creature until they become united into some place apted and disposed for production where from the benign influence of the Sun or celestial bodies as from a more universal and efficient cause they evade into living creatures Nor does this hold less true in the production or generation of all rational Science for the Reason by it self without matter cannot form dispose or define any thing Nor does the outward sense or memory apprehend things otherwise then as seen c. or remembred not as formed disposed or defined so as to be the subject of a Proposition Since therefore the Reason cannot prepare apt or define unless the Memory or outward senses supply matter nor the Memory without the Reason dispose prepare or define any thing so as to be the subject of a Proposition it does necessarily follow that the Reason united or conjoined with the Memory does prepare the subject of every Scientifical Proposition But in every Scientifical Proposition there must be a Predicate which comprehending the Subject must be understood The Understanding therefore is the prime and efficient cause of all rational Science and the Reason is the formal cause which does dispose and prepare the matter in the Senses or Memory to be comprehended judged or discerned by the Understanding And by consequence the Reason and Memory or Senses are but the Instruments by which the Understanding does generate and produce Science 63. Only Man can rightly infer and deduce particular Conclusions Why only Man is a reasonable creature from universal Causes and can direct his actions conformable to things in his understanding and not to his appetite and senses which is common to all living creatures as well as man only Man therefore is a rational creature 64. All men naturally desire to know And though by Aristotles judgment By what means men attain to Science all Science is begotten from preexistent Knowledge which from things granted does demonstrate the Conclusions yet must there be some manner and method which men must use by which others as well as themselves may understand this or that thing to be a Science or scientifical Conclusion Men therfore must propose that method which Euclid observes or all their science will be equivocal and obscure viz. First to define all those things of which his science is compounded in such terms that every singular or individual may be so comprehended that it may be wholly with all the parts of it contained in the definition excluding every thing else For if a man define a thing so that there be any so much as equivocation in it as that it does not signifie this only thus desined but may something else then of necessity must all the Science that bears a part of this definition be equivocal and uncertain And as the definition must not be equivocal to signifie more then the thing defined another thing as well as this so neither must it signifie less viz. any part of the thing defined for the thing for then all in which this thing is a part will be infinitely deficient and imperfect Secondly After the definitions I require such things as no ingenuous man will deny As that I may adde divide multiply convert c. these things thus defined Thirdly I set down those Axioms Principles Effata Pronuntiata Common Notions or Indemonstrable Propositions which are the first causes of the Science and do demonstrate all the Conclusions of it but in themselves are indemonstrable and for which no reason can be given but only the good will and pleasure of him that made them so And these Principles must be granted before any man can by his Reason produce any Conclusion And if a man denies these Principles all Argumentation is at an end for Contra negantem principia non est disputandum And no mans Reason can work upon nothing nor prove nor find out any thing before something be first granted by which a man may prove it or find it out 65. I have known and know many men who have vast memories Why some men are more phantastical then others and very strong phantasies who notwithstanding have been as unreasonable as any and would never admit of any discourse of any thing they fancied to themselves but upon a very slender opposition would fall into passion And the reason is because they phancie things only because they please them and do not understand them as true And if any man shews such a man some Consequence which will not follow from what he phancies or that it is inconsistible with some known universal Truth then does he seek to supply with passion what he wants in reason because he is crossed in what he desires should be true Whereas men who understand or desire to understand their Thesis or Notion not only take pleasure that nothing can be inferred from it which is false and that it is not inconsistible with any thing true whatsoever but will be so far from falling into passion with any man that opposes it that they would thank any man and take him for their friend that can shew them wherein what they suppose to be universally true is not or that it is inconsistible with something which they suppose to be universally true The Spirit of God says He is a fool that rages and is confident These light phantastical men who will phancie things for truth not because they are so but because they would have them so do not only rage when they are convinced that those things they phancie for truth are made to appear either but verisimilitudes or falshoods but will take them for illwillers who convince them and continue as confident in their foolish apprehensions as before 66. As the levity of the Phantasie which is always in agitation apprehending Why some men are more dull then others things without Reason is the cause why men too suddenly apprehend Verisimilitudes for Truth so the want of Phantasie is the cause why many men of vast memories very slowly apprehend the cause of any thing Where the Phantasie is too light there men apprehend or believe every thing for Truth they affect or desire and are soon perswaded to any thing they are not wilfully prejudiced to Where it is crass and dull and moves slowly or as we say where men are endued pingui Minerva there men are hardly moved to understand any thing 67. Sensible Knowledge is the retaining the Idea of things in the What is Sensible Knowledge memory which before were in the outward senses And there being neither Reason nor Understanding to the attaining of this Knowledge it is common to other Creatures as well as Man The Ox knows his owner and the Ass his masters crib says our Saviour 68. But all Causes from whence men do infer and discourse are not Of Argumentation à Posteriori so perspicuous as are the Axiomes in Geometry or the Laws of God and a mans Country But some Causes are known to Nature and
expected in this World and if that may then by what means it is to be attained but that I might by degrees accomplish my end I begin with man in his first Cause and being Man then in his first being is to be considered either as created or begotten as created sure no man in his wits will deny but that God was the prime and only efficient cause of his creation who without any ordinary concurrence of naturall causes did so create him and that this was not from a confluence of naturall causes is evident for otherwise it had been a Generation not a Creation and necessarily something must be Created before any thing can be Generated of it Nor is God if a man rightly considers it lesse the prime and efficient cause of man in his Generation then in his Creation for it must needs be evident to every man That male and female are not the first cause of Generation because then they would alike of themselves without the influence of a superiour cause be apted for Generation and so every Creature of it selfe in a like power of Generating one as much as another the contrary of which every one daily sees Nor are all Creatures at all times alike disposed to Generation but apted and disposed thereunto from some exterior cause as we see in Foxes about the Brumall solstice and Ravens in January other creatures generally about the Vernal Equinox and Deere about the Autumnall which without all doubt doth proceed from the influence of the Sun which in those seasons disposes them thereunto but that the Sun is not the prime and efficient cause of Generation is confessed by Aristotle where hee faith * That in omni creature divinum quid reperiri respondens Elemento stellarum Lib. 2. cap. 3. de Gen. Anim. esseque omnipotentis creatoris vicarium It is not therefore the Sun nor male and female which can be the first cause of a man or any other creature but that minde or Soul which governs the innumerable and vast bodies of the Univers and by a perpetuall motion of the Earth from West to East according to the new Hypotheses in Astronomy or of the Sun from East to West after the former Hypotheses through the divers Regions of the Earth doth apt and dispose all things therein to their production and dissolution So that God is the prime efficient cause as wel in the generation as creation of man other creatures the manner only is different God in generation from the confluence of necessary contingent causes doth Generate Man and other creatures and originally did create them without any confluence of causes Nor is God lesse the prime preserver of all Creatures then the first cause of the Creation and Generation of them for not all the sublunary meanes of eating drinking sleeping exercise physick c. can preserve any creature thus Generated or Created but some internall cause whether it be called anima or pars animae or quid animae or aliquid habens animam aut intellectus aut denique numen and this is it in every Creature which doth worke towards its end and orders all these things with unimitable and incomprehensible art and providence alwaies procures what is best as well for its being as well-being as well for defence as ornament Spiritus intus alit totamque infusa per artus Mens agitat molem Virg Aenei And though all these outward things however necessary for the preservation of every Creature are accidentall and may be more or less acquired and communicated by every creature yet this internall cause this numen this Lar familiare or anima which disposes and orders all these outward causes is not to be acquired or communicated by any Creature So that a man must needs confesse That in all Creatures as well as Man there is some particle of divine Aire which doth order and dispose of all sublunary meanes in a wonderfull and diverse manner towards their preservation untill by a propense naturall disposition they all resolve into their first Principles But these outward meanes are acquired and communicated by severall Creatures divers and severall waies Some doe acquire these outward meanes from an innate impulse never with understanding or reason moving them others rarely without their understanding or reason and this latter only is Man Yet how fraile a mans reason and understanding is even to the acquiring of things necessary for his preservation is evidenly seen almost in all men for there is no man in this world who can by his understanding and reason so govern his actions that those things so directed by him have alwaies a like event nay often times the same thing propounded by the same man upon the same grounds and reasons hath so contrary an event that at this time it ruins him which other while was of much advantage to him And this is daily seen among all sorts of men so that it is most manifest that a mans understanding or reason cannot preserve him as he is an intellectuall rationall Creature nor Justice Religion and Piety as a sociable but somthing superior to these What then shall we say to these things Is Religion Justice and Piety and a mans understanding and reason of no account because they cannot procure peace and preservation Nothing lesse for God having first created man and other creatures without the confluence of naturall causes did ever after their first creation cease to make any other but the species of all things have ever since been renewed by Generation but in Generation God doth not renew the species of all creatures from an absolute act of his own but from the coition of male and female disposed thereunto in perfect creatures oftentimes from matter disposed many creatures are aequivocally generated without the coition of male and female which thing is evidently seene from the yeerly renuing of of frogs caterpillars c. The antient Aegyptians from the observation of the very many creatures thus generated in the River Nile did believe that all perfect creatures were originally not from creation but from aequivocal generation Yet though these spurious and imperfect creatures are thus generated yet do they all generate their like Aristotle Hist Anim. only excepts the Eele and I could never yet see either Row or Milt in any of them But though God be the prime efficient cause of the generation all creatures and therefore absolutely necessary to the production of every creature and though the conditions which he hath ordained be absolutely necessary to the generation of every creature yet are not these conditions alwaies performed from any absolute necessity of the part of God but oftentimes from contingent causes and the will of the creature For example it is necessary that the influence of the Sun from matter disposed in standing pools should produce Frogs yet are not alwaies those Pooles necessary to be but are often made and often filled up
and impossible things to come from Men otherwise so learned For though Mr. Hobbs does lay down his Principles and persue his method much more clearly then Grotius does yet his Principles are so monstrous That to me it is impossible any ingenuous Man should assent to them Indeed if Mr. Hobbs would have supposed that the state of Man had been either in Society or out of Society and that out of Society Men had been in such a state as he makes them in his state of pure Nature I should never have stumbled at it But he forsooth requires it for a Yet thus much I will tell Mr. Hobbs he may as wel suppose a Brute an intellectual or rational Creature or a man no intellectual or rational Creature as no sociable or out of Society Principle That all Men jure naturali are in a parity and equal condition and may kill one another without any offence or sin and that Men continue in this estate until by their civil Pact they oblige themselves to one another that the will of the civitas shall be the will of them all Notwithstanding this I must needs say of Mr. Hobbs That if Men have so little understanding as to make Jus naturale to be contrary to Lex naturalis and so little grace as to believe that the civitas hath all its power from the Pacts and wills of Men and yet impossible to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature which he says is the Law of God and tyranny to be onely ab exercitio when as it is impossible for Kings to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature and all Faith and Ghostly Power which our Saviour left in his Church to be instrumental and subservient to it and never look how little he understands a Pact or from whence Men become obliged to it the cives of this Vtopia may do well enough If I edified but little by Mr. Hobbs yet I received much less satisfaction from Grotius for Mr. Hobbs defines his terms so clearly as to me he was easily understood whereas all Grotius his Principles are so perplexed and equivocal that it is not possible for any Man to understand any thing clearly from him As the first thing in his Preface he confounds is Societas Communitas whereas Societas is as different from Communitas as black is from white Societas according to the definition of Aristotle being Pol. lib. 1. cap 5. Vnum quid it a constans ex diversis personis ut sit unum quod imperet alterum quod pareat Society is one thing so made up of divers persons that one may command another obey Whereas community is where any company of Creatures are without the offices of commanding and obeying Well but having got out of his Preface after some Propositions of his Method c. he in the Tenth Paragraph of the First Chapter of the First Book De jure Belli Pacis defines Jus Naturale in a tedious general thing to be dictatum rectae rationis c. and this to be the Law of God and about the middle to be immutable by God himself and towards the latter end to continue but for a certain space and towards the beginning he makes the Dominion which is now in use to be brought in by the will of Man and this to be Jus Naturale too Now let any ingenuous Man judge what can be clearly deduced from Jus Naturale which is the Law of God and immutable by God and yet to continue but for a certain time until a Dominion brought in by the will of Man should abrogate what was immutable by God and this Dominion thus brought in against this Jus Naturale to be Jus Naturale too If I have slandered Grotius let any Man see the Paragraph aforesaid It was to me an admirable thing to consider that men so learned should one of them define the Law of Nature to be Dictamen rectae