed to the goale by the sayde King for hauing a suite in the Court of Rome seuen yeeres
of this businesse and of their sincere intention therein hee would according to his high wisedome prudence and benignitie conceiue fauourably of them and their proceedings whereof the Lords States Generall are no lesse confident and the rather for that the said Deputies haue assured them that the Lords States of Holland and Westfrizeland their Superiors would proceede in this businesse as in all others with all due reuerence care and respect vnto his Maiesties serious admonition as becommeth them And the Lords States Generall doe request the said Lord Ambassadour to recommend this their Answere vnto his Maiestie with fauour Giuen at the Hage in the Assembly of the said Lords States Generall 1. October 1611. BVt before wee had receiued this answere from the States some of Vorstius books were brought ouer into England and as it was reported not without the knowledge and direction of the Authour And about the same time one Bertius a scholler of the late Arminius who was the first in our aage that infected Leyden with Heresie was so impudent as to send a Letter vnto the Archbishop of Canterbury with a Booke intituled De Apostasia Sanctorum And not thinking it sufficient to auow the sending of such a booke the title whereof onely were enough to make it worthy the fire hee was moreouer so shamelesse as to maintaine in his Letter to the Archbishop that the doctrine conteined in his booke was agreeable with the doctrine of the Church of England Let the Church of CHRIST then iudge whether it was not high time for vs to bestirre our selues when as this Gangrene had not onely taken holde amongst our neerest neighbours so as Nonsolùm paries proximus iam ardebat not onely the next house was on fire but did also begin to creepe into the bowels of our owne Kindome For which cause hauing first giuen order that the said bookes of Vorstius should be publikely burnt as well in Pauls Church-yard as in both the Vniuersities of this Kingdome wee thought good to renew our former request vnto the States for the banishment of Vorstius by a Letter which wee caused our Ambassadour to deliuer vnto them from vs at their Assembly in the Hage the fifth of Nouember whereunto they had referred vs in their former answere the tenor of which Letter was as followeth HIgh and mightie Lords Hauing vnderstood by your answere to that Proposition which was made vnto you in our name by our Ambassadour there resident That at your Assembly to bee holden in Nouember next you are resolued then to giue order concerning the businesse of that wretched D. Vorstius Wee haue thought good notwithstanding the declaration which our Ambassadour hath already made vnto you in our name touching that particular to put you againe in remembrance thereof by this Letter and thereby freely to discharge our selues both in point of our duetie towards God and of that sincere friendship which wee beare towards you First We assure Our selues that you are sufficiently perswaded that no worldly respect could moue Vs to haue thus importuned you in an affaire of this nature being drawen into it onely through Our zeale to the glory of God and the care which Wee haue that all occasion of such great scandals as this is vnto the trew reformed Church of God might bee in due time foreseene and preuented Wee are therefore to let you vnderstand that Wee doe not a little wonder that you haue not onely sought to prouide an habitation in so eminent a place amongst you for such a corrupted person as this Vorstius is but that you haue also afforded him your license and protection to print that Apologie which he hath dedicated vnto you A booke wherein he doeth most impudently maintaine the execrable blasphemies which in his former hee had disgorged The which wee are now able to affirme out of our owne knowledge hauing since that Letter which wee wrote vnto our Ambassadour read ouer and ouer againe with our owne eyes not without extreme mislike and horrour both his bookes the first dedicated to the Lantgraue of Hessen and the other to you We had well hoped that the corrupt seed which that enemie of God Arminius did sowe amongst you some few yeeres since whose disciples and followers are yet too bold and frequent within your Dominions had giuen you a sufficient warning afterwards to take heed of such infected persons seeing your owne Countrey men already diuided into Factions vpon this occasion a matter so opposite to vnitie which is indeed the onely prop and safetie of your State next vnder God as of necessitie it must by little and little bring you to vtter ruine if wisely you doe not prouide against it and that in time It is trew that it was Our hard hap not to heare of this Arminius before he was dead and that all the Reformed Churches of Germanie had with open mouth complained of him But assoone as Wee vnderstood of that distraction in your State which after his death he left behind him We did not faile taking the opportunitie when your last extraordinary Ambassadors were here with Vs to vse some such speeches vnto them concerning this matter as We thought fittest for the good of your State and which we doubt not but they haue faithfully reported vnto you For what need We make any question of the arrogancie of these Heretiques or rather Atheisticall Sectaries amongst you when one of them at this present remaining in your towne of Leyden hath not onely presumed to publish of late a blasphemous Booke of the Apostasie of the Saints but hath besides beene so impudent as to send the other day a copie thereof as a goodly present to Our Arch-Bishop of Canterbury together with a letter wherein he is not ashamed as also in his Booke to lie so grossely as to auowe that his Heresies conteined in the said Booke are agreeable with the Religion and profession of Our Church of England For these respects therefore haue Wee cause enough very heartily to request you to roote out with speed those Heresies and Schismes which are beginning to bud foorth amongst you which if you suffer to haue the reines any longer you cannot expect any other issue thereof then the curse of God infamy throughout all the reformed Churches and a perpetuall rent and distraction in the whole body of your State But if peraduenture this wretched Vorstius should denie or equiuocate vpon those blasphemous poynts of Heresie and Atheisme which already hee hath broached that perhaps may mooue you to spare his person and not cause him to bee burned which neuer any Heretique better deserued and wherein we will leaue him to your owne bristian wisedome but to suffer him vpon any defence or abnegation which hee shall offer to make still to continue and to teach amongst you is a thing so abominable as we assure our selues it will not once enter into any of your thoughts For admit hee would proue himselfe innocent which neuerthelesse he cannot
shall at this time follow their example and my Sentence shall be this Si peccauerit in te frater tuus argue eum inter te ipsum solum si audiuerit te lucratus es fratrem tuum si non audiuerit te adhibevnum atque alterum vt in ore duorum vel trium stet omne verbum si non audiuerit eos dic Ecclesiae If thy brother trespasse against thee goe and tell him his fault betweene him and thee alone if he heare thee thou hast wonne thy brother but if hee heare thee not take yet with thee one or two that by the mouth of two or three witnesses euery word may bee confirmed and if hee refuse to heare them tell it vnto the Church There is not any one of you as I suppose in this Assemblie that will not acknowledge the brotherly loue wherewith the King my Master hath alwayes affected the good of your Prouinces and the fatherly care which hee hath euer had to procure the establishment of your State In which respect his Maiestie hauing vnderstood that my Lords the States of Holland were determined to call vnto the place of Diuinitie Professour in the Vniuer sitie of Leyden one Doctor Conradus Vorstius a person attainted by many witnesses iuris facti of a number of Heresies the shame whereof would light vpon the Church of God and consequently vpon his Maiesties person and Crownes is therewith exceedingly offended And for the more timely preuention of an infinitie of euils which necessarily would thereupon ensue did giue mee in charge by expresse Letters to exhort you which I did the 21. of September last to wash your hands from that man and not to fuffer him to come within your Countrey To this exhortation your answere was that in the carriage of this businesse all due obseruance and regard should be had vnto his Maiestie Neuerthelesse so it is that his Maiestie hath receiued so little respect heerein as that in stead of debarring Vorstius from comming into the Countrey which euen by the lawes of friendship his Maiestie might haue required the proceedings haue beene cleane contrary for he is suffered to come vnto Leyden hath beene receiued there with all honour hath there taken vp his habitation where he is treated and lodged in the qualitie of a publique Professour His Maiestie then perceiuing that his first motion had so little preuailed thought good to write himselfe a Letter vnto you to the same purpose full of zeale and affection perswading you by many reasons there set downe at length not to staine your owne honour and the honour of the reformed Churches by calling vnto you that wretched and wicked Atheist These Letters were presented in this Assembly the fifth of Nouember a great number of the Deputies of the Townes of Holland being then present At which time as I was commanded by his Maiestie I vsed some speach my selfe to the same effect Some sixe weekes after I receiued an Answere to my Proposition but an Answere confused ambiguous and wholly impertinent by which I haue reason to conceiue that there is no meaning at all to send Vorstius away who is at this present in Leyden receiued and acknowledged respected and treated as publique Professour whether it be to grace that Vniuersitie in stead of the deceased Ioseph Scaliger I cannot tell or whether it bee to giue him meanes to doe more mischiefe in secret which perhaps for shame hee durst not in publique For these reasons according vnto that charge which I haue receiued from the King my Master I doe in his name and on his behalfe Protest in this Assembly against the wrong iniurie and scandall done vnto the reformed Religion by the receiuing and reteining of Conradus Vorstius in the Vniuersitie of Leyden and against the violence offered vnto that Alliance which is betwixt his Maiestie and your Prouinces the which beeing founded vpon the preseruation and maintenance of the reformed Religion you haue not letted so much as in you lies absolutely to violate in the proceeding of this cause Of which enormous indignities committed against the Church of GOD and against his Maiesties person in preferring the presence of Vorstius before his Amitie and Alliance the King my Master holds himselfe bound to bee sensible and if reparation thereof bee not made and that speedily which cannot be by any other meanes then by sending Vorstius away his Maiestie will make it appeare vnto the world by some such Declaration as he will cause to be printed and published how much he detests the Atheismes and Heresies of Vorstius and all those that maintaine fauour and cherish them This is my charge which if I had failed to performe I had failed in my duetie both towards the Seruice of GOD which is now in question as also toward the honour of the King my Master who will alwayes bee ready to maintaine the puritie of the reformed Religion though it were with the profusion of his owne blood the blood of his children and subiects This Protestation being made the States after some deliberation framed vs an answere in these termes That howsoeuer His Maiestie of GREAT BRITAINE had not yet receiued that contentment which Hee might expect in this businesse of Vorstius neuerthelesse they did not doubt but that at the Assembly of the States of Holland in February next His Maiestie should receiue entire satisfaction Which answere gaue some life to our hope that at the said assembly of the States to bee holden the fifteenth day of the next moneth of Februarie GOD will vouchsafe so to open the eyes of those of Holland as that they may be able to discerne what a Cockatrice egge they hatch within their bosome and that seeing the smooth speaches of Vorstius doe but verifie the old Prouerbe Latet anguis in herbâ There lurkes a snake in the grasse they will at that assembly resolue to purge their Territories from the poison of his Heresie Wee mention Holland because the other Prouinces namely Frizeland and Zeland and some part of Holland likewise are already so distasted with his Heresies as of themselues they haue desired Holland to banish him out of the Countrey And certainely wee are no lesse sorie then amazed that the Curators of Leyden as appeareth by a long letter which they haue written to the States Ambassador resident with vs can haue their vnderstanding so stupified as to haue made choice of the person of Vorstius for a man well qualified to appease the Schismes and troubles of their Church and Vniuersitie and as an apt instrument of peace For to shew their blindnesse in this they need no other answere then Exitus acta probat The issue tries the action Seeing to our great griefe it cannot bee denied but that there hath bene more distraction of spirits and a greater diuision in their State since the comming of Vorstius then was for many yeeres before witnesse so many Bookes and Accusations written against him and his answeres thereunto
peccauerit modò semper rationes suorum dictorum modestè reddere paratus sit That is to say Euery man is a lyer yea more vaine then vanity it selfe God onely is trew c. Which seeing wee ought euer humbly to acknowledge in all great and weighty causes most of all ought we to confesse it in the most holy cause of our Faith insomuch as we should not therefore easily condemne euery thing which at the first seemes strange yea false and absurd vnto our eares nor on the contrary side ought wee foorth-with to approoue and that with an opinion of precise necessitie whatsoeuer is commonly receyued especially in matters abstruse and intricate whereof the knowledge is not necessarie to saluation In such poynts as these if any man shall say that such a King or Prince howsoeuer otherwise most godly and religious yea that many such Kings and Princes nay I will not except Bishops or the like Doctors of the Church haue in some sort erred I am of opinion hee shall not giue any iust cause of offence either to the Maiestie of Kings or to the dignitie of Princes and Bishops so as hee bee alwaies ready modestly to yeeld a reason for that which hee shall affirme In which words hee maintaineth two Principles First that euery man is a lyar aswell in matter of Faith as in any thing else and next that wee must not euer esteeme the vulgar opinion and that which is generally receiued in matter of Faith to be the trewest nor alwayes condemne euery opinion for absurd which at the first seemes vnto vs vncouth and new Now we pray you obserue that this man is not accused of small scapes and therefore beeing not charged with lesser peccadillos then those which before wee haue mentioned it necessarily followes that in his excuse hee must vnderstand the same points whereof he is accused And wee hope by the mercy of GOD that no Christian wee speake in this particular as well for the Papists as for our selues shall euer be found to erre in any of those maine points at the least wee will answere by the grace of God for one of those Kings whom he names in general And as for his new opinions which he would so gladly vent abroad the ancient Faith needes not be changed like an old garment either in substance or fashion Furthermore in the third page of his Preface hee vseth these words Sed neque plures vno aliquo semper hîc ditiores sunt Nemo igitur vnus sibi arroget omnia Nec numero plures vni alicui singulare quidquam inuideant Neither are many men alwayes richer in knowledge then some one man Let not therefore any one man arrogate all things to himselfe Nor let the greater multitude enuie a particular man for hauing some singularitie more then his fellowes The trew principle and foundation of the error of the Anabaptists taking away by this meanes all maner of gouernment from the Church For hauing first ouerthrowen the Monarchicall power of the Pope he sweepes away next all manner of power both Aristocraticall and Democraticall from the Church cleane contrary to the Apostles institution which ordeineth that the spirits of the Prophets should bee subiect to the Prophets For if one particular man may take vpon him such a singularitie as this how shall he bee subiect to Generall Nationall and Synodicall Councels For straight will he say vnto them Sirs yee haue no authoritie to iudge mee for I haue a singular gift aboue you all And in the fift Page these are his words Plamssimè enim persuasus sum Serenissimo Regi nunquam in animo fuisse nunquam in animo fore alienae conscientiae quod ne Apostoli quidem sibi vnquam arrogârunt fiue directè fiue indirectè siue per seipsum siue per alios vllatenùs dominari vel fidem nostram vlli humanae authoritati alligare velle For I am absolutely perswaded that it was neuer his Maiesties meaning nor euer will bee either directly or indirectly by himselfe or by others in any sort to ouer-rule another mans conscience which euen the Apostles neuer challenged to themselues nor did or will his Maiestie euer seeke to tie our Faith to any humane authoritie Whereby hee is plainely discouered to bee resolued not to bee subiect in any sort to the iudgement of the Church in those matters whereof hee is accused For hee knowes too well that the ancient Church hath established vpon necessary consequences drawen from the holy Scripture both a forme of beliefe and a forme of speach concerning the holy Mysteries aforesaid And this is the reason why hee will not in these points submit himselfe to the iudgement of any mortall man But vpon this occasion in the seuenth page of his Preface maintaines his Christian libertie in this maner Qui quidem humanas decisiones à Diuinis mysterijs scrupulosé segregem praesertim in audaces Scholarum hypotheses pro Christiana libertate interdum diligentiùs inquiram I who curiously make a separation betwixt the iudgements of men and the Diuine mysteries and especially according to Christian libertie doe sometimes more narrowly looke into the bold supositions of the Schoolemen As if the Schoole Diuines had bene too ventrous to explaine and to defend the Articles aforesaid already so established by the Church But we may trewly wish in that point as Bellarmine did touching Caluin Vtinam semper sic errassent Scholastici Would God the Scholemen had alwayes so erred For in the maine grounds of Christian Religion they are worthy of all commendation Reade Aquinas against the Gentiles But in matters of controuersie where they were to flatter the Pope in his resolutions and to auow the new ordinances and traditions of their Church there they yeelded alas vnto the iniquitie of the time and the mysterie of iniquitie which was euen then in working got likewise the vpper hand ouer them And as for this Christian libertie which he doeth vrge so much certainely he doeth it with no other intention but onely vnder this faire pretext to haue the better meanes and with more safetie to abuse the world For Christian libertie is neuer meant in the holy Scripture but onely in matters indifferent or when it is taken for our deliuerance from the thraldome of the Law or from the burden of humane traditions and in that sense S. Paul speaketh in his Epistle to the Colossians Quare oneraminiritibus Why are ye burdened with traditions But to abuse Christian libertie in presuming to propound a new doctrine vnto the world in point of the highest and holiest mysteries of GOD is a most audacious rashnesse and an impudent arrogancie Concerning which S. Paul saith Though an Angel from heauen preach vnto you otherwise then that which we haue preached vnto you let him bee accursed And Saint Iohn likewise commandeth vs that wee should not so much as say God speed to that man which shall bring vs any other doctrine as wee haue obserued before
THE Chamber of the third Estate IAN. 15. 1615. THE PREFACE I Haue no humour to play the Curious in a forraine Common wealth or vnrequested to carry any hand in my neighbours affaires Jt hath more congruitie with Royall dignitie whereof God hath giuen mee the honour to prescribe Lawes at home for my Subiects rather then to furnish forraine Kingdomes and people with counsels Howbeit my late entire affection to K. Henry IV. of happy memorie my most honoured brother and my exceeding sorrow for the most detestable parricide acted vpon the sacred person of a King so complete in all heroicall and Princely vertues as also the remembrance of my owne dangers incurred by the practise of conspiracies flowing from the same source hath wrought mee to sympathize with my friends in their grieuous occurrents no doubt so much more dangerous as they are lesse apprehended and felt of Kings themselues euen when the danger hangeth ouer their owne heads Vpon whom in case the power and vertue of my aduertisements be not able effectually to worke at least many millions of children and people yet vnborne shall beare me witnesse that in these dangers of the highest nature and straine J haue not bene defectiue and that neither the subuersions of States nor the murthers of Kings which may vnhappily betide hereafter shall haue so free passage in the world for want of timely aduertisement before For touching my particular my rest is vp that one of the maynes for which God hath aduanced me vpon the loftie stage of the supreme Throne is that my words vttered from so eminent a place for Gods honour most shamefully traduced and vilified in his owne Deputies and Lieutenants might with greater facilitie be conceiued Now touching France faire was the hope which J conceiued of the States assembled in Parliament at Paris That calling to minde the murthers of their Noble Kings and the warres of the League which followed the Popes fulminations as when a great storme of haile powreth downe after a Thunder-cracke and a world of writings addressed to iustifie the parricides and the dethronings of kings they would haue ioyned heads hearts hands together to hammer out some apt and wholesome remedy against so many fearefull attempts and practises To my hope was added no little ioy when I was giuen to vnderstand the third Estate had preferred an Article or Bill the tenor and substance whereof was concerning the meanes whereby the people might bee vnwitched of this pernicious opinion That Popes may tosse the French King his Throne like a tennis ball and that killing of Kings is an acte meritorious to the purchase of the crowne of Martyrdome But in fine the proiect was encountred with successe cleane coutrary to Expectation For this Article of the third Estate like a sigh of libertie breathing her last serued onely so much the more to inthrall the Crowne and to make the bondage more grieuous and sensible then before Euen as those medicines which worke no ease to the patient doe leaue the disease in much worse tearmes so this remedy inuented and tendred by the third Estate did onely exasperate the present malady of the State for so much as the operation and vertue of the wholesome remedy was ouermatched with peccant humours then stirred by the force of thwarting and crossing opposition Yea much better had it bene the matter had not bene stirred at all then after it was once on foot and in motion to giue the Trewth leaue to lye gasping and sprawling vnder the violence of a forraine faction For the opinion by which the Crownes of Kings are made subiect vnto the Popes will and power was then auowed in a most Honourable Assembly by the auerment of a Prelate in great authoritie and of no lesse learning He did not plead the cause as a priuate person but as one by representation that stood for the whole body of the Clergie was there applauded and seconded with approbation of the Nobilitie no resolution taken to the contrary or in barre to his plea. After praises and thankes from the Pope followed the printing of his eloquent harangue or Oration made in full Parliament a set discourse maintaining Kings to be deposeable by the Pope if he speake the word The said Oration was not onely Printed with the Kings priuiledge but was likewise addressed to mee by the Author and Orator himselfe who presupposed the reading thereof would forsooth driue me to say Lord Cardinall in this high subiect your Honour hath satisfied me to the full All this poysed in the ballance of equall iudgement why may not J trewly and freely affirme the said Estates assembled in Parliament haue set Royall Maiestie vpon a doubtfull chance or left it resting vpon vncertaine tearmes and that now if the doctrine there maintained by the Clergie should beare any pawme it may lawfully be doubted who is King in France For I make no question hee is but a titular King that raigneth onely at an others discretion and whose Princely head the Pope hath power to bare of his Regall Crowne In temporall matters how can one be Soueraigne that may be fleeced of all his Temporalties by any superiour power But let men at a neere sight marke the pith and marrow of the Article proposed by the third Estate and they shall soone perceiue the skilfull Architects thereof aymed onely to make their King a trew and reall King to bee recognised for Soueraigne within his owne Realme and that killing their King might no longer passe the muster of workes acceptable to God But by the vehement instance and strong current of the Clergie and Nobles this was borne downe as a pernicious Article as a cause of Schisme as a gate which openeth to all sorts of Heresies yea there it was maintained tooth and naile that in case the doctrine of this Article might goe for currant doctrine it must follow that for many aages past in sequence the Church hath beene the kingdome of Antichrist and the synagogue of Satan The Pope vpon so good issue of the cause had reason J trow to addresse his Letters of triumph vnto the Nobilitie and Clergie who had so farre aprrooued themselues faithfull to his Holinesse and to vaunt withall that hee had nipped Christian Kings in the Crowne that hee had giuen them checke with mate through the magnanimous resolution of this courageous Nobilitie by whose braue making head the third Estate had beene so valiantly forced to giue ground Jn a scornefull reproach hee qualified the Deputies of the third Estate I haue receiued aduertisement from diuers parts that in the Popes letters to the Nobitie these wordes were extant howsoeuer they haue bin left out in the impression rased out of the copies of the said letters nebulones ex foece plebis a sort or a number of knaues the very dregges of the base vulgar a packe of people presuming to personate well affected Subiects and men of deepe vnderstanding and to reade their masters a
