he should be takeÌ„ for true Byshop whom the Clergy and people of Rome did chuse elect without any tarying for any authoritie of the Emperour of ConstaÌ„tinople or the Deputie of Italy so as the custome and fashion had euer bene before that day an 685. And here the Byshops began first to writhe out their elections and their neckes a litle from the Emperours subiection if it be so as the sayd Platina and Sabellicus after him reporteth But many coniectures there be not vnprobable rather to thinke this constitutioÌ„ of Constantine to be forged and vntrue First for that it is taken out of the Popes Bibliothecarie a suspected place and collected by the keeper and maister of the Popes Librarie a suspected author who whatsoeuer fayned writynges or Apocripha he could finde in the Popes chestes of Recordes makyng any thyng on his maisters side that he compiled together and therof both Platina Sabellicus Gratianus take most part of their reportes therefore may the more be suspected c. Secondly where Platina and Sabellicus say that Constantine moued with the holynes of Pope Benedict the first made that coÌ„stitutioÌ„ how seemeth that to staÌ„d with truth when both the Emperour was so farre of from him being at Constantinople also for that the sayd Pope raigned but x. monethes which was but a small tyme to make his holines knowen to the Emperour so farre of And giue he were so holy yet that holynes might rather be an occasioÌ„ for the Emperour so to confirme and maintaine the olde receaued maner of his institution then to alter it The third coniecture is this for that the sayd constitution was not obserued but shortly after by the sayd Benedict was broken in the election of Pope Conon And yet notwithstanding albeit the constitution were true yet the election there by was not takeÌ„ away from the people and limited to the Clergy onely and much lesse might be taken away froÌ„ the Clergie and be limited onely to the Cardinals without the consent of their Prince and ruler accordyng to their owne Rubrice in their Decrees where the Rubrice sayth De ordinatione Episcopi Nullus inuitis detur Episcopus cleri plebis ordinis consensus desiderium requiratur c. That is Let no Byshop be geuen to any people agaynst their wils but let the consent desire both of the Clergy and of the people and of the order be also required c. And in the same Dist. also cap. SacroruÌ„ we read the same libertie interest to be graunted by Carolus Magnus and Ludouicus his sonne not to a few Cardinals onely but to the order as well of the Clergy as of the people to chuse not onely the Bishop of Rome but any other Bishop within their owne Diocesse whatsoeuer and to the Monkes likewise to chuse their owne Abbot settyng aside all respect of persons and giftes onely for the worthynes of life and gift of wisedome so as might be most profitable for doctrine and exaÌ„ple vnto the flocke c. And this continued till the tyme of the foresayd Carolus Magnus and Ludouicus his sonne an 810. of the which two Carolus the father receaued expresly of Pope Adâ—â—â— â—he first full iurisdiction and power to elect ordeine the Bishop of Rome like as pope Leo the ix did also to Ottho â—he first Germain Emperour an 961. The other that is Ludouicus sonne to the foresayd Charles is sayd to renouÌ„ce agayne and surrender from him selfe and his successours vnto pope Paschalis and the Romaines the right and interest of chusing the Romane Bishop and moreouer to giue and graunt to the sayd Paschalis the full possession of the Citie of Rome the whole territorie to the same belongyng An. 821. as appeareth by the decree Ego Ludouicus Dist. 63. But admit that fayned decree to be vnfaynedly true as it may wel be suspected for many causes as proceedyng out of the same fouÌ„taine with the coÌ„stitution of Constantine afore mentioned that is from the maister of the Popes Library of whoÌ„ both Gratianus Volateran by their owne confession take their grounde yet the same decree doth not so geue away the freedome of that election that he limiteth it onely to the Cardinals but also requireth the whole coÌ„sent of the Romaines neither doth he simplely absolutely geue the same but with coÌ„ditioÌ„ so that Omnes Romani vno consilio vna concordia sine aliqua promissione ad pontificatus ordinem eligerent that is whoÌ„ as all the Romaines with one counsaile with one accord without any promise of their voyces grauÌ„ted before shall chuse to be Byshop of Rome And moreouer in the same Decree is required that at the consecration of the same Bishop messengers should be directed incoÌ„tinent to the FreÌ„ch kyng concernyng the same Furthermore neither yet did the same decree albeit it were true long continue For although Pope Stephen the fourth and pope Paschalis the first in Ludouicus time were impapaced thorough discord without election of the Emperour yet they were fayne by message to send their purgation to him of their election And after that in the tyme of Eugenius the ij which succceded next to Paschalis Lotharius sonne of Ludouicus and Emperour with his father came to Rome and there appointed lawes magistrates ouer the Citie Whereby may appeare the donation of Ludouike in geuyng away the Citie of Rome to the Pope to be fayned And after Eugenius pope Gregory the iiij who followyng within a yeare after Eugenius durst not take his election without the consent and confirmation of the sayd Emperour Ludouicus And so in like maner his successours pope Sergius the ij Pope Leo the iiij pope Nicolas the first and so orderly in a long tract of tyme from the foresayd Nicolas the first to Pope Nicolas the ij an 1061. which Nicolas in his Decree beginnyng In nomine Domini Dist. 23. ordained also the same so that in the election of the Bisâ—ops of Rome commonly the consent of the Emperour and the people with the Clergy of Rome was not lackyng After which Nicolas came Alexander the 2. and wicked HildebraÌ„d which Alexander being first elected without the Emperors will and consent afterward repenting the same openly in his preaching to the people declared that he would no longer sit in the Apostolique sea vnlesse he were by the emperor confirmed Wherfore he was greatly rebuked and cast into prison by Hildebrand and so deposed Then Hildebrand and his folowers so ordred the matter of this election that first the Emperor then the lay people after that the Clergie also began to be excluded And so the election by litle little was reduced into the handes of a few Cardinals coÌ„trary to all ancieÌ„t order where euer since it hath remained And like as in elections so also in power iudiciarie in deciding and determinyng of causes of fayth and of Ecclesiasticall discipline the state of the
true causes of our iustification after the doctrine of S. Paule Concerning which causes this distinctioÌ„ furthermore by the way is to be added that as touching the originall causes of our saluation which be diuers and sondry some are externall without vs some are internall and within vs. Of the external causes which are without vs the first and principal is the mercy grace of god Of this foloweth predestination and election TheÌ„ coÌ„meth vocation The last and next cause to vs is the deth and bloudshed of christ wherby we are redemed al these be external causes because they are without vs. Of internall causes that be in man through the gift of God there is but one no mo in scripture apointed that is out faith in Christ which is the gift of God in vs. Beside this there is no gift of God giuen to man vertue work merite nor any thing els that is any part or cause of saluation but only this gyft of fayth to beleeue in Christ Iesu. And this is the cause why we hold that faith onely iustifieth meanyng that amongst all the workes deedes actions labours and operations whatsoeuer man doth or can doe there is nothing in that man that worketh saluation but onely his fayth gyuen to hym of God to beleeue in Christ his sonne following therein the trade of S. Paules teaching who in precise wordes so ascribeth iustification to fayth that he excludeth all other actions of man works of the law And therefore in the same Epystle to the Romanes S. Paule resoning of the glory of iustifiyng asketh this question how this glory is excluded whether by the law of works and concludeth no ascribing onely the glory thereof to the law of faith And consequently vppon the same he inferreth Colligimus enim iustificari hominem per fidem sine operibus legis We hold that a man is iustified by faith without the deedes of the law And how then can that he accounted for any part of our iustification which S. Paule vtterly debarreth and excludeth in that behalfe of which like exclusiues and negatiues the whole course of S. Paules doctrine is full where he still concludeth Sine operibus absque operibus legis non exoperibus Dei donum est non ex operibus ne quis sed secunduÌ„ misericordiaÌ„ glorietur Ephe 2. Non ex operibus iustitiae quae fecimus nos sed secunduÌ„ propositsi suum gratiâ—m c. Titi. 3. Non secundum opera nostra c. Timot 1. That is to say It is the gift of God not of works that no maÌ„ should glory c. Not of the workes of righteousnes which we haue done but of his own mercy c. Not after our workes but after his owne purpose grace which is giuen to vs c. Agayne Gal 2. Non iustificatur homo ex operibus c. That is A man is not iustified by works c. Item Ei qui non operatur credenti auteÌ„ in euÌ„ qui iustificat impium fides imputatur ad iustitiam c. Rom. 4. To him that worketh not but beleeueth in him which iustifieth the wicked his faith is imputed to righteousnes c. By these exclusiues and negatiues in Sainct Paules doctrine what doth he els meane but vtterly to seclude all kinde of mans merits and works of the law from the office dignitie of iustifying And although he expresseth not the word Onely yet vpon his exclusiues and negatiues this exceptiue must needes be inferred For in all Logike the coÌ„nsequent is necessary and formall as one man is suffered to come into the house and no person els is suffered but one Ergo one man only is suffered to enter into the housé And thus much concerning faith in Christ prooued to be the onely meane or instrumentall or conditionall cause of our saluation and no other besides the same alone by the doctrine of S. Paule taught to the ancient Romanes 5. The fift branch which I note in S. Paules doctrine is this that after he hath thus established vs in certeinty of our saluation through faith in Christ then after that he exhorteth vs vehemently and with all instaunce of good workes shewing the true vse and ende of good workes which is first to shewe our obedience and dutifull seruice as we may vnto God who hath done so great thinges for vs. Secondly to relieue our neighbours with our charitie and kindes as God hath bene kinde to vs his enimies Thirdly to stirre vp other by our example to praise God to embrace the same Religion to do the like For requisite it is that as God hath bene so merciful to vs and gratious in eternal giftes we should be merciful likewise to other in temporall coÌ„modities And seeing it hath pleased him of his fatherly goodnes of our partes so litle deserued to call vs to so high a vocation to giue the bloud of his sonne for vs to forgiue vs al our sinnes to deliuer vs from this present wicked worlde to make vs Citizens of heauen yea his children more then seruaunts little then can we doe and well may we thinke those benefites ill bestowed if we forgiue not our neigbours and shewe some thing againe worthy that holy calling wherewith he hath called vs in mortifying our worldly lustes here studying after heauenly things and finally if we being prouoked with such loue kindnes reder not againe some loue for loue some kindnes for kindnes seeking how to walke in the steps which he hath prepared for vs to walke in seruing him so much as we may in holines righteousnes all the daies of our life And though our obedience shall alwaies be imperfect doe the best we can yet reason would that some obedience we should shew as louing children to such a louing father And this is the cause why S. Paule is so vehement vrgent to call vpon good workes not that workes should iustifie but that we being iustified so mercifully tenderly through his grace should not abuse his grace in vayne but endeuour our selues to our vttermost to render our seruice againe to him in such conuersation of life as may most make to his glorye and profite of our neighbour And though the words of our sauiour seme in some places to attribute to our obedience and charitie here in earth great rewards in heauen that is of his owne free grace goodnes so to impute small matters for great deserts and not for vs to claime any meede thereby or thanke at hys hande as by any worthines of our dooings no more then the seruaunt when he commeth from the plough and seruing the cattell in the field serueth first his master at home and waiteth vpon his table the master is not bound saith Christ to thanke his seruaunt therefore and bid him sit downe So you saith he when you haue done that is coÌ„manmanded you say ye
the obiection before moued Ex Concil Calced cap. 28. Certayne demaundes for the Papistes to answere vnto An argument prouing the Popes of this latter Church of Rome not to be successours of Peter A false consequent of the Papistes Aunswere to this consequent Succession Apostolicall double wise to be considered Testimonies alledged for the principalitie of the Pope Aunswere by a distinction Caput and Princeps haue a double vnderstanding How Peter is Princeps Apostolorum Princeps eloqueÌ„tiae Cicero Princeps Philosophorum Cratippus Petrus Princeps Coryphaeus Apostolorum Causes 13. of aduauncing the sea of Rome This latter Church of Rome differing from the first Church of Rome in forme of gouernement Howe the Church of Christ ought to be gouerned Preposterous gouernement of the Church by the pope A comparisoÌ„ betwene the kingdom of this world and the kingdome of the Pope Seculer Nobillitie compared with ecclesiasticall Nobâ—lâ—tie Ciuile Magistrates coâ—pared with Ecclesiasticall Officers of the temperall court compared with the officers of the spirâ—tuall Court Glory coÌ„pared Power coÌ„pared Richâ—s compared Subtletie compared The difference betweene the Popes regiment and the order of the primitiue Church 2. Cor. 10. Ephes. 6. 1. Tim. 1. The armour proper to Churchmen Horrible abuse of excommunication in the Popes Church The Popes gouerning in matters to them not pertayning The corrupt doctrine of the Popes Church examined and detected The false image of the Popes Church No comfort nor saluation in the Popes doctrine now taught The scope and summe of the Pope doctrine whether it tendeth Papistes neuer lightly afflicted in conscience deepely An horrible thing to thinke of God without Christ. Luther The right fayth of the olde Romanes Cornelius a Romane first baptised of all the Gentiles The church of Rome hath lost the liquor wherewith it was first seasoned The Galathians almost gone froÌ„ fayth in Sainct Paules time 1. Tim. 4. A briefe suÌ„me of S. Paules doctrine deliuered to the Gentiles Saluation by mercy onely and not by merites All fleshe concluded vnder sinne Difference betweene the law and the gospell Iusticia dei Iusticia propria The righteousnesse of God and the righteousnes of man howe they differ in Scripture A true christian knoweth nothing but Christ crucified All men condemned by one All men saued by one Originall sinne originall iustice Rom. 5. Ephes. 2. Itaque iam non es seruus sed filius Gal. 4. Heb. 4. 1. Cor. 3. The glorious state of Christian libertie and spirituall freedome in Christ Iesu. Gal. 4. Colos. 2. Dayes and tymes indifferent Meates indifferent with thaÌ„ksgeuing Mariage lawfull for all men One sacrifice for sinne no more Heb. 9. The vse of the holye communion in auncient tyme of the primitiue church No mo Sacramentes mentioned in S. Paule but the Lordes supper and baptisme The authoritie and office of the ciuill Magistrates The office and aucthoritie of Byshops how farre it doth extend An other brief recapitulation of S. Paules doctrine reduced to fiue poynts Iohn 3. The great mercy of God in Christ. Rom. 5. 