rationis the other Dictatum rectae rationis Well I will therefore see what Ratiocinatio is and what Dictamen or Dictatum rectae rationis which is the same thing and whether this can to any ingenuous man be any probable definition of the Law of Nature Aristotle Eth. Lib. 6. Cap. 3. makes Ratiocination and by consequence every dictate of Reason to be from Universals and that there are some Principles which do constitute the Ratiocination of which there can be no Ratiocination These Principles for which no Reason can be given and yet the reason of all those things which can be deduced from them are called Axiomata Dignitates or Communes Notiones and from these men by Ratiocination or Right Reason do infer Arts and Sciences a Scientia est actio ars effectio Eth. l. 6. c. 4. Both begotten by right Reason Ars est habitus ad faciendum idoneus cum verâ ratione conjunctus Nay all Ratiocination or Right reasoning whatsoever may be resolved into somewhat which is superior to this Ratiocination for which no reason can be given * These things thus premised I say it is impossible the Law of Nature should be the dictate of Right Reason and thus I prove it Every Principle which does constitute Ratiocination and for which no Reason can be given is no dictate of Right Reason But the Law of Nature is a Principle which does constitute Ratiocination and for which no reason can be given Therefore the Law of Nature is no dictate of Right Reason If Mr. Hobbs denies the Minor Proposition set him shew into what it can be further resolved or what can prove it For though God be the prime and efficient cause of all things but what proceeds from the will of man and into which all things may be ultimately resolved yet by Principles Aristotle and all Philosophers understand those things which immediately proceed from God and the Law of Nature could not be the Law of God if it did not immediately proceed from him but the Law of that thing from which it did immediately proceed the Law of Nature therefore is a Principle Well but let us suppose the Law of Nature to be the dictate of Right Reason and see the consequence Every dictate of Right Reason is of less Dignity Authority and Excellency then the Right Reason viz. The Effect then the Cause But ex hypothesi the Law of Nature viz. the Law of God the Creator is the dictate of Right Reason Therefore is the Law of the Creator of less Dignity authority and excellency then the faculty and attribute of the creature viz. Right reason then which what can be more monstrous and blasphemous Nor is this definition less ridiculous then impossible and blasphemous For the dictates of Right reason are understood by one man and not by another and may be learned and taught Suppose now one of these Masters of Reason should come to the most plain and ignorant man in the world who is
nimirum uno praeter multa quod in omnibus illis inest unum idem fit principium artis scientiae artis si pertineat ad generationem viz. agenda vel efficienda scientiae si pertineat ad id quod est viz. cognitionem entis Itaque nec insunt definiti habitus nec fiunt ex aliis habitibus notioribus sed ex sensu 3. From which words of Aristotle it is cleerly manifest by what order By the opinion of Dr. Harvey the Knowledge of every Art or Science is acquired viz. from the sense the thing perceived remains still from the permanency of the thing perceived comes the memory from the memory multiplied experience from experience ratio universalis definitiones maxima sive axiomata communia cognitionis certissima principia ex gr Idem eidem secundum idem esse non esse impossibile Omnis affirmatio vel negatio aut vera est aut falsa hujusmodi alia Wherefore as we said before there is no perfect Knowledge which may be called ours which is within us unless by some means it does proceed from experiment made by us and our sense or at least by these examined proved and firmly builded it may appear above any pre-existent Knowledge in us Because without memory there can be no experience which is nothing else but multiplied memory in like manner memory cannot be without permanence of the thing perceived and the thing perceived cannot remain in what it never was c. 4. But multi multa nemo omnia vidit I do not think that all light of understanding was so shut up in Aristotles braine that all things pronounced Apology by him are to be taken for granted Principles yet do I entertain so venerable an opinion of Aristotle that I do admire him as the most eminent of all men in all humane learning among the Ancients and not to be paralleld by any of the Moderns but inventis addere is one of the chiefest ends of Mans being and there are yet and so will be until the end of the World many things received for truth which upon more search will be found but verisimilitudes and infinite things hidden from our Forefathers which will be infinitely found out by the present and subsequent generation that the Infinity of God may appear as well to the present and subsequent age as to the antecedent in all his works 5. Well then Aristotle saies and the Doctor subscribes to it that All things were nor in the senses before they are in the understanding according to the opinion of Aristotle and the Doctor Nihil est intellectu quod non prius fuerit in sensu I deny that there is nothing in the understanding which was not first in the senses for there are many things intelligible which are not sensible as time does every article of it intelligibly pass away not sensibly I understand that the centre of a circle is a point and that a point by the definition of it est cujus nulla pars est it cannot therefore according to the true definition of it be so expressed as to be the object of sense So a right line is longitudo latitudinis expers but neither a right line nor a point can be truly represented to the sense according to the truth of them as they arise in the understanding and so two right or supposed right lines which are not parallel cannot be infinitely produced according to sense but they will cut one another but intelligibly they may for no Man can understand so small a quantity of distance before the intersection but I can understand a smaller and another smaller then that and so ad infinitum and so Quantitas divisibilis est in semper divisibila potest infinitè augeri minui but this is only intelligibly it cannot be actually or sensibly done and so the contactus of a right line with a circle is a point in the understanding and not sensibly and so is the touching of two circles either within one another or without Nay neither Art Science nor any rational production whatsoever a priori but must necessarily be in the understanding before it can be in the senses I understand Animal to comprehend not only the Creatures I have seen but all those which are were or ever shall be and so I understand things equal to a third thing are equal to one another yet nor I nor any Man else ever saw two things equal to a third and the whole body of Geometry is of all Sciences most intelligible and yet abstracted from all sensible matter 6. If it be true that both Aristotle and the Doctor affirm that all No Art or Science arises from the Senses and memory Art and Science is acquired from the receiving a thing into the senses and that from the permanence of the thing in the sense the memory is made and from the multiplication of the memory Experience and from Experience the Principles of all Art and Science and that it be true which Aristotle saies to which the Doctor subscribes Fit ex memoriâ experientia hominibus multae etenim ejusdem res memoriae unius experientiae vim efficiunt Meta. l. 1. c. 1. Quare experientia pene simile quid scientiae ac arti esse videtur then does it most evidently and perspicuously follow that he that can longest retain things in his sense that is hath the best memory is the most scientifical and most artificial Man whereas we daily see that the Man that hath the greatest memory is usually a very blockhead and that he remembers almost all the things which are done and said yet cannot tell from what cause they did proceed but only remembers the things Nor will that which the Doctor saies Quippe sine memoria nulla fit experientia mend the matter for as I do deny any Art or Science can proceed from the sense memory and experience so do I not affirm that without the memory any Art or Science can be made I say no Art nor Science can arise from the apprehension of singulars into the sense and retaining of them there and from experiment only For Arts and Sciences are not things meerly apprehended and received into the sense and so retained in memory but something else which is truly and rightly derived from those things which are universally true and never before known to the senses or remembred 7. And as all the particular stories and things in the world retained Nor from the understanding without the memory and senses in the memory cannot move one step to the attaining of any Art or Science so cannot the apprehension of universal causes in the understanding of themselves produce any thing in order to the attaining of any Art or Science For universal causes in nature prove nothing but as meeting particular causes do determine those and specifie their Acts. The truth of both these is easily and daily seen in Men who
are very dull and yet of vast memories who remember all things but can scarcely be ever made to discourse of and understand any thing and of Men that are too light and phantastical who only talke generally without applying these generals to any particular The one is like a Ship which is overladen with Ballast and not having Sailes proportionable can scarcely be made to saile with any winde the other is like a Ship which hath no Ballast and so much saile that she is never in any steadiness but carried hither and thither upon every small puff of winde the one will upon any discourse or ratiocination be still absurdly telling particular stories which he in his defect of understanding supposes should be the universal and prime reason of the discourse whereas the other from the lightness of his phantasie and defect of memory never applies his general notion to any particular thing and so concludes nothing 8. Whereas Aristotle and the Doctor affirm that experiment proceeds Axiomes and Principles do not proceed from experiment from many memories or memory multiplied and that ratio universalis definitiones c. proceed from experiment A Man may justly deny it for it is not many things or multiplied things which can make ratio universalis but ratio universalis axioma c. is that which does not signify many things only but every thing which is comprehended in the terms and it is impossible that any Man should make experiment of all things which are comprehended under one general Notion 9. Aristotle saies Per experientiam ars scientia hominibus efficitur Nor Art and Sciences Met. lib. 1. c. 1. an finem Experientia enim ut recte ait Polus b Apud Plat. in Gorgia artem efficit imperitia vero casum to which the Doctor subscribes and saies there can be no prudent or truly knowing Man which by his proper experiment hath not throughly understood a thing to be so If this were universally true then could no wise or prudent Man understand throughly any Law which forbids Theft or Murder upon the penalty of hanging unless he should steale and commit Murder and so be hanged for his pains and for my part I will rather beleeve that if a Man puts his finger into the fire he will burn it and that if he be long over head and ears in the water he will drown himself then make experiment thereby to be accounted a wise and prudent Man Afterwards he saies From hence it is viz. for want of experience many pretenders Page 30. to knowledge and Sophisters cropping of the inventions of other Men the same things every where the order only and words changed and a few things of small moment added do confidently challenge for their own and render Philosophy which ought to be certain and perspicuons obscure intricate and confused It is true that in all argumentation a posteriori viz. from the effect to endeavor to find out the cause there can be no direction without experiment and therefore it is a very difficult if not an impossible thing that any Art or Science can be made from any conclusions in Philosophy which are drawn a posteriori which at the best cannot arise to higher then probable and opinonative and can never be certain and perspicuous And though the Doctor from his great parts and experiment in Anatomy hath probably found out things never before received yet cannot any of those conclusions ever attain to demonstrative certain and perspicuous conclusions yet it does not hold true in argumentation a priori that all things are known by experiment but that infinite things are known and understood which are abstracted from matter and experiment and are easily understood by any Man without experiment 10. Nor is it true universally that there is no knowledge innate in Man for the Laws of Nature are innate and connatural with Man and Man is not naturally without all Knowledge not acquired either by sense experiment or any thing else 11. As I have said before so do I say again that there is no Age that hath not received many things for truths which the next generation upon The manner and order of attaining to Knowledge is a subtil disquisition further inquiry and looking into them have found to be but verisimilitudes and that from things found out infinite productions will be made as long as the world indures and as it is not fairplay to carp at anothers opinion and not to set down his own and give a reason for it So will it be meer levity to contest with another if not upon superior Grounds and he that shall contest with so great a Philosopher as Aristotle in a thing so long received and uncontroverted had need take great heed and have his wits about him least instead of evicting his adversary he only acquires the repute of a light and foolish Man But least we should skip short for want of taking our run far enough back we will begin at the beginning of all things 12. As I am a Christian and therefore by the First Chap. Gen. ought There is but one first Entity and that is God to beleeve that God made Heaven and Earth Man and all other Creatures so if I had not received Gods divine revelation of himself in the Scriptures yet should I never have been a Peripatetick or Aristotelian who held that not only the world but the species of all things in it were from all eternity For there was either one first being the true prime and efficient cause of all things else or two or more first beings or no first being but all things were originally from themselves but the two latter are most manifestly absurd and contrary to sense and reason for unitas est secundum quam unumquodque eorum quae sunt unum dicitur but the first is one thing it is therefore impossible there should be two firsts or more nor is it less absurd to suppose all things to have been from eternity and so not to have proceeded from one superior being but had their being from themselves for if all things had from all eternity a power and being of themselves then might they have infinitely continued their being in their individuals and we see that every thing does naturally desire the preservation of its self but this is most manifestly false for we see all things are in their individuals resoluble into their first composition and perpetuated by generation in their species there is therefore but one first being of all things except sin which is contrary to the nature and essence of God who is all good which is God 13. All things were either originally generated of their like or from themselves or created by God But nothing could generate any thing like God in the beginning created all things it self before it was and by the precedent proposition no Creature could have its original being from its self All things