sacred Name of God nor should hee haue marshalled the passage of a Royall Poet after the example of an heathen Oratour Neither will J giue any touch to his conceit of the Romane conquests 2 Pag. 4. which the L. Cardinall bestoweth in the list of Gods graces and temporall blessings as a recompence of their zeale to the seruice and worship of Idols As if God were a recompencer of wickednes or as if the forcible eiecting of Tenants out of their farmes and other possessions might be reckoned among the blessings of God Nor to that of the MilesianVirgins Pag. 7. 8. dragged stark-naked after they were dead which the L. Cardinall drawes into his discourse for an example of the eternall torments denounced by the Lawes Ecclesiasticall to be inflicted after this life Nor to his exposition of the word Problematicall Pag. 13. where he giueth to vnderstand that by Problematicall hee meaneth such things as are of no necessitie to matter of faith and in case men shall beleeue the contradictory of the said points they are not bound for such beleefe to vndergoe the solemne curse of the Church and the losse of communion Whereas Aristotle Aristet 1. top cap. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sound both one thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prouided the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or vtrùm do stand before as Vtrum homo sit animal of whom all Schooles haue borrowed their tearmes hath taught vs that euery proposition is called a Probleme when it is propounded in a formall doubt though in it proper nature it containes a necessary trewth concerning the matter therof As for example to say in forme of question Whether is there but one God or Whether is man a creature indued with reason By which examples it is plaine that propositions in problematicall forme doe not forgoe the necessitie of their nature and that many times the contradictory binds the beleeuers thereof to Anathema and losse of communion There is a confused heape or bundle of other like toyes which my purpose is to passe ouer in silence that J may now come to cast anchor as it were in the very bottome and substance of the cause A REMONSTRANCE FOR THE RIGHT OF KINGS AND THE INDEPENDANCE OF THEIR CROVVNES Against an Oration of the most Illustrious Cardinall of PERRON pronounced in the Chamber of the third Estate The 15. of Ianuar. 1615. THE L. Cardinall euen in the first passage of his Oration hath laid a firme foundation That Ecclesiastics in France are more deepely obliged to the King then the Nobilitie and third Estate His reason Because the Clergie doe sweetly enioy their dignities and promotions with all their infinite wealth of the Kings meere grace without all danger and with faire immunities whereas the other two Orders hold their offices by a chargeable and burdensome title or tenure euen to the great expence of their blood and of their substance But see now how loose and weake a frame he hath erected and pinned together vpon his firme and solide foundation Ergo the third Estate is to lay all care to prouide remedies against apposted cut-throats vpon the Clergy and the said remedies as he boldly affirms must be deriued from the laws of conscience which may carry an effectuall acting or operatiue efficacie vpon the soule and not from ciuil or temporall punishments Now this consequence limpeth like a lame creple after the premises For it is no vsuall and common matter to see men that are deepest in obligation performe their duties and couenants with most fidelity Againe were it graunted the Clergie had well hitherto demonstrated their carefull watching ouer the life and honour of their Prince yet is it not for spirituall punishments thundred by Ecclesiastics to bind the hands of the ciuill Magistrate nor to stop the current of temporall punishments which ordinarily doe carrie a greater force and vertue to the bridling of the wicked then the apprehension of Gods iudgement The third Estate therefore by whom all the officers of France are properly represented as to whom the administration of iustice and protection of the Kings rights and Honour doth appertaine can deserue no blame in carrying so watchfull an eye by their wholesome remedie to prouide for the safetie of the King and for the dignitie of his Crowne For if the Clergie shall not stand to their tackle but shrinke when it commeth to the push of their duetie who shall charge themselues with carefull foresight and preuention of mischiefes Shall not the people Now haue not all the calamities which the third Estate haue sought prouidently to preuent haue they not all sprung from the Clergie as from their proper and naturall fountaine From whence did the last ciuill warres wherein a world of blood was not more profusely then prodigiously and vnnaturally spilt and wherein the parricide of King Henrie III. was impiously and abominably committed from whence did those bloodie warres proceed but from the deposing of the said King by the Head of the Church Were they not Prelats Curats and Confessours were they not Ecclesiastics who partly by seditious preachments and partly by secret confessions powred many a iarre of oyle vpon this flame Was not he that killed the forenamed King was not he one of the Clergie Was not Guignard a Iesuite Was not Iohn Chastel brought vp in the same schoole Did not Rauaillac that monster of men vpon interrogatories made at his examination among the rest by whom he had beene so diabolically tempted and stirred vp to his most execrable attempt and act of extreme horror did not he referre his examiners to the Sermons made the Lent next before where they might be satisfied concerning the causes of his abominable vndertaking and execution Are not Bellarmine Eudaemonoiohannes Suarez Becanus Mariana with such other monsters who teach the doctrine of parricides vphold the craft of Ianus-like Equiuocations in Courts of Iustice and in secret confessions are they not all Clerics are not all their bookes approoued and allowed as it were by a corporation or grosse companie of Doctors with their signes manuel to the said bookes What were the heads the chiefe promoters the complices of the powder-conspiracie in my Kingdome were they not Ecclesiastics Hath not Faux by name a confederate of the same damned crew hath not he stoutly stood to the gunners part which then he was to act in that most dolefull Tragedie with asseueration of a conscience well assured and setled touching the lawfulnesse of his enterprise Did he not yeild this reason to wit because he had bin armed with instruction of musket proofe in the case before he made passage ouer from the Low Countries Is it not also the generall beleefe of that Order that Clerics are exempted from the condition of Subiects to the King Nay Pag. 7. is it not confessed by the L. Cardinall himselfe that King-killers haue ingaged themselues to vndertake the detestable act of parricide vnder a false credence of
Religion as beeing instructed by their schoolemasters in Religion And who were they but Ecclesiasticall persons All this presupposed as matter of trewth I draw this conclusion Howsoeuer no small number of the French Clergie may perhaps beare the affection of louing Subiects to their King and may not suffer the Clericall character to deface the impression of naturall allegiance yet for so much as the Order of Clerics is dipped in a deeper die and beareth a worse tincture of daungerous practises then the other Orders the third Estate had beene greatly wanting to their excellent prouidence and wisedome if they should haue relinquished and transferred the care of designements and proiects for the life of their King and the safety of his Crowne to the Clergiealone Moreouer the Clergie standeth bound to referre the iudgement of all matters in controuersie to the sentence of the Pope in this cause beeing a partie and one that pretendeth Crownes to depend vpon his Mitre What hope then might the third Estate conceiue that his Holinesse would passe against his owne cause when his iudgement of the controuersie had beene sundrie times before published and testified to the world And whereas the plot or modell of remedies proiected by the third Estate and the Kings Officers hath not prooued sortable in the euent was it because the said remedies were not good and lawfull No verily but because the Clergie refused to become contributors of their duty and meanes to the grand seruice Likewise for that after the burning of bookes addressed to iustifie rebellious people traytors and parricides of Kings neuerthelesse the authors of the said bookes are winked at and backt with fauour Lastly for that some wretched parricides drinke off the cuppe of publike iustice whereas to the firebrands of sedition the sowers of this abominable doctrine no man saith so much as blacke is their eye It sufficiently appeareth as I supose by the former passage that his Lordship exhorting the third Estate to referre the whole care of this Regall cause vnto the Clergie hath tacked his frame of weake ioynts and tenons to a very worthy but wrong foundation Page 9. Howbeit he laboureth to fortifie his exhortation with a more weake and feeble reason For to make good his proiect he affirmes that matters and maximes out of all doubt and question may not be shuffled together with points in controuersie Now his rules indubitable are two The first It is not lawfull to murther Kings for any cause whatsoeuer This he confirmeth by the example of Saul as he saith deposed from his Throne whose life or limbs Dauid neuerthelesse durst not once hurt or wrong for his life Conc. Constan Sess 15. Likewise he confirmes the same by a Decree of the Councill held at Constance His other point indubitable The Kings of France are Soueraignes in all Temporall Soueraigntie within the French Kingdome and hold not by fealtie either of the Pope as hauing receiued or obliged their Crownes vpon such tenure and condition or of any other Prince in the whole world Which point neuerthelesse he takes not for certaine and indubitable but onely according to humane and historicall certaintie Now a third point he makes to be so full of controuersie and so farre within the circle of disputable questions as it may not be drawne into the ranke of classicall and authenticall points for feare of making a certaine point doubtfull by shuffling and iumbling therewith some point in controuersie Now the question so disputable as he pretendeth is this A Christian Prince breakes his oath solemnely taken to God both to liue and to die in the Catholique Religion Say this Prince turnes Arrian or Mahometan fals to proclaime open warre and to wage battell with Iesus Christ Whether may such a Prince be declared to haue lost his Kingdome and who shall declare the Subiects of such a Prince to be quit of their oath of allegiance The L. Cardinall holds the affirmatiue and makes no bones to maintaine that all other parts of the Catholique Church yea the French Church euen from the first birth of her Theologicall Schooles to Caluins time and teaching haue professed that such a Prince may bee lawfully remooued from his Throne by the Pope and by the Councill and suppose the contrarie doctrine were the very Quintessence or spirit of trewth yet might it not in case of faith be vrged and pressed otherwise then by way of problematicall disceptation That is the summe of his Lordships ample discourse The refuting whereof I am constrained to put off and referre vnto an other place because he hath serued vs with the same dishes ouer and ouer againe There we shall see the L. Cardinall maketh way to the dispatching of Kings after deposition that Saul was not deposed as he hath presumed that in the Councill of Constance there is nothing to the purpose of murthering Soueraigne Princes that his Lordship supposing the French King may be depriued of his Crowne by a superiour power doth not hold his liege Lord to be Soueraine in France that by the position of the French Church from aage to aage the Kings of France are not subiect vnto any censure of deposition by the Pope that his Holinesse hath no iust and lawfull pretence to produce that any Christian King holds of him by fealtie or is obliged to doe the Pope homage for his Crowne Well then for the purpose he dwelleth onely vpon the third point pretended questionable and this hee affirmeth If any shall condemne or wrappe vnder the solemne curse the abettours of the Popes power to vnking lawfull and Soueraigne Kings the same shall runne vpon foure dangerous rocks of apparent incongruities and absurdities First he shall offer to force and entangle the consciences of many deuout persons For he shall binde them to beleeue and sweare that doctrine Pag. 14. the contrary whereof is beleeued of the whole Church and hath bene beleeued by their Predecessors Secondly he shall ouerturne from top to bottome the sacred authoritie of holy Church and shall set open a gate vnto all sorts of heresie by allowing Lay-persons a bold libertie to be iudges in causes of Religion and Faith For what is that degree of boldnesse but open vsurping of the Priesthood what is it but putting of prophane hands vpon the Arke what is it but laying of vnholy fingers vpon the holy Censor for perfumes Thirdly hee shall make way to a Schisme not possible to bee put by and auoyded by any humane prouidence For this doctrine beeing held and professed by all other Catholiques how can we declare it repugnant vnto Gods word how can wee hold it impious how can wee account it detestable but wee shall renounce communion with the Head and other members of the Church yea we shall confesse the Church in all aages to haue bene the Synagogue of Satan and the spouse of the Deuill Lastly by working the establishment of this Article which worketh an establishment of Kings Crownes He shall
not onely worke the intended remedy for the danger of Kings out of all the vertue and efficacie thereof by weakening of doctrine out of all controuersie in packing it vp with a disputable question but likewise in stead of securing the life and estate of Kings he shall draw both into farre greater hazards by the traine or sequence of warres and other calamities which vsually waite and attend on Schismes The L. Cardinall spends his whole discourse in confirmation of these foure heads which wee now intend to sift in order and demonstratiuely to prooue that all the said inconueniences are meere nullities matters of imagination and built vpon false presuppositions But before wee come to the maine the reader is to be enformed and aduertised that his Lordship setteth a false glosse vpon the question and propounds the case not onely contrary to the trewth of the subiect in controuersie but also to the Popes owne minde and meaning For he restraines the Popes power to depose Kings onely to cases of Heresie Apostasie and persecuting of the Church whereas Popes extend their power to a further distance They depose Princes for infringing or in any sort diminishing the Priuiledges of Monasteries witnesse Gregorie the first in the pretended Charter granted to the Abbey of S. Medard at Soissons the said Charter beeing annexed to his Epistles in the rere The same hee testifieth in his Epistle to Senator by name the tenth of the eleuenth booke They depose for naturall dulnesse and lacke of capacitie wether in-bred and trew indeed or onely pretended and imagined witnesse the glorious vaunt of Gregory VII that Childeric King of France was hoysted out of his Throne by Pope Zachary Caus 15. Can. Alius Qu. 6. Not so much for his wicked life as for his vnablenesse to beare the weightie burden of so great a Kingdome They depose for collating of Benefices and Prebends witnesse the great quarrels and sore contentions betweene Pope Innocent III. and Iohn King of England as also betweene Philip the Faire and Boniface VIII They depose for adulteries and Matrimoniall suites witnes Philip I. for the repudiating or casting off his lawfull wife Bertha and marrying in her place with Bertrade wife to the Earle of Aniou Paul Aemil. in Phil. 3. Finally faine would I learne into what Heresie or degree of Apostasie either Henry IV. or Frederic Barbarossa or Frederic II. Emperours were fallen when they were smitten with Papall fulminations euen to the depriuation of their Imperiall Thrones What was it for Heresie or Apostasie that Pope Martin IV. bare so hard a hand against Peter King of Arragon that he acquitted and released the Aragonnois from their oath of Alleagiance to Peter their lawfull King Was it for Heresie or Apostasie for Arrianisme or Mahumetisme that Lewis XII so good a King and Father of his Countrey was put downe by Iulius the II Was it for Heresie or Apostasie that Sixtus V. vsurped a power against Henrie III. euen so farre as to denounce him vnkingd the issue whereof was the parricide of that good King and the most wofull desolation of a most flourishing Kingdome But his Lordship best liked to worke vpon that ground which to the outward shew and appearance is the most beautifull cause that can be alleaged for the dishonouring of Kings by the weapon of deposition making himselfe to beleeue that he acted the part of an Orator before personages not much acquainted with ancient and moderne histories and such as little vnderstood the state of the question then in hand It had therefore beene a good warrant for his Lordship to haue brought some authenticall instrument from the Pope whereby the French might haue beene secured that his Holinesse renounceth all other causes auouchable for the degrading of Kings and that he will henceforth rest in the case of Heresie for the turning of Kings out of their Free-hold as also that his Holinesse by the same or like instrument might haue certified his pleasure that hee will not hereafter make himselfe Iudge whether Kings bee tainted with damnable Heresie or free from Hereticall infection For that were to make himselfe both Iudge and Plaintiffe that it might be in his power to call that doctrine Hereticall which is pure Orthodoxe and all for this end to make himselfe master of the Kingdome and there to settle a Successour who receiuing the Crowne of the Popes free gift and grant might be tyed thereby to depend altogether vpon his Holinesse Hath not Pope Boniface VIII declared in his proud Letters all those to be Heretiques that dare vndertake to affirme the collating of Prebends appertemeth to the King It was that Popes grosse errour not in the fact but in the right The like crime forsooth was by Popes imputed to the vnhappy Emperour Henrie IV. And what was the issue of the said imputation The sonne is instigated thereby to rebell against his father and to impeach the interrement of his dead corps who neuer in his life had beate his braines to trouble the sweet waters of Theologicall fountaines Annal. Beio Lib. 3. Iâ—â—â—anen Episcop It is recorded by Auentine that Bishop Virgilius was declared Heretique for teaching the Position of Antipodes The Bull Exurge marching in the rere of the last Lateran Councel sets downe this Position for one of Luthers heresies A new life is the best repentance Optima poenitentia noua vita Conc. Constan Sess 2. Among the crimes which the Councel of Constance charged Pope Iohn XXIII withall one was this that hee denied the immortalitie of the soule and that so much was publiquely manifestly and notoriously knowen Now if the Pope shall be caried by the streame of these or the like errours and in his Hereticall prauitie shall depose a King of the contrary opinion I shall hardly bee perswaded the said King is lawfully deposed THE FIRST INCONVENIENCE EXAMINED THE first inconuenience growing in the Cardinall his conceit by entertaining the Article of the third Estate whereby the Kings of France are declared to be indeposeable by any superiour power spirituall or temporall is this It offereth force to the conscience vnder the penaltie of Anathema to condemne a doctrine beleeued and practised in the Church in the continuall current of the last eleuen hundred yeeres In these words he maketh a secret confession that in the first fiue hundred yeeres the same doctrine was neither apprehended by faith nor approoued by practise Wherein to my vnderstanding the L. Cardinall voluntarily giueth ouer the suite For the Church in the time of the Apostles their disciples and successors for 500. yeeres together was no more ignorant what authoritie the Church is to challenge ouer Emperours and Kings then at any time since in any succeeding aage in which as pride hath still flowed to the height of a full Sea so puritie of religion and manners hath kept for the most part at a lowe water marke Which point is the rather to be considered for that during the first
excommunication and deposition against the Emperour Henry IIII. after he had enterprised this act without all precedent example after he had filled all Europe with blood this Pope I say sunke downe vnder the weight of his affaires and died as a fugitiue at Salerne ouerwhelmed with discontent and sorrow of heart Here lying at the point of giuing vp the ghoast Sigeb ad an 1085. calling vnto him as it is in Sigebert a certaine Cardinall whom he much fauoured He confesseth to God and Saint Peter and the whole Church that he had beene greatly defectiue in the Pastor all charge committed to his care and that by the Deuils instigation he had kindled the fire of Gods wrath and hatred against mankind Then hee sent his Confessor to the Emperour and to the whole Church to pray for his pardon because hee perceiued that his life was at an end Likewise Cardinall Benno that liued in the said Gregories time doth testifie That so soone as he was risen out of his Chaire to excommunicate the Emperour from his Cathedrall seate by the will of God the said Cathedrall seate new made of strong board or plancke did cracke and cleaue into many pieces or parts to manifest how great and terrible Schismes had beene sowen against the Church of Christ by an excommunication of so dangerous consequence pronounced by the man that had fit Iudge therein Now to bring and alleadge the example of such a man who by attempting an act which neuer any man had the heart of face to attempt before hath condemned all his predecessors of cowardise or at least of ignorance what is it else but euen to send vs to the schoole of mightie robbers and to seeke to correct and reforme ancient vertues by late vices Which Otho Frisingensis calling into his owne priuate consideration Otho Frisingens in vita Hen. 4. lib. 4. cap 31. hee durst freely professe that hee had not reade of any Emperour before this Henry the IIII. excommunicated or driuen out of his Imperiall Throne and Kingdome by the chiefe Bishop of Rome But if this quarrell may be tryed and fought out with weapons of examples I leaue any indifferent reader to iudge what examples ought in the cause to be of chiefest authority and weight whether late examples of Kings deposed by Popes for the most part neuer taking the intended effect or auncient examples of Popes actually and effectually thrust out of their thrones by Emperours and Kings The Emperour Constantius expelled Liberius Bishop of Rome out of the citie banished him as farre as Beroe and placed Foelix in his roome Theo. lib. 2. Hist cap. 16. Indeed Constantius was an Arrian and therein vsed no lesse impious then vniust proceeding Neuerthelesse the auncient Fathers of the Church doe not blame Constantius for his hard and sharpe dealing with a chiefe Bishop ouer whom hee had no lawfull power but onely as an enemie to the Orthodoxe faith and one that raged with extreame rigour of persecution against innocent beleeuers In the raigne of Valentinian the I. and yeare of the Lord 367. Ammia lib. 27 the contention betweene Damasus and Vrcisinus competitors for the Bishopricke filled the citie of Rome with a bloody sedition in which were wickedly and cruelly murdered 137. Decret dist 79. persons To meet with such turbulent actions Honorius made a law extant in the Decreetalls the words whereof be these If it shall happen henceforth by the temeritie of competitors that any two Bishops be elected to the See we straitly charge and command that neither of both shall fit in the said See Platina Sigebertus By vertue of this Law the same Honorius in the yeare 420. expelled Bonifacius and Eulalius competitors and Antipopes out of Rome though not long after he reuoked Bonifacius and setled him in the Papall See Theodoric the Goth King of Italy Anastatint Platina Lib. Pontifi Diaconus sent Iohn Bishop of Rome Embassador to the Emperour Iustinian called him home againe and clapt him vp in the close prison where he starued to death By the same King Peter Bishop of Altine was dispatched to Rome to heare the cause and examine the processe of Pope Symmachus then indited and accused of sundry crimes King Theodatus about the yeare 537. had the seruice of Pope Agapetus as his Embassadour to the Emperour Iustinian vpon a treatie of peace Agapetus dying in the time of that scruice Syluerius is made Bishop by Theodatus Not long after Syluerius is driuen out by Belisarius the Emperour his Lieutenant and sent into banishment After Syluerius next succeedeth Vigilius who with currant coine purchased the Popedome of Belisarius The Emperour Iustinian sends for Vigilius to Constantinople and receiues him there with great honour Soone after the Emperour takes offence at his freenesse in speaking his mind commands him to bee beaten with stripes in manner to death and with a roape about his necke to be drawne through the city like a thiefe as Platina relates the historie Nicephorus in his 26. booke and 17. chapter comes very neere the same relation The Emperour Constantius Platina Baronius Sigeberius in the yeere 654. caused Pope Martin to be bound with chaines and banished him into Chersonesus where he ended his life The Popes in that aage writing to the Emperours vsed none but submissiue tearmes by way of most humble supplications made profession of bowing the knee before their sacred Maiesties and of executing their commaunds with entire obedience payed to the Emperours twenty pound weight of gold for their Inuestiture which tribute was afterward released and remitted Iustin Authent 123. cap. 3. by Constantine the Bearded to Pope Agatho in the yeere 679. as I haue obserued in an other place Nay further euen when the power and riches of the Popes was growne to great height by the most profuse and immense munificence of Charlemayne and Lewis his sonne the Emperours of the West did not relinquish and giue ouer the making and vnmaking of Popes as they saw cause Pope Adrian 1. willingly submitted his necke to this yoke and made this Law to be passed in a Councill that in Charlemayne should rest all right and power for the Popes election and for the gouernement of the Papall See This Constitution is incerted in the Decretals Distinct 63. Can. * Note that in the same Dist the Can of Greg. 4. beginning with Cum Hadrianus 2. is false and supposititious because Gregorie 4. was Pope long before Hadr. 2. Triateterrima monstra Hadrianus and was confirmed by the practise of many yeeres In the yeere of the Lord 963. the Emperour Otho tooke away the Popedome from Iohn 13. and placed Leo 8. in his roume In like maner Iohn 14. Gregory 5. and Siluester 2. were seated in the Papall Throne by the Othos The Emperour Henrie 2. in the yeere 1007. deposed three Popes namely Bendict 9. Siluester 3. and Gregorie 6. whom Platina doeth not sticke to call three most detestable