2. Cor. 5. Ephes. 2. Rom. 4. Tit. 3. The glory and Maiestye of Christ Iesus set forth in Sainct Paule Ephes. 4. Phil. 2. Colos. 1. Iohn 5. Iohn 13. Iohn 17. Math. vlt. 2. Cor. 1. The 3. braunch The vertue and effect of Christs death and what exceeding benefites proceede thereof Ephes. 1. Esay 53. Collos. 1. Rom. 5. 2. Timo. 1. Heb. 2. Rom. 5. Gal. 3. Ephes. 2. 1. Iohn 2. 2. Cor. 5. 1. Cor. 1. Ephes 3. Collos. 2. Rom. 4. Colos. 2. The fourth braunch Fayth onely the meane cause of saluation and nothing els Phil. 3. The righteousnes of the law The righteousnesse of the gospell Rom. 9. The places of S. Paul Rom. 3. expounded Rom. 3. The righteousnesse of fayth why it is called Gods righteousnes Rom. 3. A lesson out of S. Paules doctrine of all Christians to be obserued Rom. 9. Act. 10. Saluation commeth onely by fayth Math. 16. Luke 19. Luc. 7. Luc. 23. Luc. 28. That which is lost by the law is recouered by fayth Luc. 18. Math. 9. Iohn 14. Iohn 14. Iohn 15. Iohn 6. Act. 26. Act. 10. Mat. vlt. Iohn 14. The writinges of S. Paule full of the name of Christ Iesus Belief onely in Christ saueth Act. 16. The personall cause of saluation The instrumentall cause How fayth iustifieth Christ the onely obiect of faith which iustifieth Example of the brason Serpent What fayth is by Sainct Paule Rom. 10. Faith onely Diuers sorts of beleuing The Turkes fayth The Iewes fayth Euery truth may be beleued but the beleuing of euery trueth saueth not The Papists fayth Onely Hope and charitie be no partes of our iustification nor causes to make the merites of Christ ours The causes of our saluation distincted The causes of our saluation distincted Grace and mercy Election Vocation Christes passion Christian fayth The meaning and cause why fayth onely iustifieth All workes of man excluded from the glory of iustifiyng Ephes. 2. Tit. 3. 2. Timot. 1 Gal. 2. Rom. 4. The exclusiues and negatiues of S. Paule to be marked The fift braunch The true vse and end of good workes Good workes iustifie not but follow the iustified Luke 17. Fayth iustifieth three manner of wayes The office of fayth and the office of the law compared together The workes of man be imparfect and therefore haue nothing to doe with iustification Gal. 2. Deffection of fayth in the Church of Rome A vew of the Popes Catholicke Church The Church of Rome degenerated agayne almost to new paganisme The Popes Church onely in wordes Catholicke in deed heathenish The Religion of the Popes Church proceedeth contrary to the working of the holy Ghost The Church of Rome pretentendeth a fayre face of Religion but is voyd of the efâ—ect therof The old Phariseis and the latter Church of Romanes compared together The Popes Church vnder the name of the Catholicke Church persecuteth the true Catholicke Church of Christ. Contayne generall principles and rules gathered of the scriptures Gene 3. Gen. 12. Deut. 4. Leuit. 18. Gal. 3. Deut. 27. Gal. 3. Deut. 6. Luc. 4. Esay 64. Esay 11.65 Osee. 6. 1. Reg. 15. Rom. 3. Rom. 10. Math. vlt. Gal. 2. Ephes. 2. Heb. 9. Rom. 14. Heb. 11. 1. Tim. 1. 1. Iohn 2. Gal. 5. 2. Cor. 1. Rom. 13. The errours hereâ—ies and absurdities in the popes doctrine The meanes of applying Christes merites vnto vs by the Popes doctrine The taking away of this Article of fayth onely to iustifie is the roote of great inconuenience in Christes Church No heresie to be coÌ„pared to the heresie of Papistes The first inconuenieÌ„ce No condition limitted of God to man for saluation but one Hieroni. in Epist. ad Gal. cap. 1. The 2. incoÌ„uenience What hurt commeth into the Church by taking away the Article of iustification The third inconuenience Obiection of the Papistes aunswered The Papistes doe teach the mercye of God to be vncertayne Mercy of God made certayne by
Church of Rome now beyng hath no coÌ„formitie with the old Romane Churche heretofore For then Byshops debated all causes of fayth onely by the Scriptures and other questions of Ecclesiasticall discipline they determined by the CanoÌ„s not of the Pope but of the Church such as were decreed by the auncient Councels as writeth Greg. Turonensis in Francorum historia Where as now both the rule of scripture sanctions of the old Councels set aside all thynges for the most part are decided by certaine new decretall or rather extradecrâ—tall extrauagant constitutions in the Popes Canon law compiled and in his Consistories practised And where as the old ordinaunce and disposition as well of the common law as of the sacred CouÌ„cels and institution of auncient fathers haue geuen to Byshops other prelates also to patrons and donors of Ecclesiastical benefices euery one within his owne precinct and dominion also to cathedrall Churches and other to haue their free elections to prosecute the same in full effect ordryng and disposing promotions collatioÌ„s prouisions dispositions of prelacies dignities and all other Ecclesiasticall benefices whatsoeuer after their owne arbitremeÌ„t as appeareth by the first generall Councell of Fraunce 16. q 7. cap. Omnes Basilicae by the first generall Councell of Nice cap 6. Also by the generall Councell of Antioche cap. 9. and is to be seene in the Popes Decrees 9. q. 3. Per singulas And also beside these auncient decrees the same is confirmed agayne in more latter yeares by Ludouicus the ninth French kyng in his constitution called Pragmatica sanctio made and prouided by full Parliament agaynst the popes exactions An. 1228. in these wordes as folow Item exactionâ—s onera grauissima pecuniarum per curiam Romanam Ecclesiae regni nostri impositas vel imposita quibus regnum miserabiliter de pauperatum existit siue etiam imponendas vel imponenda leuari aut colligi nullatenus volumus nisi duntaxat pro rationabili pia vrgentissima causa vel ineuitabili necessitate ac etiam de expresso spontaneo iussu nostro ipsius Ecclesiae regni nostri c. that is Item all exactions importable burdens of money which the Court of Rome hath layd vpon the Church of our kingdome whereby the said our kingdome hath bene miserably hetherto impouerished or hereafter shall impose or lay vpon vs we vtterly discharge and forbyd to be leuied or collected hereafter for any maner of cause vnlesse there come some reasonable godly most vrgent ineuitable necessitie that also not to be done without the expresse voluntary commaundement of vs of the Church of the same our foresayd kingdome c. Now contrary and agaynst to these so manifest expresse decrementes of generall Councels constitutions Synodall this latter Church of Rome of late presuÌ„ption degeneratyng froÌ„ all the steppes of their elders haue taken vpon them a singular iurisdiction by them selues for their owne aduauntage to entermedle in disposing traÌ„sposing Churches Colledges Monasteries with the collations exemptions elections goodes landes to the same belongyng by reason and exaÌ„ple wherof haue come in these impropriations first fruites reseruations of benefices to the miserable dispoyling of Parishes horrible decay of Christen fayth which thynges amoÌ„g the old Romaine elders were neuer knoweÌ„ For so much then did it lacke that due necessities were pluckt froÌ„ the Church that Emperours Kyngs Princes plucking froÌ„ their owne rather did cumulate the Church with superfluities Agayne when such goodes were geuen to the Church by those auncetors they were neither so geuen nor yet taken to serue the priuate vse of certaine churchmen takyng no paynes therein but rather to serue the publique subueÌ„tioÌ„ of the needy as is coÌ„teined in the canonicall institutioÌ„s by the Emperour Ludouicus Pius set forth An. 830. The wordes be these Res Ecclesiae vota sunt fidelium pretia peccatorum patrimonia pauperum that is The goods of the church be the vowes and bequestes of the faythfull prices to raunsome such as be in captiuitie or prison and patrimonies to succour them with hospitalitie that be needy Wherunto agreeth also the testimony of Prosper whose wordes be these Viros sanctos ecclesiae non vendicasâ—e vt proprias sed vt commendatas pauperibus diuisisse that is good men tooke the goodes of the church not as their own but distributed theÌ„ as geueÌ„ bequeathed to the poore And sayth moreouer Quod habet Ecclesia cum omnibus nihil habentibus habet commune that is Whatsoeuer the church hath it hath it common with all such as haue nothyng c. Adde to these the worthy testimony of S. August ad Bonif Si autem priuatim quae nobis sufficiant possidemus noÌ„ sunt illa nostra sed pauperum quorum procurationem quodammodo gerimus non proprietatem nobis vsurpatione damnabili vendicamus c. Likewise vowsons and pluralities of benefices were thyngs then as much vnknowen as now they are pernitious to the church taking away all free election of ministers from the flocke of Christ. All which inconueniences as they first came and crept in chiefly by the pretensed authoritie iurisdiction abused in this latter church of Rome so it can not be denyed but the sayd latter church of Rome hath taken and attributed to it selfe much more theÌ„ either the limites of Gods word do geue or standeth with the example of the old Romane church in these three thynges especiall Whereof as mentioÌ„ is touched before so briefly I will recapitulate the same The first is in this that whatsoeuer the Scripture geueth and referreth either to the whole church vniuersally or to euery particular church seuerally this church now of Rome doth arrogate to it selfe absolutely and onely both doyng iniury to other churches also abusing the Scriptures of God For albeit the Scripture doth geue authoritie to binde and loose it limitteth it neither to person nor place that is neither to the Citie of Rome onely more theÌ„ to other Cities nor to the sea of Peter more theÌ„ to other Apostles but geueth it clearely to the Church wherof Peter did beare the figure so that where soeuer the true Church of Christ is there is annexed power to bynde loose geuen and taken meerly as from Christ and not mediatly by the Pope or Byshop of Peters sea The second poynt wherein this present Churche of Rome abuseth his iurisdiction contrary to Scripture and steps of the old Romane Church is this for that it extendeth his authoritie farther and more amply theÌ„ either the warrant of the word or example of time will giue For although the Churche of Rome hath as other particular churches haue authoritie to binde and absolue yet it hath no such authoritie to absolue subiectes froÌ„ their othe subiection and loyaltie to their rulers Magistrates to dispeÌ„se with periury to denounce
constitutionis Unto this Lotharius French kyng and Emperour Pope Leo the 4. writeth that Romana lex that is the Romane law meanyng the law of the Frēch Emperours as it hath hetherto stode in force Ita nunc suum robur propriúmque vigorem obtineat that is so now it may continue still in his vigour and strength Ino Carnotensis lib. 11. Decretorum about the yeare of the Lord .848 After this Lotharius succeeded his sonne Ludouicus the second in the kyngdome Empire of Fraunce before whō the foresayd Pope Leo was brought into iudgement pleaded his cause of treason and there was before the Emperour quyte and released Which declareth that Popes and Byshops all this while were in subiection vnder their Kynges and Emperours Moreouer descendyng yet to lower tymes an 1228. Ludouicus 9. called holy Ludouike made a law agaynst the pestiferous simonie in the Church also for the maintenaūce of the libertie of the Church of Fraūce established a law or decree agaynst the new inuētions reseruations preuētions exactions of the court of Rome called Pragmatica sanctio S. Ludouici the which Sāction was also practised lōg after in the kyngdome of Fraūce agaynst the popes collectors vndercollectors as appeareth by the Arestum of the coūsaile of Paris an 1463. ex Molinaeo in Cōmētarijs Furthermore king Philip le Bel. 1303. set forth a law called Philippina wherein was forbid any exactiō of new tithes and first fruites other vncustomed collections to be put vpon the Church of Fraūce Carolus the v. named Sapiens an 1369. by a law cōmaūded that no Byshops nor Prelates or their Officials within his kyngdome of Fraūce should execute any censure of suspense or excommunicatiō at the Popes cōmaundemēt ouer or vpō the Cities or townes corporations or cōmons of his Realme ex regist antiquarū const chart 62. Itē Carolus vi an 1388. agaynst the Cardinals other Officials collectors of the Pope reuoking againe the power which he had geuē to thē before prouided by a law that the fruites rentes of benefices with other pensions Byshops goodes that departed should no more be exported by the Cardinals the Popes collectours vnto Rome but should be brought to the king and so restored to them to whō they rightly did appertaine The like also may be inferred proued by the stories exāples of our kyngs here in Englād as kyng Offa kyng Egbertus Edgarus Aluredus Athelwoldus Canutus Edwardus William Conquerour Wilhel Rufus Henricus the first Henricus the second till the tyme of kyng Iohn and after Whose dealyng as well in Ecclesiasticall cases as in tēporall is a sufficient demonstration to proue what iniury the Popes in these latter dayes haue done vnto the Emperours their lawfull gouernours Magistrates in vsurpyng such fulnes of power iurisdictiō ouer them to whō properly they owe subiection cōtrary to the steps example of the old Romaine Byshops their aunciters therfore haue incurred the daūger of a Premunire worthy to be depriued Although it is not to be denyed but that Ecclesiasticall ministers and seruitures haue their power also committed vnto thē after their sort of the Lord yet it becommeth euery man to know his owne place standyng there to keepe him wherein his owne precinct doth pale him not rashly to breake out into other mēs walkes As it is not lawfull for a ciuile Magistrate to intermedle with a Byshops or a Preachers function so vnseemely vnorderly it is agayne that Boniface the viij should haue borne before him the tēporall male the naked sword of the Emperour or that any Pope should beare a triple crowne or take vpon him like a Lord and Kyng Wherfore let euery man consider the compasse limitation of his charge exceede no farther The office of a Bishop or seruiture Ecclesiasticall was in the old law to offer sacrifice to burne incense to pray for the people to expounde the law to minister in the tabernacle with which office it was not lawfull for any Prince or mā els to intermedle as we read how Ozias was punished for offering incense an other for touchyng the Arke so now the office of Christian Ministers is to preach the word to minister Sacramēts to pray to binde and loose where cause vrgently requireth to iudge in spirituall cases to publishe denounce free reconciliation remissiō in the name of Christ to erect comfort troubled consciences with the rich grace of the Gospell to teach the people the true differēce betwixt the law and the Gospell whereof the one belongeth to such as be not in Christ and come not to him the other pertaineth to the true beleuers in the sonne of God to admonish also the Magistrates erryng or transgressing in their office c. And as these properly belong to the functiō of the Ecclesiasticall sort so hath the ciuile gouernour or Magistrate agayne his proper charge office to him assigned whiche is to see the administratiō of iustice iudgement to defend with power the right of the weake that suffer wrōg to defend from oppression the poore oppressed to minister with equalitie that which is right and equall to euery man to prouide lawes good godly to see the execution of the same as cause moueth especially to see the law of God mainteined to promote Christes glory Gospell in settyng vp sendyng out good Preachers in mainteinyng the same in prouidyng Byshops to be elected that be faythfull in remouyng or els correctyng the same beyng faulty or negligēt in congregatyng the Clergy whē neede is of any coūsell or electiō to heare their learning in causes propoūded according to the truth learned to direct his iudgemēt in disposing such rites ordinaunces for the church as make to edification not to the destruction therof in conseruyng the discipline of the Churche and settyng all thynges in a congrue order Briefly the office of the ciuile ruler Magistrate extendeth to minister iustice and iudgement in all Courtes as well temporall as Ecclesiasticall to haue correction ouer all trāsgressours whether they be laymen or persons Ecclesiasticall And finally all such thyngs as belong to the mouyng of the sword whatsoeuer that is to say all outward punishment is referred to the iurisdiction of the secular Magistrate vnder whose subiection the ordinaunce of God hath subiected all orders and states of mē Here we haue the witnesse also of Hormisda Byshop of Rome which being well weyed maketh the matter plaine that Princes haue to deale in spirituall causes also not onely in temporall where the sayd Hormisda writeth to Epiphanius Patriarche of Constant. in this sort Clara coelestis misericordiae demonstratio procedit quando regés seculi causas de fide cum gubernatione politiae coniungunt c. ex Act. v. vniuers concil Constantini secundi an 528. And thus much and to much peraduenture concernyng the matter of