rationaliter but naturaliter Mr. Hobbs makes Appetitus rationalis to be the Will too 19. Aristotle l. 3. c. 3. Eth. makes the Will the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be that principle What is the Will the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the authority of Aristotle in creatures void of reason or beginning in him who does not ignorantly those singular things in which any action consists And that therefore Children and other creatures void of reason and understanding have will and do things spontaneously 20. Counsel in cap. 4. 6. lib. 3. Eth. he makes to be neither Cupiditas Ira Voluntas or any Opinion Voluntas he makes to be of the last or end of Counsel and Counsel to be of those things which may be done by us What is the Voluntas Will or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the authority of Aristotle as a man wills to be well he takes counsel how to attain to health And he is a fool that takes counsel of those things he cannot do Yet a man may will things which cannot be as to be immortal or those things which he cannot do as if a man would have a Player or Wrastler stronger then himself to depart But this Definition if it be any is so perplext and confused as it is not possible a man should definitely understand any thing by it For if the Will be the end or termination of Counsel then all those actions which do not proceed from Counsel are not voluntary But he makes the Will to be of those things of which we cannot take Counsel So that he does not only confound Appetitus Cupiditas Voluntas but makes Voluntas to be contrary to its self 21. The Will is that Faculty Empire or Dominion of the Soul What is the Will which does not ignorantly imperate or forbid any action or motion which is not natural I say not ignorantly for those actions which oppress men by disordered dreams or by the Incubus or as we say the Night-mare are not acts of the will Nor must they be natural as is the Systole and Diastole of the Heart and Blood or of the Brain which is natural and not in our power to alter But though the Will cannot forbid the Brain or Phantasie from working yet can it imperate the Phantasie what things it shall phancie or meditate 22. In every action three things are to be considered viz. the internum Another definition of the will movens the externum agens and the end or ratio finalis of the action The internum movens is the will the prime and efficient cause the externum movens the mean or instrumental cause the ratio finalis or end for which such an action is done is that which discerns the action to be good or bad just or unjust If the end of the action be to attain any thing which the understanding or reason dictates then is such an action the act of the mind which is proper only to intellectual and reasonable Creatures If it be to attain something desired or feared and for which no reason can be given then is it common to all living Creatures as well as Man 23. Or thirdly the Will is that faculty of the soule which does elect Another definition of the will or reject the doing of things appearing just or unjust desired or not desired prudent or imprudent So that voluntas is one thing and appetitus or cupiditas is another thing and so velle is one thing and intelligere another For By Appetitus I mean all sensual desires of self-love lust revenge c. appetitus or cupiditas are natural and not in the power of the will but the doing or not doing of any thing to the attaining of things coveted or desired is in the power of the will and so many Men do understand many things to be good for them who do nothing to the attaining of them viz. many Men are sapient not prudent Thus we see that all Men do understand and desire happiness but all Men do not will viz. do things in order to the attaining of happiness 24. Or lastly I am content with Aristotles definition of the will Eth. 3. A fourth definition cap. 4. 6. That it is the ultimate resolution end or determination of counsel but it is not only so but the ultimate resolution of those acts ends or determinations of passions irascible concupiscible or fearful of Creatures not mad but knowingly doing them The natural passions therefore of concupiscence appetite anger or fear are no sins because it is not in the power of Man to avoid them but the assenting to them either by complacency of cogitation or by determining or resolving to do any thing in order thereunto is a sin and this the Poet by the help of humane nature only saw Nam scelus intra se tacitum qui cogitat ullum Juv. Sat. 14. Facti crimen habet 25. The Council of a Prince are divided and propound several things The will in reasonable Creatures illustrated by an example to him the Prince who is the will assents to or elects the advice of one part and rejects the other the passions or affections to propound such a thing to the will to be done or not done because desired or feared the understanding and reason judges the doing or not doing such a thing to be unreasonable or unjust Here a Man may see the understanding the appetite and fear but not the will until something be assented to as understood to be good or bad or desired as pleasant or profitable or feared So that the reason and understanding is one thing and the affections and fears other things and the will different from them all 26. The internum movens being the will in all actions not natural nor Creatures irrational have a will ignorant all those outward actions of all Creatures must necessarily proceed from the will or internum movens in them 27. Not onely appetitus but sensus are patient and natural in all Creatures Appetitus sensualis is not the Will in Creatures irrational if therefore appetitus sensualis be the will in irrational Creatures then could not these Creatures do any thing but first moved thereunto by their sensual appetite but the contrary hereof every man sees Trajan had a Horse given him in Persia who at first sight of the Emperor fell upon his knees It is almost incredible those things which Banks his Horse did and yet none of them from any sensual appetite Thus we see all irrational Creatures may be taught and habituated to those things which naturally they have no appetite unto nor moved by any outward object As Horses are ridden and learned to amble whereas naturally all four-footed Creatures trot yet have they naturally no appetite thereunto nor moved by any outward object but on the contrary are averse from them 28. Creatures void of Understanding and Reason have these two Irrational Creatures
understanding cannot be any effect but from some efficient cause nor act without an agent then is it not possible but that which is in the understanding and does judge discern and phancie is superior and must precede every thing which is so judged discerned and phancied in the memory or senses All things therefore are so far from being in the senses before they were in the understanding that it is not only impossible that any thing which was in the sense should be in the understanding but also that which is in the understanding must be before it can judge discern or phancie any thing in the memory or senses And by consequence no Art nor Science can be learned or taught another who does not first understand the Principles thereof nor is it possible that the Principles of any Art or Science can be taught I know it is usual for men to confound the sense with the understanding As when a man talks unconclusively they say he talks not sense yet it may be he speaks very loud that is truly he talks not understandingly or not to be understood 39. By the authority of Aristotle Eth. lib. 6. cap. 6. the Understanding The Understanding is a ray of Divine light in the soul of man does apprehend things either abstractly or concretely Abstractly without the Reason as Principles for which no Reason can be given or concretely with the Reason as when by the Reason it apprehends things deduced from such Principles before understood and for which no reason can be given for Intellectus sit principiorum Scientia vero cum ratione conjuncta The understanding therefore of prime and universal causes for which no reason can be given can be nothing else but radius divini luminis in animabus hominum and by consequence it cannot be learned taught or communicated by any Creature or all the Creatures in the world 40. Only Man of all Creatures of this world understanding prime Only Man of all the creatures of this inferior orb is an intellectual creature necessary and universal causes and phancying things true and false just and unjust only Man is an Intellectual creature 41. * What things are Principles I. Principles by the authority of Aristotle Eth. lib. 6. cap. 3. are those things which are known to an Intellectual creature which do constitute Ratiocination and of which no reason can be given and cap. 6. are apprehended only by the Mind or Intellect Such are the Principles of Geometry and such are Idem eidem secundum idem esse non esse impossibile Omnis affirmatio aut negatio aut vera aut falsa Cujus est nolle ejus est velle c. II. Man not being only an Intellectual but a Sociable creature God hath engraven in the minds of all men certain Laws for which no reason can be given to which they ought to conform all their actions for the preservation of peace and society among men III. But because the Laws of Nature oftentimes only are ex Thesi there must be some things ex Hypothesi which must be understood and these must be prime and superior to them to whom they are given and for which they can give no reason or they cannot be the rule and reason of their actions I require Humane and Despotical Laws for Principles to those who by right or due are subject to them IV. But God having made Man not only intellectual rational and sociable but endued him with an immortal soul capable of eternal happiness He hath extraordinarily and supernaturally revealed himself in the Scriptures that men submitting themselves and their Reasons to those Divine precepts might work out their salvation with fear and trembling But if it be asked How shall I know the Scriptures to be Gods Word since they are not known to be so by the understanding nor outward sense I would ask that man if he be a Christian how he came to be so For his being a Christian implies his belief in them as the Word of God and he is required no more And if the power and grace of God were not as much shewed in converting the world to Christianity by the preaching of a company of poor Fishermen all Temporal powers persecuting and contradicting it as in all the Miracles of old under the Prophets and Patriarchs And whether the power and grace of God in his Son was not more visible under the New then in the Prophets and under the Old Law But because the Laws or Precepts of God in the Scripture command many things in Thesi only as Let all things be done decently and in order 1 Cor. 14. 40. 1 Tim. 2. and Let prayers and supplications be made for all men c. But this Decencie and Order is no where prescribed or defined by the Scripture and the Church to whom the right of defining such things is given by God ex Hypothesi the Laws therefore of Church or Ecclesiastical Laws are principles and necessary for conservation of Christian society I require only Humane Ecclesiastical and Despotical Laws for principles which do not immediately proceed from God All other principles whatsoever proceed or are immediately created only by God alone 42. All Men understand that they ought to obey the Laws of their No Laws create any obligation in conscience from any thing which was in the senses superiors But by the 37. Proposition there is nothing in the understanding which was in the senses Mens Obedience therefore or their obligation in conscience to the Laws of their superiors is not from any thing which was in the senses But it does proceed from the connatural Laws of Nature engraven by God in the minds or understandings of Men or from his Grace supernaturally given to Men and by consequence those men who do not from innate good principles their duty in conscience will never from any thing feared or received into the senses be it Whipping Branding or Hanging ever be made good but only deterred from being bad 43. Belief is the assenting to a thing to be true or false not as either What is Belief known to the understanding or outward senses but as affirmed or denied by one or more who are credible persons 44. Faith is the assenting to a thing to be true or false not as known What is Faith to the understanding or outward senses but as commanded or forbidden by God extraordinarily and supernaturally 45. It is an admirable thing to consider the providence of God who Whether things only credible may be as certain as known to the senses and incidently of the divine excellency of truth above any sensible knowledge is the God of truth in the preservation of those things which impartially relate the actions of Men and the revolutions which have hapned in the world Nor is it any more then a just and equal testimony Polybius in the Proem of his History gives of Truth viz. that she ought to
49. All demonstrative Science being begotten from certain and necessary From whence the Confusions and Distractions in Christendom have arisen pre-existent Principles the Laws of God and Man being pre-existent where they are clear and not inevident which is not always the imperfection of Mans Law nor can ever be of Gods Law Men may as clearly and as demonstratively demonstrate Conclusions from thence as from the Axiomes in Geometry And no question that all the Confusions which have lately hapned in Christendom were not caused from any want of understanding of the Laws of God or Man but from the perverse wills of Men who would not be restrained from their wickedness neither by the Laws of God or Man 50. Reason is a faculty of the Understanding which does prepare apt What is Reason and define things either in the outward sences or memory so as they may be comprehended by something before known to the Understanding or Reason is that which does dictate the doing of any thing conformable to something in the Understanding 51. All Propositions by the authority of Aristotle are demonstrable What is an Axiom or common Notion or indemonstrable Indemonstrable Propositions are those Propositions which are Axioms or common Notions for which no reason can be given and though indemonstrable in themselves do demonstrate all the Conclusions which follow from them An Axiom or common Notion is such an indefinite prime and necessary Proposition which comprehending any definite thing within its terms does necessitate such a Conclusion 52. A Definition is the comprehending every such individual thing What is a Definition in such a term as may express such a thing excluding every thing else 53. Although Definitions are properly terms comprehending individual Wherein a Notion and Definition differ things yet is there oftentimes a necessity of comprehending Notions or Axioms too under significant terms as a Law is a term which may signifie all rightful commands which are prime and universal Propositions to them who ow obedience to such commands which comprehending any action does necessitate such an action to be just So Geometry not onely comprehends all Propositions which have reference to surveying or measuring of Ground but also all the Propositions in Euclids Elements are comprehended under the terms or notion of Geometry c. Definitions are of Singulars Notions of Generals or Universals the Reason Memory and outward Senses are of Definitions the Understanding of Axioms or common Notions The Doctor does not onely confound the Memory and Understanding Annot. Pag. 21. de Gen. An. where he says Quod in ipsa visione sive actu videndi singulare clarum indistinctum erat id ipsum remoto visibili in phantasia vel memoria reservatum thereby making the phantasie and memory the same thing obscurum indistinctum apparet c. But also here and Page 27. he confounds Axioms and common Notions with Definitions where he says That from experience comes ratio Universalis Definitiones maxima sive Axiomata communia cognitionis certissima And the instances he gives of his meaning is quite awry and nothing to the purpose For idem eidem secundum idem esse non esse impossible is not onely not known from experiment but is as much known to any intellectual Creature before experiment as after And so omnis affirmatio negatio aut vera aut falsa est These Axioms are not Axioms because they are found true by experience but because universally known to be true before any experiment was made of them nor is it possible that experiment should be made of all things wherein they hold true the truth therefore of them cannot proceed from experience 54. Although divers Men do phansie the same thing seen or remembred Why some Men are more rational then others yet if they do not rationally phansie it viz. by comprehending that thing seen or remembred in something before understood to be true or false c. Then do they never conclude or agree in their inference Those Men therefore who do not rightly conclude a thing either the Object of the outward Senses or the Idea of it reserved in the Memory from something before understood but because they affect or desire it to be so conclude affectionately not rationally And Men who do so are less rational then other Men who do not 55. Knowledge is the knowing of a thing from the causes What is Knowledge 56. a Knowledge or Science how manifold All Knowledge or Science is either rational or sensible 57. b What is rational Science All Rational Science is a right Inference or Conclusion mediately or immediately from some universal Cause known to the Understanding 58. c How Science differs from Reason Intellectus sit Principiorum Scientia cum Ratione conjuncta Eth. lib. 6. cap. 6. Reason is the Instrument of the Understanding begetting Science is the thing which from the Understanding by the Reason is begotten 59. A Demonstrative Proposition is when the Predicate or Axiome What is a Demonstrative Affirmative Proposition understood comprehends the thing defined which is remembred Or any right Inference Conclusion or Dictate of Right Reason from Necessary and Universal Causes may be the Predicate of any Demonstrative Proposition 60. A Negative Demonstration is when Reason shews that the Subject What is a Negative Demonstrative Proposition cannot be comprehended by the Predicate 61. Logicians make three necessary parts or terms in every Proposition The necessary Parts of every roposition viz. the Nomen antecedens the Nomen consequens and the Copula The Nomen antecedens is the subject or thing in the outward sense or memory defined The Nomen consequens is the Predicate or something known to the understanding which comprehends the Subject And the Copula is that which joins these two As Omnis homo est animal Homo is the Subject or the thing seen or remembred Animal is the Predicate or Notion which comprehends Homo which is the thing understood and Animal does not only comprehend Homo and all other Creatures which a man has seen or heard of but all those Creatures which he shall ever see or hear of And est is the Copula which unites the Subject Homo with the Predicate Animal Annot. When I say the Subject is the thing sensible or remembred I always except Metaphysicks and Mathematicks which are considered without any sensible matter And indeed it is an admirable thing to consider how intelligibly Mathematicks are understood without any sensible matter more then any corporeal things are 62. It is truly observed that every perfect creature is generated from Rational Science is produced from the understanding by the reason and memory or outward senses matter and form diffused in several bodies and creatures and that this matter and form so long as it continues thus diffused in divers bodies is never qualified for generation or production of any