Oration Yea in those former times the Prelates of the Realme stood better affected towards their King then the L. Cardinal himselfe now standeth who could finde none other way to dally with and to shift off this pregnant example but by plaine glosing that heresie and Apostasie was no ground of that question or subiect of that controuersie Wherein hee not onely condemnes the Pope as one that proceeded against Philip without a iust cause good ground but likewise giues the Pope the Lie who in his goodly letters but a little aboue recited hath enrowled Philip in the list of heretiques Hee saith moreouer that indeed the knot of the question was touching the Popes pretence in challenging to himselfe the temporall Soueraigntie of France that is to say in qualifying himselfe King of France But indeed and indeed no such matter to be found His whole pretence was the collating of Benefices and to pearch aboue the King to crow ouer his Crowne in Temporall causes At which pretence his Holinesse yet aimeth still attributing and challenging to himselfe plenarie power to depose the King Now if the L. Cardinal shall yet proceed to cauill that Boniface the eighth was taken by the French for an vsurper and no lawfull Pope but for one that crept into the Papacie by fraud and symonie he must be pleased to set downe positiuely who was Pope seeing that Boniface then sate not in the Papall chaire To conclude If hee that creepeth and stealeth into the Papacie by symonie by canuases or labouring of suffrages vnder hand or by bribery be not lawfull Pope I dare be bold to professe there will hardly be found two lawfull Popes in the three last aages See the treatise of Charles du Moulin contrà paruas Datas wherin he reporteth a notable Decree of the Court vnder Charles 6. Pope Benedict in the yeere 1408. being in choller with Charles the sixt because Charles had bridled and curbed the gainefull exactions and extorsions of the Popes Court by which the Realme of France had bene exhausted of their treasure sent an excommunicatorie Bull into France against Charles the King and all his Princes The Vniuersitie of Paris made request or motion that his Bull might be mangled and Pope Benedict himselfe by some called Petrus de Luna might be declared heretike schismatike and perturber of the peace Theodoric Niemens in nemore vnion Tract 6. somnium viridar ij The said Bull was mangled and rent in pieces according to the petition of the Vniuersitie by Decree of Court vpon the tenth of Iune 1408. Tenne dayes after the Court rising at eleuen in the morning two Bul-bearers of the said excommunicatorie censure vnderwent ignominious punishment vpon the Palace or great Hal staires From thence were led to the Louure in such maner as they had bene brought from thence before drawne in two tumbrels clad in coates of painted linnen wore paper-mytres on their heads were proclaimed with sound of Trumpet and euery where disgraced with publike derision So litle reckoning was made of the Popes thundering canons in those dayes And what would they haue done if the said Buls had imported sentence of deposition against King Charles The French Church assembled at Tours in the yeere 1510. decreed that Lewis XII might with safe conscience contemne the abusiue Bulls and vniust censures of Pope Iulius the II. and by armes might withstand the Popes vsurpations in case hee should proceed to excommunicate or depose the King More by a Councill holden at Pisa this Lewis declared the Pope to bee fallen from the Popedome and coyned crownes with a stampe of this inscription I will destroy the name of Babylon To this the L. of Perron makes answere that all this was done by the French as acknowledging these iars to haue sprung not from the fountaine of Religion but from passion of state Wherein he condemneth Pope Iulius for giuing so great scope vnto his publike censures as to serue his ambition and not rather to aduance Religion He secretly teacheth vs besides that when the Pope vndertakes to depose the King of France then the French are to sit as Iudges concerning the lawfulnesse or vnlawfulnesse of the cause and in case they shall finde the cause to be vnlawfull then to disanull his iudgements and to scoffe at his thunderbolts Iohn d'Albret King of Nauarre whose Realme was giuen by the foresaid Pope to Ferdinand King of Arragon was also wrapped and entangled with strict bands of deposition Now if the French had bene touched with no better feeling of affection to their King then the subiects of Nauarre were to the Nauarrois doubtlesse France had sought a new Lord by vertue of the Popes as the L. Cardinall himselfe doeth acknowledge and confesse vniust sentence But behold to make the said sentence against Iohn d'Albret seeme the lesse contrary to equitie the L. Cardinall pretends the Popes donation was not indeed the principall cause Pag. 31. howsoeuer Ferdinand himselfe made it his pretence But his Lo. giues this for the principall cause that Iohn d'Albret had quitted his alliance made with condition that in case the Kings of Nauarre should infringe the said alliance and breake the league then the kingdome of Nauarre should returne to the Crowne of Arragon This condition betweene Kings neuer made and without all shew of probabilitie serueth to none other purpose from the Cardinals mouth but onely to insinuate and worke a perswasion in his King that he hath no right nor lawfull pretension to the Crowne of Nauarre and whatsoeuer hee now holdeth in the said kingdome of Nauarre is none of his owne but by vsurpation and vnlawfull possession Thus his Lordship French-borne makes himselfe an Aduocate for the Spanish King against his owne King and King of the French who shal be faine as hee ought if this Aduocats plea may take place to draw his title and style of King of Nauarre out of his Royall titles and to acknowledge that all the great endeuours of his predecessors to recouer the said Kingdome were dishonourable and vniust Is it possible that in the very heart and head Citie of France a spirit and tongue so licentious can be brooked What shall so great blasphemie as it were of the Kings freehold bee powred foorth in so honourable an assembly without punishment or fine What without any contradiction for the Kings right and on the Kings behalfe I may perhaps confesse the indignitie might bee the better borne and the pretence alledged might passe for a poore excuse if it serued his purpose neuer so little For how doeth all this touch or come neere the question in which the Popes vsurpation in the deposing of Kings and the resolution of the French in resisting this tyrannicall practise is the proper issue of the cause both which points are neuer a whit more of the lesse consequence and importance howsoeuer Ferdinand in his owne iustification stood vpon the foresaid pretence Thus much is confessed and wee aske no
the said Clergie were driuen to sue vnto the Pope for their pardon Bibliotheca Patrum Tom. 3. Hildebert Bishop of Caenomanum vpon the riuer of Sartre liuing vnder the reigne of King Philip the first affirmeth in his Epistles 40. and 75. that Kings are to bee admonished and instructed rather then punished to be dealt with by counsell rather then by command by doctrine and instruction rather then by correction For no such sword belongeth to the Church because the sword of the Church is Ecclesiasticall discipline and nothing else De consider lib. 1. cap. 6. Bernard writeth to Pope Eugenius after this manner Whosoeuer they bee that are of this mind and opinion shall neuer be able to make proofe that any one of the Apostles did euer fit in qualitie of Iudge or Diuider of lands I reade where they haue stood to bee iudged but neuer where they sate downe to giue iudgement Againe Your authoritie stretcheth vnto crimes not vnto possessions because you haue receiued the keies of the kingdome of heauen not in regard of possessions but of crimes to keepe all that pleade by couin or collusion and not lawfull possessors out of the heauenly kingdome A little after These base things of the earth are iudged by the Kings and Princes of this world wherefore doe you thrust your sickle into an others haruest wherefore doe you incroach and intrude vpon an others limits Lib. 2. cap. 6. Elsewhere The Apostles are directly forbid to make themselues Lords and rulers Goe thou then and beeing a Lord vsurpe Apostleship or beeing an Apostle vsurpe Lordship If thou needes wilt haue both doubtlesse thou shalt haue neither Iohannes Maior Doctor of Paris Dist 24. quest 3 The Soueraigne Bishop hath no temporall authoritie ouer Kings The reason Because it followes the contrarie being once granted that Kings are the Popes vassals Now let other men iudge whether he that hath power to dispossesse Kings of all their Temporalties hath not likewise authoritie ouer their Temporalties The same Author Comment in l. 4. Sent. Dist 24 fol. 214. The Pope hath no manner of title ouer the French or Spanish Kings in temporall matters Where it is further added That Pope Innocent 3. hath beene pleased to testifie that Kings of France in Temporall causes doe acknowledge no superiour For so the Pope excused himselfe to a certaine Lord of Montpellier who in stead of suing to the King had petitioned to the Pope for a dispensation for his bastard But perhaps as he speaketh it will be alledged out of the glosse that hee acknowledgeth no superiour by fact and yet ought by right But I tell you the glosse is an Aurelian glosse which marres the text Amongst other arguments Maior brings this for one This opinion ministreth matter vnto Popes to take away an others Empire by force and violence which the Pope shall neuer bring to passe as we reade of Boniface 8. against Philip the Faire Saith besides That from hence proceede warres in time of which many outragious mischiefes are done and that Gerson calls them egregious flatterers by whom such opinion is maintained In the same place Maior denies that Childeric was deposed by Pope Zacharie The word Hee deposed saith Maior is not so to bee vnderstood as it is taken at the first blush or fight but hee deposed is thus expounded in the glosse Hee gaue his consent vnto those by whom he was deposed Iohn of Paris De potest Regia Papali cap. 10. Were it graunted that Christ was armed with Temporall power yet he committed no such power to Peter A little after The power of Kings is the highest power vpon earth in Temporall causes it hath no superiour power aboue it selfe no more then the Pope hath in spirituall matters This author saith indeede the Pope hath power to excommunicate the King but he speaketh not of any power in the Pope to put downe the King from his regall dignity and authority He onely saith When a Prince is once excommunicated hee may accidentally or by occasion be deposed because his precedent excommunication incites the people to disarme him of all secular dignity and power The same Iohn on the other side holdeth opinion that in the Emperour there is inuested a power to depose the Pope in case the Pope shall abuse his power Almainus Doctor of the Sorbonic schoole Almain de potesi Eccl Laica Quest 3. cap. 8. De deminio naturali ciuil Eccl. 5. vlt. pars It is essentiall in the Lay-power to inflict ciuill punishment as death banishment and priuation or losse of goods But according to diuine institution the power Ecclesiasticall can lay no such punishment vpon delinquents nay more not lay in prison as to some Doctors it seemeth probable but stretcheth and reacheth onely to spirituall punishment as namely to excommunication all other punishments inflicted by the spirituall power are meerely by the Lawe positiue If then Ecclesiasticall power by Gods Lawe hath no authoritie to depriue any priuate man of his goods how dares the Pope and his flatterers build their power to depriue Kings of their scepters vpon the word of God The same author in an other place Quaest 1. de potest Eccles laic c. 12. 14 Bee it graunted that Constantine had power to giue the Empire vnto the Pope yet is it not hereupon to bee inferred that Popes haue authority ouer the Kingdome of France because that Kingdome was neuer subiect vnto Constantine For the King of France neuer had any superiour in Temporall matters A little after It is not in any place to bee found that God hath giuen the Pope power to make and vnmake Temporall Kings He maintaineth elsewhere that Zacharie did not depose Childeric Quaest 2. c. 8. sic nond posuit autoruat 〈◊〉 but onely consented to his deposing and so deposed him not as by authoritie In the same booke taking vp the words of Occam whom he styles the Doctor The Emperour is the Popes Lord in things Temporall and the Pope calls him Lord Quae. 3. c. 2. Quaest 11. can Sacerd. as it is witnessed in the body of the Text. The Lord Cardinall hath dissembled and concealed these words of Doctor Almainus with many like places and hath beene pleased to alledge Almainus reciting Occams authoritie in stead of quoting Almainus himselfe in those passages where he speaketh as out of his owne opinion and in his owne words A notable piece of slie and cunning conueiance For what heresie may not be fathered and fastened vpon S. Augustine or S. Hierome if they should be deemed to approoue all the passages which they alledge out of other authors And that is the reason wherefore the L. Cardinall doeth not alledge his testimonies whole and perfect as they are couched in their proper texts but clipt and curtaild Thus he dealeth euen in the first passage or testimonie of Almainus he brings it in mangled and pared he hides and conceales
in hand that a petition put vp and preferred by the third Estate can carry the force of a Law or Statute so long as the other two Orders withstand the same and so long as the King himselfe holds backe his Royall consent Besides the said Article was not propounded as a point of Religious doctrine but for euer after to remaine and continue a fundamentall Law of the Common-wealth and State it selfe the due care whereof was put into their handes and committed to their trust If the King had ratified the said Article with Royall consent and had commanded the Clergie to put in execution the contents thereof it had bene their duetie to see the Kings will and pleasure fulfilled as they are subiects bound to giue him aide in all things which may any way serue to procure the safetie of his life and the tranquilitie of his Kingdome Which if the Clergie had performed to the vttermost of their power they had not shewed obedience as vnderlings vnto the third Estate but vnto the King alone by whom such command had bene imposed vpon suggestion of his faithfull subiects made the more watchfull by the negligence of the Clergie whom they perceiue to be lincked with stricter bandes vnto the Pope then they are vnto their King Here then the Cardinall fights with meere shadowes and mooues a doubt whereof his aduersaries haue not so much as once thought in a dreame But yet according to his great dexteritie and nimblenesse of spirit by this deuice he cunningly takes vpon him to giue the King a lesson with more libertie making semblance to direct his masked Oration to the Deputies of the people when hee shooteth in effect and pricketh at his King the Princes also and Lords of his Counsell whom the Cardinall compriseth vnder the name of Laics whose iudgment it is not vnlikely was apprehended much better by the Clergie then the iudgement of the third Estate Now these are the men whom he tearmes intruders into other mens charges and such as open a gate for I wot not how many legions of heresies to rush into the Church For if it be proper to the Clergie and their Head to iudge in this cause of the Right of Kings then the King himselfe his Princes and Nobilitie are debarred and wiped of all iudgement in the same cause no lesse then the representatiue body of the people Well then Pag. 61. the L. Cardinall showres downe like haile sundry places and testimonies of Scripture where the people are commanded to haue their Pastors in singular loue and to beare them all respects of due obseruance Be it so yet are the said passages of Scripture no barre to the people for their vigilant circumspection to preserue the life and Crowne of their Prince against all the wicked enterprises of men stirred vp by the Clergie who haue their Head out of the Kingdome and hold themselues to be none of the Kings subiects a thing neuer spoken by the sacrificing Priests and Prelates mentioned in the passages alleadged by the Lord Cardinal He likewise produceth two Christian Emperours Pag 62. Constantine and Valentinian by name the first refusing to meddle with iudgement in Episcopall causes the other forbearing to iudge of subtile Questions in Diuinity with protestation that Hee would neuer bee so curious to diue into the streames or sound the bottome of so deepe matters But who doth not know that working and prouiding for the Kings indemnitie and safetie is neither Episcopall cause nor matter of curious and subtile inquisition The same answere meets with all the rest of the places produced by the L. Orat. ad ciues timme perculsos Cardinal out of the Fathers And that one for example out of Gregory Nazianzenus is not cited by the Cardinall with faire dealing For Gregory doeth not boord the Emperour himselfe but his Deputy or L. President on this maner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For we also are in authoritie and place of a Ruler we haue command aswell as your selfe wheras the the L. Cardinal with foule play turnes the place in these termes We also are Emperours Which words can beare no such interpretation as well because he to whom the Bishop then spake was not of Imperiall dignitie as also because if the Bishop himselfe a Bishop of so small a citie as Nazianzum had qualified himselfe Emperour hee should haue passed all the bounds of modestie and had shewed himselfe arrogant aboue measure For as touching subiection due to Christian Emperours hee freely acknowledgeth a little before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that himselfe and his people are subiect vnto the superiour powers yea bound to pay them tribute The historie of the same Gregories life doeth testifie that he was drawen by the Arrians before the Consuls iudgement seate and from thence returned acquitted without either stripes or any other kinde of contumelious entreatie and vse yet now at last vp starts a Prelate who dares make this good Father vaunt himselfe to be an Emperour It is willingly granted that Emperours neuer challenged neuer arrogated to bee Soueraigne Iudges in controuersies of doctrine and faith neuerthelesse it is clearer then the Sunnes light at high noone that for moderation at Synods for determinations and orders established in Councils and for the discipline of the Church they haue made a good and a full vse of their Imperiall authoritie Vide Canones Graecos à Tilio editos The first Council held at Constantinople beares this title or inscription The dedication of the holy Synode to the most religious Emperour Theodosius the Great to whose will and pleasure they haue submitted these Canons by them addressed and established in Councill And there they also beseech the Emperour to confirme and approue the said Canons The like hath bene done by the Council of Trullo by whom the Canons of the fift and sixt Councils were put foorth and published This was not done because Emperours tooke vpon them to bee infallible Iudges of doctrine but onely that Emperours might see and iudge whether Bishops who feele the pricke of ambition as other men doe did propound nothing in their Conuocations and Consultations but most of all in their Determinations to vndermine the Emperours authoritie to disturbe the tranquilitie of the Common-wealth and to crosse the determinations of precedent Councils Now to take the cognizance of such matters out of the Kings hand or power what is it but euen to transforme the King into a standing Image to wring and wrest him out of all care of himselfe and his Kingly Charge yea to bring him downe to this basest condition to become onely an executioner and which I scorne to speake the vnhappy hangman of the Clergies will without any further cognizance not so much as of matters which most neerely touch himselfe and his Royall estate I grant it is for Diuinitie Scholes to iudge how farre the power of the Keyes doth stretch I grant againe that Clerics both may and ought also