Norwich Thus was Stephen Langton in the high Church of Uiterby by the popes hand made archbishop of Canterbury From thenceforth therefore sayth Mathew Paris the pope could do no lesse but mightily defend him from al vexation and daunger considering that he was his owne deare deareling and a childe of his owne creation Upon this occasion king Iohn conceiued an exceding displeasure against the Clergie and Monkes of Canterb. as he had good cause they doing so many euils against his Princely prerogatiue Without his licence they elected their Archb. and put by the Bishop of Norwich whome he had apointed They wasted a great part of his treasure for the warres and to bring all to the deuil they made Stephen Langton their high Metropolitane whom he tooke for a greuous enemy vnto the whole realm being alwais so familiar with the French king Wherefore in his anger hee banished them out of the laÌ„d to the number of 64. for this their contumacie and contempt of his regall power â— The monkes of Canterburie thus being expulsed the king forthwith sendeth messengers to the Pope wyth his letters wherin he doth sharply and expressely expostulate with the Pope First for that so vncourteously he repulsed the election of the bishop of Norwich and set vp one Stephen Langton a man vnknowne to him and brought vp amongest hys ennemies a long time in the kingdome of Fraunce consecrating him Archb. of Cant. and letting the other goe Also which is more it redoundeth to the subuersion and derogatioÌ„ of the liberties appertaining to his crowne for notwithstaÌ„ding his consent past being before of the monks not made priuy which should so haue done yet he rashly presumed to promote and preferre another Wherfore he can not maruaile he sayth enough that neither the sayd Pope nor the Court of Rome doth consider and reuolue with themselues how necessary his loue and fauour hath bene alwayes hetherto to the sea of Rome that they consider not what great profite and reuenewes hath proceeded hetherto to them out of the realme of EnlaÌ„d the like wherof hath not ben receiued out of any other countrey besides on this side the Alpes He addeth moreouer and sayth that for his liberties he wil stande if neede be vnto death neither can he be so remooued and shaken of from the election of the B. of Norwich which hee seeth to be so commodious to him and profitable Finally hee thus concludeth saying that in no case in this his request he be not heard hee will so prouide by the seas that there shal be no such gadding coursing any more ouer to rome suffring the riches of the lande no more to be transported ouer whereby he shoulde be himselfe the lesse able to resist his enemies And seing he hath of his own at home archbishops bishops other prelates of the Churche both of English men of other sufficiently prouided instructed in all kinde of knowledge therfore he shal not nede greatly to seeke for iudgement and iustice farther abroad When these came to the Popes intelligeÌ„ce he directeth letters to tâ—â— king againe in this forme INnocentius P. seruant of the seruants of God to our welbeloued sonne in Christ the king of England health Apostolicall blessing Where as we haue written to you heretofore exhorting and entreating you after an humble diligent and geÌ„tle sort concerning the Church of Cant. you haue written to vs againe after a threatning sort and vpbraiding manner both spitefully and also frowardly And where as we more and aboue that oure right and duety required haue borne and gâ—uen to you you againe for your part haue geuen to vs not so much as by right duety you are bound to do And though your deuotion as you say hath ben to vs very necessary yet consider againe that ours also is not a litle opportune expedient for you And where as we in such like cases haue not shewed at any time the like honor to any prince as we haue vnto you you againe haue so much derogated our honor as no prince els hath presumed to do besides you alone pretending certaine friuolous causes occasions I caÌ„not tel what why you would not condescend to the election of Steuen Langton Cardinall of S. Chrysogono chosen by the Monkes of Cant for that the said StepheÌ„ as you say hath ben coÌ„uersant brought vp amongst your enemies and his person to you vnknowne But you knowe what is the prouerbe of Salomon the net is cast but in vaine in the sight of the flying birdes c. With much other matter in the same Epistle wherein he falleth into the commendation of Steuen Langton his Cardinall declaring howe learned he was in the liberall artes and in diuinitie in so muche he was pâ—ebendated at Paris also come of an honest stocke and an Englishman borne and not vnknowen to the king seeing the king had written his letters thrise to him before Declaring moreouer in the said letter how the messengers of the King had specified to him an other cause which was for the the moÌ„ks of Cant. which had to doe in the election came not to hym before for his coÌ„sent declaring moreouer in the said letter how the said messengers of the king intreated in the kings behalfe that for so much as the popes letters wherein the king was commaunded to send his proctors to Rome for the same matter came not to the kings hande neither did the Monkes direct any such letters or message to the king to haue his consent therefore the Pope considering the same woulde graunt so much for the regarde of the kings honor that the monkes of Cant. should not procede without the kings assent therein And for as much as that hath not bene done as yet therefore they desired some delay therein to be geuen sufficient for the doing therof whereunto he said that he had graunted fulfilled their request in sending hys letters and messengers once or twise to the king for the same purpose although he sayd it was not the maner of the sea Apostolique who had the fulnesse of power ouer the Church of Cant. to waite for Princes consents in such elections who then could not be suffered to do that which they came for wherefore in knitting vp his letter he thus concludeth in these wordes And therfore seeing the matter so standeth we see no cause why we should require or tary for the kings fauour or consent any more therein but intend so to procede in this matter neither enclining on the right hand nor on the left according as the canonicall ordinances of the holy fathers shall direct vs that is that al impediments delaies set aside so to prouide that the church of Canterburie be no longer destitute of her pastour Wherefore be it knowne to your discretion or kingly prudence that for so much as this election of Stephen Langhton hath orderly concordely thus proceeded without fraud or disceit
valiauntly that they chased him to Perusium Then hauing no other remedie wherewith to reuenge his persecutors fiersly did excommunicate them Ex Mat. Paris pag. 69. ¶ Heere by the way is to be obserued and considered Christian reader not only by this sedition but by so many other schismes diuisions tumults fightings braules and contentions in the Church of Rome from the first beginning of the popes vsurped power that not only within the Citie of Rome but vniuersally almost in all Popish Monasteries Collegies Churches and Couents vnder the Pope subiected continually raigning amongst them what is to be thought of their religion holines hauing so litle peace so great disquietnes dissentions and wrangling amongst them as in stories both manifest it is to behold and wonderous to consider And for as much I haue eutred here into the mention of this schisinatical commotion betwene the none and his citizens it followeth moreouer in the history of Parisiensis who maketh relation of a like brawling matter which befell the same yeare time An. 1228. betwene the prior and couent of Durham and this king Henry the â— vpon this occasion After the death of Richard Bishop of Durham the Prior and Chapter of the said church came to the king to obteine license for the electing of their bishop The king offered to them one Lucas a Chaplaine of hys requiring them instauntly to elect him for their Bishop To this the Monkes answered that they would receaue no man but by their order of Canonicall election Meaning belike by their Canonical election that is when as they elect either some Monke out of their own company or els some monkish priest after their owne liking Contrary the king againe sendeth word vnto them and bound it with an oth that they should tary 7. yeares without a Byshop vnlesse they would admit the foresayd Lucas to that place of that dignitie All which notwtstanding the monkes proceding in their election refused the sayde Lucas and preferred an other clerk of theirs named William archdeacon of Worcester and him they presented to the king But the King bringing in exceptions and causes against the party would not admit him Then the monkes in al hasty â—pede sent vp to Rome certain of their Couent to haue their electioÌ„ ratified by the authoritie Apostolicall On the other side the king likewise hearing sendeth also to Rome against the Monkes the Bishop of Chester and the Prior of Lentonie on his behalfe to withstande the purpose of the monks And so the matter being trauised with great alteration on both sides did hang in suspense sayeth mine author till at length thus it was coucluded betwene both that neither master William nor yet Lucas shoulde be taken but that Richard Byshop of Sarum should be translated to Durham and be Byshop there An. 1228. ex Mat. Parisiens The like stirre also happened both the same yeare and for the like matter betwene the monkes of Couentry and the Canons of Lichfield about chusing of theyr Byshop which of them should haue the superior voyce in the election of their Prelate Aftermuch a doe the cause at length being hosted vp to Rome had this determination that the monks of Couentry and the Church of Lichfield shoulde chuse their Bishop by course eche part keeping his turne the one after the other prouided notwithstadyng that the Prior of Couentry should alwaies haue the first voyce in euery election where as the old custome was sayth mine author that the Couent wyth the Prior of Couentry was wont to haue the whole election of the bishop without the Canons This was An. 1228. Ex Parisiens pag. 68. In the which yeare died Stephen Langton Archb. of Cant. by whome as is recorded by Nic. Triuet the Chapters of the Bible in that order and number as we nowe vse them were first distincted The sayde Langthon aâ—so made Postiles vpon the whole Bible The same moreouer builded the new hall in the palace of Canterbury After the death of thys Langthon insued an other variance about the election of the Archbishop of Canterbury betwene the monkes of Canterbury and the kâ—ng The purturbation whereof as it was no lesse seditious so the determination of the same was much more costly After the death of Stephen Langthon the monkes of Canterbury obtaining licence of the king to procede in the election of a new archbishop did chuse one of their own society named master Walter Demesham Whom when the monks had presented to the King he after long deliberation began to obiect against that election saying first that the monkes had elected such one as neyther was profitable to hym nor to his kingdom Secondly he obiected against the party elect that his father was conuict of felony hanged for yâ— same Thirdly that he stode in causes against his father k. Iohn in the time of the interdict Moreouer the bishops his suffraganes charged the partie elect that hee had lien wyth a certaine Nunne and had children by her adding farther that the election of the archbishop was without their presence which ought not to be c. But the archbishop againe stoutly standing to his electioÌ„ appealed vp to Rome and estsoones taking with him certaine monks presented him selfe to the popes owne proper person there to sue his appeale instantly intreating that hys election might stande confirmed by his authority pontificall But the pope vnderstanding that the said election was resisted by the king the bishops differred the matter till he did heare farther of the certeinty therof The king the bishops hauing intelligence that the Archb. with hys monkes were gone to Rome thought good to articulate the foresayd obiections aboue alledged or wryting and sealing the same wyth the seales both of the king and of the bishops to exhibite them to the Bishop of Rome The messengers of these letters were the Byshop of Rochester of Chester and the Archdeacon of Bedforde maister Iohn c. who comming to Rome and exhibiting their message with their letters vnto the Pope consideration being had vppon the same were commanded to wait attendance against the next day after Ash wednesday then to haue a resolute answer coÌ„cerning the cause which was the 2. day of March the yere next folowing videlic An. 1229. In the meane season the kings proctors ceased not with all instance to labour the Pope and his Cardinals to be fauorable to the kings side But fineding them somewhat hard straite in the matter as is the guise of that Court they began to misdout their speeding Wherfore consulting together with themselues vpon the premisses they came 〈◊〉 the Pope promising in the kings behalf to be geuen and granted to him out of the realmes both of England and Scotland the rith or tenth part of al the goods within the sayd Realmes mooueable to susteine his warres against the Emperor so that he would incline fauorably to the kings