do not acquire Arts and Sciences by any necessary impluse moving them and only at such times when they cannot do otherwise nor are they excited thereunto by any material outward object but may learn and teach them other men and not upon necessity but upon all occasions as they shall judge requisite 75. Since every conclusion does follow the weaker part of the premises and since in all conclusions a posteriori the effect is onely known to the Things known to the outward senses are more evident then any probable conclusion outward senses and the cause but probable in the intellect the conclusion cannot amount any higher then probable But Men by their outward senses do apprehend things more then probably Things therefore apprehended by the outward senses are more evident then any probable conclusion and by consequence no man will reasonably dispute probably against what another hath seen or felt c. 76. There is nothing so much resembles God or Heaven as Light nor Things known to the understanding are more evident then to the outward senses any thing so much Hell as Darkness So incomprehensible is Light that it cannot be defined In all other things the motions actions accidents or passions happen in succession of time only light diffunditur ab instanti The rays and effluence of the Sun notwithstanding the immense distance of all the created bodies in the Universe at the same instant of time not only give light to them all but their power and influence is the prime and efficient at least instrumental cause of the generation and preservation of all corporeal creatures in them If a man considers the Light of the little world Man in the eye how it at the same time sees notwithstanding the vast interposition of space so many and so admirable works of the Creation it cannot less then beget an astonishment in him of the great power and goodness of God towards him yet how infinitely short this outward visible sight of the eye is Note the divine excellency of the understanding to the Divine Ray in the understanding appears in this that more is to be applyed to one principle known to the understanding or to one demonstrative conclusion from thence then to the sight or sence of all the men of the world to the contrary Should therefore all the men in the world affirm That they had seen two things equal to a third and not equal to one another or that they had seen an Orthogonial Triangle the square of whose subtending side were not equal to the squares of the comprehending sides or a right lined Triangle whose three angles were not equal to two right c. yet would I ascribe more to the truth of these thinge known to the understanding and from thence truly demonstrated then to the affirmation of all the men in the world nay so necessary are these things that God who can annihilate all the Universe in a moment cannot make them otherwise or should all the men in the world affirm that I ought not to serve God nor honor my King and Parents nor keep promise nor give every man his due c. yet more is to be ascribed to these Laws engraven in the minde of every man then to the affirmation of all the world to the contrary 77. Arithmetical proportion is when three or four numbers are so The wonderful Harmony of the Faculties of the Soul ordained that they increase equally the extremes added make the same number with the mean added or doubled if the numbers be but three As 3. 4. 5. 6. are in Arithmetical proportion for they increase equally and 3. added to 6. is equal to 4. added to 5. And so 3. 5. 7. are in Arithmetical proportion for they increase equally and three added to 7. is equal to 5. doubled By Def. 4. lib. 5. Eucl. Proportio est rationum similitudo And Def. 5. it must consist of three terms at least though indeed it must of four For where the terms are but three the medium is iterated twice as what proportion 4. hath to 6. 6. hath to 9. All Geometrical proportion is either discrete or continued Discrete is when the similitudo rationum is only between the 1. and the 2. and the 3. and 4. term As 2. 3. 4. 6. is in Geometrical discrete proportion for the similitudo rationis of 3. to 2. and of 6. to 4. is the same viz. sesquialtera but the similitudo rationis of 4. to 3. is not the same it being sesquitertia In continued proportion the similitudo rationis is the same in all the terms as in 2. 4. 8. 16. the similitudo rationis of 4. to 2. and 8. to 4. and 16. to 8. is the same viz. dupla In all Geometrical proportion the extremes multiplied into themselves produce the same number with the mean terms multiplied into themselves Harmonical proportion increases neither equally nor proportionally nor do the extremes added or multiplied produce the like number with the mean And yet in an admirable manner and sweetness do the extremes so connect the mean that the proportion of the greater extreme to the lesser is the same with the differences between the two greater and the two lesser As 2. 3. 6. increase neither equally nor proportionally nor is the mean number 3. added or multiplied the same with the extremes 2. and 6. added or multiplied but is in harmonical proportion because the difference between 6. 3. the greater extreme is triple to the difference of 2. 3. the lesser extreme which is the proportion between 6. 2. viz. triple And if there be any variation of either of the extremes all Harmony ceases All Harmonical proportion consists only in three terms As in Harmonical proportion the terms are necessarily three so are the Faculties of the Soul viz. the Will the Understanding and Memory And as the mean term in Harmony is so placed that if there be any excess or defect in either of the extremes all Harmony ceases so hath God placed the Understanding in a mean between the Will and Memory that if there be any defect or excess in either or both do not conform to the Understanding all Harmony of good and prudent actions ceases and they become wicked and foolish 78. Experience is the trial or apprehension of things from the outward Of Experience and what Knowledge arises from thence Eth. lib. 9. c. â— senses and this is common to all sensible creatures as well as man And therefore although according to the judgment of Aristotle Scientia be activa and therefore being only in the immaterial object of the understanding it may be learned and taught without experience yet Art being faction as it is applicable to some material subject cannot be taught without experience Notwithstanding de facto from the outward senses only may many Conclusions in Arts be taught men who apprehend them not from their causes as we see in mechanical Handicraft-men
case to him whether there be a King or no King in Israel for he will do what is right in his own eyes For our Author says In renouncing the power Pag. 25. of our Will we renounce our Understanding also Our Author for his part needs not fear it but sure he fears that if he do so because he cannot hope that he is qualified enough to be a Privy-Councellor that he has bound himself up from dabling with the Grounds of Obedience and Government Why he should do well to be of Counsel with Adam against God for the Devil and he agree in the same thing viz. That it is not liberty enough for Adam to eat of the other trees of the garden in Eden no Adam must not renounce his will and understanding too in order to his chiefest good the knowledge of good and evil and making himself like unto God by tasting the forbidden fruit To our Author it is not liberty enough for the Subject to square his actions to the Laws and Rules of his Country he must not renounce his will to be commanded by King or Laws but must have his will too in making of Laws Now let our Author tell me what a Government this is like to prove Who will hold the plough that is perswaded he may handle the scepter Who will live in an obscure cottage that hopes he may govern at the helm or eat his bread in the sweat of his brows who may expect to fare deliciously every day And now let me tell our Author once for all That humane Laws are made to retain Subjects in their obedience lest a worse thing happen unto them There must be no starting out or breaking loose from them For Laws are like the banks which encompass waters if there be the least hole in them the banks will be blown up and the waters lose themselves The Fifth GROUND That Fidelity is different from Obedience and wherein it consists Author NOw some good body help a lame Dog over the stile Here we find our Author taking monstrous pains and in a great sweat why what 's the matter trow What! Our Author undertakes to shew that Servants owe their Masters no obedience but fidelity only And this he would prove by a mighty argument viz. A man buyes a piece of Cloth or other merchandise of another and pays for it And therefore Servants owe their Masters no obedience And if this will not do it his Ipse dixit must or he loses an essential ingredient towards the patching up of his Fools paradise Observ Now herein our Author and I differ and I fear we shall never agree in any thing Our Author will trust his servant where he expects no obedience and I will make my servant obey me whenas it may be I will not trust him for a groat And indeed our Author will do more for his servant then I see in reason any man should do for him For pag. 141. he tells us In pure Morality he may falsifie and break promise if he save any thing by it and is better then his word I shall say no more in answer to this Ground but object the authority of the Holy Ghost against it Ephes 5. 6. Servants be obedient to them that are your Masters according to the flesh c. The Sixth GROUND In what consists Right or Due Author HEre our Author says The next Consideration may appear too Metaphysical a Nicety for a Moral Treatise Yet he armed Cap-a-pe in compleat Ignorance valiantly attempts it and will tell you of I know not what of Reason which takes nothing to be good but what is good for a mans self and makes it the rule of his actions to do what is fitting for him or conformable to his that is to a Rational nature But this is a rule by which he treats Horses Dogs Trees and Stones c. and runs through all his actions Observ Well But since the men of this world were never more unreasonable and every man so pretending to Reason and yet no man almost can tell what he means by Reason let us see what Ratio Reason is and what Reasoning is and why Man is onely said to be a reasonable creature Reason is properly that power of the soul by which a Man is discerned from other living creatures and by which he does excell and command them By Horace it is put for the reasoning and discoursing of the soul for finding out what is true Ratio ponitur pro ratiocinatione discursu animi ad investigandum verum Cicero lib. 2. ad Heren Ratio est causa quae demonstrat verum esse id quod intendimus brevi subjectione Reason is the cause which shews that thing to be true which we intend in a short view And Reason is many times equivocally used for Counsel as Cicero in Verr. Mea quidem ratio cum in praeteritis rebus est cognita tum in reliquis explorata provisa est My counsel is as well known in things past as throughly tried and provided in other things Sometime for Respect Habenda est ratio honoris Men ought to respect their honor Sometime for Care Habenda est ratio rei familiaris Men must look after their houshold-affairs Sometime for Business Rationem habet cum terra quae nunquam recusat imperium He busieth himself with his land which never disobeys him Thus far Calapine Sometime it is taken for Account Lu. 16. 2. Redde rationem villicationis tuae Give an account of thy Stewardship Ratio in the third Definition of the fifth Book of Euclide est duarum magnitudinum ejusdem generis mutua quaedam secundum quantitatem habitudo Reason is a certain mutual habit of two magnitudes of the same kind after their quantity As when two Quantities of the same kind two Numbers two Lines two Superficies two Solids c. are compared one to another according to their quantity that is accordingly as one is greater less or equal to another this comparison or mutual habit of one to another was by Geometricians called Ratio But now I know not by what habit or custom Proportio which definition 4º lib. 5. Euclid is Rationum similitudo And definition 5 consists in three terms at least for indeed it must consist in four for where it is in three the medium is iterated twice as what proportion four hath to six six hath to nine c. hath eaten the former quite up and is only used Or take Reason thus Reason is that by which men from given Principles do rightly infer and deduce Conclusions And Reasoning is twofold either à priori or à posteriori A priori from the cause nature and matter of necessary truths to shew what effects follow from thence and such Propositions are called demonstrative or scientifical shewn and known from the Causes such are all Propositions in Geometry and Mathematiques Or when the Effect is certain and the Cause probable and these are but probable