to display the colours and ensignes of their censures against Princes who violating their publike and solemne oath doe raise and make open warre against Iesus Christ I grant yet againe that in this case they need not admit Laics to be of their counsell nor allow them any scope or libertie of iudgement Yet all this makes no barre to Clerics for extending the power of their keyes many times a whole degree further then they ought and when they are pleased to make vse of their said power to depriue the people of their goods or the Prince of his Crowne all this doeth not hinder Prince or people from taking care for the preseruation of their owne rights and estates nor from requiring Clerics to shew their cards and produce their Charts and to make demonstration by Scripture that such power as they assume and challenge is giuen them from God For to leaue the Pope absolute Iudge in the same cause wherein hee is a partie and which is the strongest rampier and bulwarke yea the most glorious and eminent point of his domination to arme him with power to vnhorse Kings out of their seates what is it else but euen to draw them into a state of despaire for euer winning the day or preuailing in their honourable and rightful cause It is moreouer granted if a King shall command any thing directly contrary to Gods word and tending to the subuerting of the Church that Clerics in this case ought not onely to dispense with subiects for their obedience but also expresly to forbid their obedience For it is alwayes better to obey God then man Howbeit in all other matters whereby the glory and maiestie of God is not impeached or impaired it is the duety of Clerics to plie the people with wholesome exhortation to constant obedience and to auert by earnest disswasions the said people from tumultuous reuolt and seditious insurrection This practise vnder the Pagan Emperours was held and followed by the ancient Christians by whose godly zeale and patience in bearing the yoke the Church in times past grew and flourished in her happy and plentifull increase farre greater then Poperie shall euer purchase and attaine vnto by all her cunning deuices and sleights as namely by degrading of Kings by interdicting of Kingdoms by apposted murders and by Diabolicall traines of Gunne-powder-mines The places of Scripture alleadged in order by the Cardinal Pag 66. in fauour of those that stand for the Popes claime of power and authoritie to depose Kings are cited with no more sincerity then the former They alledge these are his words that Samuel deposed King Saul or declared him to bee deposed because hee had violated the Lawes of the Iewes Religion His Lordship auoucheth elsewere that Saul was deposed because he had sought prophanely to vsurpe the holy Priesthood Both false and contrary to the tenour of trewth in the sacred history For Saul was neuer deposed according to the sense of the word I meane depose in the present question to wit as deposing is taken for despoiling the King of his royall dignitie and reducing the King to the condition of a priuate person But Saul held the title of King and continued in possession of his Kingdome euen to his dying day 1. Sam. 23.20 24.15 2. Sam. 2.5 Yea the Scripture styles him King euen to the periodicall and last day of his life by the testimony of Dauid himselfe who both by Gods promise and by precedent vnction was then heire apparant as it were to the Crown in a maner then ready to gird and adorne the temples of his head For if Samuel by Gods commandement had then actually remooued Saul from his Throne doubtlesse the whole Church of Israel had committed a grosse errour in taking and honouring Saul for their King after such deposition doubtlesse the Prophet Samuel himselfe making knowen the Lords Ordinance vnto the people would haue enioyned them by strict prohibition to call him no longer the King of Israel Doubtlesse Dauid would neuer haue held his hand from the throat of Saul 1. Sam. 26.11 for this respect and consideration because he was the Lords Anointed For if Saul had lost his Kingly authority from that instant when Samuel gaue him knowledge of his reiection then Dauid lest otherwise the Body of the Kingdome should want a Royall Head was to beginne his Reigne and to beare the Royall scepter in the very same instant which were to charge the holy Scriptures with vntrewth in as much as the sacred historie begins the computation of the yeeres of Dauids Reigne from the day of Sauls death Trew it is that in the 1. Sam. cap. 15. Saul was denounced by Gods owne sentence a man reiected and as it were excommunicated out of the Kingdome that hee should not rule and reigne any longer as King ouer Israel neuerthelesse the said sentence was not put in execution before the day when God executing vpon Saul an exemplarie iudgement did strike him with death From whence it is manifest and cleare 1. Sam. 16.23 that when Dauid was annointed King by Samuel that action was onely a promise and a testimony of the choice which God had made of Dauid for succession immediately after Saul and not a present establishment inuestment or installment of Dauid in the Kingdome Wee reade the like in 1. King cap. 19. where God commandeth Elias the Prophet to annoint Hasael King of Syria For can any man bee so blinde and ignorant in the sacred historie to beleeue the Prophets of Israel established or sacred the Kings of Syria For this cause 2. Sam. 2.4 when Dauid was actually established in the Kingdome hee was annointed the second time In the next place he brings in the Popes champions vsing these words Rehoboam was deposed by Ahiah the Prophet 1 King 12. from his Royall right ouer the tenne Tribes of Israel because his father Salomon had played the Apostata in falling from the Law of God This I say also is more then the trewth of the sacred history doeth afoard For Ahiah neuer spake to Rehoboam for ought we reade nor brought vnto him any message from the Lord As for the passage quoted by the L. Cardinal out of 3. Reg. chap. 11. it hath not reference to the time of Rehoboams raigne but rather indeed to Salomons time nor doeth it carry the face of a iudicatorie sentence for the Kings deposing but rather of a Propheticall prediction For how could Rehoboam before hee was made King be depriued of the Kingdome Last of all but worst of all to alleadge this passage for an example of a iust sentence in matter of deposing a King is to approoue the disloyall treacherie of a seruant against his master and the rebellion of Ieroboam branded in Scripture with a marke of perpetuall infamie for his wickednesse and impietie He goes on with an other example of no more trewth 1. King 19. King Achab was deposed by Elias the Prophet
other weapons of defence I neither can resist nor ought in any other maner to make resistance Iustinian the Emperour in his old aage fell into the heresie of the Aphthartodocites Against Iustinian though few they were that fauoured him in that heresie the Bishop of Rome neuer darted with violence any sentence of excommunication interdiction or deposition The Ostrogot Kings in Italie the Visigot in Spaine the Vandal in Africa were all addicted to the Arrian impietie and some of them cruelly persecuted the trew professours The Visigot and Vandall were no neighbours to Italie The Pope thereby had the lesse cause to feare the stings of those waspes if they had bene angred The Pope for all that neuer had the humour to wrestle or iustle with any of the said Kings in the cause of deposing them from their Thrones But especially the times when the Vandals in Affricke and the Goths in Italie by Belisarius and Narses professours of the Orthodoxe Faith were tyred with long warres and at last were vtterly defeated in bloody battels are to bee considered Then were the times or neuer for the Pope to vnsheath his weapons and to vncase his arrowes of deposition then were the times to draw them out of his quiuer and to shoot at all such Arrian heads then were the times by dispensations to release their subiects of their oathes by that peremptorie meanes to aide and strengthen the Catholique cause But in that aage the said weapons were not knowne to haue bene hammered in the Pontificall forge Gregorie the I. made his boasts that he was able to ruine the Lombards for many yeeres together sworne enemies to the Bishops of Rome their state present and the hope of all their future prosperitie But he telleth vs that by the feare of God before his eyes and in his heart he was bridled and restrained from any such intent as elsewhere we haue obserued In Apol. pro iuram fidel His owne words lib. 7. Epist. 1. If I would haue medled with practising and procuring the death of the Lombards the whole nation of the Lombards at this day had bene robbed of their Kings Dukes Earles they had bene reduced to the tearmes of extreame confusion He might at least haue deposed their King if the credit of the L. Cardinals iudgement be currant without polluting or stayning his owne conscience What can we tearme this assertion of the L. Cardinal but open charging the most ancient Bishops of Rome with crueltie when they would not succour the Church of CHRIST oppressed by tyrants whose oppression they had power to represse by deposing the oppressors Is it credible that IESVS CHRIST hath giuen a Commission to S. Peter and his successors for so many aages without any power to execute their Commission or to make any vse thereof by practise Is it credible that hee hath giuen them a sword to bee kept in the scabbard without drawing once in a thousand yeeres Is it credible that in the times when Popes were most deboshed abandoning themselues to all sorts of corrupt and vitious courses as is testified by their owne flatterers and best affected seruants is it credible that in those times they began to vnderstand the vertue strength of their Commission For if either feare or lacke of power was the cause of holding their hands and voluntarie binding of themselues to the Peace or good behauiour wherefore is not some one Pope at least produced who hath complained that he was hindered from executing the power that CHRIST had conferred vpon his Pontificall See Wherefore is not some one of the ancient and holy Fathers alledged by whom the Pope hath bene aduised and exhorted to take courage to stand vpon he vigor and sinewes of his Papall Office to vnsheath and vncase his bolts of thunder against vngodly Princes and grieuous enemies to the Church wherefore liuing vnder Christian and gracious Emperours haue they not made knowne the reasons why they were hindred from drawing the pretended sword lest long custome of not vsing the sword so many aages might make it so to rust in the scabbard that when there should be occasion to vse the said sword it could not be drawne at all and lest so long custome of not vsing the same should confirme prescription to their greater preiudice If weakenesse be a iust let how is it come to passe that Popes haue enterprised to depose Philip the Faire Lewis the XII and ELIZABETH my predecessor of happy memorie to let passe others in whom experience hath well proued how great inequalitie was betweene their strengths Yea for the most part from thence grow most grieuous troubles and warres which iustly recoile and light vpon his owne head as happened to Gregorie the VII and Boniface the VIII This no doubt is the reason wherefore the Pope neuer sets in for feare of such inconueniences to blast a King with lightning and thunder of deposition but when hee perceiues the troubled waters of the Kingdome by some strong faction setled in his Estate or when the King is confined and bordered by some Princemore potent who thirsteth after the prey and is euer gaping for some occasion to picke a quarrell The King standing in such estate is it not as easie for the Pope to pull him downe as it is for a man with one hand to thrust downe a tottering wall when the groundsill is rotten the studdes vnpind and nodding or bending towards the ground But if the King shall beare downe and breake the faction within the Realme if hee shall get withall the vpper hand of his enemies out of the Kingdome then the holy Father presents him with pardons neuer sued for neuer asked and in afathers indulgence forsooth giues him leaue still to hold the Kingdome that hee was not able by all his force to wrest and wring out of his hand no more then the club of Hercules out of his fist How many worthy Princes incensed by the Pope to conspire against Soueraigne Lords their Masters and by open rebellion to worke some change in their Estates haue miscarried in the action with losse of life or honour or both For example Rodulphus Duke of Sueuia was eg'd on by the Pope against Henry IIII. of that name Emperour How many massacres how many desolations of Cities and townes how many bloody battels ensued thereupon Let histories bee searched let iust accompts be taken and beside sieges layde to Cities it will appeare by trew computation that Henry the IIII. and Frederic the fist fought aboue threescore battels in defence of their owne right against enemies of the Empire stirred vp to armes by the Pope of Rome How much Christian blood was then spilt in these bloody battels it passeth mans wit penne or tongue to expresse And to giue a little touch vnto matters at home doeth not his Holinesse vnderstand right well the weakenesse of Papists in my Kingdome Doeth not his Holmesse neuerthesesse animate my Papists to rebellion and forbid my Papists to take
the Oath of Allegiance Doeth not his Holinesse by this meanes draw so much as in him lyeth persecution vpon the backes of my Papists as vpon rebels and expose their life as it were vpon the open stall to be sold at a very easie price All these examples either ioynt or seuerall are manifest and euident proofes that feare to draw mischiefe and persecution vpon the Church hath not barred the Popes from thundering against Emperours and Kings whensoeuer they conceiued any hope by their fulminations to aduance their greatnesse Last of all I referre the matter to the most possessed with preiudice euen the very aduersaries whether this doctrine by which people are trained vp in subiection vnto Infidel or hereticall Kings vntill the subiects be of sufficient strength to mate their Kings to expell their Kings and to depose them from their Kingdomes doth not incense the Turkish Emperours and other Infidell Princes to roote out all the Christians that drawe in their yoke as people that waite onely for a fit occasion to rebell and to take themselues ingaged for obedience to their Lords onely by constraint and seruile feare Let vs therefore now conclude with Ozius in that famous Epistle speaking to Constantius an Arrian heretike Apud Athanâ—in Eâ—â—st ad solitâ—â— vitam aâ—gentes As hee that by secret practise or open violence would bereaue thee of thy Empire should violate Gods ordinance so bee thou touched with feare least by vsurping authoritie ouer Church matters thou tumble not headlong into some hainous crime Where this holy Bishop hath not vouchsafed to insert and mention the L. Cardinals exception to wit the right of the Church alwaies excepted and saued when she shall be of sufficient strength to shake off the yoke of Emperours Neither speaks the same holy Bishop of priuate persons alone or men of some particular condition and calling but hee setteth downe a generall rule for all degrees neuer to impeach Imperiall Maiestie vpon any pretext whatsoeuer As his Lordships first reason drawne from weakenesse is exceeding weake so is that which the L. Cardinall takes vp in the next place The 2. reas Pag. 77. He telleth vs there is very great difference betweene Pagan Emperours and Christian Princes Pagan Emperours who neuer did homage to Christ who neuer were by their subiects receiued with condition to acknowledge perpetuall subiection vnto the Empire of Christ who neuer were bound by oath and mutuall contract betweene Prince and subiect Christian Princes who slide backe by Apostasie degenerate by Arrianisme or fall away by Mahometisme Touching the latter of these two as his Lordshippe saith If they shall as it were take an oath and make a vowe contrary to their first oath and vow made and taken when they were installed and contrary to the condition vnder which they receiued the Scepter of their Fathers if they withall shall turne persecutors of the Catholike religion touching these I say the L. Cardinal holds that without question they may bee remooued from their Kingdomes He telleth vs not by whom but euery where he meaneth by the Pope Touching Kings deposed by the Pope vnder pretence of stupidity as Childeric or of matrimoniall causes as Philip I. or for collating of benefices as Philip the Faire not one word By that point he easily glideth and shuffles it vp in silence for feare of distasting the Pope on the one side or his auditors on the other Now in alledging this reason his Lordship makes all the world a witnes that in deposing of Kings the Pope hath no eye of regard to the benefit and securitie of the Church For such Princes as neuer suckt other milke then that of Infidelitie and persecution of Religion are no lesse noisome and pernicious vermin to the Church then if they had sucked of the Churches breasts And as for the greatnesse of the sinne or offence it seemes to me there is very little difference in the matter For a Prince that neuer did sweare any religious obedience to Iesus Christ is bound no lesse to such obedience then if he had taken a solemne oath As the sonne that rebelliously stands vp against his father is in equall degree of sinne whether he hath sworne or not sworne obedience to his father because he is bound to such obedience not by any voluntarie contract or couenant but by the law of Nature The commaundement of God to kisse the Sonne whom the Father hath confirmed and ratified King of Kings doeth equally bind all Kings as well Pagans as Christians On the other side who denies who doubts that Constantius Emperour at his first steppe or entrance into the Empire did not sweare and bind himselfe by solemne vowe to keepe the rules and to maintaine the precepts of the Orthodox faith or that he did not receiue his fathers Empire vpon such condition This notwithstanding the Bishop of Rome pulled not Constantius from his Imperiall throne but Constantius remooued the Bishop of Rome from his Papall See And were it so that an oath taken by a King at his consecration and after violated is a sufficient cause for the Pope to depose an Apostate or hereticall Prince then by good consequence the Pope may in like sort depose a King who beeing neither dead in Apostasie nor sicke of Heresie doeth neglect onely the due administration of iustice to his loyall subiects For his oath taken at consecration importeth likewise that he shall minister iustice to his people A point wherein the holy Father is held short by the L. Cardinall who dares prescribe new lawes to the Pope and presumes to limit his fulnesse of power within certaine meeres and head-lands extending the Popes power only to the deposing of Christian Kings when they turne Apostats forsaking the Catholike faith and not such Princes as neuer breathed any thing but pure Paganisme and neuer serued vnder the colours of Iesus Christ Meane while his Lordship forgets that King Attabaliba was deposed by the Pope from his Kingdome of Peru and the said Kingdome was conferred vpon the King of Spaine though the said poore King of Peru neuer forsooke his heathen superstition and though the turning of him out of his terrestriall Kingdome was no way to conuert him vnto the faith of Christ Pag. 77. Yea his Lordship a little after telleth vs himselfe that Be the Turkes possession in the conquests that he maketh ouer Christians neuer so auncient yet by no long tract of time whatsoeuer can he gaine so much as a thumbes breadth of prescription that is to say the Turke for all that is but a disseisor one that violently and wilfully keeps an other man from his owne and by good right may be dispossessed of the same whereas notwithstanding the Turkish Emperours neuer fauoured nor sauoured Christianitie Let vs runne ouer the examples of Kings whom the Pope hath dared and presumed to depose and hardly will any one be found of whom it may be trewly auouched that he hath taken an oath
Church as of secular Lords and to make ordinances for the confiscation of all priuate persons goods By this Canon the Kingdome of Naples hath need to looke well vnto it selfe For one duell it may fall into the Exchecquer of the Romane Church because that Kingdome payeth a Reliefe to the Church as a Royaltie or Seignorie that holdeth in fee of the said Church And in France there is not one Lordship not one Mannor not one farme which the Pope by this meanes cannot shift ouer to a new Lord. His Lordship therefore had carried himselfe and the cause much better if in stead of seeking such idle shifts he had by a more large assertion maintained the Popes power to dispose of priuate mens possessions with no lesse right and authoritie then of Kingdomes For what colour of reason can bee giuen for making the Pope Lord of the whole and not of the parts for making him Lord of the forrest in grosse and not of the trees in parcell for making him Lord of the whole house and not of the parlour or the dining chamber His Lordship alleadgeth yet an other reason but of no better weight Betweene the power of priuate owners ouer their goods and the power of Kings ouer their estates there is no little difference For the goods of priuate persons are ordained for their owners and Princes for the benefit of their Common-wealths Heare me now answere If this Cardinal-reason hath any force to inferre that a King may lawfully be depriued of his Kingdome for heresie but a priuate person cannot for the same crime be turned out of his mansion house then it shall follow by the same reason that a Father for the same cause may bee depriued of all power ouer his children but a priuate owner cannot be depriued of his goods in the like case because goods are ordeined for the benefit and comfort of their owners but fathers are ordeined for the good and benefit of their children But most certain it is that Kings representing the image of God in earth and Gods place haue a better and closer seate in their chaires of Estate then any priuate persons haue in the saddle of their inheritances and patrimonies which are dayly seene for sleight causes to flit and to fall into the hands of new Lords Whereas a Prince being the Head cannot bee loosed in the proper ioynt nor dismounted like a cannon when the carriage thereof is vnlockt without a sore shaking and a most grieuous dislocation of all the members yea without subuerting the whole bodie of the State whereby priuate persons without number are inwrapped together in the same ruine euen as the lower shrubs and other brush-wood are crushed in pieces altogether by the fall of a great oake But suppose his Lordships reason were somewhat ponderous and solide withall yet a King which would not bee forgotten is endowed not onely with the Kingdome but also with the ancient Desmenes and Crowne-lands for which none can be so simple to say The King was ordeined and created King which neuerthelesse he loseth when hee loseth his Crowne Admit againe this reason were of some pith to make mighty Kings more easily deposeable then priuate persons from their patrimonies yet all this makes nothing for the deriuing and fetching of deposition from the Popes Consistorie What hee neuer conferred by what right or power can he claime to take away But see heere no doubt a sharpe and subtile difference put by the L. Cardinall betweene a Kingdome and the goods of priuate persons Goods as his Lordship saith are without life they can be constrained by no force by no example by no inducement of their owners to lose eternall life Subiects by their Princes may Now I am of the contrary beliefe That an hereticall owner or master of a family hath greater power and meanes withall to seduce his owne seruants and children then a Prince hath to peruert his owne subiects and yet for the contagion of Heresie and for corrupt religion children are not remoued from their parents nor seruants are taken away from their masters Histories abound with examples of most flourishing Churches vnder a Prince of contrary religion And if things without life or soule are with lesse danger left in an heretikes hands why then shall not an hereticall King with more facilitie and lesse danger keepe his Crowne his Royall charge his lands his customes his imposts c For will any man except he bee out of his wits affirme these things to haue any life or soule Or why shall it bee counted folly to leaue a sword in the hand of a mad Bedlam Is not a sword also without life and soule For my part I should rather be of this minde that possession of things without reason is more dangerous and pernicious in the hands of an euill master then the possession of things endued with life and reason For things without life lacke both reason and iudgement how to exempt and free themselues from being instruments in euill and wicked actions from being emploied to vngodly and abominable vses I will not deny that an hereticall Prince is a plague a pernicious and mortall sickenesse to the soules of his subiects But a breach made by one mischiefe must not bee filled vp with a greater inconuenience An errour must not be shocked and shouldered with disloialtie nor heresie with periurie nor impietie with sedition and armed rebellion against GOD and the King GOD who vseth to try and to schoole his Church will neuer forsake his Church nor hath need to protect his Church by any proditorious and prodigious practises of perfidious Christians For he makes his Church to be like the burning bush In the middest of the fire and flames of persecutions hee will prouide that she shall not be consumed because hee standeth in the midst of his Church And suppose there may be some iust cause for the French to play the rebels against their King yet will it not follow that such rebellious motions are to be raised by the bellowes of the Romane Bishop to whose Pastorall charge and office it is nothing proper to intermeddle in the ciuill affaires of forraine Kingdomes Here is the summe and substance of the L. Cardinals whole discourse touching his pretence of the second inconuenience Which discourse hee hath closed with a remarkeable confession to wit that neither by the authoritie of holy Scripture nor by the the testimonie and verdict of the Primitiue Church there hath bene any full decision of this question In regard whereof he falleth into admiration that Lay-people haue gone so farre in audaciousnesse as to labour that a doubtfull doctrine might for euer passe currant and be taken for a new article of faith What a shame what a reproach is this how full of scandall for so his Lordship is pleased to cry out This breakes into the seueralls and inclosures of the Church this lets in whole herds of heresies to grase in her greene and sweet pastures