sute and petition herein At Dominus Papa sayth Pariens qui rebellem Imperatorem super omnia aestuabat deijcere tantis promissionibus exhileratus trahitur ad consensum That is But the pope sayeth the author which boyled with desire aboue all measure to haue the Emperour his ennemie cast downe being cheared wyth so great promises graunted his consent to them who sitting then in his consistorie had these wordes as here followe There hath come a late to our intelligence the election of a certaine Monke named Walter to be Archb. of Cant. whereupon after that we hard and aduised as wel those things which the said Monke hath saide for himselfe and for his election as also on the contrary side the obiections exceptions of the bishops of England alleaging against him and against his election Namely of the bishop of Chester the bishop of Rochester and Iohn Archdeacon of Bedforde We vpon the same committed the examination touching the person of the man vnto our reuerende brethren Lorde Cardinall Albany L. Cardinall Thomas de Sabina and master Peter And when the foresaid elect comming before them was asked of them first concerning the Lordes descending into hel whether he descended in flesh or without his flesh he aunswered not well Item being asked touching the making of the body of Christ on the aultar he answered likewise not soundly Being asked moreouer howe Rachell wept for her children shee being deade before hee aunswered not well Item being asked concerning the sentence of excommunication denounced against the order of law he answered not well Againe being required of matrimonie if one of the maried parties be an infidel and do depart he answered therto not well Vpon these articles he was as is sayd diligently examined of the Cardinals to the which we say he aunswered not only not well but also very ill For so much therefore as the Church of Cant. is a noble churche and requireth a noble prelate a man discrete and modest and such as ought to be taken out of the bosome of the church of Rome and forasmuch as this new elect whom not onely here we pronounce to be vnworthy but also should say more of him if we would proceede with hym by the rigour of the law is so insufficient that he ought not to be admitted to such a roume we do vtterly infringe annihilate and euacuate his election alwaies referuing to our selues the prouision of the sayd church Haec ex Math. Paris ad verbum Thus the election of Walter being frustrate and dissolued the kings procurators bringing forth the letters of the king and of the suffraganes of the Church of Cant. presented the same vnto the pope for the ratification of Richarde Chancellor of Lincolne to be appoynted Archb. of Cant. whome they with great commendation of woordes did set forth to be a man of profound learning and knowledge of an honest coÌ„uersation which was greatest of al that he was a man much for the profite of the church of Rome as also for the realme of England And thus the saide Richard being commended to the Pope by the letters procuratorie of the king and of the bishops had the consent of the pope and of the Cardinals and so was made Bishop of Cant. before he was elected Whereupon the said pope Gregory in his behalfe directeth downe his letters to all and singular suffraganes of the church of Cant. declaring thus and beginning first with a lie that for so much as by the fulnes of ecclesiastical power the charge of pastorall office is committed to him in general vpon al churches he therefore for the sollicitude he beareth as wel to all other churches in generall as in speciall to the Metropolitan church of Cant. repudiating and disanulling the former election of Walter the Monke vpon iust causes hath prouided for that See a man as in all other good giftes perfect and excellent by the report of them that know him so for that function very fit and commodious and willeth and commaÌ„deth them and all other by his authority Apostolicall with all deuout reuerence to receiue him and humbly to obey him c. which was An. 1229. Ex Paris These things thus finished at Rome the pope not forgetting the sweete promises made of the English siluer which he so greedily gaped for omitting neither time nor diligence in all spedy wise sendeth to the king of England M. Stephen his own chaplein trusty Legate to require collect the foresaide tithes of all the moueable goods both of England Ireland and Wales which were promised to him before therew t to maintaine his warre against Fredericke the Emperor And to the intent he might inflame all christeÌ„ realmes wyth the like hatred which he bare against Frederike the Emperor sendeth also with the sayde Stephen special letters ful of manifold complaints and greuous accusations against the said Emperor whereof more Christ graunting shall be shewed hereafter Upon the comming of this Stephen the legate the king assembled all his erles and barons wyth the Archbishops byshops abbots priors templaries hospitalers parsons vicares and other such as held of him in capite to appear before him at Westminster to heare and to common of the matter In the assembly of whome the Popes patent letters were brought forth and red wherin he required the tenths of all the moueables in England Wales and Ireland as wel of the clergy as of the laitie to maintaine his expedition against the foresaid Frederike the Emperor The which expedition as he pretended to atchieue to take in hande for the cause of the vniuersall Church and happely had begon the matter already and for so much as the richesse of the Apostolicke See did not suffice for the accomplishing of so great an enterprise he therfore enforced by mere necessity did implore the aide and helpe of all the true obedient and natural chickens of the church of Rome least the members thereof together with the head should be subuerted These letters of the Pope to this effect being openly recited and explaned by the Popes chaplaine which hee with much more allegation and perswasion of words did amplifie to his vttermost the king sayth mine author in whoÌ„ al men did hope an helpe to their defence became then as a staffe of reede For as much as he had obliged himselfe to the same before for the election of his archb now could say nothing against it but held his peace The Earles Barons all the laitie vtterly refused so to bind their Baronies to the Church of Rome but the Bishoppes Abbots Priors wyth other Prelates of the Church first requiring space and respite to deliberate for 3. or 4. dayes at length for feare of the popes cursse although they durst not vtterly wythstande had brought to passe to haue concluded for a summe of money much lesse had not Stephen Segraue one of the kings counsailers â—raftily conuented
sending playne word to the king by solemne message that his grace without all delay should seclude frō him Peter B. of Winchester and other aliens of Pictauia or if he would not they with the common assent of the realme would displace him with his wicked councellours from his kingdome and haue within themselues tractation for choosing a new king The king at the hearing of this message being mightely moued partly to feare partly to indignation especally hauing the late example of king Iohn his father before his eyes was cast in great perplexity doubting what was best to be done But Winchester with his wicked councell so wrought with the king that he proceeded with all seuerity agaynst them In so much that in short time the sparkles of poisoued coūcell kindling more and more grew to a sharpe battayle betweene the king and Richard Earle Marshall with other nobles to the great disquietnesse of the whole Realme The which warre before was presignified by terrible thundering and lightning heard al england ouer in the moneth of march with such aboundaūee of raine and flouds growing vpon the same as cast down milnes ouercouered the fields threw downe houses and did much harine through the whole Realme To prosecute here at large the whole discourse of thys warre betwene the king and Earl Marshall which continued neare the space of two yeares to declare all the parts and circumstances thereof what trouble it brought what damage it wrought to the whole realm what traines were layd what slanghter of men what waste of whole countryes ensued from Wales vnto Shrewsbery how the marshall ioyned himselfe with Leoline Prince of Walles how the Pictauians were almost all slayne destroyd how the king was distressed what forgery wily wint wrought by the kings letters to entrap the Marshall to betray him to the Irishmen among whom he was at length slayne all this I referr to other authors Who at large do entreat of the same as Math. Parisiens Florilegus such other This is to be noted and obserued whithe rather perteineth to our Ecclesiasticall history to see what sedition and continuall disquietnes was in those dayes among all Christen people almost being vnder the popes Catholick obediēce But especially to marke the corrupt doctrine then reigning it is to be maruelled or rather lamented to see the king and the people then so blinded in the principall point and article of their saluation as we finde in storyes which making mention of a house or Monastery of Conuertes builded the same yeare by the king at London do expres in playne wordes that he then did it Pro redemptione animae suae Regis Ioannis patris sui omnium antecessorum suorum i. For the redemptiō of his soule of the soule of king Iohn his father for the soules of all his auncieers c. Whereby may be vnderstand in what palpable darknes of blind ignoraunce the sely soules redeined by Christ were then inwrapped which did not know nor yet wee taught the right doctrine and first principles of their redemption Ex Math. Parisien sipag 86. Mention was made a litle before pag. 275. of dissoluing the election of Iohn Prior of Cāterbury which was chosen by the Monkes to be Archbishop of the sayd churche of Canterbury but by the pope was defeited After whom one Iohn Blūd was elected who trauelling vp to Rome this yeare an 1233. to be confirmed of the Pope was also repealed and vnetected agayne for that it was thought in England so complayned of to the Pope that he had receiued of Peter Bishop of Winchester a thousand markes and had another thousand promised him of the sayd Winchester who by his mony thought to make him of his side and also wrote to the Emperor to helpe forward his promotion in the court of Rome Notwithstanding both he with his geuing and the other with his taking of bribes were both detected and disapoynted of theyr purpose For the Pope hating then the Emperour for the same cause admitted not the election pretending the cause for that he was proued to holde to benefices without his dispensation After whom by the commaundement of the Pope one Edmund Chanon of Salisbury was ordeyned Archbyshop and had his Palle sent to him from the Pope which Edmunde after for his vertues was Canonised of the Popishe Monkes there for a Saynte and called S. Edmund About which time also Robert Brosted was made B. of Lincolne This Edmund accompanied with other Byshoppes during this trouble betwene the king and his nobles being in councell at Westminster in the yeare next ensuing which was 1234. came vetering their minde boldely in the name of the Lords declaring vnto the king as became his saythfull seruantes that his councell which then he folowed was not found nor safe but cruell and daungerous both to him and to the state of the Realme meaning the councell of Peter Winchester and of Peter Riuall with other adherentes 1. FIrst and in primis for that they hate and contemne the English nation calling them traitours and rebels and turning the kings heart from the loue of hys naturall subiectes and the hartes of them from hym as appeareth by the Earle Marschal and other sowing discorde among them 2. Item by the sayd Counsaile to wit by the foresaid bishop and his fellowes king Iohn the kings father lost first the heartes of his Barons after that lost Normandy and afterward other landes also and in the end wasted all hys treasure so that since that tyme the regiment of England had neuer no quiet after 3. By the sayd Counsayle also in their time and memorye the kingdome of England had bene troubled and suspended and in conclusion became tributary she that was before the Prince of Prouincies and so warre insuing vpon the same the sayd Kyng Iohn his father incurred great daunger of death and at last was extinguished lacking both peace of hys kingdome and of his own heart 4. Item by the sayd counsayle the Castle of Bedford was kept long tyme agaynst the king to the great losse both of men treasure beside the losse of Rupella to the shame of the Realme of England 5. Moreouer through their wicked counsayle at this present great perturbation seemed to hang ouer the whole realme for els if it had not bene for their counsayle and that true iustice and iudgement might haue bene ministred vnto the kinges subiects these tumultes had neuer bene stirred and the king might haue had his land vnwasted and his treasure vnconsumed 6. Item in that sayth and alleageance wherwith they were obliged vnto him they protested vnto him that the sayd his councell was not a councell of peace but of deuision and disquietnesse to the end that they which otherwise by peace could not aspire by disturbing and disheriting other might be exalted 7. Item for that all the castles fortes munitions also all the offices of the
kings hart was confirmed and he receiued Ex Mat. Parisiens fol. 164. 240. After the death of Stephen Langhton Archb. of Canterbury ye heard before how the monks had elected walter a Monke of Launterbury But the king to stop that election sent vp his Proctors M. Alexander stanes and M. Henry Sandford bishop of Rochester to the Pope to euacuate that election and to place Richard Chauncellor of Lincolne Which Proctors perceiuing at first the Pope and Cardinals how hard vnwillingly they were therunto considering how all thinges might be bought for mony rather then the king shoulde fayle of his purpose they promised on the kinges behalfe to the pope for mainteining his warres agaynst Fredericke the Emperour a disme or tenth part of all the moueables in the Realme of England and of Ireland At the contemplation of which mony the Pope estsoones thinking to passe with the king began to pick quarrels with the foresayd Gualter for not answering rightly to his questions about Christes descēding to hell making of Christes body on the aulter the weeping of Rachell for her children she being dead before about the sentence of excommunication and certain causes of Matrimony His aunsweres wherunto when they were not to the Popes mind he was therefore put backe and the kings man preferred which cost the whole realm of England and Ireland the tenth part of their moueable goods By reason whereof what money was raysed to the Popes Gazophylacium I leaue to the estimation of the Reader an 1229. Ex Mat. Paris fol. 71. And yet for all this the sayd Richard the costly Archbishop of Caunterbury within lesse then two yeres after falling out with the king about the castle and Lordshippe of Tunbridge went and complayned of him to the Pope In the trauers whereof it cost the king a great piece of mony besides and yet mist he his purpose In the which iourney the sayd Archbishop in his returne homeward by the way departed an 1231. Of the like dissentiō ye heard before betwene the king and the couent of Durham for not choosing M. Lucas the kinges Chaplaine About the sute whereof when much money was bestowed on both sides welfauoredly the pope defeiting thē both admitted neither M. William nor M. Lucas but or deined the Byshop of Sarum to be theyr byshop an 1228 Ex Paris Betwene the Monks of Couentry and the canons of Liechfield rose another like quarell which of them should haue the superior voyce in chusing their bishop In which sute after much mony bestowed in the court of Rome the pope to requallify agayn ech part with some retribution for their mony receiued tooke this order indifferētly betwene them that each part by course should haue the choosing of their bishop an 1228. Ex. Paris fol. 68. What busines fell likewise betweene Edmund Archb. of Caunterbury and the Monkes of Rochester about the electiō of Richard Wēdour to be theyr bishop And what was the end first the Archbishop was sayne to trauel◠himselfe to the Pope and so did the Couent also send their Proctors Who be like being better moued weyed downe the cause so that the good Archbishoppe in that cause agaynst the Monkes and partly in an other cause agaynst the Earle of Arundell was condemned of the Pope in a thousand Markes Whereof the greatest part no doubly redounded to the Popes coffers an 1238. Math Parisiensis fol. 114. After the returning of the sayd Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury agayne from Rome it chaunced that the Monkes of Canterbury had elected theyr Prior without his assent for the which he did excommunicate the monks and euacuate theyr election Not long after this the popes exactours went about to extort from the churchmen the fift part of theyr goods to the Popes vse fighting then agaynst the Emperour This cruell exaction being a great while resisted by the Prelates and Clergy at length the foresayd Archb. thinking therby to get the victory agaynst the monks was contented to graunt to the sayd exaction adding moreouer of his own for an ouerplus 800. marks whereupon the rest of the Clergy was fayne to follow after and contribute to the popes exactors an 1240. Ex Mat. Paris fol. 132. b. In the church of Lincolne whose sea before the conquest was in Dorkester and afterward by williā Rufus translated from thence to Lincolne rose a greuous contētiō beweene Rob. Grosted then bishop and the canons of the cathedrall church about theyr visitation whether the bishop should visire them or the Deane which matter being put to arbiters could not so be composed before the B. and the chapter after theyr appeale made to the Pope went both to Rome and there after they had well wasted theyr purses they receiued at length their aunswere but payd full sweetly for it an 1239. Paris fol. 119. At what time the Canons of chichester had elected Robert Passelew to their bishop at the kings request the Archb. with certein other bishops taking part against the kings chaplaine repelled him and set vp Richard Wirch Upon this what sending and going there was to Rome and what mony bestowed about the matter as wel of the kings part as bishops read the story thereof in Mat. Paris fol. 182. 