it is impossible they should receive their origination and first power from the Pacts and Contracts of Men For where there is no precedent humane Law obliging men can neither make Pacts Contracts or Gifts nor have any thing to give and contract for And to suppose that humane laws must precede and oblige men to thei Contracts and Pacts and that Contracts and Pacts must precede humane laws and give them their power is most manifestly absurd and contradictory THE CONTENTS of the Second Book Chap. I. HAving thus far treated of Rights and Laws which are the prime and efficient cause of all Humane Christian and Legal Society We in the first Chapter of this Book proceed to declare the Causes of all Society Chap. II. This Chap. shews the cause and end of Regal power Chap. III. Declares the attributes of it and incidently the causes of Magistrates power Chap. IV. Compares the three species of Government viz. Monarchy Democracy and Aristocracy wherein the excellency of Monarchy appears above either of the other as well by reason and experience as by the institution of God and consent of the world Chap. V. Shews the internal causes disposing men to sedition as well from the Party governing as from the Subjects or party governed Chap. VI. Declares the causes and attributes of the Fathers power And Chap. VII The causes and attributes of the Husbands power In this Chap. is demonstrated that though the Fathers and Husbands power be from the Law of Nature yet may the exercise of them be restrained by the Supreme power of any place without any wrong or prejudice to them which could not be done without a violence upon the Law of Nature if the Fathers and Husbands power were an institution of God and Supreme powers an institution of Man Chap. VIII Contains the causes and attributes of Despotical or the Masters power wherein is declared that if it be impossible for any man to make another his Master then necessarily is it impossible any man should make another his Prince or Soveraign Chap. IX Treats of the causes and attributes of Ecclesiastical power DEFINITIONS 1. SOciety Aristotle in lib. 1. Pol. cap. 5. truly defines to be made up of many What is Society divided parts or persons so that there must necessarily be Unum quid quod imparet alterum quod pareat 2. There are six sorts of Society First of Supreme powers and Subjects How manifold is the Society of Men. Secondly of Magistrates and those committed to their care or government and this is most properly called the Civitas especially where the Magistrates and those in their jurisdiction have a priviledged or exempted authority peculiar to them and not the same with that which is not contained in their jurisdiction Such are the Societies of our Civitates Boroughs and Corporations in England where the Magistrates jurisdiction is exempt and priviledged from the ordinary jurisdiction of Magistrates where these priviledges and immunities are not Thirdly of Husband and Wife and this Society the Greeks called Gamaca Fourthly of Fathers and Children which is called Patrica Fifthly of Masters and Servants which is called Despotica Besides these there is a sixth Society which is proper only to Christians viz. of Bishops Curates and Congregations committed to their charge 3. Potestas est jus imperiale in aliqua persona cujus praeceptum continet What is power rationem obedientiae 4. There are four kinds of Powers viz. Divine Humane or Natural Legal How many kinds of powers are there What is Divine power and Ecclesiastical 5. Divine power or right of Command is that power which is by highest right solely and originally in God and incommunicable to any Creature from whence all other Powers are mediately or immediately derived 6. Humane power is a right of Command created immediately by God or What is Humane power immediately derived from the Law of Nature 7. Legal power is a right of Command which is not immediately derived What is Legal power from any positive or natural law of God but from some Humane law 8. Ecclesiastical power is an institution of our Saviour and left to continue What is Ecclesiastical power What is force or Tyranny in the Church of Christ until his second coming to Judgment 9. Force or Tyranny is an usurpation of Command of any Creature or company of Creatures not created by any law of God or Man Nor is it the commanding of one alone which makes Tyranny the very Grecians could account the Athenian Thirty to be Tyrants and so could the Romans the Decemviri and Triumviri And no question but it was malice and spight which made the Grecians call all Kings Tyrants and both Romans and Grecians to make all Kings to be Ravenous creatures And all those Kings who abuse their power are by men usually called Tyrants not justly I find no such title given to Saul Ahab Ahaz Nabuchadnezzar but Wicked and Idolatrous often Nor is a Father or Husband less a Father or Husband if they abuse their powers because they have a right of Command 10. Dominion or Government is the exercise of Command by any Creature What is Dominion or Government or company of Creatures who have a right or no right of Command So that though all Government or Dominion be the exercise of Command yet is not all Government the exercise of Power as the Dominion or Government of Thieves Robbers and Pyrates c. is the exercise of Command who yet have no right of Command 11. All Power is Right but all Right is not Power as Jus Proprietatis How Potestas differs from Jus. Usufructuarium is Right not Power Common Notion ALl Created Powers are from the Law of Nature or Divine posisive Institution or Humane Laws THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. Of Society or the mutual offices of Commanding and Obeying 1. IF all Commanding and Obeying had To command and to obey is no humane artifice or invention been an Humane artifice or invention then was there a time when Men lived out of Society and in a parity or equal condition without commanding and obeying But there is no such time recorded in Sacred or Prophane history wherein Men lived so or when or who first invented or introduced these offices of commanding and obeying Besides we see that Arts and Sciences are received in one place and not in another and in the same place and by the same men at one time and neglected at another But at no time or place did ever men live out of society or commanding and obeying All commanding therefore and obeying is no Humane artifice or invention 2. If then there was never any man born but was born in subjection To command and to obey is natural and all subjection being in the predicament of relation which must suppose something commanding and if all things which are not artificial or invented are natural Then is it as evident as that Homo
subjection to them which are created by Gods will so revealed are not created by the Law of nature 11. All offices which are created by Divine Law whether by the Law All offices of commanding and obeying are not Gods ordinance immediately of Nature or by divine positive institution being from higher then humane causes are indelible and cannot be aliened transferred or communicated by any humane act for ejus est nolle cujus est velle and therefore cannot the power and obedience of Parents and Children of Husband and Wife of King and Subjects be aliened dissolved communicated or transferred but the offices of Masters and Servants of Magistrates and those subject to them are alienable communicable and transferrable and sometime are and sometime are not they are not therefore from any immediate ordinance of God either positive or natural But the offices of commanding and obeying as Masters and Servants and Magistrates and those subject to them are but temporary and determinable by the laws of him that made them therefore not Gods ordinance 12. Humane laws create Magistrates power two ways Immediately How many ways power and subjection happens by humane laws to Magistrates and those subject to them as when Supreme powers which are the fountain from whence all Temporal laws are derived constitute any Magistrate giving him jurisdiction over the inhabitants of any place or when the Laws or Higher powers enable such men to nominate their Magistrate there the Nominators are the instruments by which the Law does transfer this Magisterial power 13. The mutual offices of power and subjection between Masters and How many ways humane laws create the power and subjection of Masters and Servants Servants happen two ways either created by the contract or pact of the Master and Servant and we have before shewed that all pacts and contracts receive their obligation from Humane laws as the means by which Humane laws do create these offices or else without any pact or contract of the parties commanding and obeying as in the cases of Slavery where prisoners are taken in war or men condemned thereunto for some offence or of Apprentiship where children are bound for such a term by the Laws of their Country or Parents And I do grant Mr. Hobbs Grotius and White that this power and subjection Humana voluntas introduxit but not the parties obeying as they most senslesly feign but the Supreme powers or the parties commanding And where they are not so created all men are originally free I do much wonder at those men who make all Supreme or Regal power to have Annot. its origination from the consent and aggregation of many families For they not only confound the Masters power with the Fathers which in the nature and cause we have already shewed and shall more fully hereafter in their proper Chapters shew but also make the Masters power to be from the Law of God and Regal power to be a Humane institution whereas the contrary is true in both And what it is should move men to imagine that after Adam's and Noah's posterity dilated themselves into many families that they should give Adam and Noah more power then God gave them I am sure no such thing or the least probability thereof appears in Scripture or that after Adam's and Noah's deaths their Posterities became free and independent from all Government which was no body can tell when brought in by the Pacts of Men or by consent and submission of Families to it 14. That power or right of command which God jure divino hath as All power and subjection from what causes solely and absolutely over all his creatures as the Creator first and efficient Cause of them and therefore by highest right all obedience is chiefly due to them before any creature in all things Or else power and subjection are caused from the Laws of Nature or from the Law of God revealed in the Scriptures or from Humane positive Laws All Society which is not contained in these causes is Tyranny in the party commanding nor is any obligation in Conscience to such Commands from the party commanded Having thus far treated of the Causes of Power and Subjection conjunctly we shall hereafter in their several Chapters treat of them severally and more at large And we insist more largely hereon in regard these Powers and Subjections are either so confounded in their Causes by other men or such wild things begged for Principles that so far as I understand no ingenuous man should grant CHAP. II. Of Regal and Magistrates power 1. THere is no question but one of Mans chiefest happinesses in this Introduction life consists in the contemplation of God in his works to contemplate the Heavens and the Earth the workmanship of his hands and the admirable order and motion of them all being by him so made and created Nor is God less seen in the generation and birth of Man and other creatures then in the creation of the Universe And as admirable is the preservation of every Man as his generation For abstracting from the internal cause Spiritus intus alit totamque infusa per artus Virg. Aen. 6. prop. fin Mens agitat molem How God does renew and preserve every Man and every part of Man by a perpetual motion viz. the Systole and Diastole of the Blood If a Man considers his outward preservation not only from the violence of other creatures who are of much more force then himself but also from the force and violence of his own kind for were he not restrained Homo homini lupus And what are the People in general but a sudden rash and furious Beast carried hither and thither upon every wild fancy raging to have this thing done and presently lamenting because it is done He must needs As the Athenians did in their sentence on Socrates and the Captains at the Fight at Arginusae confess there is no power under heaven which can restrain the raging of the sea and the madness of the people The Psalmist therefore Psal 77. when he calls to mind the works of God and his wonders of old Thou thundrest from heaven thou shakest the earth thou dividest the sea and at last as the greatest wonder of all he says Thou leadest thy people like sheep by the hands of Moses and Aaron It is not therefore from any pacts and inventions of Man that he may hope for any security but by submitting himself to what God hath ordained for his preservation 2. Upon a survey taken in Scripture how often Christi Domini are Regal power cannot be created by the People used they are found to be thirty three two of which are spoken of the Patriarchs one of our Saviour and all the rest of Kings only Once of our Saviour Luk. 2. 26. twice of the Patriarchs Psal 105. 15. and 1 Chro. 16. 22. all the rest to Kings only and expresly And though others were anointed yet none
King comes to be in the exercise of another Kings power he is subject to that King so long as he continues in the exercise or dominion of that King By more reason therefore ought the Subjects of any Prince to be in subjection to Supreme powers so long as they continue in the exercise of their power whether it were by Conquest or not Besides God hath ordained Supreme powers for mens preservation not their destruction And there must be some visible power upon earth which may put a period to and decide differences or they will be endless But there is no power under heaven but their sword that can put a period to the differences of Princes what therfore in such case the sword decides ought to be obeyed and the conquered Subjects nay Princes who come into the dominion or exercise of anothers power ought to be subject to it so long as they continue therein God therefore pronounceth Zedekiah a Rebel against Nebuchadnezzer But this reason cannot 1 Chro. 36. 13. hold for Subjects against their Soveraign where the Law may decide their Regal power cannot be transferred nor communicated by any humane or voluntary act differences and where by no Law of God or Man they are permitted to take the sword 26. Cujus est velle ejus est nolle No power less then that which made any thing can alter it But Regal power is Gods ordinance therefore nothing less then the power of God can alter transfer or communicate it Yet is the exercise of it subject to violence As Gravia sursum levia deorsum feruntur yet may a man by violence throw a stone upward and depress smoke from ascending without altering the nature of either So though Regal power cannot be transferred nor communicated by Man yet is the exercise of it not only subject to violence and usurpation but also being voluntary may be suspended by Supreme powers themselves without any diminution of the power or right of exercise of it When therefore Subjects or Enemies do unjustly invade and possess the Dominion of another this possession does not divest the right or jus ad rem of that other but only suspend the exercise of the others power or right during such usurpation So may a King by a league or peace with others by his act suspend the exercise of his power in any place unjustly usurped from him by others yet without diminution of his power or right to that place But this act cannot oblige his Successor nor himself after such term but they have a just cause of war if it be noâ— restored Having thus far treated of the efficient or final cause of Regal power it is time to descend to the Attributes of it CHAP. III. Of the Attributes of Regal power and incidently of the Power of Magistrates 1. WHo hath the Supreme power hath the sword of Justice to punish The sword of Justice is his who hath the Supreme power them who transgress Laws and endeavour to cause sedition He is the Minister of God to thee for good but if thou do that which is evil be afraid for he beareth not the sword in vain for he is the Minister of God a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil Rom. 13. 4. And Gods rod in his hand Exod. 17. 9. 2. The end of all Government is either to preserve the governed inwardly The power of making War and Peace belongs to the Supreme power in peace or to defend them from the outward violence and opposition of others In vain therefore should Government be if he who hath the Supreme power may not as well defend Subjects from the violence of others outwardly as to preserve them from factions and feditions within And this power God gave to Moses Joshuah David and all the Kings of Judah nor can any King be a Supreme Prince without it nor the governed in a probable condition of hoping for preservation from it 3. Judgment is the determining of a good or bad action which cannot All Judgment is with him be in any who is subject to another What therefore could be a more subtile temptation of the Devil to our first Parents then to tell them Gen. 3. 5. that by eating the forbidden fruit they should be like to God knowing good and evil Solomon as the most requisite thing prays to God that he would give him an understanding heart that he might be able to judge between good and bad 1 King 3. 9. And The King by judgment establisheth the land Pro. 29. 4. And Give the King thy judgments O God and thy righteousness to the Kings Son that he may judge the people according to right and defend the poor Psal 72. 1 2. 4. The right of making Laws is with him The Scepter shall not depart Jus legislativum penes eum from Judah nor a Lawgiver from between his feet until Shilo come Gen. 49. 10. Submit your selves therefore to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake whether it be to the King as Supreme 1 Pet. 2. 12. And this is the onely visible means by which Subjects may become safe rich and happy 5. In punishment Equals cannot judge Equals much less can Inferiors That he does all things without punishment judge Superiors But a Supreme Prince cannot have an Equal much less a Superior therefore a Supreme Prince cannot be punished If a Supreme Prince might be punished for any thing he doth then cannot he do any thing but he will be liable to punishment for so doing For what property can he give to one which will not offend some other Nor did the veriest Thief or Murderer ever suffer punishment but some of his Comrades would seek revenge and if they might would punish the Lawgiver Besides who shall judge his Prince If any one then every one may Let no man therefore be hasty to go out of his sight nor stand in an evil thing for he doth whatsoever pleaseth him Where the word of a King is there is power and who shall say unto him what doest thou Eccles 8. 3 4. The Lord forbid that I should do this thing unto my Master the Lords Anointed to stretch forth my hand against him seeing he is the Lords Anointed 1 Sam. 24. 6. It may seem to some that this unlimited power of doing any thing Annot. with impunity will only beget a confidence in Kings of doing what they list without ever taking care of their duty in preserving their Subjects from intestine broils and factions and from the outward force and violence of their Enemies whereas more narrowly looked into no men are so subject to care and have their wills less then they For private men if they do any thing in their passion their fame and fortunes are alike neither much removed from their persons few take notice of it But they who are set in high place all men take notice of their actions In the greatest Fortune therefore is the