On the other side without any such Rhetoricall outcries I simply affirme It is a reproach a scandall a crime of rebellion for a subiect hauing his full charge and loade of benefits in the new spring of his Kings tender aage his King-fathers blood yet reeking and vpon the point of an addresse for a double match with Spaine in so honourable an assembly to seeke the thraldome of his Kings Crowne to play the captious in cauilling about causes of his Kings deposing to giue his former life the Lye with shame enough in his old aage and to make himselfe a common by-word vnder the name of a Problematicall Martyr one that offers himselfe to fagot and fire for a point of doctrine but problematically handled that is distrustfully and onely by way of doubtfull and questionable discourse yea for a point of doctrine in which the French as he pretendeth are permitted to thwart and crosse his Holines in iudgement prouided they speake in it as in a point not certaine and necessary but onely doubtfull and probable THE THIRD INCONVENIENCE EXAMINED THe third Inconuenience pretended by the L. Pag. 87. Cardinall to grow by admitting this Article of the third Estate is flourished in these colours It would breed and bring foorth an open and vnauoydeable schisme against his Holinesse and the rest of the whole Ecclesiasticall body For thereby the doctrine long approued and ratified by the Pope and the rest of the Church should now be taxed and condemned of impious and most detestable consequence yea the Pope and the Church euen in faith and in points of saluation should be reputed and beleeued to be erroniously perswaded Hereupon his Lordship giues himselfe a large scope of the raines to frame his elegant amplifications against schismes and schismatikes Now to mount so high and to flie in such place vpon the wings of amplification for this Inconuenience what is it else but magnifically to report and imagine a mischiefe by many degrees greater then the mischiefe is The L. Cardinal is in a great errour if hee make himselfe beleeue that other nations wil make a rent or separation from the communion of the French because the French stand to it tooth and naile that French Crownes are not liable or obnoxious to Papall deposition howsoeuer there is no schisme that importeth not separation of communion The most illustrious Republike of Venice hath imbarked herselfe in this quarrell against his Holinesse hath played her prize and caried away the weapons with great honour Doeth she notwithstanding her triumph in the cause forbeare to participate with all her neighbours in the same Sacraments doeth she liue in schisme with all the rest of the Romane Church No such matter When the L. Cardinal himselfe not many yeeres past maintained the Kings cause and stood honourably for the Kings right against the Popes Temporall vsurpations did he then take other Churches to be schismaticall or the rotten members of Antichrist Beleeue it who list I beleeue my Creed Nay his Lordship telleth vs himselfe a little after that his Holinesse giues the French free scope to maintaine either the affirmatiue or negatiue of this question And will his Holinesse hold them schismatikes that dissent from his opinion and iudgement in a subiect or cause esteemed problematicall Farre be it from his Holinesse The King of Spaine reputed the Popes right arme neuer gaue the Pope cause by any acte or other declaration to conceiue that he acknowledged himselfe deposeable by the Pope for heresie or Tyrannie or stupiditie But being well assured the Pope standeth in greater feare of his arme then hee doeth of the Popes head and shoulders he neuer troubles his owne head about our question More when the booke of Cardinall Baronius was come foorth in which booke the Kingdome of Naples is descried and publiquely discredited like false money touching the qualitie of a Kingdome and attributed to the King of Spaine not as trew proprietary thereof but onely as an Estate held in fee of the Romane Church the King made no bones to condemne and to banish the said booke out of his dominions The holy Father was contented to put vp his Catholike sonnes proceeding to the Cardinals disgrace neuer opened his mouth against the King neuer declared or noted the King to be schismaticall He waits perhaps for some fitter opportunitie when the Kingdome of Spaine groaning vnder the burthens of intestine dissentions and troubles hee may without any danger to himselfe giue the Catholike King a Bishops mate Yea the L. Cardinal himselfe is better seene in the humors and inclinations of the Christian world then to be grosly perswaded that in the Kingdome of Spaine and in the very heart of Rome it selfe there be not many which either make it but a ieast or else take it in fowle scorne to heare the Popes power ouer the Crownes of Kings once named especially since the Venetian Republike hath put his Holinesse to the worse in the same cause and cast him in Law What needed the L. Cardinall then by casting vp such mounts and trenches by heaping one amplification vpon an other to make schisme looke with such a terrible and hideous aspect Who knowes not how great an offence how heinous a crime it is to quarter not IESVS CHRISTS coat but his body which is the Church And what needed such terrifying of the Church with vglinesse of schisme whereof there is neither colourable shew nor possibilitie The next vgly monster after schisme shaped by the L. Cardinall in the third supposed and pretended inconuenience is heresie Pag. 89. His Lordship saith for the purpose By this Article we are cast headlong into a manifest heresie as binding vs to confesse that for many aages past the Catholike Church hath bene banished out of the whole world For if the champions of the doctrine contrary to this Article doe hold an impious and a detestable opinion repugnant vnto Gods word then doubtlesse the Pope for so many hundred yeeres expired hath not bene the head of the Church but an heretike and the Antichrist He addeth moreouer That the Church long agoe hath lost her name of Catholike and that in France there hath no Church flourished nor so much as appeared these many and more then many yeeres for as much as all the French doctors for many yeres together haue stood for the contrary opinion We can erect and set vp no trophey more honorable for heretikes in token of their victory then to auow that Christs visible Kingdom is perished from the face of the earth and that for so many hundred yeres there hath not bene any Temple of God nor any spouse of Christ but euery where and all the world ouer the kingdom of Antichrist the synagogue of Satan the spouse of the diuel hath mightily preuailed and borne all the sway Lastly what stronger engines can these heretikes wish or desire for the battering and the demolishing of transubstantiation of auricular confession and other like towers
adiudged by the Councill of Constance to expresse damnation For in these words the L. Cardinall preferreth a bill of inditement to cast his Holinesse who vpon the commencing of the Leaguers warres in stead of giuing order for the publishing of the said Ecclesiasticall Lawes for the restraining of all parricidicall practises and attempts fell to the terrour of his fulminations which not long after were seconded and ratified by the most audatious and bloody murder of King Henry III. In like manner the whole Clergy of France are wrapped vp by the L. Cardinals words and inuolued in the perill of the said inditement For in stead of preaching the said Ecclesiasticall Lawes by which all King-killing is inhibited the Priests taught vented and published nothing but rebellion and when the people in great deuotion came to powre their confessions into the Priests eares then the Priests with a kind of counterbuffe in the second place when their turne was come and with greater deuotion powred blood into the eares of the people out of which roote grewe the terrour of those cruell warres and the horrible parricide of that good King But let vs here take some neere sight of these Ecclesiasticall Lawes whereby subiects are inhibited to kill or desperately to dispatch their Kings out of the way The Lord Cardinall for full payment of all scores vpon this reckoning layeth downe the credit of the Councill at Constance which neuerthelesse affoardeth not one myte of trew and currant payment The trewth of the history may bee taken from this briefe relation Iohn Duke of Burgundy procured Lewis Duke of Orleans to be murthered in Paris To iustifie and make good this bloody acte he produced a certaine petimaster one called by the name of Iohn Petit. This little Iohn caused nine propositions to be giuen foorth or set vp to bee discussed in the famous Vniuersitie of Paris The summe of all to this purpose It is lawfull iust and honourable for euery subiect or priuate person either by open force and violence or by deceit and secret lying in waite or by some wittie stratagem or by any other way of fact to kil a Tyrant practising against his King and other higher powers yea the King ought in reason to giue him a pension or stipend that hath killed any person disloyal to his Prince The words of Petits first proposition be these It is lawfull for euery subiect Gerson without any command or commission from the higher powers by all the Lawes of nature of man and of God himselfe to kill or cause to be killed any Tyrant who either by a couetous and greedie desire or by fraud by diuination vpon casting of Lots by double and treacherous dealing doeth plot or practise against his Kings corporall health or the health of his higher powers In the third proposition It is lawfull for euery subiect honourable and meritorious to kill the said Tyrant or cause him to be killed as a Traitor disloyall and trecherous to his King In the sixt proposition The King is to appoint a salarie and recompence for him that hath killed such a Tyrant or hath caused him to bee killed These propositions of Iohannes Paruus were condemned by the Councill of Constance as impious and tending to the scandall of the Church Now then whereas the said Councill no doubt vnderstood the name or word Tyrant in the same sense wherein it was taken by Iohannes Paruus certaine it is the Councill was not of any such iudgement or mind to condemne one that should kill a King or Soueraigne Prince but one that by treason and without commandement should kill a subiect rebelling and practising against his King For Iohn Petit had vndertaken to iustifie the making away of the Duke of Orleans to be a lawfull acte and calls that Dukea Tyrant albeit hee was no Soueraigne Prince as all the aboue recited words of Iohn Petit doe testifie that he speaketh of such a Tyrant as being in state of subiection rebelleth against his free and absolute Prince So that whosoeuer shall narrowly search and looke into the mind and meaning of the said Council shal easily perceiue that by their decrees the safetie of Kings was not confirmed but weakened not augmented but diminished for as much as they inhibited priuate persons to kill a Subiect attempting by wicked counsels and practises to make away his King But be it granted the Councill of Constance is flat and altogether direct against King-killers For I am not vnwilling to be perswaded that had the question then touched the murdering of Soueraigne Princes the said Councill would haue passed a sound and holy decree But I say this granted what sheild of defence is hereby reached to Kings to ward or beat off the thrust of a murderers weapon and to saue or secure their life seeing the L. Cardinall building vpon the subtile deuise and shift of the Iesuites hath taught vs out of their Schooles that by Kings are vnderstood Kings in esse not yet fallen from the supreame degree of Soueraigne Royaltie For being once deposed by the Pope say the Iesuites they are no longer Kings but are fallen from the rights of Soueraigne dignitie and consequently to make strip and wast of their blood is not forsooth to make strip and wast of Royall blood The Iesuiticall masters in the file of their words are so supple and so limber that by leauing still in their speech some starting hole or other they are able by the same as by a posterne or backdoore to make an escape Meane while the Readers are here to note for well they may a tricke of monstrous and most wicked cunning The L. Cardinall contends for the bridling and hampering of King-killers by the Lawes Ecclesiasticall Now it might be presumed that so reuerend and learned a Cardinal intending to make vse of Ecclesiasticall Lawes by vertue whereof the life of Kings may be secured would fill his mouth and garnish the point with diuine Oracles that wee might the more gladly and willingly giue him the hearing when hee speakes as one furnished with sufficient weight and authoritie of sacred Scripture But behold in stead of the authenticall and most ancient word hee propounds the decree of a lateborne Councill at Constance neither for the Popes tooth nor any way comming neere the point in controuersie And suppose it were pertinent vnto the purpose the L. Cardinall beareth in his hand a forke of distinction with two tines or teeth to beare off nay to shift off and to auoid the matter with meere dalliance The shortest and neerest way in some sort of respects to establish a false opinion is to charge or set vpon it with false and with ridiculous reasons The like way to worke the ouerthrow of trew doctrine is to rest or ground it vpon friuolous reasons or authorities of stubble-weight For example if we should thus argue for the immortalitie of the soule with Plato In Phaedone The swan singeth before her death ergo
to reioyce in his owne behalfe and to giue me thanks that I haue done him the honour to enter the lists of Theologicall dispute against his Lordship Howbeit he twitches and carpes at me withall as at one that soweth seeds of dissention and schisme amongst Romane Catholiks And yet he would seeme to qualifie the matter and to make all whole againe by saying That in so doing I am perswaded I doe no more then my duetie requires But now as his Lordship followes the point it standeth neither with godlinesse nor with equity nor with reason that Acts made that Statutes Decrees and Ordinances ratified for the State and Gouernement of England should be thrust for binding Laws vpon the Kingdome of France nor that Catholikes and much lesse that Ecclesiastics to the ende they may liue in safetie and freely enioy their priuiledges or immunities in France should be forced to beleeue and by oath to seale the same points which English Catholikes to the end they may purchase libertie onely to breath nay sorrowfully to sigh rather are constrained to allow and to aduow besides And where as in England There is no small number of Catholikes that lacke not constant and resolute minds to endure all sorts of punishment rather then to take that oath of allegiance will there not be found an other manner of number in France armed with no lesse constancie and Christian resolution There will most honourable Auditors there will without all doubt and we all that are of Episcopall dignity will sooner suffer Martyrdome in the cause Then out of the super-abundance and ouer-weight of his Lordships goodnes he closely coucheth and conuayeth a certaine distastfull opposition betweene mee and his King with praises and thanks to God that his King is not delighted takes no pleasure to make Martyrs All this Artificiall and swelling discourse like vnto puffe-past if it be viewed at a neere distance will be found like a bladder full of wind without any soliditie of substantiall matter For the Deputies of the third Estate were neuer so voide of vnderstanding to beleeue that by prouiding for the life and safety of their King they should thrust him headlong into eternall damnation Their braines were neuer so much blasted so farre benummed to dreame the soule of their King cannot mount vp to heauen except he be dismounted from his Princely Throne vpon earth whensoeuer the Pope shall hold vp his finger And whereas he is bold to pronounce that heretikes of France doe make their benefit and aduantage of this diuision that speech is grounded vpon this proposition That professors of the Christian Religion reformed which is to say purged and cleansed of all Popish dregs are heretikes in fact and ought so to bee reputed in right Which proposition his Lordship will neuer soundly and sufficiently make good before his Holinesse hath compiled an other Gospell or hath forged an other Bible at his Pontificiall anuile The L. Cardinall vndertooke to reade mee a lecture vpon that argument but euer since hath played Mum-budget and hath put himselfe to silence like one at a Non-plus in his enterprise There be three yeeres already gone and past since his Lordship beganne to shape some answere to a certaine writing dispatched by mee in few daies With forming and reforming with filing and polishing with labouring and licking his answere ouer and ouer againe with reiterated extractions and calcinations it may be coniectured that all his Lordships labour and cost is long since evaporated and vanished in the aire Howbeit as well the friendly conference of a King for I will not call it a contention as also the dignitie excellencie and importance of the matter long since deserued and as long since required the publishing of some or other answere His Lordships long silence will neuer be imputed to lacke of capacity wherewith who knoweth not how abundantly he is furnished but rather to well aduised agnition of his owne working and building vpon a weake foundation But let vs returne vnto these heretikes that make so great gaine by the disagreement of Catholikes It is no part of their dutie to aime at sowing of dissentions but rather to intend and attend their faithfull performance of seruice to their King If some be pleased and others offended when so good and loyall duties are sincerely discharged it is for all good subiects to grieue and to be sory that when they speake for the safetie of their King honour of the trewth it is their hard hap to leaue any at all vnsatisfied But suppose the said heretiks were the Authors of this article preferred by the third Estate What need they to conceale their names in that regard What need they to disclaime the credit of such a worthy act Would it not redound to their perpetuall honour to be the onely subiects that kept watch ouer the Kings life and Crowne that stood centinell and walked the rounds for the preseruation of his Princely diademe when all other had no more touch no more feeling thereof then so many stones And what neede the Deputies for the third Estate to receiue instructions from forraine Kingdomes concerning a cause of that nature when there was no want of domesticall examples and the French histories were plentifull in that argument What neede they to gape for this reformed doctrine to come swimming with a fishes tayle out of an Island to the mayne continent when they had before their eyes the murders of two Kings with diuerse ciuill warres and many Arrests of Court all tending to insinuate and suggest the introduction of the same remedy Suggestions are needlesse from abroad when the mischiefe is felt at home it seemes to me that his Lordship in smoothing and tickling the Deputies for the third Estate doth no lesse then wring and wrong their great sufficiencie with contumely and outragious abuse as if they were not furnished with sufficient foresight and with loyall affection towards their King for the preseruation of his life and honour if the remedie were not beaten into their heads by those of the Religion reputed heretikes Touching my selfe ranged by his Lordship in the same ranke with sowers of dissention I take my God to witnes and my owne conscience that I neuer dream'd of any such vnchristian proiect It hath beene hitherto my ordinary course to follow honest counsells and to walke in open waies I neuer wonted my selfe to holes and corners to crafty shifts but euermore to plaine and open designes I neede not hide mine intentions for feare of any mortall man that puffeth breath of life out of his nostrils Nor in any sort doe I purpose to set Iulian the Apostata before mine eyes as a patterne for me to follow Iulian of a Christian became a Pagan I professe the same faith of Christ still which I haue euer professed Iulian went about his designes with crafty conueiances I neuer with any of his captious and cunning sleights Iulian forced his subiects to infidelitie against I
my Great Brittaine haue not beene the Popes vassals to doe him homage for their Crowne and haue no more felt the lashings the scourgings of base and beggarly Monkes Of Holland Zeland and Friseland what neede I speake yet a word and no more Were they not a kinde of naked and bare people of small value before God lighted the torch of the Gospel and aduanced it in those Nations were they not an ill fedde and scragged people in comparison of the inestimable wealth and prosperity both in all military actions and mechanicall trades in trafficke as merchants in marting as men of warre in long nauigation for discouerie to which they are now raysed and mounted by the mercifull blessing of God since the darknes of Poperie hath beene scattered and the bright Sunne of the Gospel hath shined in those Countryes Behold the Venetian Republique Hath shee now lesse beautie lesse glory lesse peace and prosperitie since she lately fell to bicker and contend with the Pope since she hath wrung out of the Popes hand the one of his two swords since she hath plumed and shaked his Temporall dominion On the contrarie after the French Kings had honoured the Popes with munificent graunts and gifts of all the cities and territories lands and possessions which they now hold in Italy and the auncient Earledome of Auignon in France for an ouer-plus were they not rudely recompenced and homely handled by their most ingratefull fee-farmers and copy-holders Haue not Popes forged a donation of Constantine of purpose to blot out all memory of Pepins and Charlemaignes donation Haue they not vexed and troubled the State haue they not whetted the sonnes of Lewis the Courteous against their owne Father whose life was a patterne and example of innocencie Haue they not by their infinite exactions robbed and scoured the Kingdome of all their treasure Were not the Kings of France driuen to stoppe their violent courses by the pragmaticall sanction Did they not sundry times interdict the Kingdome degrade the Kings solicite the neighbour-Princes to inuade and lay hold on the Kingdome and stirre vp the people against the King whereby a gate was opened to a world of troubles and parricides Did not Rauaillac render this reason for his monstrous and horrible attempt That King Henry had a designe to warre with God because he had a designe to take armes against his Holinesse who is God This makes me to wonder what mooued the L. Cardinall to marshall the last ciuill warres and motions in France in the ranke of examples of vnhappy separation from the Pope when the Pope himselfe was the trumpetor of the same troublesome motions If the Pope had bene wronged and offended by the French King or his people and the Kingdome of France had been scourged with pestilence or famine or some other calamitie by forraine enemies it might haue beene taken in probabilitie as a vengeance of God for some iniurie done vnto his Vicar But his Holinesse being the roote the ground the master-workeman and artificer of all these mischiefes how can it be said that God punisheth any iniurie done to the Pope but rather that his Holinesse doth reuenge his owne quarrell and which is worst of all when his Holinesse hath no iust cause of quarrell or offence Now then to exhort a Nation as the L. Cardinall hath done by the remembrance of former calamities to curry fauour with the Pope and to hold a strict vnion with his Holinesse is no exhortation to beare the Pope any respect of loue or of reuerence but rather a rubbing of memory and a calling to minde of those grieuous calamities whereof the Pope hath been the only occasion It is also a threatning and obtruding of the Popes terrible thunder-bolts which neuer scorched nor parched any skinne except crauens and meticulous bodies and haue brought many great showres of blessings vpon my Kingdome As for France if she hath enioyed prosperity in the times of her good agreement with Popes it is because the Pope seekes the amity of Princes that are in prosperitie haue the meanes to curbe his pretensions and to put him to some plunge Kings are not in prosperity because the Pope holds amitie with Kings but his Holinesse vseth all deuises seeketh all meanes to haue amitie with Kings because he sees them flourish sayle with prosperous winds The swallow is no cause but a companion of the spring the Pope is no worker of a Kingdoms felicity but a wooer of kings when they sit in felicities lap he is no founder but a follower of their good fortunes On the other side let a Kingdome fall into some grieuous disaster or calamitie let ciuill warres boile in the bowels of the Kingdom ciuil wars no lesse dangerous to the State then fearefull and grieuous to the people who riseth sooner then the Pope who rusheth sooner into the troubled streames then the Pope who thrusteth himselfe sooner into the heate of the quarrell then the Pope who runneth sooner to raise his gaine by the publike wrack then the Pope and all vnder colour of a heart wounded and bleeding for the saluation of soules If the lawfull King happen to be foyled to be oppressed and thereupon the State by his fall to get a new master by the Popes practise then the said new master must hold the Kingdome as of the Popes free gift and rule or guide the sterne of the State at his becke and by his instruction If the first and right Lord in despite of all the Popes fulminations and fire-workes shall get the honourable day and vpper hand of his enemies then the holy Father with a cheerfull and pleasant grace yea with fatherly gratulation opens the rich cabinet of his iewells I meane the treasurie of his indulgences and falls now to dandle and cocker the King in his fatherly lap whose throat if he could he would haue cut not long before This pestilent mischiefe hath now a long time taken roote and is growne to a great head in the Christian world through the secret but iust iudgement of God by whom Christian Kings haue beenesmitten with a spirit of dizzinesse Christian Kings who for many aages past haue liued in ignorance without any sound instruction without any trew sense and right feeling of their owne right and power whilest vnder a shadow of Religion and false cloake of pietie their Kingdomes haue beene ouer-burdened yea ouer-borne with tributes and their Crownes made to stoope euen to miserable bondage That God in whose hand the hearts of Kings are poised and at his pleasure turned as the water-courses that mighty God alone in his good time is able to rouze them out of so deepe a slumber and to take order their drowzy fits once ouer and shaken off with heroicall spirits that Popes hereafter shall play no more vpon their patience nor presume to put bits and snaffles in their noble mouthes to the binding vp of their power with weake scruples like mighty buls lead about by