184. 186. Robert Grosted bishop of Lincolne of whom relation was made before hauing a great care howe to bring the priuiledged orders of religious houses within his precinct vnder his subiectiō and discipline went to Rome there with great labor much effusion of mony as the story sayth procured of the pope a mandate wereby all such religious orders were commaunded to be vnder his power and obedience Not long after the Monkes not abyding that who could soone wey downe the Bishop with mony sent theyr factors to the Pope who with their golden eloquence so perswaded him and stirred affections in such sort that soone they purchased themselues freedome from their ordinary Bishop wherof Robert Grosted hauing intelligence made vp to Rome and there complayning to the pope declared how he was disappoynted and confounded in his purpose contrary to promises and assurance made to him before Unto whom Pope Innocent looking with a sterne countenaunce made this aunswere agayne Brother sayd he what is that to thee Thou hast deliuered and discharged thine owne soule It hath pleased vs to shew fauor vnto them Is thine eie euill that I am good And thus was the Bishop sent away with a flea in his care murmuring with himself yet not so softly but that the Pope heard him say these words O mony mony what canst not thou do in the court of Rome Wherwith the Pope being somewhat pinched gaue this aunswere agayne D ye Englishmen Englishmen of all men most wretched For all your seeking is how ye may consume deuour one an other c. anno 1250. Ex. Math. Parisiensi fol. 230. It happened moreouer the same yeare that the sayd Robert Grosted
CaÌ„terbury being vacant but that all things appertayning to that Church ought to be reserued whole to the consecratioÌ„ of the new Archb. therefore for the state both of hym and of hys Church he appealed vp also vnto Rome But to returne to the archbishop agayne The second yeare after Adam Chelindon the foresayde Archb. elect remayning all this while at Rome at last resigned vp hys election to the popes hand beyng Breg 10. who then gaue the same to Rob. Kilwarby Who then coÌ„ming to Douer restored agayn the Prior of that house being before excluded vpon certain causes By these coutentions iudge good reader of the religion of these men and of these tunes And now to returne to our former story About whiche tyme came out the great concordaunces by an Englishe Frier called Iohn Dernington Ex Eulogio It was aboue declared how a generall voyage beyng proclaymed to warre agaynst the Turkes and a subsidie beyng collected in EnglaÌ„d vpon the same prince Edward with other was appoynted to take theyr voyage nowe were onward in theyr iourny Who at Michelmas following with hys company came to Egermorth whiche is from Marsilius 8. leagues westward there taking ship agayne hauing a mery winde and prosperous within x. dayes ariued at Sunes at Tunicium where he was wyth great ioy welcommed entertayned of the Christian princes that there were to this purpose assembled as of Philip the French king whose father Ludouicus died a little before of Carolus the king of Sicilia and the two kinges of Nauarre and AragoÌ„ And as the Lord Edward came thither for hys father the king of England thither came also Henry the sonne of the king of Almaine for his father who at hys returne from the voyage was slayne in a chappell at Uiterbium hearing masse by the Lord SimoÌ„ and Buido the sonnes of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earle of Leicester When Prince Edward demaunded of these kings and Princes what was to be done they answered him agayne and sayd The Prince of this Cittie sayd they and the prouince adioyning to the same hath bene accustomed to pay tribute vnto the king of Sicile euery yeare And nowe for that the same hath bene for the space of vii yeares vnpayed and more therefore we thought good to make inuasion vpon hym But the king knowing the same tribute to be but iustly demaunded hath now according to our owne desires satisfied for the tyme past and also payed his tribute before hand Then sayde he My Lordes what is this to the purpose Are we not here all assembled and haue taken vpon vs the Lordes Character to fight against the Infidels and enemies of Christ what meane you then to conclude a peace with them God forbid we should do so for nowe the land is playne and hard so that we may approch the holy Citty Ierusalem then sayd they nowe haue we made a league with them neither is it lawfull for vs to breake the same But let vs returne agayne to Sicilia and when the wynter is past we may well take shipping to Acra But this counsaile nothing at al liked him neither did he shew himselfe wel pleased therwith But after that he had made them a princely banquet he went into hys closet or priny chamber from amongst them neither woulde be partake â— of any of that wicked mony which they had taken They notwithstanding continuing their purpose at the next mery wynd took shipping and for want of ships left CC. of theyr men a shore crying out piteously lamenting for the perill hazard of death they were in wherewith Prince Edward being somewhat moued with compassion came backe agayne to the land and receiued and stowed them in his own shippes being the last that went aborde within 7. dayes after they arriued in the kingdome of Scicilia ouer agaynst the Citty Trapes casting theyr anchors a league from thence within the sea for that their ships were of great burden throughly fraught And fâ—oÌ„ the hauen of the Cittie they sent out varges and boates to receiue and bring such of the Nobilitie to land as would but for theyr horses for the most part and all their armour they kept stil within bourd At length towardes the euening the sea began to be rough encreased to a great tempest a mighty In so much that their ships were beaten one against an others sides and drowned there was of them at that reÌ„pest lying at anchor more then 120. with all their armour and munition with innumerable soules besides and that wicked mony also which they had taken before likewise perished and was drowned But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of Prince Edwardes who had in number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby for that as it may be presupposed he consented not to the wicked counsaile of yâ— rest When in the morning the Princes and kinges came to the sea side and saw al theyr shyps drowned and saw their men and horses in great number cast vpon the land drowned they had full heauy heartes as well they might For of all theyr shyps and mariners whiche were in number a 1500. besides the common souldiours there was no more saued then the Mariners of one onely Shyp and they in this wise There was in that ship a good and wise Matrone a Countesse or an Earles wife perceiuing the tempest to grow and fearing her self called to her the Maister of the ship asked whether in attempting to the shore it were not possible to saue themselues who answered that to saue the ship it was impossible howbeit the men that were therein by Gods help he doubted not Then sayd the Countesse for the ship force no whit saue the soules therein and haue to the double the valure of thy ship who immediately hoysing the sayles with all force ran the ship a groundso neare the shore as possible was Thus with the vehemency of the weather and force he came withall brast the ship and saued all that was within the same as the matter had shewed and sayd before Then the kinges and princes altering theyr purpose after this so great a shypwrack returned home again eueuery one vnto their own lands Onely Edward the kings sonne remayned behinde with his men and ships which yâ— Lord had saued and preserued Then Prince Edward renouating hys purpose tooke shipping agayn and within 15. dayes after Easter arriued he at Acra and went a land taking with hym a thousand of the best souldiours most expert taryed there a whole month refreshing both hys men and horses and that in this space he might learne and know the secretes of the land After this he took with hym 6. or 7. thousand souldiours and marched forward twenty myles from Acra and tooke Nazareth and those he there found he slew and afterward returned again to Acra But their enemies following after them thinking to haue set vpon
Aluredus whiche in the order of Archbishops I left out in the end of the 3. booke pag. 170. This Lanffancus was an Italian and a stout Champion of the Pope After his stubberne dissention with Thomas Archbishop of Yorke he wrot against Berengarius intitulyng hys Booke Opus Scintillarum pag. 172. Also the same Lancfranke builded the newe Churche at Canterbury and pluckt downe the olde By him was builded the Church of S. Gregorye At length he was expulsed by king Wil. Rufus 35. Anselmus 20. Of this Anselmus and the strife betwene him and the king looke in the pag. 184. 36. Radulphus 8. Under Rad. the order of Cisternians began 37. Guilielmus Curboil 13. By this W. the newe worke of the Church of S. Martines at Douer was builded 38. Theobaldus 24. By this Theobald Monkes were first brought into that church of Douer He was expulsed by king Stephen In his time the church of S. Gregory was burned at Cant. 39. Tho. Becket 9. Of the life and death of thys Becket see the pag. 205. 39. Tho. Becket 9. Ex Crikeladensi Magnates in Anglia interdixerunt ne quis martyrem Thomam nominaret ne quis eius miracula praedicaret interminantes minas mortis seu maximarum poenarum omnibus consitentibus eum fuisse martyrem miracula eius praedicantibus c. 40. Richardus 10. This Richard was a Monk in his time Christes Church at Canterbury was burned 41. Baldwinus 7. Betweene this Baldwine the Monkes was great discord He suspended the Prior from his Priorship and 22. Monkes from all seruice He caused the Subprior with all his adherēts to be excommunicate through al Kent 42. Hubertus 14. In the time of thys Hubert the Chappell of Lamheth was pluckt downe Also the Church of Douer was burned 43. Stephanus Langhton 22. This Stephen with the Monkes of Caunterbury were expulsed by king Iohn This Stephen intending to geue orders in the Chappell of Lamheth was stopped by the Monkes of Cant. through their appeale and prohibition Wherfore he required Eustace Bishop of London to minister the same orders in the Church of Saynct Paule In his time fell great variaunce betweene the Monkes of Rochester and the Monkes of Canterb. for the election of their B. which election the Monkes of Cant. would not admitte before the Rochester Monkes had presented the Byshops staffe in the Church of Cant. so that both the Churches sent their messengers to the court of Rome 44. Richardus Magnus 4. At the consecration of this Richarde contention rose betwene the Bishop of Rochester and bishop of Bath who should consecrate him Item betwene the sayd Richard and the Monkes of Canterbury fell a greuons discord about certayne libertyes belonging to the Archb. The sayd Archbishop for certayne quarels agaynst the king went vp to Rome who dyed in Tuscia After this Richard the election of 3. Archbish. was castate at Rome of Rodulphus de noua villa of Iohn Prior of Cant. Iohn Blund 45. Edmund of Abenden 7. This Edmund was called S. Edmund At whose election the Prior of Douer thinking to be present as at the mariage of his Mother was not permitted by the Monkes of Canterbury For the which iniurye he appealed and went to Rome to complayne not against the elect but agaynst the election where he obteined of the Pope for all the Priors and successors of Douer to haue full interest in the election of the Archbi besides other priuiledgies which he obteined percase not without some good store of mony Afterward y◠Monkes of Cant. accused him to the Archbishoppe as though he stood agaynst the person of the elect so obtayned of the Archbi being angrye with him to haue brought him vnder the chapter of Canter there to be punished Whereupon the Prior seing him so destitute of all helpe of Lawyers was constrayned in the foresayd chapter to crye peccaui Then being suspended from his Priorship was at lēgth sēt home to Douer being compelled first to set his hand to a certayn composition betwene him the foresayd Monkes The sayd Edmūd Archb. also hauyng some quarell agaynst the king went vp to Rome and dyed before his comming home 46. Bonifacius 25. In the time of this Boniface Pope Gregory wickedly graūted to king Henry 3. for the getting of the kingdome of Sicile whiche belonged not to him to geue nor to the other to take tenthes of goodes temporall and spirituall for fiue yeares Item all the first yeares fruites of churches that should be vacant for 5. yeares Item halfe of all the goodes of beneficed men not resident at their benefices Item all Legaces not distinctly geuen And yet the kingdome of Sicile neuer came to his hands whiche belonged to Manfredus sonne of Fredericke Emperour Strife betweene thys Boniface and the prior of Cant. Item betwene him and bishop of Ross. Item betweene him the Chapter of Lincolne all which was after agreed Chro. Douerens fol. 20. pag. 2. Strife in Winchester about chusing the bishop after y◠death of Ayonarus that kings Brother Strife in the Conuocation whiche Boniface did holde at Lambheth In the which councell were recited the statutes of Octobonus and other new statutes made Agaynst whiche I. Hemelingforde the Kynges Chaplaine with other moe and prince Edward on the Kynges behalfe did appeale Chro. Douer fol. 21. Under this Boniface Archb. Tunbridge Hadlo first came vnder the custody of the Archb. of Cant. Maister Iohn of Exeter bought the Bishoprick of Winchester for 6000. marks which being known he was fayne to pay the same summe agayne to the Pope and so was sent home Boniface the Archb. being in the partes of Sebaudia an 1262 fell an other alteration betwene the Prior and Chapter of Canterbury on the one part and the Prior and Chapter of Douer on the other part Which two houses almost were neuer in quiet and all about certayne liberties and Priuilegies as for making the subprior for receiuing in of monkes and for visitations of the Church of Douer An. 1268. Boniface Archb. interdicted the Cittye of London because in the same Cittye the Archb. of Yorke did holde vp his Crosse the Archbishoppe of Cant. being there present the king holding then hys Parliament at Westminster This Archb. died in the partes of Sebaudia  Iohn Prior of Canterbury was elected by the Monkes agaynst the kinges minde but by the Pope refused  Adam Chilinden was elect but he resigned his electiō to the Pope 47. Robert Kilwarby Frier 6. In the time of this Robert Kilwarby appeale was taken agaynst the Chapter of Canterbury by the Bishop of Winchester of Worcester and Exceter for the which cause the sayd Byshops wēt vp to Rome to prosecute the appeale The matter was because they did not theyr obedience to the Monkes of Caunterbury the see beyng empty Walter Gissard Archb. of Yorke going toward the generall counsell bare vp his crosse through the middle of Kent in the time of this