might not be aliened or made worse by the Possessor yet so that she left a gap open for herself and her Favorites to prey upon it which was after shut by King James and with great care secured by King Charls All this while grew up a Faction in Church and State which became the ruine of both For not only in the Church the Publique Liturgy Communion or Religion was vilified and defamed but the Governors reviled with all opprobrious names of Tyrannical Antichristian c. It is true the Majesty of the King was not so openly reviled yet was it insensibly daily undermined by them in which they were much assisted by a company of half-headed Lawyers who in all Assemblies distilled this doctrine into ignorant men That the Law was above the King and that they had Property against him in their estates and goods Whereby not only Citizens and Great places became generally inclined to this new doctrine of the Teachers and Lawyers but the Country-Gentleman thought himself independent from the King both in his life and estate the Yeoman cared not for the Gentleman and as little regarded the King so that the veneration of the Royal Name became every day more contemptible and despised all honor and reverence due to the King Church was converted unto these Patriots of their Countries Liberty and New Lights Nor could the Church relieve the Crown although the Governors were well-affected towards it being by all the Faction more hated than the King became despised until in the end the chief Governors both of Church and State not only became Victims to the rage and lust of seditious men but the Revenues of both a prey to their avarice And now what is left for this miserable Nation to expect having forfeited all Piety and Allegiance to Gods Church and his Anointed but after all this consumption of the Blood and Publique and Private Revenue of the Nation and having lost all Reputation and Commerce abroad for the future to be Turk-like governed by armed and hungry Soldiers without any probable hope of Redemption Object It may be it will be here objected That though poor and contemptible Princes be rarely long obeyed especially where their Subjects are opulent yet had the Church never so great veneration both for power and piety as when in the Primitive times it was poor whereas afterward when it became rich and mighty it did degenerate into many vices and heresies and lost much of estimation and piety which it had in its poverty Answ I grant that God did by his grace and power originally by a company of poor men and Fishermen against all the greatness of worldly power miraculously plant a Church and that those poor men sent by God were supernaturally inspired by his grace which not their poverty was the cause of their piety and sanctity and that they were so highly honored by primitive Christians yet sure when God hath supernaturally planted his Church it cannot be in reason expected he should preserve it always by miracle And sure those are very ungrateful men not to contribute ordinary means for the preservation of what God hath extraordinarily planted Nor is there any thing more vain then to imagine that men are better for being poor or that according to the ordinary course of things they will not be by men in general esteemed vile and contemptible who are so Nil habet infaelix paupertas durius in se Juveual Quâm quod ridiculos homines facit CHAP. VI. Of the Fathers power 1. UNumquodque resolvitur in id ex quo componitur Dust shall return to the Introduction earth as it was and the Spirit to God who gave it Eccle. 12. 7. It is not the good will and pleasure of the All-prepotent God that only the individuals of one age should see the greatness of his Majesty and power therefore he was pleased to create man as well as other Creatures in this inferior or be in a * If Adam had not been created in a Mortal State the Sacrament of the Tree of life had been a vain institution mortal state yet he endewed him generativa facultate that though he does dye in his person yet he should live in his posterity and as one generation passeth away so another commeth but the earth abideth for ever Eccle. 1. 4. 2. There is nothing more evident then that in perfect Creatures of The power of Parents alike over their Children which man is the most perfect that God is the prime and efficient cause or God working by naturall causes the Sun is the efficient cause and Male and Female the Instrumental Sol per hominem generat hominem See Harvey de generatione Animalium Cap. 33. Man and Woman therefore being the means whereby God does renew the species of Mankind and all Creatures having power over themselves in all things wherein they are not restrained by some natural or humane Law and every Child being alike part of either of his Parents the Power of Father and Mother is alike over their Children and so by consequence the subjection and obedience of every Child is alike due to Father and Mother And to honor thy Father and thy Mother is the First precept of the second Table of the Decalogue 3. Man and Wife being but one person and the Husband being the Why in Matrimony the power is in the Father head of the Wife and the Wife being in the power of the Husband the Husband hath the power and command as well of the Children as of the Mother yet the piety and observance of Children to their Mother is as much due as to their Father 4. Grotius cap. 5. art 2. de jure belli pacis out of Arist pol. 1. cap ult Grotius his opinion of the Fathers power eth 5. cap. 10. distinguisheth the Fathers power over Children into three times viz. 1. The time of their imperfect judgment 2. The time of their perfect judgment 3. The time when they are out of the Fathers family In the first all the actions of the Children are under the command of the Parents In the second time whenas judgment is matured by age and are of the family they are subject as part of the family In the third when he is matured by age and out of the family the Son is in all things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his own right Yet he says and truly parag 5. The Fathers power so follows the Fathers person that it can never be pulled off nor transferred to any other for the Fathers power arising from generation is due to him by the Law of Nature and so always the same if not aliened by the act of God And therefore * Confuted Quando Ubi make no alteration in the Fathers power for it is the same when the Son is an Infant and when adult when he is part of the family and when not 5. Where the Law of Nature gives a
man can oblige or subject himself to any The Masters power does not arise from the Servants subjecting himself man or creature by any Act of his will for no Act of any mans will can have any power of himself Omnis potentia activa est principium transmutandi aliud every active power is the cause of alteration in another body the Act therefore of a mans will can make no obligation in his body who does will it Besides it is against all rules of relation that to bind and to be bound can be in the same thing therefore it is much more absurd to suppose the whole man should be obliged by a part of himself that is by his will Add hereunto that if a man be obliged to his will then is the most wilful man the most just man and every man is obliged to do any thing because he hath willed it then which there is nothing can be more immoral and destructive to all society with mankind 8. If the Masters power did arise from the Servants subjecting himself to him which is an Act of the Servants will then an Act of the Servants Nor from the Masters accepting his Servants submission Annot. will may have a power and obligation upon his Master which is absurd for this makes the Master to obey his Servant Yet in usual speaking voluntas is confounded with conatus as wee say that God did accept Abrahams will for the deed in that he was willing to have offered up his son Isaac whereas in proper speaking God did will or command Abraham to offer up his son and Abraham did obey that is receive or accept Gods will and did endeavor not will for it had been unnatural and murder in Abraham to have willed without cause the death of Isaac to have done it when God restrained him and so God was pleased to accept of Abrahams endeavor to have pleased him And so when any servant does endeavor to do his Masters will though he be not able to perform it yet ought the Master to accept it because he does what he can not to do any act of his own will but to perform an act of his Masters 9. But suppose the Declaration of the Servants will does evade into The Masters power does not arise from the Servants promise his promise given to his Master yet cannot the Masters power arise from thence because men are obliged to the performance of their promises by the Law of nature only and that Law does oblige only in Conscience but the Masters power obliges to corporal punishment I say therefore that no Masters power arising from any Act of the Servants will or promise nor from the Masters acceptance no Regal power can arise from the Princes acceptance of their Subjects submission for a great family is a kingdom and a little kingdom is a family saies Tho. Hobbes cap. 8. art 1. de Cive 10. If the Masters Power did arise from the Law of Nature then were The Masters power does not arise from the Law of Nature the power of a Master over his servant eternal and incommunicable but the contrary of this is evident in all places of the world for there is no place where the Power of Masters is not only dissolvible by the Laws and consents of the Master and Servant but where it is not slavery there the Masters power is terminated to years moneths weeks daies or houres c. which expiring the relations of Master and Servant are dissolved the Masters power therefore is not from the Law of Nature 11. If the Masters power did arise from Divine positive institution Nor by Divine positive institution then where Gods revelation of himself in the Scriptures is not received and believed have Masters no power over their Servants But this is evidently false for not only before Gods revelation of himself in the Scriptures had Masters every where power or dominion over their Servants but also every where in the world Masters have power over their Servants as well where the Scriptures are not received as where they are The Masters power therefore does not arise from Divine positive institution 12. Nascitur servus says Aristotle most truly There was no man that From whence the Masters power does arise was ever born in the world unless a posthumous King but was born in a threefold subjection first to the Laws of God secondly to the Laws of his Parents and thirdly to the Laws of his Country And the Laws of every Country obliging men to the performance of their pacts and contracts the Law of the place is the efficient cause by the Contract of the Master and Servant being the instrumental causes of the Masters power and not only gives the Master a power over his Servant but also obliges the Master to perform all his promises specified in the Contract to his Servant It is evident therefore that where there is no precedent Humane Law Annot. obliging there cannot be any Family for the Law by the Masters Contract with his Servant gives him the power over his Servant All Grotius his Government then founded upon the Contracts of Men is utterly false and by consequence no one true Proposition can follow from thence Yet truly it is an error pardonable in him who with his first milk sucked in this Popular principle No question but he was a man as eminent in Humane learning as any man of this last Age and I doubt not but of a sincere and peaceable disposition It is the excellency of Truth that it is plain and easie to be perceived whereas Falshood with all art and learning is rendred more obscure by how much more is added to it And it is strange for a stander by to see what monstrous absurdities Grotius runs into to uphold his fabrick For he makes God at the Creation and Flood lib. 2. cap. 2. par 2. to give Mankind a natural right viz. all men alike over all things and this natural right to be immutable by God himself and yet without giving lib. 1. par 10. any reason for it he makes it mutable by the will of man and Dominion which he there says was brought in by the will of man he says is Jus naturale too So Jus naturale does signifie that which God gave to mankind and Jus naturale does signifie that which mans will brought in contrary to what God gave to mankind then which what can be more absurd But Mr. Hobbs cap. 2. art 9. makes a Contract the act of two or more Annot. 2. mutually transferring their rights and a Pact to be when one or both is trusted and he who is trusted does promise that he will perform and supposeth the Civitas institutive to take its first being from the Pacts of men Which will not help him for such Pacts as well as Contracts receive their obligation from precedent humane laws And therefore all his book de Cive which is
at all So that it may be rather termed a Representative of the Free Corporations then a Representative of the Freeborn people of England The House of Commons therefore cannot be a Representative of the Freeborn people of England But suppose them the Representatives of the Freeborn people of this Nor the Supreme Authority of the Nation Nation yet cannot they be the Supreme Authority of it for no power can act beyond the power of its being I say therefore that no Representative can be supreme or superior to the cause of its being The House of Commons therefore cannot be granting it the Representative of the Freeborn people of this Nation the Supreme Authority of the Nation But if the house of Commons be not sent by the people and their Representatives Who creates them and by what right do they make a house of Commons Before we answer this Quaere wee will see of what sorts of men a house Of what sorts of men the house of Commons is compounded of Commons is compounded A house of Commons is compounded of three sorts of men viz. Knights of Counties Citizens sent by Cities and Burgesses of Corporations Barons of the Cinque Ports are the same thing differently expressed with Burgesses of Corporations Now that all Cities Burroughs Corporations and Cinque Ports are not so jure naturali nor by any inherent birthright but from their Charter which is nothing else but the Kings grant is so manifest that I think no man in his wits will deny But all Cities and Corporations are not alike in priviledges but more or less as they are impowred by their Charter or Grant of the King Some Corporations have Liberties Priviledges and are impowred to send Burgesses others have Liberties and Priviledges but not qualified to send Burgesses nay some Cities have Liberties and Priviledges but not endewed with this right of having Representative in the house of Commons as the Cities of Durham and Ely And as neither Cities nor Burroughs are endewed with these their Liberties What creates the house of Commons and Priviledges by any inherent birthright so neither are the Counties nor Inhabitants endewed with any right of sending Knights of their Counties by any inherent birthright for then had all the Counties a like right one as another and all the Inhabitans a like vote and they mighr create representatives as often as they should see occasion But all these are most evidently false for we have shewed before that not only the division of this Nation into Counties was an act of the Kings but all Counties are not alike endewed with this Priviledge some Counties in Wales sending but one and the County of Durham none at all Nor have all men a like vote in electing and yet as much subject to Laws made in Parliament as other men but men only who have 40 s. yearly freehold rent nor can these 40 s. a year men when they will send their representatives What then does impower these to send representatives Why let Sir Ed. Coke say Inst 4. p. 1. Knights of Shires Citizens of Cities and Burgesses of Burroughs are respectively elected by the Counties Cities and Burroughs by force of the Kings Writ So that the Kings Writ is the first and efficient cause of the pag. 28. house of Commons as well of the Knights as Citizens and Burgesses the Commons cannot begin nor be dissolved without the King in person or representation If then Rebellion be as the sin of Witchcraft as the Holy Ghost saies Annot. and if crimen lesae Majestatis be the highest crime and impiety as all Lawyers hold and if Gratitude be one the chief of all Moral virtues as all men hold for si ingratum dixeris omnia dixeris no man who is an ingrateful man but has rendred himself as if he had committed all manner of wickedness How impious then is it for men only from the Kings grace endewed with this high favor to convert it in opposition and derogation of that power and person from whence they originally received it But they say if the Commons did it then was it done by the people and so just and not to be questioned as if the people were not a thing to be governed and all as much subject to the King and Laws as every one or that a thing just or unjust in it self were more just or unjust because more or fewer did it Will any man say the crucifying of our Saviour was therefore just because many of the Jews did it or that a rout or riot is therefore lawful because done by many men or that it is not paricide or regicide if many Sons and Subjects kill their Parents and King As all the Members of both houses are created by the King so cannot The Parliament cannot begin but by the King these Members be formed into a body but by the King either by his Royal presence or representation By representation two waies either by a Guardian of England by Letters Patents under the great Seal when the King is in remotis out of the Realm or by Commission under the great Seal of Inst 4. p. 6. England to certain Lords of Parliament representing the person of the King he being within the Realm in respect of some infirmity This House is so far from being the Supreme Authority of the Nation The Jurisdiction of the Commons House that they are not a Court of Judicature nor can impose an Oath or take any mans Examination Yet Sir Ed. Coke says Inst 4. 