Honour some to places of seruice about mee and by rewarding to enable some who had deserued well of mee and were not otherwise able to maintaine the rankes I thought them capable of and others who although they had not particularly deserued before yet I found them capable and worthy of place of preferment and credit and not able to sustaine those places for which I thought them fit without my helpe Two especiall causes moued mee to be so open handed whereof the one was reasonable and honourable but the other I will not bee ashamed to confesse vnto you proceeded of mine owne infirmitie That which was iust and honourable was That being so farre beholding to the body of the whole State I thought I could not refuse to let runne some small brookes out of the fountaine of my thankefulnesse to the whole for refreshing of particular persons that were members of that multitude The other which proceeded out of mine owne infirmitie was the multitude and importunitie of Sutors But although reason come by infusion in a maner yet experience groweth with time and labour And therefore doe I not doubt but experience in time comming will both teach the particular Subiects of this Kingdome not to be so importune and vndiscreete in crauing And mee not to be so easily and lightly mooued in granting that which may be harmefull to my Estate and consequently to the whole Kingdome And thus hauing at length declared vnto you my minde in all the points for the which I called this Parliament My conclusion shall onely now be to excuse my selfe in case you haue not found such Eloquence in my Speech as peraduenture you might haue looked for at my hands I might if I list alledge the great weight of my Affaires and my continuall businesse and distraction that I could neuer haue leasure to thinke vpon what I was to speake before I came to the place where I was to speake And I might also alledge that my first sight of this so famous and Honourable an Assembly might likewise breede some impediment But leauing these excuses I will plainely and freely in my maner tell you the trew cause of it which is That it becommeth a King in my opinion to vse no other Eloquence then plainnesse and sinceritie By plainenesse I meane that his Speeches should be so cleare and voyd of all ambiguitie that they may not be throwne nor rent asunder in contrary sences like the old Oracles of the Pagan gods And by sinceritie I vnderstand that vprightnesse and honestie which ought to be in a Kings whole Speeches and actions That as farre as a King is in Honour erected aboue any of his Subiects so farre should he striue in sinceritie to be aboue them all and that his tongue should be euer the trew Messenger of his heart and this sort of Eloquence may you euer assuredly looke for at my hands A SPEACH IN THE PARLIAMENT HOVSE AS NEERE THE VERY WORDS AS COVLD BE GATHERED at the instant MY Lords Spirituall and Temporall and you the Knights and Burgesses of this Parliament It was farre from my thoughts till very lately before my comming to this place that this Subiect should haue bene ministred vnto mee whereupon I am now to speake But now it so falleth out That whereas in the preceding Session of this Parliament the principall occasion of my Speach was to thanke and congratulate all you of this House and in you all the whole Common-wealth as being the representatiue body of the State for your so willing and louing receiuing and embracing of mee in that place which GOD and Nature by descent of blood had in his owne time prouided for me So now my Subiect is to speake of a farre greater Thankesgiuing then before I gaue to you being to a farre greater person which is to GOD for the great and miraculous Deliuery he hath at this time granted to me and to you all and consequently to the whole body of this Estate I must therefore begin with this old and most approued Sentence of Diuinitie Misericordia Dei supra omnia opera eius For Almightie God did not furnish so great matter to his glory by the Creation of this great World as he did by the Redemption of the same Neither did his generation of the little world in our old first Adam so much set forth the praises of God in his Iustice and Mercy as did our Regeneration in the last second Adam And now I must craue a little pardon of you That since Kings are in the word of GOD it selfe called Gods as being his Lieutenants and Vicegerents on earth and so adorned and furnished with some sparkles of the Diuinitie to compare some of the workes of GOD the great KING towards the whole and generall world to some of his workes towards mee and this little world of my Dominions compassed and seuered by the Sea from the rest of the earth Foras GOD for the iust punishment of the first great sinnes in the originall world when the sonnes of GOD went in to the daughters of men and the cup of their iniquities of all sorts was filled and heaped vp to the full did by a generall deluge and ouerflowing of waters baptize the world to a generall destruction and not to a generall purgation onely excepted NOAH and his family who did repent and beleeue the threatnings of GODS iudgement So now when the world shall waxe old as a garment and that all the impieties and sinnes that can be deuised against both the first and second Table haue and shall bee committed to the full measure GOD is to punish the world the second time by fire to the generall destruction and not purgation thereof Although as was done in the former to NOAH and his family by the waters So shall all we that beleeue be likewise purged and not destroyed by the fire In the like sort I say I may iustly compare these two great and fearefull Domes-dayes wherewith GOD threatned to destroy mee and all you of this little world that haue interest in me For although I confesse as all mankinde so chiefly Kings as being in the higher places like the high Trees or stayest Mountaines and steepest Rockes are most subiect to the dayly tempests of innumerable dangers and I amongst all other Kings haue euer bene subiect vnto them not onely euer since my birth but euen as I may iustly say before my birth and while I was yet in my mothers belly yet haue I bene exposed to two more speciall and greater dangers then all the rest The first of them in the Kingdome where I was borne and passed the first part of my life And the last of them here which is the greatest In the former I should haue bene baptized in blood and in my destruction not onely the Kingdom wherein I then was but ye also by your future interest should haue tasted of my ruine Yet it pleased GOD to deliuer mee as it were
from the very brinke of death from the point of the dagger and so to purge me by my thankefull acknowledgement of so great a benefite But in this which did so lately fall out and which was a destruction prepared not for me alone but for you all that are here present and wherein no ranke aage nor sexe should haue bene spared This was not a crying sinne of blood as the former but it may well bee called a roaring nay a thundring sinne of fire and brimstone from the which GOD hath so miraculously deliuered vs all What I can speake of this I know not Nay rather what can I not speake of it And therefore I must for horror say with the Poet Vox faucibus haeret In this great and horrible attempt Three miraculous euents be to be obserued in the Attempt whereof the like was neuer either heard or read I obserue three wonderfull or rather miraculous euents FIrst in the crueltie of the Plot it selfe 1 The crucltie of the Plot. wherein cannot be enough admired the horrible and fearefull crueltie of their deuice which was not onely for the destruction of my Person nor of my Wife and posteritie onely but of the whole body of the State in generall wherein should neither haue bene spared or distinction made of yong nor of old of great nor of small of man nor of woman The whole Nobilitie the whole reuerend Clergie Bishops and most part of the good Preachers the most part of the Knights and Gentrie yea and if that any in this Societie were fauourers of their profession they should all haue gone one way The whole Iudges of the land with the most of the Lawyers and the whole Clerkes And as the wretch himselfe which is in the Tower doeth confesse it was purposely deuised by them and concluded to be done in this house That where the cruell Lawes as they say were made against their Religion both place and persons should all be destroyed and blowne vp at once Three wayes how mankind may come to death And then consider therewithall the cruel fourme of that practise for by three different sorts in generall may mankinde be put to death The first by other men and reasonable creatures which is least cruell 1 By Man for then both defence of men against men may be expected and likewise who knoweth what pitie God may stirre vp in the hearts of the Actors at the very instant besides the many wayes and meanes whereby men may escape in such a present furie And the second way more cruell then that 2 By vnreasonable creatures is by Animal and vnreasonable creatures for as they haue lesse pitie then men so is it a greater horror and more vnnaturall for men to deale with them But yet with them both resistance may auaile and also some pitie may be had as was in the Lions in whose denne Daniel was throwne or that thankefull Lion that had the Romane in his mercie But the third which is most cruel and vnmercifull of all 3 By insensible things is the destruction by insensible and inanimate things and amongst them all the most cruell are the two Elements of Water and Fire and of those two the fire mostraging and mercilesse SEcondly 2 The small ground the Conspirators had to moue them how wonderfull it is when you shall thinke vpon the small or rather no ground whereupon the practisers were entised to inuent this Tragedie For if these Conspirators had onely bene bankrupt persons or discontented vpon occasion of any disgraces done vnto them this might haue seemed to haue bene but a worke of reuenge But for my owne part as Iscarcely euer knew any of them so cannot they alledge so much as a pretended cause of griefe And the wretch himselfe in hands doeth confesse That there was no cause moouing him or them but meerely and only Religion And specially that christian men at least so called Englishmen borne within the Countrey and one of the specials of them my sworne Seruant in an Honourable place should practise the destruction of their King his Posterity their Countrey and all Wherein their following obstinacie is so ioyned to their former malice as the fellow himselfe that is in hand cannot be moued to discouer any signes or notes of repentance except onely that he doeth not yet stand to auow that he repents for not being able to performe his intent THirdly 3 Miraculous euent the discouerie the discouery hereof is not a little wonderfull which would bee thought the more miraculous by you all if you were aswell acquainted with my naturall disposition as those are who be neere about me For as I euer did hold Suspition to be the sicknes of a Tyrant so was I so farre vpon the other extremity as I rather contemned all aduertisements or apprehensions of practises And yet now at this time was I so farre contrary to my selfe as when the Letter was shewed to me by my Secretary wherein a generall obscure aduertisement was giuen of some dangerous blow at this time I did vpon the instant interpret and apprehend some darke phrases therein contrary to the ordinary Grammer construction of them and in an other sort then I am sure any Diuine or Lawyer in any Vniuersitie would haue taken them to be meant by this horrible forme of blowing vs vp all by Powder And thereupon ordered that search to be made whereby the matter was discouered and the man apprehended whereas if I had apprehended or interpreted it to any other sort of danger no worldly prouision or preuention could haue made vs escape our vtter destruction And in that also was there a wonderfull prouidence of God that when the party himselfe was taken he was but new come out of his house from working hauing his Fireworke for kindling ready in his pocket wherewith as he confesseth if he had bene taken but immediatly before when he was in the House he was resolued to haue blowen vp himselfe with his Takers One thing for mine owne part haue I cause to thanke GOD in That if GOD for our sinnes had suffered their wicked intents to haue preuailed it should neuer haue bene spoken nor written in aages succeeding that I had died ingloriously in an Ale-house a Stews or such vile place but mine end should haue bene with the most Honourable and best company and in that most Honourable and fittest place for a King to be in for doing the turnes most proper to his Office And the more haue We all cause to thanke and magnifie GOD for this his mercifull Deliuery And specially I for my part that he hath giuen me yet once leaue whatsoeuer should come of me hereafter to assemble you in this Honourable place And here in this place where our generall destruction should haue bene to magnifie and praise him for Our generall deliuery That I may iustly now say of mine Enemies and yours as Dauid doeth often say in the
Inheritance to his children at his pleasure yea euen disinherite the eldest vpon iust occasions and preferre the youngest according to his liking make them beggers or rich at his pleasure restraine or banish out of his presence as hee findes them giue cause of offence or restore them in fauour againe with the penitent sinner So may the King deale with his Subiects And lastly as for the head of the naturall body the head hath the power of directing all the members of the body to that vse which the iudgement in the head thinkes most conuenient It may apply sharpe cures or cut off corrupt members let blood in what proportion it thinkes fit and as the body may spare but yet is all this power ordeined by God Ad aedificationem non ad destructionem For although God haue power aswell of destruction as of creation or maintenance yet will it not agree with the wisedome of God to exercise his power in the destruction of nature and ouerturning the whole frame of things since his creatures were made that his glory might thereby be the better expressed So were hee a foolish father that would disinherite or destroy his children without a cause or leaue off the carefull education of them And it were an idle head that would in place of phisicke so poyson or phlebotomize the body as might breede a dangerous distemper or destruction thereof But now in these our times we are to distinguish betweene the state of Kings in their first originall and betweene the state of setled Kings and Monarches that doe at this time gouerne in ciuill Kingdomes For euen as God during the time of the olde Testament spake by Oracles and wrought by Miracles yet how soone it pleased him to setle a Church which was bought and redeemed by the blood of his onely Sonne Christ then was there a cessation of both Hee euer after gouerning his people and Church within the limits of his reueiledwill So in the first originall of Kings whereof some had their beginning by Conquest and some by election of the people their wills at that time serued for Law Yet how soone Kingdomes began to be setled in ciuilitie and policie then did Kings set downe their minds by Lawes which are properly made by the King onely but at the rogation of the people the Kings grant being obteined thereunto And so the King became to be Lex loquens after a sort binding himselfe by a double oath to the obseruation of the fundamentall Lawes of his kingdome Tacitly as by being a King and so bound to protect aswell the people as the Lawes of his Kingdome And Expresly by his oath at his Coronation So as euery iust King in a setled Kingdome is bound to obserue that paction made to his people by his Lawes in framing his gouernment agreeable thereunto according to that paction which God made with Noe after the deluge Hereafter Seed-time and Haruest Cold and Heate Summer and Winter and Day and Night shall not cease so long as the earth remaines And therefore a King gouerning in a setled Kingdome leaues to be a King and degenerates into a Tyrant assoone as he leaues off to rule according to his Lawes In which case the Kings conscience may speake vnto him as the poore widow said to Philip of Macedon Either gouerne according to your Law Aut ne Rexsis And though no Christian man ought to allow any rebellion of people against their Prince yet doeth God neuer leaue Kings vnpunished when they transgresse these limits For in that same Psalme where God saith to Kings Vos Dij estis hee immediatly thereafter concludes But ye shall die like men The higher wee are placed the greater shall our fall be Vt casus sic dolor the taller the trees be the more in danger of the winde and the tempest beats sorest vpon the highest mountaines Therefore all Kings that are not tyrants or periured wil be glad to bound themselues within the limits of their Lawes and they that perswade them the contrary are vipers and pests both against them and the Common-wealth For it is a great difference betweene a Kings gouernment in a setled State and what Kings in their originall power might doe in Indiuiduo vago As for my part I thanke God I haue euer giuen good proofe that I neuer had intention to the contrary And I am sure to goe to my graue with that reputation and comfort that neuer King was in all his time more carefull to haue his Lawes duely obserued and himselfe to gouerne thereafter then I. I conclude then this point touching the power of Kings with this Axiome of Diuinitie That as to dispute what God may doe is Blasphemie but quid vult Deus that Diuines may lawfully and doe ordinarily dispute and discusse for to dispute A Posse ad Esse is both against Logicke and Diuinitie So is it sedition in Subiects to dispute what a King may do in the height of his power But iust Kings wil euer be willing to declare what they wil do if they wil not incurre the curse of God I wil not be content that my power be disputed vpon but I shall euer be willing to make the reason appeare of all my doings and rule my actions according to my Lawes The other branch of this incident is concerning the Common Law being conceiued by some that I contemned it and preferred the Ciuil Law thereunto As I haue already said Kings Actions euen in the secretest places are as the actions of those that are set vpon the Stages or on the tops of houses and I hope neuer to speake that in priuate which I shall not auow in publique and Print it if need be as I said in my BASILICON DORON For it is trew that within these few dayes I spake freely my minde touching the Common Law in my Priuie Chamber at the time of my dinner which is come to all your eares and the same was likewise related vnto you by my Treasurer and now I will againe repeate and confirme the same my selfe vnto you First as a King I haue least cause of any man to dislike the Common Law For no Law can bee more fauourable and aduantagious for a King and extendeth further his Prerogatiue then it doeth And for a King of England to despile the Common Law it is to neglect his owne Crowne It is trew that I doe greatly esteeme the Ciuill Law the profession thereof seruing more for generall learning and being most necessary for matters of Treatie with all forreine Nations And I thinke that if it should bee taken away it would make an entrie to Barbarisme in this Kingdome and would blemish the honour of England For it is in a maner LEX GENTIVM and maintaineth Intercourse with all forreme Nations but I onely allow it to haue course here according to those limits of Iurisdiction which the Common Law it selfe doeth allow it And therefore though it bee not fit for the
generall gouernment of the people here it doeth not follow it should be extinct no more then because the Latine tongue is not the Mother or Radicall Language of any Nation in the world at this time that therefore the English tongue should onely now be learned in this Kingdome which were to bring in Barbarisme My meaning therefore is not to preferre the Ciuill Law before the Common Law but onely that it should not be extinguished and yet so bounded I meane to such Courts and Causes as haue beene in ancient vse As the Ecclesiasticall Courts Court of Admiraltie Court of Requests and such like reseruing euer to the Common Law to meddle with the fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdome either concerning the Kings Prerogatiue or the possessions of Subiects in any questions either betweene the King and any of them or amongst themselues in the points of Meum tuum For it is trew that there is no Kingdome in the world not onely Scotland but not France nor Spaine nor any other Kingdome gouerned meerely by the Ciuill Law but euery one of them hath their owne municipall Lawes agreeable to their Customes as this Kingdome hath the Common Law Nay I am so farre from disallowing the Common Law as I protest that if it were in my hand to chuse a new Law for this Kingdome I would not onely preferre it before any other Nationall Law but euen before the very Iudiciall Law of Moyses and yet I speake no blasphemie in preferring it for conueniencie to this Kingdome and at this time to the very Law of God For God gouerned his selected people by these three Lawes Ceremoniall Morall and Iudiciall The Iudiciall being onely fit for a certaine people and a certaine time which could not serue for the general of all other people and times As for example If the Law of hanging for Theft were turned here to restitution of treble or quadruple as it was in the Law of Moyses what would become of all the middle Shires and all the Irishrie and Highlanders But the maine point is That if the fundamentall Lawes of any Kingdome should be altered who should discerne what is Meum tuum or how should a King gouerne It would be like the Gregorian Calender which destroyes the old and yet doeth this new trouble all the debts and Accompts of Traffiques and Merchandizes Nay by that accompt I can neuer tell mine owne aage for now is my Birth-day remooued by the space often dayes neerer me then it was before the change But vpon the other part though I haue in one point preferred our Common Law concerning our vse to the very Law of GOD yet in another respect I must say both our Law and all Lawes else are farre inferiour to that Iudiciall Law of GOD for no booke nor Law is perfect nor free from corruption except onely the booke and Law of GOD. And therefore I could wish some three things specially to be purged cleared in the Common Law but alwayes by the aduise of Parliament For the King with his Parliament here are absolute as I vnderstand in making or forming of any sort of Lawes First I could wish that it were written in our vulgar Language for now it is in an old mixt and corrupt Language onely vnderstood by Lawyers whereas euery Subiect ought to vnderstand the Law vnder which he liues For since it is our plea against the Papists that the language in GODS Seruice ought not to be in an vnknowne tongue according to the rule in the Law of Moyses That the Law should be written in the fringes of the Priests garment and should be publikely read in the eares of all the people so mee thinkes ought our Law to be made as plaine as can be to the people that the excuse of ignorance may be taken from them for conforming themselues thereunto Next our Common Law hath not a setled Text in all Cases being chiefly grounded either vpon old Customes or else vpon the Reports and Cases of Iudges which ye call Responsa Prudentum The like whereof is in all other Lawes for they are much ruled by Presidents saue onely in Denmarke and Norway where the letter of the Law resolues all doubts without any trouble to the Iudge But though it be trew that no Text of Law can be so certaine wherein the circumstances will not make a variation in the Case for in this aage mens wits increase so much by ciuilitie that the circumstances of euery particular case varies so much from the generall Text of Law as in the Ciuill Law it selfe there are therefore so many Doctors that cōment vpon the Text neuer a one almost agrees with another Otherwise there needed no Iudges but the bare letter of the Law Yet could I wish that some more certaintie were set downe in this case by Parliament for since the very Reports themselues are not alwayes so binding but that diuers times Iudges doe disclaime them and recede from the iudgment of their predecessors it were good that vpon a mature deliberation the exposition of the Law were set downe by Acte of Parliament and such reports therein confirmed as were thought fit to serue for Law in all times hereafter and so the people should not depend vpon the bare opinions of Iudges and vncertaine Reports And lastly there be in the Common Law diuers contrary Reports and Presidents and this corruption doeth likewise concerne the Statutes and Acts of Parliament in respect there are diuers crosse and cuffing Statutes and some so penned as they may be taken in diuers yea contrary sences And therefore would I wish both those Statutes and Reports aswell in the Parliament as Common Law to be once maturely reuiewed and reconciled And that not onely all contrarieties should be scraped out of our Bookes but euen that such penall Statutes as were made but for the vse of the time from breach whereof no man can be free which doe not now agree with the condition of this our time might likewise beleft out of our bookes which vnder a tyrannous or auaritious King could not be endured And this reformation might me thinkes bee made a worthy worke and well deserues a Parliament to be set of purpose for it I know now that being vpon this point of the Common Law you looke to heare my opinion concerning Prohibitions and I am not ignorant that I haue bene thought to be an enemie to all Prohibitions and an vtter stayer of them But I will shortly now informe you what hath bene my course in proceeding therein It is trew that in respect of diuers honorable Courts and Iurisdictions planted in this Kingdome I haue often wished that euery Court had his owne trew limit and iurisdiction clearely set downe and certainly knowne which if it be exceeded by any of them or that any of them encroch one vpon another then I grant that a Prohibition in that case is to goe out of the Kings Bench but chiefliest out of the