temporall and nobilitie of the Realme and cheifly those that studied for the preseruatioÌ„ of the commonweale not â—casing as yet to coÌ„tinue his mischeuous enterprise if by Gods prouideÌ„ce it be not preuented that with speed Amongst all other of the Nobilitie these first he put to death the Earle of Salisbury the Earle of Huntington the Earle of Gloucester the Lord Roger Clarendon the kyngs brother with diuers other knights and Esquiers and afterwards the Lord Thomas Percy Earle of Worcester and the Lord Henry Percy sonne and heyre to the Earle of Northunberland the which Lord Henry he not onely slew but to the vttermost of his power againe and againe he caused hym to be slayne For after that he was once put to death and deliuered to the Lord of Furniuale to be buryed who committed his body to holy sepulture with as much honour as might be commending his soule to almighty God with the suffrages of the blessed masse other praiers the said Lord Henry most like a cruel beast still thirsting hys bloud caused his body to be exhumate brought forth againe and to be reposed betwene two milstones in the towne of Shreusbury there to be 〈◊〉 wyth armed men And afterwards to be beheaded anâ— quartered commanding his head and quarters to be caried vnto diuers cities of the kingdome Wherefore for so detestable a fact neuer heard of in any age before we pronounce him as in the former articles excommunicate 8. Eightly we depose c. agaynst the said Lord Henry for that after his atteining to the crowne he willingly ratified allowed and approued a most wicked statute set forth renued in yâ— parliament holden at Winchester The which statute is directly against yâ— Church of Rome the power principalitie therof giuen by our Lord Iesus Christ and vnto blessed S. Peter his successors Bishops of Rome vnto whom belongeth by full authoritie the free disposing of all spirituall promotions as wel superior as inferiour which wicked statute is the cause of many mischiefes vid. of simonie periurie adultery incest misorder disobedience for that many Bishops Abbots priors and prelats we will not say by vertue but rather by errour of this statute haue bestowed yâ— benefices vacant vpoÌ„ yong men rude and vnworthy persons which haue compacted with them for the same so that scarce no one prelate is found that hath not couenanted with the partie promoted for the halfe yearely or at the least the third part of the said benefice so bestowed And by this meanes the said statute is the destruction of the right of S. Peter the Church of Rome and England the Cleargie and vniuersities the mainteuance of wars and the whole common wealth c. 9. Ninthly we say and depose c. against the said Lord Henry that after he had tyrannously taken vpon him the gouernement of the Realme England neuer florished since nor prospered by reason of his continuall exactions of money and oppressions yearely of the cleargie and coÌ„minaltie neither is it knowen how this money so extorted is bestowed when as neither his souldiours nor his gentlemen are payed as yet their wages and fees for their charges and wonderfull toile and labour neither yet the poore countrey people are satisfied for the victuall taken of them And neuertheles the miserable clergie and more miserable comminaltie are forced still to pay by menaces and sharp threatnings Notwithstanding he sware when he first vsurped the crowne that hereafter there should be no such exactions nor vexations neither of the clergie nor lâ—â—tie Wherfore as afore we pronounce him periured c. 10. In the tenth and last article we depose say and openly protest by these presents for our selues all our assistents in the cause of the Church of Rome and England and in the cause of king Richard his heires the clergie and comminaltie of the whole Realme that neither our entention is was nor shall be in word nor deed to offend any state either of the prelats spirituall Lords temporall nor commons of the realme but rather foreseeing the perdition and destruction of this Realme to approch we haue here brought before you certeine articles concerning the destruction of the same to be circumspectlie considered of the whole assembly as well of the Lords spirituall as temporall and the faithfull commons of England beseeching you all in that bowels of Iesus Christ the righteous iudge and for the merits of our blessed Lady the mother of God and of S. George our defender vnder whose displayed banner we wish to liue and die and vnder paine of damnation that ye will be fauourable to vs and our causes which are three in number Wherof the first is that we exalt vnto the kingdome the true lawfull heire and him to crowne in kinglie throne with the diademe of England And secondly that we renoke the weshmen the Irishmen and all other our enimies vnto perpetuall peace and amitie Thirdly and finally that we deliuer and make free our natiue countrey from al exactions extortioÌ„s vniust paiments Beseeching our Lord Iesus Christ to graunt his blessing the remission of their sinnes life euerlasting to all that assist vs to their power in this godly and meritorious worke and vnto all those that are against vs we threaten the curse of almighty God by the authority committed vnto vs by Christ and his holy Church and by these presents we pronounce them excommunicate These Articles being seene and read much concourse of people daily resorted more and more to that archbishop The Earle of Westmerland being then not far off with Iohn the kings sonne hearing of this mustered his souldiours with all the power he was able to make bent toward the Archbishop but seeing his part too weake to encounter with him vseth practise of policie where strength would not serue And first comming to him vnder colour of frendship dissembled laboureth to seeke out the causes of that great stirre To whome the Archbyshop againe answering no hurt to be entended thereby but profit rather to the kyng and common wealth and maintenance of publicke peace but for so much as he stood in great scare and danger of the king he was therefore compelled so to doo And withall shewed vnto him the contents of the Articles aforesaid which when the Earle had read setting a faire face vpon it seemed highly to commend the purpose and doyngs of the Bishop promising moreouer that he would helpe also forward in that quarell to the vttermost of his power And required vpon the same a day to be set when they with equall number of men might meere together in some place appointed to haue farther talke of the matter The Archbishop easilie perswaded was content although much against the counsaile of the Earle Marshall and came Where the Articles being openly published and read the Earle of Westmerland with his companie pretended well to like vpon the same and to ioyne their
Arragon were twise present your self in the chapter house and disputed twise most subtilly and twise declared your minde what you thought in that matter What do you desire any more Also out of the territory of that Duke of Millaine there was present the Archbish. of Millaine who albeit he be no Ambassador yet howe famous a Prelate he is you are not ignorant When he had spoken these words the Archbishop being somewhat mooued sayd vnto him My Lord Cardinal you supply the roume of a president no better then I doe the place of a Dukes Oratour and began to taunt him wyth many words But the Cardinall as he was a man moste pacient and woulde not be prouoked to anger by no meanes sayd this is it that I euen now desired For if the Archb. be an Ambassador then hath the Duke no cause to complaine which had his Oratour present at the discussing of those matters I passe ouer other Princes because they doe not complaine Notwythstanding the most Christian Kynge of Fraunce had there the Byshop of Lyons a graue and sober man his Ambassadour at the disputation As for other princes I see no cause why they shuld be taried for which knowing the councel to be congregate for such matters as pertaine vnto faith do not thinke it absurd that the doutfull matters of fayth shoulde be declared in the Councell Whereunto if they had bene willing to come they would haue bene present or this Why this matter should neede so much discussing as some will haue I doe not vnderstand For if I be wel remembred Panormitane and also Ludouicus haue oftentimes affirmed in this place euē the very same thing which the conclusions signifie And if any of them now will go about to gaynsay it it will happen vnto them as it did vnto Didimus To whom when as on a time hee repugned agaynst a certayne historye as vayne and friuolous hys own book was deliuered vnto him wherin the same was written So likewise these two men meaning Panormitane Ludouicus the Prothonotary Although they be excellently learned eloquent yet may they be confuted by their owne writinges Besides this there are Synodall Epistles and decrees of this Councell whiche are full of such cōclusions What is it then whereupon any difficultie can be raysed What is it that may be impugned Shal we now bring that againe in doubt whiche hath so often bene declared affirmed and decreed But say they the princes Ambassadours are absent whiche are byshops by whose presence the decrees should be of more authority Wel they are not onely absent which are gone to Mentz but almost an infinite number of others dispersed throughout the whol world whō if we should tary to looke for nothing at any tyme should be decreed They are al called vnto the councel they might haue come if they would To those that are present power is geuen and they ought to debate these matters If any man will say that they which are absent are about the affayres of the common wealth truely we sent them not thither but they went rather agaynst the will of the Councell then with the consent therof And admit that they had bene sent by the Councel yet were not our power so much restrayned but that we might reforme the Church for otherwise there should neuer any thing be done in the Councell for somuch as alwayes some are sent out by the Councell and some are alwayes to be looked and taryed for and therfore we must eyther do nothing at all or sende out no Prelates from the Councell Where as he sayd that Prelates and specially Bishops are cōtemned that is most far from the truth for they haue the chiefe and first places They speake first and geue their voices first of all vnto all thinges and if so be they do speake learnedly and truely all the inferiors without any gaynesaying did soone follow their mynde Neither peraduenture shall it be founde vntrue that there was neuer any Synode which dyd more amplifie the power authoritie of Byshops then this For what haue the Byshoppes bene in our dayes but onely shadowes Might they not well haue bene called shepheardes wtout the sheep What had they more thē their miter and their staffe when as they could determine nothing ouer their subiects Uerely in the primitiue Church the Byshops had the greatest power authoritie but now was it come to that poynt that they exceeded the cōmon sort of priestes onely in theyr habite and reuenewes But we haue restored them agayn to their old state we haue reduced the colation of benefices agayn vnto thē we haue restored vnto thē the confirmation of elections we haue brought agayn the causes of the subiectes to be heard into their handes haue made them bishops which were none before What cause is there then that the Byshops should say they are contemned of the Councel Or what iniurious thing haue we at anye time done vnto them But Parnormitan sayth that forsomuch as most bishops are on hys parte and few agaynst hym the conclusion is not to be determined by the multitude of the inferiours but let Panormitan remember himself that this is no new kinde of proceeding This order of proceeding the Councell ordeined from the beginning neither hath it bene chaunged at any tyme since And this order Panormitan in times past hath pleased you well enough when as the multitude did followe your minde But now because they do not followe your mynd they do displease you But the decrees of the Councels are not so mutable as the wils of mē Know ye moreouer that the very same bishops which doe consent with you in word and do not consent with you in minde neither spake the same secretly which they now do openly They do fear that which you told them at home in their country that except they would follow your minde they shoulde displease the king They feare the power of the Prince to be spoyled of theyr temporalties neither haue they free libertye to speak as is requisite in Councels Albeit if they were true Bishops true pastors of soules they woulde not doubt to put their liues in venture for their sheepe neither be afeard to shed their bloud for their mother the Church But at this present the more is the pittie it is to rare to finde a Prelate in this world whiche doth not preferre hys temporalities before hys spiritualties with the loue wherof they are so withdrawne that they study rather to please Princes then God and confesse God in corners but Princes they will opēly confesse Of whome the Lord speaketh in hys Gospell Euery one sayth he that confesseth me before men I will confesse him before my father which is in heauen And contrariwise the Lord will not confesse him before his father which is afeard to confesse the Lord before men Neither is it true which Panormitan sayth most bishops to be on
themselues aboue the vniuersall church thought it lawfull for them to doe all things after their owne pleasure and that no one man froÌ„ henceforth should transport the councell from one place to another as Eugenius atteÌ„pted to doe now to Bononia now to Florentia theÌ„ agayne to Bononia after to Ferraria and after that agayne to Florentia and that hereafter the Bishops should withdraw theyr minds from the carefulnes of temporall goodes whiche as he himselfe did see had no mind at all on spiritual matters therfore by how much this SessioÌ„ was most holy and necessary by so much more the assent of the Ambassadours was most laudable acceptable to all the fathers These wordes thus spoken he rose vp and the congregation was dissolued Now after that Gabriel Condulmarius was deposed from the bishopricke of Rome the principall fathers of the Councell being called together in the Chapter house of the great Church consulted together whether it were expedeÌ„t that a new bishop should be created out of haÌ„d or deâ—erred for a time Such as thought good that the election shoulde be done with speed shewed how daungerous a thing it was for such a coÌ„gregatioÌ„ to be without a head also what a pestiferous sicknes was in al the City which not onely consumed young men and children but also men of middle age and old men in like maner and that this plague came first by straungers vnto the poore of the Citty and so infected the rich now was come vnto the fathers of the counceel amplifiyng moreouer and encreasing the terror therof and making the thing worse then it was as the maner is Neither doth the decree sayd they any thing let or hinder wherein it is prouided that there should be delay of lx dayes after the sea is voyde for that is to be vnderstand when as the sea is voyd at such time as there is no Councell holden neyther ought we to tary or make any delay least the Princes being perswaded by Gabriel should resist Unto whom the deposition of Gabriell and the election of some other is to be certified all vnder one message The other which thought good that there should be a delay sayde that the Councell did lacke no head for so muche as Christ was the head thereof neither did lacke a ruler for so much as it was gouerned by the Presidents other officers and that no mention shoulde be made of any pestilence in such case seing that vnto stout strong men death is not to be feared neither can any thing daunt or feare theÌ„ which contend for the