28. that the House of Commons is to many purposes a distinct Court because he says they cannot be prorogued or adjourned but by its self yet gives no more It is true indeed that to many purposes among themselves they do judge their Members and Elections and have a Committee for Religion but these things are more of custom whether good or bad I cannot tell then of any original right that I know or ever heard of And Sir Ed. Coke Inst 4. 11. says They being the general Inquisitors of the Realm have principal care in the beginning of Parliaments to appoint Committees of Grievances both in Church and Commonwealth of Courts of Justice of Priviledges and of Advancement of Trade They have been wont too ever since the Statute de Tallagie non concedendo of course to grant the King Aids in extraordinary cases The House of Peers assisted as aforesaid are the Supreme Court of The Jurisdiction of the House of Lords Judicature in this Nation not only to judge whether matters presented to them by the Commons be fit or requisite for the King to pass into Laws as Monsieur Bodin well observes who disputes this better then any of our English Lawyers that I know of has done but also of Writs of Error and of matters of Fact either not determinable in other Courts or else when though they are determinable in other Courts yet in regard of nicety or
to instance the Acts of Parliament which give one Jointenant a power to compell the others to sue a Writ of Partition which was denied at Common-Law and right of Entry where they were put to their Cui in vita c. It may suffice that in no Kings reign there have not been Acts of Parliament which have been so far from making declarations of the Common-Law that they have made manifest alterations in it And as the Common-Law hath no force nor reason against an Act of Parliament so hath no particular Custom any force or reason against it for no man can prescribe against an Act of Parliament and all Lands in Gavel-kind were particular Customs but taken away by Act of Parliament And many Acts of Parliament have not declared the Succession of the English Diadem according to the usual custom thereof but made manifest alteration thereof as in the Succession of Hen. 4. 5. 6. Rich. 3. Hen. 7. 8. which being unjust and the cause not depending upon Humane laws ought not to be obeyed Nor secondly is that a less error that Judicial Records are equivalent to Acts of Parliament for they are so far from being equal to Acts of Parliament that in truth they are no Laws but Inferences and Conclusions which are deduced from Laws For there is not any Judicial Record which is not unjust if it cannot truly and ultimately be resolved in some general or particular Custom Act of the Parliament or grant of the King So that Acts of Parliament the Common Law Particular Customs and Prescriptions and Royal Grants are as Axioms Postulata or Principles in Arts or Sciences and Judicial Records Reported Cases and Yearsbooks are Inferences Conclusions or Sciences deduced from Acts of Parliament the Common Law and particular Customs of this Land or Concessions of the King Touching Royal Government Royal Government being the ordinance of God and from the Law of Nature is paramount to all Humane laws and the prime and efficient cause of them they cannot therefore declare the cause so as to create any obligation of what they are but the effects and from whence derived We have thus far treated of the means by which the Kings of this Nation have until 1640. governed and preserved their Subjects internally But because it is the office of Kings to preserve their Subjects as well from foreign force as internal broil there is yet something wanting of which we have not treated viz. The power of making War and Peace and maintaining Alliance and Traffique Of these in regard they refer to Foreign powers and jurisdictions and are not subject to the Laws of the Nation we shall forbear to treat only affirming that it is necessary that at all times this power must be so vested in the King that at all times he may have the aids and assistance of his Subjects in prosecution of the Ends aforesaid The end of the Third Book The Contents of the Fourth Book HAving thus far treated of all created Rights and the causes of all Laws and created Powers and Vertues and these being previous and necessary to all Justice and Obedience We in this Book descend to treat of Justice in the first Chap. as the most eminent and noble of all Humane vertues it being that which not only conserves private Families but all Nations and Kingdoms in unity peace and society and demonstrate it neither to be in Geometrical proportion as Plato would nor Arithmetical proportion as Zenophon held nor in Harmonical proportion as Bodin taught Nor is that corrective and distributive Justice which Aristotle affirmed to be in Arithmetical and in Geometrical proportion The Second Chap. treats of Obedience and shews how that it necessarily proceeds and yet is different from Justice The Third Chap. treats of Judgment and shews how it differs from Law and Justice The Fourth Chap. treats of Equity and shews how it differs from Judgment and how necessary Courts of Equity as well as Judicature are THE FOURTH BOOK CHAP. I. Of Justice 1. JUstitia est habitus animi communi utilitate Cicero's definition of Justice servata suum cuique tribuens Societatem conjunctionis Humanae munifice atque aequè tuens Justice is a habit of the Minde common utility being conserved giving to every one their right and bountifully and equally Cicero lib. 1. de legibus defending the Society of Mankinde Et Justitia est quae suum cuique distribuit Justice is that which does distribute to every man what is his right Where he says That Justitia est obtemperatio scriptis legibus we will shew that is not properly Justice but Obedience onely 2. Justice is the upright doing of an act conserving Society in that Quid sit Justitia formality as it is commanded or permitted by him who by right may command or permit it Justice is the doing of a just action the doing of a just action is the upright doing of any act as it is commanded or permitted by him who by right may command or permit it preserving Peace and Society I say Justice must have these two properties viz. upright doing that is abstraction from all affections of love hate or self-interest and the Law or Command of him who by right may command or permit such an act Other actions proceeding from Wisdom Reason Experiment or Discourse c. are prudent profitable c. but none are just or honest actions which cannot be truly and ultimately resolved into the Law or Command of him who by right may command or permit such an act So Quotuplex that Justice is twofold either commanded or permitted 3. Injustice is the abuse or falsifying the Law or Command of him What is Injustice who by right commands to the hurt or prejudice of another As a Law preceding and Integrity are inseparable incidents to Justice so Hypocracy seeming just and yet abusing or falsifying a Law and the damage of another or more are incidents inseparable to injustice 4. Let us see who may by right command and who are obliged to do God commands by highest right in conformity to their Laws and Commands I say God by highest right ought to command all the created things in Heaven and Earth and all Creatures are chiefly and absolutely obliged to do whatsoever he commands without any reasoning or disputing why he so commands For the earth is Psal 24. 1. Job 41. 11. Psal 50. 12. the Lords and all that therein is the compass of the World and all that dwell therein And whatsoever is under the whole Heaven is Gods and the World is mine and the fulness thereof All Gods commands therefore have a like and equal influence upon all his Creatures all Creatures as compared to him are alike vile and between him and them is no proportion To abuse then or falsifie any Law of God or Nature to the hurt or prejudice of another is a sin of injustice in all Gods Creatures and
where the person of the buyer is not to be considered whether greater or lesser richer or poorer but an equal value or price is and to be taken by the vendor for such a commodity be the buyer rich or poor Distributative Justice consists he says in Geometrical proportion and is Distributative referred to the dignities and merits of men so that here men ought to respect the person and the quality of him to whom any thing is attributed or given 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more to him who is more worthy and less to him who is less worthy 37. It is true indeed That if in Promutation a man sets such a value Corrective Justice examined upon such a thing and does not respect the person or quality of any buyer that then such vendor does equally to all sellers and in exchanging observes Arithmetical proportion But if it be true as it is that he says That he is a Eth. l. 5. c. 2 3. just man that keeps the Laws and that there be no Law which sets a price upon what thing the seller exchanges or sells to another then it cannot be a sin of Injustice for any vendor not to observe this Arithmetical Rule which Aristotle propounds in Promutation 38. Nor is it less true That if a Prince in conferring honor or otherwise Distributative Justice examined rewarding a man for any merit or great service done to him or his Countrey gives more honor or reward to such a man then to another deserving less then such a Prince does a prudent action and observes Geometrical proportion in it but what is this to Justice For if there be no Law commanding such a thing then cannot the not doing of it be a sin of Injustice nor is it properly a sin of injustice not to reward or repay benefits but of ingratitude Grotius Lib. 1. Para. 8. disputes against the opinion of Aristotle That Grotius his opinion of Justice Justice is properly distinguished into Arithmetical and Geometrical proportion but Paragraph 9. where he should declare what Justice is he onely confounds Jus Lex Justitia and instead of setting down what Justice is which he neither does here nor any where else that I know of he forsooth divides Jus into Jus naturale voluntarium which may signifie either of them or both together hum drum Community and Property the Law of God immutable by God himself and yet mutable by the will of Man In the Dedication of this Jus Belli Pacis he makes Lewis the Thirteenth to be just because he does by imitating him honor the memory of his Father yet do I think there were scarce ever two men more unlike and just because he does by his example instruct his Brother and just because he gave his Sisters great Portions just because he inflicts no great punishment upon his rebellious Subjects sure never man took Mercy for Justice before and just because he allows his Subjects Liberty of Conscience CHAP. II. Of Obedience 1. OBedience is the accepting of the Law or Command of him who Obedience what by right commands when I by no act of my will put any obsticle whereby such Law or Command may be executed or received 2. Obedience differs from Justice as a part differs from the whole Obedience How Obedience differs from Justice is implyed in Justice Patience is onely necessary to Obedience but Agency to Justice Every just man must be an obedient man but the converse do not always hold That every obedient man is a just man As a Prince commands such a man to be a Justice of Peace c. in such a Town or Division he is received by them of the Town or Division This is an act of Obedience in them of such a Town or Division not of Justice because they are Patients onely and not Agents 3. Disobedience is the refusing to accept the Law or Command of How Disobedience differs from Injustice him who by right commands Injustice is the counterfeiting Obedience to Laws and yet abusing them to the prejudice of another As he who by right commands me to do such a thing if I refuse to do it This is a Sin of Disobedience If I undertake to do it and instead of upright doing of it I abuse it to the prejudice of any man this is a Sin of Injustice 4. Obedience is not only a virtue in it self but also the first and only The Excellency of Obedience Introduction to all virtues Theological and Moral For not only in Moral virtues I must subject my will to the rule and precept of him who by right commands but also in Theological virtues my will must be the patient and admit of Gods grace as the prime and efficient cause before it be possible that I should be qualified to do any virtuous action either Theologicall or Moral and God being all good and a lover of Man and hating nothing Philanthropos that he hath made freely offers this his grace to all men and it is mans fault and stubbornness that he refuses to admit of this grace of God without which nothing can be good nothing can be just or virtuous without which no man can reasonably hope for any Temporal happiness in this world or eternal Beatitude in the world to come 5. It is not alwaies the doing or abstaining from what is commanded Gods Grace only is the true and efficient cause of virtue in men or forbidden which is virtue but only the ingenuous and upright doing or abstaining from that which is commanded or forbidden as it is commanded or forbidden by him who by right may command or forbid I say that Ingenuity integrity and abstraction from all affections of profit pleasure love hate feare c. are essential to all virtues for if the doing or forbearing any action proceeds from any of these causes then is not that action virtuous but profitable pleasant lovely hateful fearful c. Jehu did what God commanded him in executing Gods judgements upon Ahabs posterity but not doing uprightly what God commanded him in that formality as God commanded him but if ye be mine and will hearken to my voice take ye the heads of your Masters Sons and come to me to Jezreel to morrow 2 Kings 10. 6. by this time and then instead of pittying so great a calamity upon so many young Princes insulting over them he in derision saies to the people Ye be righteous behold I conspired against my Master and slew him but who slew all Vers 9. these hence it was that God said I will avenge the blood of Jezreel upon the Hosea 1. 4. house of Jehu say Interpreters But it was a virtue in David to forbear the killing of Saul whenas he could have done it and was promised by God to be King after him and in Jehodajah to preserve Joash although by danger of his life It was not virtue in Amnon to abstain