Chancery for other Benches I am not yet so well resolued of their Iurisdiction in that point And for my part I was neuer against Prohibitions of this nature nor the trew vse of them which is indeed to keepe euery Riuer within his owne banks and channels But when I saw the swelling and ouerflowing of Prohibitions in a farre greater abundance then euer before euery Court striuing to bring in most moulture to their owne Mill by multitudes of Causes which is a disease very naturall to all Courts and Iurisdictions in the world Then dealt I with this Cause and that at two seuerall times once in the middest of Winter and againe in the middest of the next following Summer At euery of which times I spent three whole daies in that labour And then after a large hearing I told them as Christ said concerning Mariage Ab initio non fuit sic For as God conteins the Sea within his owne bounds and marches as it is in the Psalmes So is it my office to make euery Court conteine himselfe within his own limits And therfore I gaue admonitions to both sides To the other Courts that they should be carefull hereafter euery of them to conteine themselues within the bounds of their owne Iurisdictions and to the Courts of Common Law that they should not bee so forward and prodigall in multiplying their Prohibitions Two cautions I willed them to obserue in graunting their Prohibitions First that they should be graunted in a right and lawfull forme And next that they should not grant them but vpon a iust and reasonable cause As to the forme it was That none should be graunted by any one particular Iudge or in time of Vacation or in any other place but openly in Court And to this the Iudges themselues gaue their willing assent And as to the Cause That they should not be granted vpon euery sleight furmise or information of the partie but alwayes that a due and graue examination should first precede Otherwise if Prohibitions should rashly and headily be granted then no man is the more secure of his owne though hee hath gotten a Sentence with him For as good haue no Law or Sentence as to haue no execution thereof A poore Minister with much labour and expense hauing exhausted his poore meanes and being forced to forbeare his studie and to become non resident from his flocke obtaines a Sentence and then when hee loookes to enioy the fruits thereof he is defrauded of all by a Prohibition according to the parable of Christ That night when hee thinkes himselfe most happy shall his soule be taken from him And so is he tortured like Tantalus who when he hath the Apple at his mouth and that he is gaping and opening his mouth to receiue it then must it be pulled from him by a Prohibition and he not suffered to taste thereof So as to conclude this point I put a difference betweene the trew vse of Prohibitions and the superabounding abuse thereof for as a thing which is good ought not therefore bee abused so ought not the lawfull vse of a good thing be forborne because of the abuse thereof NOw the second generall ground whereof I am to speake concernes the matter of Grieuances There are two speciall causes of the peoples presenting Grieuances to their King in time of Parliament First for that the King cannot at other times be so well informed of all the Grieuances of his people as in time of Parliament which is the representatiue body of the whole Realme Secondly the Parliament is the highest Court of Iustice and therefore the fittest place where diuers natures of Grieuances may haue their proper remedie by the establishment of good and wholsome Lawes But though my Speech was before directed to the whole Body of Parliament yet in this case I must addresse my Speech in speciall to you of the Lower House I am now then to recommend vnto your considerations the matter and manner of your handling and presenting of Grieuances As for the manner though I will not denie but that yee representing the Body of the people may as it were both opportunè and inopportunè I meane either in Parliament as a Body or out of Parliament as priuate men present your Grieuances vnto mee yet would I haue you to vse this caution in your behauiour in this point which is that your Grieuances be not as it were greedily sought out by you or taken vp in the streetes as one said thereby to shew a willingnesse that you would haue a shew made that there are many abuses in the gouernment and many causes of complaint but that according to your first institution ye should only meddle with such Grieuances as your selues doe know had neede of reformation or had informations thereof in your countreys for which you serue and not so to multiply them as might make it noised amongst the people that all things in the gouernment were amisse and out of frame For euen at the beginning of this very Session of Parliament the generall name of Grieuances being mentioned among you such a conceipt came in the heads of many that you had a desire to multiply and make a great muster of them as euery one exhibited what his particular spleene stirred him vnto Indeed there fell out an accident vpon this occasion for which I haue reason to thanke you of the Lower house I meane for your fire worke wherein I confesse you did Honour to me and right to your selues For hauing one afternoone found many Grieuances closely presented in papers and so all thrust vp in a sacke together rather like Pasquils then any lawfull Complaints farre against your owne Orders and diuers of them proceeding from grudging and murmuring spirits you vpon the hearing read two or three of the first lines of diuers of them were not content with a publique consent to condemne them and to discharge any further reading of them but you also made a publique bonefire of them In this I say you shewed your care and ielousie of my Honour and I sent you thankes for it by the Chancellour of the Exchequer a member of your owne House who by your appointment that same night acquainted me with your proceedings And by him also I promised at that time that you should heare more of my thankes for the same at the first occasion And now I tell you it my selfe that you may know how kindely I take your duetifull behauiour in this case But since this was a good effect of an euill cause I must not omit also to admonish you vpon the other part to take a course amongst your selues to preuent the like accident in all times hereafter otherwise the Lower house may become a place for Pasquils and at another time such Grieuances may be cast in amongst you as may conteine Treason or scandal against Me or my Posterity Therfore in this case looke ouer your ancient Orders follow them and suffer not hereafter
any petitions or Grieuances to be deliuered obscurely or in the darke but openly and auowedly in your Publique house and there to be presented to the Speaker And as to the matter of your Grieuances I wish you here now to vnderstand me rightly And because I see many writing and noting I will craue your pardons to holde you a little longer by speaking the more distinctly for feare of mistaking First then I am not to finde fault that you informe your selues of the particular iust Grieuances of the people Nay I must tell you ye can neither be iust nor faithfull to me or to your Countreys that trust and imploy you if you doe it not For true Plaints proceede not from the persons imployed but from the Body represented which is the people And it may very well bee that many Directions and Commissions iustly giuen forth by me may be abused in the Execution thereof vpon the people and yet I neuer to receiue information except it come by your meanes at such a time as this is as in the case of Stephen Procter But I would wish you to be carefull to auoide three things in the matter of Grieuances First that you doe not meddle with the maine points of Gouernment that is my craft tractent fabrilia sabri to meddle with that were to lesson me I am now an old King for sixe and thirtie yeeres haue I gouerned in Scotland personally and now haue I accomplished my appâ—enticeship of seuen yeeres heere and seuen yeeres is a great time for a Kings experience in Gouernment Therefore there would not bee too many Phormios to teach Hannibal I must not be taught my Office Secondly I would not haue you meddle with such ancient Rights of mine as I haue receiued from my Predecessors possessing them More Maiorum such things I would bee sorie should bee accounted for Grieuances All nouelties are dangerous as well in a politique as in a naturall Body And therefore I would be loth to be quarrelled in my ancient Rights and possessions for that were to iudge mee vnworthy of that which my Predecessors had and left me And lastly I pray you beware to exhibite for Grieuance any thing that is established by a setled Law and whereunto as you haue already had a proofe you know I will neuer giue a plausible answere For it is an vndutifull part in Subiects to presse their King wherein they know before-hand he will refuse them Now if any Law or Statute be not conuenient let it be amended by Parliament but in the meane time terme it not a Grieuance for to be grieued with the Law is to be grieued with the King who is sworne to bee the Patron and mainteiner thereof But as all men are flesh and may erre in the execution of Lawes So may ye iustly make a Grieuance of any abuse of the Law distinguishing wisely betweene the faults of the person and the thing it selfe As for example Complaints may be made vnto you of the high Commissioners If so be trie the abuse and spare not to complaine vpon it but say not there shall be no Commission For that were to abridge the power that is in me and I will plainely tell you That something I haue with my selfe resolued annent that point which I meane euer to keepe except I see other great cause which is That in regard the high Commission is oâ— so high a nature from which there is no appellation to any other Court I haue thought good to restraine it onely to the two Archbishops where before it was common amongst a great part of the Bishops in England This Law I haue set to my selfe and therefore you may be assured that I will neuer finde fault with any man nor thinke him the more Puritane that will complaine to me out of Parliament aswell as in Parliament of any error in execution thereof so that hee prooue it Otherwise it were but a calumnie Onely I would bee loath that any man should grieue at the Commission it selfe as I haue already said Yee haue heard I am sure of the paines I tooke both in the causes of the Admiralty and of the Prohibitions If any man therefore will bring me any iust complaints vpon any matters of so high a nature as this is yee may assure your selues that I will not spare my labour in hearing it In faith you neuer had a more painefull King or that will be readier in his person to determine causes that are fit for his hearing And when euer any of you shall make experience of me in this point ye may be sure neuer to want accesse nor ye shall neuer come wrong to me in or out of Parliament And now to conclude this purpose of Grieuances I haue one generall grieuance to commend vnto you and that in the behalfe of the Countreys from whence ye come And this is to pray you to beware that your Grieuances sauour not of particular mens thoughts but of the generall griefes rising out of the mindes of the people and not out of the humor of the propounder And therefore I would wish you to take heede carefully and consider of the partie that propounds the grieuance for ye may if ye list easily discerne whether it bee his owne passion or the peoples griefe that makes him to speake for many a man will in your house propound a Grieuance out of his owne humour because peraduenture he accounts highly of that matter and yet the countrey that imployes him may perhaps either be of a contrary minde or at least little care for it As for example I assure you I can very well smell betweene a Petition that mooues from a generall Grieuance or such a one as comes from the spleene of some particular person either against Ecclesiasticall gouernment in generall or the person of any one Noble man or Commissioner in particular ANd now the third point remaines to bee spoken of which is the cause of my calling of this Parliament And in this I haue done but as I vse to doe in all my life which is to leaue mine owne errand hindmost It may bee you did wonder that I did not speake vnto you publikely at the beginning of this Session of Parliament to tell you the cause of your calling as I did if I bee rightly remembred in euery Session before But the trewth is that because I call you at this time for my particular Errand I thought it fitter to bee opened vnto you by my Treasurer who is my publike and most principall Officer in matters of that nature then that I should doe it my selfe for I confesse I am lesse naturally eloquent and haue greater cause to distrust mine elocution in matters of this nature then in any other thing I haue made my Treasurer already to giue you a very cleere and trew accompt both of my hauing and expenses A fauour I confesse that Kings doe seldome bestow vpon their Subiects in making them so particularly
with a false light which yee doe if ye mistake or mis-vnderstand my Speach and so alter the sence thereof But secondly I pray you beware to soile it with a foule breath and vncleane hands I meane that yee peruert not my words by any corrupt affections turning them to an ill meaning like one who when hee heares the tolling of a Bell fancies to himselfe that it speakes those words which are most in his minde And lastly which is worst of all beware to let it fall or breake for glasse is brittle which ye doe if ye lightly esteeme it and by contemning it conforme not your selues to my perswasions To conclude then As all these three dayes of Iubile haue fallen in the midst of this season of penitence wherein you haue presented your thanks to me and I the like againe to you So doe I wish and hope that the end of this Parliament will bee such as wee may all haue cause both I your Head and yee the Body to ioyne in Eucharisticke Thanks and Praises vnto God for our so good and happie an end A SPEACH IN THE STARRE-CHAMBER THE XX. OF JVNE ANNO 1616. GIVE THY IVDGEMENTS TO THE KING O GOD AND THY RIGHTEOVSNES TO THE KINGS SONNE These be the first words of one of the Psalmes of the Kingly Prophet Dauid whereof the literall sense runnes vpon him and his sonne Salomon and the mysticall sense vpon GOD and CHRIST his eternall Sonne but they are both so wouen together as some parts are and can onely bee properly applied vnto GOD and CHRIST and other parts vnto Dauid and Salomon as this Verse Giue thy Iudgements to the King O God and thy Righteousnesse to the Kings Sonne cannot be properly spoken of any but of Dauid and his sonne because it is said Giue thy Iudgements c. Now God cannot giue to himselfe In another part of the same Psalme where it is said that Righteousnes shall flourish and abundance of Peace as long as the Moone endureth it signifieth eternitie and cannot be properly applied but to GOD and CHRIST But both senses aswell literall as mysticall serue to Kings for imitation and especially to Christian Kings for Kings sit in the Throne of GOD and they themselues are called Gods And therefore all good Kings in their gouernment must imitate GOD and his Christ in being iust and righteous Dauid and Salomon in being godly and wise To be wise is vnderstood able to discerne able to iudge others To be godly is that the fountaine be pure whence the streames proceed for what auailes it though all his workes be godly if they proceed not from godlinesse To bee righteous is to a mans selfe To bee iust is towards others But Iustice in a King auailes not vnlesse it be with a cleane heart for except he bee Righteous aswell as Iust he is no good King and whatsoeuer iustice he doeth except he doeth it for Iustice sake and out of the purenesse of his owne heart neither from priuate ends vaine-glory or any other by-respects of his owne all such Iustice is vnrighteousnesse and no trew Iustice From this imitation of GOD and CHRIST in whose Throne wee sit the gouernment of all Common-wealths and especially Monarchies hath bene from the beginning setled and established Kings are properly Iudges and Iudgement properly belongs to them from GOD for Kings sit in the Throne of GOD and thence all Iudgement is deriued In all well setled Monarchies where Law is established formerly and orderly there Iudgement is deferred from the King to his subordinate Magistrates not that the King takes it from himselfe but giues it vnto them So it comes not to them Priuatiuè but cumulatiuè as the Shoolemen speake The ground is ancient euer sithence that Counsell which Iethro gaue to Moses for after that Moses had gouerned a long time in his owne person the burthen grew so great hauing none to helpe him as his father in law comming to visite him found him so cumbred with ministring of Iustice that neither the people were satisfied nor he well able to performe it Therefore by his aduice Iudges were deputed for easier questions and the greater and more profound were left to Moses And according to this establishment all Kings that haue had a formall gouernement especially Christian Kings in all aages haue gouerned their people though after a diuers maner This Deputation is after one manner in France after another here and euen my owne Kingdomes differ in this point of gouernment for Scotland differs both from France and England herein but all agree in this I speake of such Kingdomes or States where the formalitie of Law hath place that the King that sits in Gods Throne onely deputes subalterne Iudges and he deputes not one but a number for no one subalterne Iudges mouth makes Law and their office is to interprete Law and administer Iustice But as to the number of them the forme of gouernement the maner of interpretation the distinction of Benches the diuersitie of Courts these varie according to the varietie of gouernment and institution of diuers Kings So this ground I lay that the seate of Iudgement is properly Gods and Kings are Gods Vicegerents and by Kings Iudges are deputed vnder them to beare the burden of gouernement according to the first example of Moses by the aduice of Iethro and sithence practised by Dauid and Salomon the wisest Kings that euer were which is in this Psalme so interlaced that as the first verse cannot be applied properly but to Dauid and Salomon in the words Giue thy Iudgements to the King c. So the other place in the same Psalme Righteousnesse shall flourish and abundance of peace shall remaine as long as the Moone endureth properly signifieth the eternitie of CHRIST This I speake to shew what a neere coniunction there is betweene God and the King vpward and the King and his Iudges downewards for the same coniunction that is betweene God and the King vpward the same coniunction is betweene the King and his Iudges downewards As Kings borrow their power from God so Iudges from Kings And as Kings are to accompt to God so Iudges vnto God and Kings and both Kings and Iudges by imitation haue two qualities from God and his Christ and two qualities from Dauid and his Salomon Iudgement and Righteousnesse from God and Christ Godlinesse and Wisedome from Dauid and Salomon And as no King can discharge his accompt to God vnlesse he make conscience not to alter but to declare and establish the will of God So Iudges cannot discharge their accompts to Kings vnlesse they take the like care not to take vpon them to make Law but ioyned together after a deliberate consultation to declare what the Law is For as Kings are subiect vnto Gods Law so they to mans Law It is the Kings Office to protect and settle the trew interpretation of the Law of God within his Dominions And it is the Iudges Office to interprete the
Law of the King whereto themselues are also subiect Hauing now perfourmed this ancient Prouerbe A Ioue principium which though it was spoken by a Pagan yet it is good and holy I am now to come to my particular Errand for which I am heere this day wherein I must handle two parts First the reason why I haue not these fourteene yeeres sithence my Coronation vntill now satisfied a great many of my louing subiects who I know haue had a great expectation and as it were a longing like them that are with child to heare mee speake in this place where my Predecessors haue often sitten and especially King Henry the seuenth from whom as diuers wayes before I am lineally descended and that doubly to this Crowne and as I am neerest descended of him so doe I desire to follow him in his best actions The next part is the reason Why I am now come The cause that made mee abstaine was this When I came into England although I was an old King past middle aage and practised in gouernment euer sithence I was twelue yeeres olde yet being heere a stranger in gouernement though not in blood because my breeding was in another Kingdome I resolued therefore with Pythagoras to keepe silence seuen yeeres and learne my selfe the Lawes of this Kingdome before I would take vpon mee to teach them vnto others When this Apprentiship was ended then another impediment came which was in the choice of that cause that should first bring me hither I expected some great cause to make my first entry vpon For I thought that hauing abstained so long it should be a worthy matter that should bring mee hither Now euery cause must be great or small In small causes I thought it disgracefull to come hauing beene so long absent In great causes they must be either betwixt the King and some of his Subiects or betwixt Subiect and Subiect In a cause where my selfe was concerned I was loath to come because men should not thinke I did come for my owne priuate either Prerogatiue or profit or for any other by-respect And in that case I will alwayes abide the triall of men and Angels neuer to haue had any particular end in that which is the Maine of all things Iustice In a great cause also betweene partie and partie great in respect either of the question or value of the thing my comming might seeme as it were obliquely to be in fauour of one partie and for that cause this Counsellour or that Courtier might be thought to mooue me to come hither And a meane cause was not worthy of mee especially for my first entrance So lacke of choice in both respects kept mee off till now And now hauing passed a double apprentiship of twice seuen yeeres I am come hither to speake vnto you And next as to the reasons of my comming at this time they are these I haue obserued in the time of my whole Reigne here and my double Apprentiship diuers things fallen out in the Iudicatures here at Westminster Hall that I thought required and vrged a reformation at my hands whereupon I resolued with my selfe that I could not more fitly begin a reformation then here to make an open declaration of my meaning I remember Christs saying My sheepe heare my voyce and so I assure my selfe my people will most willingly heare the voyce of me their owne Shepheard and King whereupon I tooke this occasion in mine owne person here in this Seate of Iudgement not iudicially but declaratorily and openly to giue those directions which at other times by piece-meale I haue deliuered to some of you in diuers lesse publike places but now will put it vp in all your audience where I hope it shall bee trewly caried and cannot be mistaken as it might haue bene when it was spoken more priuately I will for order sake take mee to the methode of the number of Three the number of perfection and vpon that number distribute all I haue to declare to you FIrst I am to giue a charge to my selfe for a King or Iudge vnder a King that first giues not a good charge to himselfe will neuer be able to giue a good charge to his inferiours for as I haue said Good riuers cannot flow but from good springs if the fountaine be impure so must the riuers be Secondly to the Iudges And thirdly to the Auditory and the rest of the inferiour ministers of Iustice First I protest to you all in all your audience heere sitting in the seate of Iustice belonging vnto GOD and now by right fallen vnto mee that I haue resolued as Confirmation in Maioritie followeth Baptisme in minoritie so now after many yeeres to renew my promise and Oath made at my Coronation concerning Iustice and the promise therein for maintenance of the Law of the Land And I protest in GODS presence my care hath euer beene to keepe my conscience cleare in all the points of my Oath taken at my Coronation so farre as humane frailtie may permit mee or my knowledge enforme mee I speake in point of Iustice and Law For Religion I hope I am reasonably well knowen already I meane therefore of Lawe and Iustice and for Law I meane the Common Law of the Land according to which the King gouernes and by which the people are gouerned For the Common Law you can all beare mee witnesse I neuer pressed alteration of it in Parliament but on the contrary when I endeauoured most an Vnion reall as was already in my person my desire was to conforme the Lawes of Scotland to the Law of England and not the Law of England to the Law of Scotland and so the prophecie to be trew of my wise Grandfather Henry the seuenth who foretold that the lesser Kingdome by marriage would follow the greater and not the greater the lesser And therefore married his eldest daughter Margaret to Iames the fourth my great Grandfather It was a foolish Querke of some Iudges who held that the Parliament of England could not vnite Scotland and England by the name of Great Britaine but that it would make an alteration of the Lawes though I am since come to that knowledge that an Acte of Parliament can doe greater wonders And that old wise man the Treasourer Burghley was wont to say Hee knew not what an Acte of Parliament could not doe in England For my intention was alwayes to effect vnion by vniting Scotland to England and not England to Scotland For I euer meant being euer resolued that this Law should continue in this Kingdome and two things mooued mee thereunto One is that in matter of Policie and State you shall neuer see any thing anciently and maturely established but by Innouation or alteration it is worse then it was I meane not by purging of it from corruptions and restoring it to the ancient integritie Another reason was I was sworne to maintaine the Law of the Land and therefore I had beene periured if I