Christian fayth As for that pestileÌ„ce which doth now encrease and grow in the City forasmuch as iudgement is now geuen it is to be hoped that it wyll asswage which was thought to haue come for the neglecting of iustice Also that in so doubtful a matter they ought rather to vse the princes agaynst theyr will then to neglect them and that it is not be feared but that in this case God will helpe those that are stoute valiaunt The matter being thus discussed amongest them albeit that there was as many mindes as there was men yet it seemed vnto them all that it was most profitable to choose the Byshop by and by but most honest to deferre it Hereupon Iohn Segouius a man of excellent learning sayd Most reuerend fathers I am diuersly drawne by sundry reasons to this side and that But as I way the matter more deeply in my minde this is my opinion that to come to a speedy election it seemeth good to speake after mans iudgement but to delay it for two moneths to speak after Gods iudgement it seemeth much better I do iudge that not onely the wordes but also the meaning of our decree ought to be obserued Wherefore if ye will geue any credite vnto me folow rather daungerous honesty theÌ„ secure vtility albeit that in deede vtility cannot be discerned from honesty This opinion of delay took place among the Fathers and they determined to staye for the space of two monethes In the meane time messegers were sent vnto the princes to declare the deposition of Eugenius by the Synode and publish it abroad During this time the corrupt ayre was nothing at all purged but the mortality dayly encreasing many died and were sicke Whereupon a sodayne feare came vpon the fathers Neyther were they sufficiently aduised what they might do for they thought it not to be without daunger either to depart or to tary Notwithstanding they thought it good to tary also they caused other to tary that since they had ouercome famine and the assaults of theyr enemies on earth they would not seeme to shrinke for the persecutioÌ„ of any plague or sicknes But forsomuch as the could not all be kept there it was politickly prouided that the councell should not seme to be dissolued for any maÌ„s departure And for the more establishmeÌ„t of the matter there were certaine thinges read before the fathers which they called De stabilimento whose authority continued long time after When as the Dogge dayes were come and that all herbes withe red with heat the pestilence dayly encreased more more that it is incredible how many dyed It was to horrible to see the corses hourely caryed through the streetes when on euery side there was weeping wayling sighing There was no house voyd of mourning no myrth or laughter in no place but matrones bewayling their husbandes the husbandes theyr wiues Men women went through the streetes and durst not speake one vnto another Some taryed at home and other some that went abroad had perfumes to smell vnto to preserue them agaynst the plague The common people dyed without nuÌ„ber and like as in the cold Autumne the leaues of the trees do fall euen so did the youth of the City consume and fall away The violence of the disease was such that ye should haue met a maÌ„ mery in the street now and within x. houres heard that he had bene buryed The number of the dead corses was such also that they lacked place to bury them in in so much that all the Churchyards were digged vp and filled with dead corses great holes made in the Parish Churches wheras a great number of corses being thrust in together they couered them ouer with earth For which cause the fathers were so afraid that there appeared no bloud in their faces and specially the sodayne death of Lodouicus the Prothonotary did make all men afrayd who was a strong man florishing in age singularly learned in both lawes whoÌ„ the same enuious and raging sicknes tooke away in a few houres By and by after dyed Lodouicus the Patriarke of Aquileia a man of great age and brought vp alwayes in troubles and aduersity neither coulde he see the day of the Popes election which he had long wished for Notwtstanding he tooke partly a consolation in that he had
The most of this Hūgary is nowe vnder the Turk which Turks first came into Europe An. 1211. BOhemia Praga Pilzen Thabor Buduuis Kolin or Koelu Egra Kuttenberg Leimiritz Laun. Rakonicke Glataw Bern. or Beraun Bruck Most Gretz Hradetz Aust. Maut Myto Hof Iaromir Dub. Biela Lantzhut Gilowy Krupka Krumaw Pardubitz Chumitaun Loket Teplitz Hantzburg Zbraslau Labe. Vltawa After the deathe of Ladislaus the kingdome of Boheme fell to George Pogiebracius aboue mentioned whō Pope Innocent the eight did excommunicate and depose for hys religion as is afore declared Furthermore the kingdome of Hungary was geuen to Mathias sonne of Huniades who was in captiuity as is sayd with king Ladislaus and should haue bene put to death after his brother had not the king before bene preuented wyth death as is aboue recorded Moreouer heere is to be noted that the sayde king Ladislaus thus dying wythout wife and issue left behinde hym two sisters aliue to witte Elizabeth which was maried to Casimirus king of Polonia and Anna maried to William duke of Saxonie Elizabeth by her husbande Casimirus king of Polonia had Uladislaus who at length was king both of Boheme and Hungarie This Casimirus first was maryed to Beatrix wife before to Mathias Then being diuorced from her by the dispensation of Pope Alexander maryed a newe wife a Countesse of Fraunce by whome he had two children Lewes and Anna Lewes which was heire of both kingdomes of Boheme and Hungarie was slayne fighting against the Turkes Anna was maried to Ferdinandus by whome he was Archduke of Austria kyng of Boheme c. Sigismundus left onely ouedaughter Elizabeth wife to Albertus Emperour Who had 3. children Ladislaus king of Hungarie Boheme and Austria Elizabeth wyth of Casimirus kynge of Polonie who had Anna wyfe to William Duke of Saxon. Vladislaus kyng of Baheme and Hungary who by hys seconde wife Countesse of Fraunce had Ludouicus King of Boheme Hungarie Anne wife to Ferdinandus Father to thys Maximilian nowe Emperour Ye heard before howe after the decease of Ladislaus the Hungarians by their election preferred Mathias surnamed Coruinus which was sonne of Huniades to the kingdome of Hungary For which cause dissention fel betwene Friderick the Emperor and him for that the said Friderick was both nominated himselfe by diuers vnto that kyngdom also because he had the crown of Hungary then remaining in his hands which Elizabeth mother to K. Ladislaus had brought to the Emperor as was before declared But this warre betweene them was ceased by the intercessiō of the Princes of Germany so that Mathias ransomed that crowne of Fridericke for 8000. Florences Not long after Pope Innocent being displeased with George Pogiebracius or Boiebracius king of Bohemia for fauouring of Iohn Hus his Religion that is to say for playing the part of a godly Prince dyd excommunicate depose him conferring his kingdome to Mathias But for somuch as Fridericke the Emperour would not thereto consent and especially after the death of the foresayde George when the Emperour and the Bohemians leauing out Mathias did nominate Uladislaus sonne of Casimirus king of Polonie and of Elizabeth to be kyng of Boheme therefore great warre and trouble kindled betweene him and Fridericke the Emperour wherein the Emperour had vtterly gone to ruine had not Albertus Duke of Saxonie rescued the Emperour and repressed the vehemencie of Mathias The noble actes of Iohn Huniades and of this Mathias hys sonne were not onely great stayes to Hungary but almost to al Christendom in repelling backe the Turke For beside the other victories of Iohn Huniades the father afore mentioned thys Mathias also his sonne succeeding no lesse in the valiantnes then in the name of hys father did so recouer Sirmium and the confines of Illyrica from the hands of the Turks so vanquished their power that both Mahometes and also Baiazetes hys sonne were enforced to seeke for truce Ouer and besides the same Mathias conducting hys army into Bosna which lyeth South from Hungary recouered againe Iaitza the principall towne of that kyngdome from the Turkes possession Who if other Christen Princes had ioyned their helpes withal would haue proceded farther into Thracia But behold here the malitious subtilty of Sathan working by the Pope For while Mathias was thus occupied in hys expedition agaynst the Turkes wherein he should haue bene set forward and aoded by Christen Princes and Byshoppes the Byshop of Rome wickedly and sinfully ministreth mater of ciuil discord betwene him Pogiebracius aforesayd in remouing him from the right of hys kingdome and transferryng the same to Mathias Wherupon not only the course of victory against the Turkes was stopped but also great warre and bloudshed followed in Christen realmes as well betweene thys Mathias and Pogiebracius wyth hys two sonnes Uictorinus and Henricus as also betweene Casimirus Uladislaus and Mathias warring about Uratislauia till at length the matter was taken vp by the Princes of Germanie Albeit for al the execrable excōmunication of the Pope against Pogiebracius a great part of Boheme would not be remooued from the obedience of their King whome the Pope had cursed and deposed yet Mathias toke from him Morauia and a great portion of Slesia and adioyned it to his kingdome of Hungarie An. 1474. ¶ Where this by the way is to be noted that the Religion in Bohemia planted by I. Hus could not be extinct or suppressed withall the power of foure mightie Princes Uenceslaus Sigismundus Albertus and Ladislaus notwithstanding they wyth the Popes did therein what they possibly coulde but still the Lorde maintained the same as ye see by thys Pogiebracius king of Boheme whome the Pope coulde not vtterly remooue out of the kingdome of Bohemia This forementioned Mathias beside his other memorable actes of chiualry is no lesse also commended for hys singulare knowledge and loue of learning and of learned men whom he with great stipends procured into Pannonia where by the meanes of good letters and furniture of learned mē he reduced in short space the barbarous rudenesse of that countrey into a flourishing common wealth Moreouer such a Library he did there erect and replenish with all kinde of authors sciences and hystories which he caused to be translated out of Greeke into Latine as the like is not thought to be foūd next to Italy in all Europe beside Out of which Librarye we haue receaued diuers fragments of wryters as of Polybius and Diodorus Siculus which were not extant before Ex Peucer The constante fortitude also of Georgius Pogiebracius king of Boheme is not vnworthy of commendation of whom also Pope Pius himselfe in Descriptione Europae doth honestly report as a Pope may speake of a protestāt in these words wryting Magnus vir alioqui rebus bellicis clarus c. Who although Pope Innocent did execrate with hys children yet hee lett not of the profession of the veritie knowledge which he had
5. compassed by ciuile dissention for the prerogatiue of election as his father was Henry the 5. resigneth his prerogatiue of election The electioÌ„ gotteâ— to the Byshops of Rome Gratianus fouÌ„d a forger of the Canons Sergius 2. Iohn 6. and Adrian 3. The secoÌ„d fault founde with Gratianus The third fault founde with Gratianus Howe shameles and impudent Gratianus is in forging the decrees The corrupting of many good workes to be feared The election wrasted froÌ„ the Emperour What Rome once catcheth that she keepeth Not without good cause desired they to noâ—el the people in ignoraunce Euery kyng and prince in their seuerall kingdome had also till that time the prerogatiue of election Hispane had the same Fraunce had the same England had the election Germanie had the election Sicilia had the election The death of Constantia the wife of Fredericke A great ouerthrow of the Christians in Egypt Fredericke and the pope made friendes Honâ—â—â— the 〈◊〉 eth 〈◊〉 he put â— practise â— vre agaâ—â— Fredeâ—â—â— Gregoriâ—â— as great an enemy to Fred as Honorius Frederike seth to â—â—e into Asia the popeâ— bidding in pope is angry The caused the slay of the Emperours iourney into Asia The Pope dissembled his grudge The preâ—ration ciâ—â—riage of Fredericke â—â— Ierusalâ—â— and staye thereof The preparation of the Emperours war against the Turke 〈◊〉 slicknes in the Emperours army The Emperour himselfe sicke The Pope excommunicateth the Emperour for staying â—is viage He layeth â—alse accusation to his â—harge The Empeâ—our putâ—eth himâ—â—lfe of those â—imes the â—ope layde â—gainst him â—y his letters â—edicated to â—l Christen â—â—inces The effect of â—he Empeâ—â—urs letters The Empeâ—ours purgaâ—â—on The Empeâ—ours epistle â—eginning â—hus In adâ—irationem â—â— iusticiaÌ„ â—nd agayne â—enate ocuâ—â—s A letter of the Emperour to the king of England abstracted by Mat. Paris Many kingdomes haue experience of the popes practises The Church of Rome the mother of mischief King Iohns submission to the pope blamed by the Emperour Who be the rauening Wolues in sheepes clothing The treasure of the Church belongeth to the pope Christes church was builded in humilitie The popes Church is all sâ—periluitie Ergo the popes Church is not Christes Church An other iourney of the Emperour to Ierusalem The Emperour oppressed by famine and by prayer myraculously relieued A conclusion of a profitable peâ—ce during x. yeares betwene the Turkes and the Christians The articles of the peace agreed vpon The letters of Fredericke to the princes and pope of his successe The Emperour crowned king of Ierusalem The first and secret practise of Pope Gregory â— The Emperour withstandeth the secret 〈◊〉 which the pope had wrought against him â— Ierusalem The second and manâ—â—d treason of the Pope against Fredericke Brennus PaÌ„dolphus Iohannes Columna â— Thomas â— traytor the Popes generalles and leaders of his hoste What meaâ—ing the P. â—â—d to sende â—redericke â— fight aâ—ainst the â—urke â—owe the â—ope chaâ—th fretâ—eth at the â—rosperous â—uccesse of â—he Empeâ—our â—londus reâ—toued that â—ote so â—reatly in â—he Popes â—auour The third practise of P Gregory against the Emperour The P. setteth the sonne against the father as a good father of peace Henry Cesar at the popes intisement putâ—eth from him hâ—s truthe counsailer Ludonicus The Emperour hearing of the popes practises returneth secretly out of Asia Iohn Brennus remoued froÌ„ the siege of Calatia God prospereth Fredericke in all his affaires Fredericke entreateth for the Popes fauour although â—ee haue no nâ—â—de The Pope refuseth a peace with the Emperour The price of the Emperours absolution Vnshamefull Blondus Cuspinianus prâ—tely gudeth the Pope What beneficence the Emperour vseth to haue the Popes friendship which he shall neuer gette A well recempenced good tuâ—ne of the Pope to the Emperour Blondus taken with vntruth The Emperours sonnes no loÌ„ger suborned make manifest rebellion against their father A wicked murtherâ— Henry Cesar for 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 seruice The outraâ—â— of H. Cesar against the Emperour his father The Emperour 14. yeares 〈◊〉 Germany The Pope fearethâ—â— his treason should be spied by the Emperour going into Germanâ—â— Henry Cesar condemned of treason and â—eth in pâ—â—â— Fredericke Austricus proclaymed an open 〈◊〉 my to his father and disherited The Emperour maryeth kyng Iohns daughter of Englande The pope againe beginneth to play his part The Popes embassage to the Emperour The Emperour againe vnto the Pope A secret coÌ„spiracie of the pope against the Emperour The Emperour marcheth into Italie notwitstanding the popes forbidding The Emperour loth to breake the peace of late concluded The pope refuseth to speake with the Emperours Legates The new sentence of proscription against the Emperour The Pope wageth and hyrâ—th 35. Galleyes to spoile the coasts of the Emperor The popes edict against the Emperour Ascendit de mari â—â—tlica bestâ—â— Albertus Behauus the popes one hand The P. threateneth to curse all those that wiâ—h well to the Emperour Otho with diuers other princes of Germany by the popes meane doe forsake the Emperour What great good the oration of Peter de Vineis did in the themperors behalfe The Emperours letter to all prelates to bridle the pope and restraine him of his will MaÌ„ being made of two partes hath two seuâ—rall regiments Gods word and the materiall sworde The Apologie of the Emperor to the popes edict Ascendit de mars c. Antechrist long agone descried to the world by the Emperour The confesion of the Emperours fayth wherof he was accused by the pope The pope vnder pretence of his holines deceiueth simple soules and ignoraÌ„t men The imperiall dignitie spurned at alwayes by the pope The answer of Symonides applyed The Emperor prophesieth of the popes fall The Emperour vtterly reiecteth and the pope and Church of Rome The Emperour calleth a parliament or councell to expresse the popes malice The godly Byshops of Germany are obedient to the kyng and prince The bishops of Germanie excommunicate the popes legate and Cardinall Iouanensis the Byshop a true subiect to his prince The passage of the pope to maintaine the warre against his Lord and maister The pope besiegeth Ferraria The fidelitie of papistes learned by this example The Emperours Gallies chased and one of his ships taken by the pope The Gibellines and Gwelpes from whence they came The pope afraid of the Emperors comming into Italy The Emperour hangeth all the crossed souldiours The Emperour retayneth the Saracens in his warres against the Pope The effect of a letter sent by the Emperour to the princes of Germany No enemy more hurtfull to the Church of God then is the pope The Emperour voweth to remoue the pope and put another more carefull shepheard into the church of God Boiemus relenteth at the Emperours letter The practise of Otho with the pope against the Emperour The Pope rescript â—â—sheth 〈◊〉 matter 〈◊〉 By what meanes Otho attained so great possessions by the Empire his Ancestors The governour of Agrippina reuolteth to the Pope The Emperours great lenitie