that must interprete but either cleare Law or solide reason But in Countreys where the formalitie of Law hath no place as in Denmarke which I may trewly report as hauing my selfe beene an eye-witnesse thereof all their State is gouerned onely by a written Law there is no Aduocate or Proctour admitted to plead onely the parties themselues plead their owne cause and then a man stands vp and reads the Law and there is an end for the very Law-booke it selfe is their onely Iudge Happy were all Kingdomes if they could be so But heere curious wits various conceits different actions and varietie of examples breed questions in Law And therefore when you heare the questions if they be plaine there is a plaine way in it selfe if they be such as are not plaine for mens inuentions dayly abound then are you to interprete according to common sense and draw a good and certaine Minor of naturall reason out of the Maior of direct Lawe and thereupon to make a right and trew Conclusion For though the Common Law be a mystery and skill best knowen vnto your selues yet if your interpretation be such as other men which haue Logicke and common sense vnderstand not the reason I will neuer trust such an Interpretation Remember also you are Iudges and not a Iudge and diuided into Benches which sheweth that what you doe that you should doe with aduice and deliberation not hastily and rashly before you well study the case and conferre together debating it duely not giuing single opinions per emendicata suffragia and so to giue your Iudgement as you will answer to God and me Now hauing spoken of your Office in generall I am next to come to the limits wherein you are to bound yourselues which likewise are three First Incroach not vpon the Prerogatiue of the Crowne If there fall out a question that concernes my Prerogatiue or mystery of State deale not with it till you consult with the King or his Councell or both for they are transcendent matters and must not be sliberely caried with ouer-rash wilfulnesse for so may you wound the King through the sides of a priuate person and this I commend vnto your speciall care as some of you of late haue done very well to blunt the sharpe edge and vaine popular humour of some Lawyers at the Barre that thinke they are not eloquent and bold spirited enough except they meddle with the Kings Prerogatiue But doe not you suffer this for certainely if this liberty be suffered the Kings Prerogatiue the Crowne and I shall bee as much wounded by their pleading as if you resolued what they disputed That which concernes the mysterie of the Kings power is not lawfull to be disputed for that is to wade into the weakenesse of Princes and to take away the mysticall reuerence that belongs vnto them that sit in the Throne of God Secondly That you keepe yourselues within your owne Benches not to inuade other Iurisdictions which is vnfit and an vnlawful thing In this I must inlarge my selfe Besides the Courts of Common Law there is the Court of Requests the Admiraltie Court the Court of the President and Councell of Walles the President and Councell of the North High Commission Courts euery Bishop in his owne Court These Courts ought to keepe their owne limits and boundes of their Commission and Instructions according to the ancient Presidents And like as I declare that my pleasure is that euery of these shall keepe their owne limits and boundes So the Courts of Common Lawe are not to encroach vpon them no more then it is my pleasure that they should encroach vpon the Common Law And this is a thing Regall and proper to a King to keepe euery Court within his owne bounds In Westminster Hall there are foure Courts Two that handle causes Ciuill which are the Common-pleas and the Exchequer Two that determine causes Criminall which are the Kings-Bench and the Starre-Chamber where now I sit The Common-Pleas is a part and branch of the Kings-Bench for it was first all one Court and then the Common-Pleas being extracted it was called Common-Pleas because it medled with the Pleas of Priuate persons and that which remained the Kings-Bench The other of the Courts for ciuill Causes is the Exchequer which was ordeined for the Kings Reuenew That is the principall Institution of that Court and ought to be their chiefe studie and as other things come orderly thither by occasion of the former they may be handled and Iustice there administred Keepe you therefore all in your owne bounds and for my part I desire you to giue me no more right in my priuate Prerogatiue then you giue to any Subiect and therein I will be acquiescent As for the absolute Prerogatiue of the Crowne that is no Subiect for the tongue of a Lawyer nor is lawfull to be disputed It is Athiesme and blasphemie to dispute what God can doe good Christians content themselues with his will reuealed in his word so it is presumption and high contempt in a Subiect to dispute what a King can doe or say that a King cannot doe this or that but rest in that which is the Kings reuealed will in his Law The Kings-Bench is the principall Court for criminall causes and in some respects it deales with Ciuill causes Then is there a Chancerie Court this is a Court of Equitie and hath power to deale likewise in Ciuill causes It is called the dispenser of the Kings Conscience following alwayes the intention of Law and Iustice not altering the Law not making that blacke which other Courts made white nor è conuerso But in this it exceeds other Courts mixing Mercie with Iustice where other Courts proceed onely according to the strict rules of Law And where the rigour of the Law in many cases will vndoe a Subiect there the Chancerie tempers the Law with equitie and so mixeth Mercy with Iustice as it preserues men from destruction And thus as before I told you is the Kings Throne established by Mercy and Iustice The Chancerie is vndependant of any other Court and is onely vnder the King There it is written Teste meipso from that Court there is no Appeale And as I am bound in my Conscience to maintaine euery Courts Iurisdiction so especially this and not suffer it to sustaine wrong yet so to maintaine it as to keepe it within the owne limits and free from corruption My Chancellour that now is I found him Keeper of the Seale the same place in substance although I gaue him the Stile of Chancellour and God hath kept him in it till now and I pray God he may hold it long and so I hope he will He will beare mee witnesse I neuer gaue him other warrant then to goe on in his Court according to Presidents warranted by Law in the time of the best gouerning Kings and most learned Chancellours These were the limits I gaue vnto him beyond the same limits he hath promised me he
crept into the Law and I haue it ready to bee considered of Looke to Plowdens Cases and your old Responsa prudentum if you finde it not there then ab initio non fuit sic I must say with CHRIST Away with the new polygamie and maintaine the ancient Law pure and vndefiled as it was before TO the Auditory I haue but little to say yet that little will not bee ill bestowed to be said at this time Since I haue now renewed and confirmed my resolution to maintaine my Oath the Law and Iustice of the Land So doe I expect that you my Subiects doe submit your selues as you ought to the obseruance of that Law And as I haue diuided the two former parts of my Charge So will I diuide this your submission into three parts for orderly diuisions and methode cause things better to be remembred First in generall that you giue due reuerence to the Law and this generall diuides it selfe into three First not to sue but vpon iust cause Secondly beeing sued and Iudgement passed against you Acquiesce in the Iudgement and doe not tumultuate against it and take example from mee whom you haue heard here protest that when euer any Decree shall be giuen against me in my priuate right betweene me and a Subiect I will as humbly acquiesce as the meanest man in the Land Imitate me in this for in euery Plea there are two parties and Iudgement can be but for one and against the other so one must alwayes be displeased Thirdly doe not complaine and importune mee against Iudgements for I hold this Paradoxe to bee a good rule in Gouernment that it is better for a King to maintaine an vniust Decree then to question euery Decree and Iudgement after the giuing of a sentence for then Suites shall neuer haue end Therefore as you come gaping to the Law for Iustice so bee satisfied and contented when Iudgement is past against you and trouble not mee but if you finde briberie or corruption then come boldly but when I say boldly beware of comming to complaine except you bee very sure to prooue the iustice of your cause Otherwise looke for Lex Talionis to bee executed vpon you for your accusing of an vpright Iudge deserues double punishment in that you seeke to lay infamie vpon a worthy person of that reuerent calling And be not tild on with your own Lawyers tales that say the cause is iust for their owne gaine but beleeue the Iudges that haue no hire but of me Secondly in your Pleas presume not to meddle with things against the Kings Prerogatiue or Honour Some Gentlemen of late haue beene too bold this wayes If you vse it the Iudges will punish you and if they suffer it I must punish both them and you Plead not vpon new Puritanicall straines that make all things popular but keepe you within the ancient Limits of Pleas. Thirdly make not many changes from Court to Court for hee that changeth Courts shewes to mistrust the iustnesse of the cause Goe to the right place and the Court that is proper for your cause change not thence and submit your selues to the Iudgement giuen there Thus hauing finished the Charge to my selfe the Iudges and the Auditorie I am to craue your pardon if I haue forgotten any thing or beene inforced to breake my Methode for you must remember I come not hither with a written Sermon I haue no Bookes to reade it out of and a long speach manifold businesse and a little leasure may well pleade pardon for any fault of memorie and trewly I know not if I haue forgotten any thing or not And now haue I deliuered First my excuse why I came not till now Next the reasons why I came now Thirdly my charge and that to my selfe to you my Lords the Iudges and to the Auditory I haue also an ordinary charge that I vse to deliuer to the Iudges before my Councell when they goe their Circuits and seeing I am come to this place you shall haue that also and so I will make the old saying trew Combe seldome combesore I meane by my long deteining you at this time which will bee so much the more profitable in this Auditorie because a number of the Auditorie will be informed here who may relate it to their fellow Iustices in the countrey My Lords the Iudges you know very well that as you are Iudges with mee when you sit here so are you Iudges vnder mee and my Substitutes in the Circuits where you are Iudges Itinerant to doe Iustice to my people It is an ancient and laudable custome in this Kingdome that the Iudges goe thorow the Kingdome in Circuits easing the people thereby of great charges who must otherwise come from all the remote parts of the Kingdome to Westminster Hall for the finding out and punishing of offences past and preuenting the occasion or offences that may arise I can giue you no other charge in effect but onely to remember you againe of the same in substance which I deliuered to you this time Twelue-moneth First Remember that when you goe your Circuits you goe not onely to punish-and preuent offences but you are to take care for the good gouernment in generall of the parts where you trauell as well as to doe Iustice in particular betwixt party and party in causes criminall and ciuill You haue charges to giue to Iustices of peace that they doe their dueties when you are absent aswell as present Take an accompt of them and report their seruice to me at your returne As none of you will hold it sufficient to giue a charge except in taking the accompt you finde the fruit of it So I say to you it will not bee sufficient for you to heare my charge if at your returne you bring not an accompt to the haruest of my sowing which cannot be done in generall but in making to me a particular report what you haue done For a King hath two Offices First to direct things to be done Secondly to take an accompt how they are fulfilled for what is it the better for me to direct as an Angel if I take not accompt of your doings I know not whether misunderstanding or slacknesse bred this that I had no accompt but in generall of that I gaue you in particular in charge the last yeere Therefore I now charge you againe that at your next returne you repaire to my Chancellour and bring your accompts to him in writing of those things which in particular I haue giuen you in charge And then when I haue seene your accompts as occasion shall serue it may bee I will call for some of you to be informed of the state of that part of the countrey where your Circuit lay Of these two parts of your seruice I know the ordinary Legall part of Nisi prius is the more profitable to you But the other part of Iustice is more necessary for my seruice Therefore as CHRIST said to the
Pharises Hoc agite as the most principall yet I will say Et illud non omittite which that you may the better doe I haue allowed you a day more in your Circuits then my Predecessours haue done And this you shall finde that euen as a King let him be neuer so godly wise righteous and iust yet if the subalterne Magistrates doe not their parts vnder him the Kingdome must needes suffer So let the Iudges bee neuer so carefull and industrious if the Iustices of Peace vnder them put not to their helping hands in vaine is all your labour For they are the Kings eyes and eares in the countrey It was an ancient custome that all the Iudges both immediatly before their going to their Circuits and immediatly vpon their returne repaired to the Lord Chancellour of England both to receiue what directions it should please the King by his mouth to giue vnto them as also to giue him an accompt of their labours who was to acquaint the King therewith And this good ancient custome hath likewise beene too much slacked of late And therefore first of all I am to exhort and command you that you be carefull to giue a good accompt to me and my Chancellour of the dueties performed by all Iustices of Peace in your Circuits Which gouernment by Iustices is so laudable and so highly esteemed by mee that I haue made Scotland to bee gouerned by Iustices and Constables as England is And let not Gentlemen be ashamed of this Place for it is a place of high Honour and great reputation to be made a Minister of the Kings Iustice in seruice of the Common-wealth Of these there are two sorts as there is of all Companies especially where there is a great number that is good and bad Iustices For the good you are to enforme me of them that I may know them thanke them and reward them as occasion serues For I hold a good Iustice of Peace in his Countrey to doe mee as good seruice as hee that waites vpon mee in my Priuie Chamber and as ready will I be to reward him For I accompt him as capable of any Honour Office or preferment about my Person or for any place of Councell or State as well as any Courteour that is neere about mee or any that haue deserued well of me in forreine employments Yea I esteeme the seruice done me by a good Iustice of Peace three hundred miles yea sixe hundred miles out of my sight as well as the seruice done me in my presence For as God hath giuen me large limits so must I be carefull that my prouidence may reach to the farthest parts of them And as Law cannot be honoured except Honour be giuen to Iudges so without due respect to Iustices of Peace what regard will be had of the seruice Therefore let none be ashamed of this Office or be discouraged in being a Iustice of Peace if he serue worthily in it The Chancellour vnder me makes Iustices and puts them out but neither I nor he can tell what they are Therefore wee must bee informed by you Iudges who can onely tell who doe well and who doe ill without which how can the good be cherished and maintained and the rest put out The good Iustices are carefull to attend the seruice of the King and countrey for thanks onely of the King and loue to their countrey and for no other respect The bad are either idle Slowbellies that abide alwayes at home giuen to a life of ease and delight liker Ladies then men and thinke it is enough to contemplate Iustice when as Virtus in actione consistit contemplatiue Iustice is no iustice and contemplatiue Iustices are fit to be put out Another sort of Iustices are busie-bodies and will haue all men dance after their pipe and follow their greatnesse or else will not be content A sort of men Qui seprimos omnium esse putant nec sunt tamen these proud spirits must know that the countrey is ordained to obey and follow GOD and the King and not them Another sort are they that goe seldome to the Kings seruice but when it is to helpe some of their kindred or alliance So as when they come it is to helpe their friends or hurt their enemies making Iustice to serue for a shadow to Faction and tumultuating the countrey Another sort are Gentlemen of great worth in their owne conceit and cannot be content with the present forme of Gouernement but must haue a kind of libertie in the people and must be gracious Lords and Redeemers of their libertie and in euery cause that concernes Prerogatiue giue a snatch against a Monarchie through their Puritanicall itching after Popularitie Some of them haue shewed themselues too bold of late in the lower house of Parliament And when all is done if there were not a King they would be lesse cared for then other men And now hauing spoken of the qualities of the Iustices of Peace I am next to speake of their number As I euer held the midway in all things to be the way of Vertue in eschewing both extremities So doe I in this for vpon the one part a multitude of Iustices of Peace in the countrey more then is necessary breeds but confusion for although it be an old Prouerbe that Many handes make light worke yet too many make slight worke and too great a number of Iustices of Peace will make the businesse of the countrey to be the more neglected euery one trusting to another so as nothing shall bee well done besides the breeding of great corruption for where there is a great number it can hardly bee but some will bee corrupted And vpon the other part too few Iustices of Peace will not be able to vndergoe the burthen of the seruice And therefore I would neither haue too few nor too many but as many in euery countrey as may according to the proportion of that countrey bee necessary for the performing of the seruice there and no more As to the Charge you are to giue to the Iustices I can but repeat what formerly I haue told you yet in so good a businesse Lectio lecta placet decies repetita placebit And as I began with fulfilling the Prouerbe A Ioue principium so will I begin this Charge you are to giue to the Iustices with Church-matters for GOD will blesse euery good businesse the better that he and his Church haue the precedence That which I am now to speake is anent Recusants and Papists You neuer returned from any Circuit but by your accompt made vnto me I both conceiued great comfort and great griefe Comfort when I heard a number of Recusants in some Circuits to be diminished Griefe to my heart and soule when I heard a number of Recusants to be in other Circuits increased I protest vnto you nothing in the earth can grieue mee so much as mens falling away from Religion in my dayes And nothing so much ioyes mee as when
or Doctors in Physicke which iolly comparisons are vsed by such writers as maintaine the contrary proposition I leaue it also to the readers discretion And in case any doubts might arise in any part of this treatise I wil according to my promise with the solution of foure principall and most weightie doubts that the aduersaries may obiect conclude this discourse And first it is casten vp by diuers that employ their pennes vpon Apologies for rebellions and treasons that euery man is borne to carry such a naturall zeale and duety to his common-wealth as to his mother that seeing it so rent and deadly wounded as whiles it will be by wicked and tyrannous Kings good Citizens will be forced for the naturall zeale and duety they owe to their owne natiue countrey to put their hand to worke for freeing their common-wealth from such a pest Whereunto I giue two answeres First it is a sure Axiome in Theologie that euill should not be done that good may come of it The wickednesse therefore of the King can neuer make them that are ordained to be iudged by him to become his Iudges And if it be not lawfull to a priuate man to reuenge his priuate iniury vpon his priuate aduersary since God hath onely giuen the sword to the Magistrate how much lesse is it lawfull to the people or any part of them who all are but priuate men the authoritie being alwayes with the Magistrate as I haue already proued to take vpon them the vse of the sword whom to it belongs not against the publicke Magistrate whom to onely it belongeth Next in place of relieuing the common-wealth out of distresse which is their onely excuse and colour they shall heape double distresse and desolation vpon it and so their rebellion shall procure the contrary effects that they pretend it for For a king cannot be imagined to be so vnruly and tyrannous but the common-wealth will be kept in better order notwithstanding thereof by him then it can be by his way-taking For first all sudden mutations are perillous in common-wealths hope being thereby giuen to all bare men to set vp themselues and flie with other mens feathers the reines being loosed to all the insolencies that disordered people can commit by hope of impunitie because of the loosenesse of all things And next it is certaine that a king can neuer be so monstrously vicious but hee will generally fauour iustice and maintaine some order except in the particulars wherein his inordinate lustes and passions cary him away where by the contrary no King being nothing is vnlawfull to none And so the olde opinion of the Philosophers prooues trew That better it is to liue in a Common-wealth where nothing is lawfull then where all things are lawfull to all men the Common-wealth at that time resembling an vndanted young horse that hath casten his rider For as the diuine Poet DV BARTAS sayth Better it were to suffer some disorder in the estate and some spots in the Common-wealth then in pretending to reforme vtterly to ouerthrow the Republicke The second obiection they ground vpon the curse that hangs ouer the common-wealth where a wicked king reigneth and say they there cannot be a more acceptable deed in the sight of God nor more dutiful to their common-weale then to free the countrey of such a curse and vindicate to them their libertie which is naturall to all creatures to craue Whereunto for answere I grant indeed that a wicked king is sent by God for a curse to his people and a plague for their sinnes but that it is lawfull to them to shake off that curse at their owne hand which God hath laid on them that I deny and may so do iustly Will any deny that the king of Babel was a curse to the people of God as was plainly fore-spoken and threatned vnto them in the prophecie of their captiuitie And what was Nero to the Christian Church in his time And yet Ieremy and Paul as yee haue else heard commanded them not onely to obey them but heartily to pray for their welfare It is certaine then as I haue already by the Law of God sufficiently proued that patience earnest prayers to God and amendment of their liues are the onely lawful meanes to moue God to relieue them of that heauie curse As for vindicating to themselues their owne libertie what lawfull power haue they to reuoke to themselues againe those priuiledges which by their owne consent before were so fully put out of their hands for if a Prince cannot iustly bring backe againe to himself the priuiledges once bestowed by him or his predecessors vpon any state or ranke of his subiects how much lesse may the subiects reaue out of the princes hand that superioritie which he and his Predecessors haue so long brooked ouer them But the vnhappy iniquitie of the time which hath oft times giuen ouer good successe to their treasonable attempts furnisheth them the ground of their third obiection For say they the fortunate successe that God hath so oft giuen to such enterprises prooueth plainely by the practise that God fauoured the iustnesse of their quarrell To the which I answere that it is trew indeed that all the successe of battels as well as other worldly things lyeth onely in Gods hand And therefore it is that in the Scripture he takes to himselfe the style of God of Hosts But vpon that generall to conclude that hee euer giues victory to the iust quarrell would prooue the Philistims and diuers other neighbour enemies of the people of God to haue oft times had the iust quarrel against the people of God in respect of the many victories they obtained against them And by that same argument they had also iust quarrell against the Arke of God For they wan it in the field and kept it long prisoner in their countrey As likewise by all good Writers as well Theologues as other the Duels and singular combats are disallowed which are onely made vpon pretence that GOD will kith thereby the iustice of the quarrell For wee must consider that the innocent partie is not innocent before God And therefore God will make oft times them that haue the wrong side reuenge iustly his quarrell and when he hath done cast his scourge in the fire as he oft times did to his owne people stirring vp and strengthening their enemies while they were humbled in his sight and then deliuered them in their hands So God as the great Iudge may iustly punish his Deputie and for his rebellion against him stir vp his rebels to meet him with the like And when it is done the part of the instrument is no better then the diuels part is in tempting and torturing such as God committeth to him as his hangman to doe Therefore as I said in the beginning it is oft times a very deceiueable argument to iudge of the cause by the euent And the last obiection is grounded vpon the mutuall paction