and and clemency but weâ— merueilouâ—â— enforced The Emp. enforced to make his money of leather The pope sendeth for forren ayde and is preuented The Emperour riggeth soâ—th a nauy to the sea A great victory on the sea against â—he popes consederates by the Emperours nauy The Emp. obtaineth an other victory by land at Ticinum against the pope and his confederates The Emp. thinketh to make the P. aâ—ray de The Turke inuadeth ChristeÌ„dome with a great and mightie power The vnmercifull crueltie and the great slaughter of Christen men by the Turke The K of Vngarie craueth ayde of themperour for the which he offereth him his lande The pope will graunt to haue no peace The popes fault that the Turke is not resisted The Pope had rather fight against the Emp. then against the Turke The Emperor as well in his own person as his predecessours haue triall of the Popes subtile practices The great amitie and long coÌ„tinued league betweene the Empyre and kingdome of Fraunce The K. not with out great allurement of the Pope would so haue written to the Emperour Here it should sâ—â—â— the Emp. founde 〈◊〉 fault of 〈◊〉 tradition The Frenchâ— kinges Iâ—ters coâ—â—â—ry to themselues A good Apostolicall father with a two handed sword 120020 ounces of golde as before you heard The craftie compassed â—â— their craâ—â—nes Gregorys dyâ—th for thoughtâ— curst heaâ— Câ—rolus Molineus â—pon the deâ—etâ—ls of â— Gregoâ—y â— The creation and death of P. Coeletius The Empeâ—our prepaâ—eth an army â—o fight with â—he Tartariâ—nâ— the Tarâ—â—rianâ— flye Fredericke â—gainst the Cardinals Peters ship by the disdentious Cardinals greatly afflicted Peters shrill voyee turned into a scoffing Eccho The Emperour releaseth the Cardinalls out of prison Innocentius the fourth created Pope The Emperour reioyceth of the popes election but without cause why The Pope taketh Viterbium whilest the Emperour hoped after peace The dissimulation of the subtile Pope Innocent 4. The Emperour hath too much confidence in the Pope The Pope mocketh the Emperour and goeth to Lyons where he proscribeth the Emperour The Emperour comming to make his apparance before the Pope The extremitie of the Pope to the Emperour Vengeance falleth vpon the Pope for his false iudgement Altogether in hurly burly thorougâ— the Popes malicious minde Germany spoyled by ciuill dissention through the Popes only practise against the Emperour The robbers and rebels chased out of Germany The fidelitie of Otho to the Emp. The answer of Otho to the Legates Otho excoÌ„municated for turning from the pope to take the Emperours part Caesar in daunger by Albertus Albertus 〈…〉 order of 〈◊〉 â—ery The Emperour when he had somewhat suppressed these tumults came to Cremona The Emp. thinketh to goe to Lions to the Pope Parma taken and kept by the popes legat and other friendes of his The Emp. altereth his iourney from Lions to the siege of Parma The Emp. named his campe and siege about Parma Victoria The popes army discomfited by the Emperours Lieftenant at Auximum The negligence of the souldiers offereth an occasion to the enemy The discomfiture of the Emp. at the siege of Parma The Emp. vpon suspition of treason imprisoneth diuers of his Captaynes Capras besieged and taken of the Emperor The Emperour purposeth to make some great attempt The Emp. preuented by death Fred. one of Gods elect Sundry opinioÌ„ of the death of Frederick Emp. The issue of Fredericke the Emp. Fred. a most puisaunt prince in Marshall affaires Frede. was not withâ—â— his fault of humane fragilitie The world of Pandolphus touching the prayse and dispraised of the Emp. Fredericke The popes church compared with Christ his Church 〈◊〉 as like as blacke and white Deserued commendation vpon the Epistles of Fred. Fredericke purposed with the hazard of the imperiall state to reforme the church of Rome Fre. shewed himselfe no enemy but a friend to the Church of Rome Selfe doe selfe haue the prouerb is Hope of gaine allureth many to flatter and to write vntruthes Certaine preachers in Sueuia Ex Chron. Abâ— Vrsperg CraÌ„tz lib. 8. cap. 10. Resistance against the Pope no new thing in Christes church Arnoldus de noua villa condemned of heresie Vide librum de testibus veritatis Ioannes Semeca the glose writer to the Popes decrees excommunicated Guilielmus de S. Amore. The place 〈◊〉 the Goâ—pâ—â— expounded Goâ— sell all come folow me Guliel des Amore coâ—demned of the pope for in hereâ—ike The 1. signe and token to knowe 2 false Fryer 〈◊〉 Prophet â—y True Preachers do not deceiue men with painted flattering wordes Signe 3. is that true Apostles take in good parâ— when they be reproued The 4. signe is that true preachers commend not themselues Signe 5. is that true preachers neede no letters commeÌ„datorie Signe 6. is that true Apostles preach not â—iles they be sent Signe 7. is when those false prophets preach that were neuer sent Signe 8. is that false prophetes pretende great holines in superstition Signe 9. is that when they neyther preach nor minister yet liue vpon other mens labours Signe 10. is that false prophets take that to them which pertayneth to the worde of God Signe 11. is that false prophets doe preach for gaine and not for Gods cause Signe 12. is that false prophets doe counterfaite to loue where they hate Signe 13. is that false prophets doe circumuent men to haue their goods and care for nothing els Signe 14. is that false prophets can not abide to haue the trueth preached Signe 15. is that false prophets do inforâ—e them to heare that are not willing to heare Signe 16. iâ— false prophets doe cause priâ—â—â— to hate â—â—â— punishâ—â—â— that 〈…〉 Signe 17. is that false prophets do not knowe neyther what God hath done not yet 〈◊〉 doe as true prophets â—â— Signe 18. is that false prophetes doe preach for money â— are not to be discerned froÌ„ Wolues If the Preacher do his duetie in preaching he may 〈◊〉 lawfully for his necessarye thinges Signe 19. â—â— that true Apostles doe not render euill for good as false doe Signe 20. is that true Apostles are not so well intertayned as false prophets be Signe 21. is that true preachers build not vpon an oan other mans foundation Autoritie loueth them that refuse her and yet abhorre her not Signe 22. is that true prophets are not proude and vaine glorious as false prophets be Signe 23. is that false prophets be alwayes meÌ„ pleasers Signe 24. is that true prophets eat what is set before them and geue God thaÌ„kes but that doe not the false prophets Signe 25. is that false prophets do loue more their owne estimation then that the word of God should be truely taught Signe 46. is that false prophets are not contented with necessary thinges but looke after superfluous Signe 27. is thâ—â— those that be false prophets their belly is their God Signe 28. is that true prophets reioyce not in miracles as false prophets doe Signe 29. is that true prophets seeke
Hemeaneth Panormitan which did conclude without the examination of the 12. meÌ„ Paul would geue to Peter no respite when he swarned awry Marke the great Constancie and Christian zeale of this man An exortation to constancie The Bishop of Burgen seeketh concorde How men be readie to heaâ—â— newes Note the godly policye of the Cardinall The conclusion of the councell The holy Ghost working against the Pope The sorow of Panormitane for impugning the trueth The Bishop of Lyons Bargé The iust aunswer of the Councell The aunswere of them both The forme of the decree is written and approued The policie of the Cardinall Arelatensis The Bishop of Tournon The Bishop of Cócen speaketh Marke what the truth must suffer O maruelous despight and contumely in a Bishop for it Arelatensis had kept whoores or concubines he would haue praysed him but to maintaine learned meÌ„ was a great offence The fathers of the councells slaunde tred by Panormitane 4. signes to know the good from the badde Looke if it benot spoké of them in the Gospel where mention is made of the beast which is fallen into the ditche What is it that ambition will not doe Abbot Virgiliacensis Lodouicus the prothonotarie in labouring to seeme learned forgot to be good The Apostles principally gathered the Crâ—de The oration of Cardinal Arelatensis To the imperiall Ambassadonâ—s To the Ambassadours of Fraunce To the Bishop of Coâ—cen To Lodouicus the prothonotary Nicolas Picenius an Italian Articles of the Creede not all put in by the Apostles but some by the couÌ„cels The Article of the holy Ghost put in by the councell of Lyons Panormitan wounded with his owne darts Arelatensis concluded not but at the request of the proctours These 4. deputations were 4. sortes of chosen 〈◊〉 which did disâ—â—â—e and determine those thinges which the fathers did conclude vpon Verely this is no Babilonical Cardinal but of the immaculate spouse Iesus Christ. He speaketh to the whole couÌ„cell Euery man may determine in matters of faith hauing the scripture on his part Contention in the councell abâ—ut reading of the protesâ—ation How God worketh by occasioÌ„ Albiganensis readeth the protestation but none could hear him The affaires of the councell are read Eneas Syluius being present collected this Arelatensis coÌ„cludeth here as he did also before not without the consent of the deputies according to the order of the Councel * Eneas you dyd not so praise this councell after you were byshop your selfe The Byshop of Lubecke Conrade Winsperge a Baron Panormitaâ— the Achilles of the Eugenians and Arelatensis the Hector of the councell The Papists extoll that which maketh for their purpose but the contrary they contemne whether it be scripture or prophane Arelatensis answere to Panormitan This deputation of faith was that coÌ„pany of chose meÌ„ which dyd determine matters of faith Saint Hierome vnto Nepotianusi de vita clericals Marke how politickly and sincerely he doth confute hys aduersaries No man hath heretofore more then Panormitane published the errours of Eugenius whom he now so greatly deseÌ„deth The Session proclaymed In all Italy there were scarsly two prelates found which sought the commoditie of the vniuersall church in Spaine there was none Prayers made with teares Amongest 400. doctors that were present ther was not one yll worde The 33. Session The Embassadours consent to the former Session Two kindes of iniustice O Aeneas you should haue vsed such sinceritie when you were Pope Beholde the princes Ambassadours declare Eugenius an enemy vnto the truth Arelatensis commendeth the Ambassadours This Councel was gathered to take away the ambition of the Bishoppes of Rome that they shuld not think they might do all things according to theyr own pleasure and further so reuoke them â—â—o the care of temporal things vnto spirituall things which now they regarded not The councell doth deliberate vpon the popes election I.x. dayes must be delayd after the sea is voyde Note the Christian zeale of tâ—â—fe meÌ„ which would refuse no daunger for Gods cause Iohn Segouius Dangerous honestie preferred before secure vtilitie A great pestilence in Basil. Lodouicus the prothonotary dyed of the plague The exhortation of those which dyed The Byshop of CoÌ„stance dyeth The Abbot Dona a true Abbot Eneas the author hereof escaped death hardlye The inuincible constancie and fortitude of the Cardinall Arelatensis The commendation of ArelateÌ„sis The councel of Marcus The godly â—he of Arelatensis The other Electours take their othe A scrutinie is a priuie election by voyces Amedeus Duke of Sauoy Prayer for vnitie and concord Let lying Pogius be ashamed of his false inuectiue against Amedeus Commendation of Amedeus Pope elect To haue a wife is no let for a good man to be elected Pope Popes haue ben maried Read the 5 Epistle of Ignatius and you shal see that the Apostles had wyues Baptista Mantuanus maketh mention how that Hilarius Byshop of Pictauia had a wife Eccle. 4. Schisme in the Church Good it were that temporall dominions were deuided from the Church Amedeus Duke of Sauoy chosen Pope Pope Felix 5. The numbâ— of people aâ— the coronation of P. Felix The popes two sonnes seruing at the coronation The valuation of the popes crown The Popes dinner and seruice Volat. lib. 3. A note for our gentlemeÌ„ lords to learne how to huÌ„t and what dogges to keepe The death of SigismuÌ„d the Emperour Albertus 2. Emperour Anno 1438. The death of Albertus 2. The plague at Basill in time of the councell Aeneas Siluius sick of the plague at Basil. The coÌ„stant zeale of Arelatensis to the truth Aeneas Sil. epist. 183. The welthy prelats slide away from the councel Welthie prelates afrayde of truth â—ide quam plebe carere malunt Promotions choke the clergie 60. thousand crownes offred by pope â—ugenius for the betraying of Arelatensis Arelatensis taken and rescued Gods defeÌ„ce toward hys seruantes Ex paraelip Abb. Vrsper The story of the Bohemians prosecutâ—d The Bohemians inuited to come to the councell The Bohemians laboureâ— to come to the Councell The Ambassadours of the Bohemians and of the councell meete together at Egra The Bohemians require pledges Princes bound to the Bohemians The Bohemians require the Emperour to be â—â—â—sent at the â—â—â—cell The Bohemians send two ambassadours to the councel Good iustice vpon a slaunderous rayler The gentlenes of the Bohemians Ambassadours The Bmbassadours of the Bohemians turn home The Bohemians 〈◊〉 vp to the councell other solemne Ambassadours The oration of the Cardinall Iulian to the Bohemians Vide supra pag. 675. The first article of the Bohemians by the first Ambass The second article of the Bohe. by the secoÌ„d Ambass The third article of the Bohe. by the third Ambassadour The fourth article of the Bohe by the 4. Ambass The oration of the Abbot of Sistertia offeÌ„siue to the Bohemians Iohn Ragusinus replyeth against the first article The Bohemians displeased with Ragusinus Egidius Carlerius answereth against the second Article