from the company of Tamar whenas he hated her because he had abused her but it was in Joseph that he refused to accompany his Mistress whenas he might have securely enjoyed her Nor is it any virtue for any man to do or forbear any thing for feare of punishment for so horses dogs and other irrational creatures will do or not do many things for feare of stripes which are commanded or forbidden by their Masters Nor is it any virtue in a Judg to pronounce true judgment if he be hired thereunto by any reward or bribe Where therefore neither worldly pleasure profit love feare hate nor any sublunary thing but it may be loss to all these do not move a man to the doing or not doing of what in conscience he ought to do or forbear there nothing less then Gods grace and power in such a man can be the true and efficient cause of such an action 6. It is a most admirable thing to consider how notwithstanding all Why only Man can do virtuous Actions the various natures dispositions and events of things this one Providence foresees and provides for all created things in the whole universe until she brings them all to their designed end Nor does this providence foresee and provide for all things from an eternal and fatal decree impelling all actions of all creatures For then there could be no such thing as good or bad men but God were the efficient cause of vice as well as virtue in men but by a mean foresight or knowledg does often determin necessary effects from contingent causes Which does not only plainly appear from very many places of Scripture as that the men of Keilah would have delivered David if he 1 Sam. 23. 12. had not escaped thence that God would have destroyed Niniveh within forty daies if the men had not repented that God would have gathered the children of Jerusalem together as a Hen gathereth her Chickens but Matth. 23. 27. they would not that if the mighty works had been done in Tire and Sidon which were done in Chorazin they had repented in dust and ashes c. Matth. 11. 21. but also all Gods promises and cursings upon men do depend upon their obedience or disobedience to what he commands And however this rigid opinion of Fate and the eternal determination of all things be asserted by the Stoicks yet do not I think that the most wicked man that ever was did ever attribute any wicked action to any such cause but pretended conscience pleasure profit or his own will never Gods It is true indeed that God hath made man in flesh and blood and so prone to desire many things which he ought not But though diverse men do naturally affect and desire things they ought not yet God hath so made every man a free Lord of all his actions that there is no man but may chuse whether he will do or not any thing to the attaining of his appetitions and affections And mans excellency above other creatures consists in this that his actions are not determined by his objects as other creatures are but he may freely do this action as it is moved in him from the appetition of pleasure profit pride c. or abstain from it as he apprehends it forbidden by him who may forbid And so may any man freely do or endeavor to do any thing which he ought to do though to his temporal disadvantage but this having no Temporal motive must proceed from Gods grace which no creature upon earth can do but only man only man therefore can do virtuous actions CHAP. III. Of Judgment 1. JUdgment is the definitive of him who by right commands permits What is Judgment or forbids a thing either by himself or instrument whether any thing be done conformable to a Law commanding permitting or forbidding it 2. Herein judgment differs from a Law A Law is the declared will of How it differs from a Law him who by right commands permits or forbids a thing together with a penalty annext for not observance after some reasonable time fixt whereby the obliged may take notice of such declaration Judgment is the sencence of him who so commands forbids or permits whether such an act were an omission or transgression of any Law so declared 3. Justice is the upright doing of any just or legal action conformable to the Law of him who by right commands Judgment is the discerning of How Judgment differs from Justice a good or bad action 4. All judgment must necessarily be the act of three persons at least What persons are necessary in Judgment viz. the Judge the accuser and the party accused or as we say the Judge the Plaintiff and Defendant 5. The end or ratio finalis of Judgment is either to determine differences The end of Judgment or punish offenders CHAP. IV. Of Equity 1. EQuity is twofold either a remission or moderation of the Laws How manifold is Equity when the execution of Laws will rather kill then cure a distemper in the Subject as when many Subjects either upon passion or being seduced have so far transgressed Laws that they have forfeited by Law their lives and estates yet in such case are not supream powers rigidly to exact all which the Law gives them but it is equity so to punish the principal Authors and other Subjects that others may be deterred from the like and the generality offending preserved So where the Law commands upon penalty and it becomes impossible for the Subject to perform as it ever was and will be there it is equity to remit the penalty Where therefore the Law obliges a Tenant to pay his Landlord such a Rent yet if by inundation of waters sterility of the season c. it comes to pass that the Tenant by no fault of his either cannot or it will be the ruine of himself and family to pay it there it is equity in the Landlord to remit or moderate what by Law he might justly exact Or secondly a supplement of the Law in cases wherein things in conscience ought to be done yet for want of some formalities or niceties they cannot in strictness of Law be exacted 2. Equity is when with a sincere intention men although it be to How Equity differs from Judgment their prejudice endeavor to please God Judgment a giving sentence according to Laws 3. In Courts of Judicature the Judges proceed according to the declared The necessity of Courts of Equity Laws and ought not in judgment to vary or swerve from them but proceed as they are impowred by Law and their Commission and Laws are made usually ad terrorem rather to affright men then to punish all offenders which Laws were they not moderated it were impossible for all men to subsist under the burden of them nor is there any man but has need of Gods mercy and the Kings Courts of Equity therefore are as necessary
if any one do erect in his ground a Mill of new and after the Parson of the same place demandeth Tithe for the same the Kings Prohibition doth issue in this form Quia de tali molendino hactenus decimae non fuerunt solutae prohibemus c. Et sententiam Excommunicationis si quam hac occasione promulgaveritis revocetis omnino The Answer In such case the Kings Prohibition was never granted by the Kings assent nor never shall which hath decreed that it shall not hereafter lie in such cases Where a Suit for one offence may be prosecuted both in Court Spiritual and Temporal Also if any cause or matter the knowledge whereof belongeth to a Court Spiritual and shall be definitively determined before a Judge Spiritual and does pass into a Judgment and shall not be suspended by an Appeal and after if upon the same thing a Question is moved before a Temporal Judge between the same parties and it be proved by witness or instruments such an Exception is not to be admitted in a Temporal Court The Answer When any one case is debated before Judges Spiritual and Temporal as above appeareth upon the case of laying violent hands upon a Clerk it is thought notwithstanding the Spiritual Judgment the Kings Court shall discuss the same matter as the party shall think expedient for himself In what case only the Kings Letter shall be sent to discharge an Excommunication Also the Kings Letter directed unto Ordinaries that have wrapped those that be in subjection unto them in the sentence of Excommunication that they should assoil them by a certain day or else that they do appear and shew wherefore they have excommunicated them The Answer The King decreeth that hereafter no such Letter shall be suffered to go forth but in case where it is found that the Kings liberty is prejudiced by such Excommunication Clerks in the Kings service shall be discharged of their Residence but shall be corrected by their Ordinary Also Barons of the Kings Exchequer claiming by their priviledge that they ought to make answer to no complainant out of the same place extend the same priviledge unto the Clerks abiding there called to Orders or unto Residence and inhibit Ordinaries that by no means or for any cause so long as they be in the Exchequer or Kings service that they call not them to Judgment Ans It pleaseth our Lord the King that such Clerks as attend in this service if they offend shall be correct by their Ordinaries like as other but so long as they are occupied about the Exchequer they shall not be bound to keep residence in their Churches This is added of new by the Kings Council The King and his Ancestors since time out of mind have used that Clerks which are imployed in his service during such time as they are in his service shall not be compelled to keep residence at their Benefices And such things as be thought necessary for the King aad Commonweal ought not to be said to be prejudicial to the liberty of the Church Distresses shall not be taken in the High-ways nor in the antient Fees Cap. 9 of the Church Also the Kings Officers as Sheriffs and other do enter into the Fees of the Church to take Distresses and sometimes they take the Parsons beasts in the High-way where they have nothing but the land belonging to the Church The Answer The Kings pleasure is that from henceforth such Distresses shall neither he taken in the Kings High-way nor in the Fees wherewith Churches in tiimes past have been endowed Nevertheless he willeth Distresses to be taken in possession of the Church newly purchased by Ecclesiastical persons They that abjure the Realm shall be in peace as long as they be in the Church or High-way Also where some flying unto the Church abjure the Realm according to the custom of the Realm and Laymen or their enemies do pursue them and pluck them from the Kings High-way and they be hanged or headed and whilst they be in the Church are kept in the Church-yard with armed men and sometime in the Church so straitly that they cannot depart from the hallowed ground to empty their belly and cannot be suffered to have necessaries brought unto them for their living The Answer They that abjure the Realm so long as they be in the common way shall be in the Kings peace nor ought to be disturbed of any man and when they be in the Church their Keepers ought not to abide in the Church-yard except necessity or peril of escape do require so And as long as they be in the Church they shall not be compelled to flee away but they shall have necessaries for their living and may go forth to empty their belly And the Kings pleasure is that Thieves or Appellors whensoever they will may confess their offences unto Priests but let the Confessors beware that they do not erroniously inform such Appellors Religious Houses shall not be charged by compulsion with Corodies Pensions Resort or taking in of Horses and Carts Also it is desired that our Lord the King and the Great men of the Realm do nor charge Religious houses or Spiritual persons for Corodies Pensions or Sojourning in Religious houses and other places of the church or with taking up of horses or carts whereby such houses are impoverished and Gods service diminished and by reason of such charges Priests and other Ministers of the Church deputed unto Divine service are oftentimes compelled to depart from the places aforesaid The Answer The Kings pleasure is that upon the contents in their Petition from henceforth they shall not be unduly charged And if the contrary be done by Great men or other they shall have remedy after the form of the Statutes made in the time of King Edward Father to the King that now is And the like remedy shall be done for corodies and pensions exacted by compulsion whereof no mention is made in the said Statutes A Clerk excommunicated may be taken out of the Parish where he dwelleth Cap. 12 Also if any of the Kings tenure be called before their Ordinaries out of the Parish where they continue if they be excommunicate for their manifest contumacy and after forty days a Writ goeth out to take them and they pretend their priviledge that they ought not to be cited out of their Town and Parish where their dwelling is and so the Kings Writ that went out to take them is denied The Answer It was never yet denied nor shall be hereafter The examination of a Parson presented to a Benefice belongeth to a Spiritual Judge Also it is desired that Spiritual persons whom our Lord the King doth present unto Benefices of the Church if the Bishop will not admit them either for lack of learning or for other cause reasonable may not be under examination of Lay-persons in the cases aforesaid as it is now attempted contrary to the Decrees canonical but that they may sue unto a
person sueth another Spiritual person in the Court of Rome for a matter Spiritual where he may have remedy before his Ordinary that is of the Bishop of the Diocess within the Realm Quia trahit ipsum in placitum extra regnum incurreth the danger of a Premunire a hainous offence being contra Legiantiae suae debitum in contemptum Domini Regis contra coronam dignitatem suam In the Kings Court of Record where Felonies are determined the Bishop or his Deputy ought to give his attendance to the end that if any man 9 Ed. 4. 28. that is Indicted or Arraigned for Felony do demand the benefit of his Clergy that the Ordinary may inform the Court of his sufficiency or insufficiency that is whether he can read as a Clerk or not whereof notwithstanding the Ordinary is not to judge but a Minister to the Kings Court and the Judges of that Court are to judge of the sufficiency or insufficiency of the party whatsoever the Ordinary do inform them and upon due examination of the party may give judgement above the Ordinaries information For the Kings Judges are Judges of the Cause whether the Ordinary be a Judge of Legit or non Legit matters not much for if he be Judge or Minister no doubt but he is the Kings Judge or Minister And I my self have seen Chief Justice Littleton overrule the Ordinary in the Case of one Brudbank after the Ordinaries Deputy had pronounced legit ut Clericus and give sentence of death upon him for his non legit and he was hanged The Popes Excommunication is of no force within the Kingdom of England 12 Ed. 4. f. 46. In the Reign of King Ed. 4. a Legat came from the Pope to Callis to have come into England but the King and his Councel would not let him come into England until he had taken an Oath that he should attempt nothing against the King or his Crown And so the like was done to another of the Popes Legates And this is so reported 1 H. 7. fol. 10. In the Reign of Richard the third It is resolved by the Judges that a Judgement of Excommunication in the Church of Rome shall not prejudice any man within England at the Common Law In the Reign of Henry the seventh 1 H. 7. fol. 10. The Pope had Excommunicated all persons whatsoever who had bought Alume of the Florentines and it was resolved by all the Judges that the Popes Excommunication ought not to be obeyed or to be put in execution within the Realm of England It was enacted ordained and established by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in the said Parliament assembled That it be lawful to all Archbishops and Bishops and other Ordinaries having Episcopal jurisdiction to punish chastise such Priests Clerks and Religious men being within the bounds of their jurisdiction as shall be committed afore them by examination and lawful proof requisite by the Law of the Church of Advoutry Fornication Incest or any other fleshly incontinency by committing them to ward or prison there to abide in ward until such time as shall be thought to their discretions convenient for the quality and quantity of their trespass And that none of the Archbishops Bishops or Ordinaries aforesaid be thereof chargeable of to or upon any action of false or wrongful Imprisonment but that they be utterly discharged thereof in any of the cases aforesaid by vertue of this Act. The King is a mixt person because he hath Ecclesiastical and Temporal 10 H. 7. 18. jurisdiction By the Ecclesiastical Laws allowed within this Realm a Priest cannot 11 H. 7. 12. have two Benefices nor a Bastard can have a Priest But the King may by his Ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction dispence with both these because they be mala prohibita but not mala per se How far Henry the Eighth exercised his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction IT was enacted That if any person or persons at any time after the St. 21. H. 8. 13. first of April 1530. contrary to the Act should procure and obtain at the Court of Rome or elswhere any Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation to receive or take any more Benefices with cure then was limited by the said Act or else at any time after the said day should put in execution any such Licence Toleration or Dispensation before that time obtained contrary to the said Act That then every such person or persons so after the said day suing for himself or receiving or taking such Benefice by force of such Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation that is to say the same person or persons only and no other should for every such default incur the danger pain and penalty of Twenty pounds sterling and should also lose the whole profits of every such Benefice or Benefices as he receives or takes by force of any such Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation And that if any person or persons did procure or obtain at the Court of Rome or elswhere any manner of Licence or Dispensation to be nonresident at their Dignities Prebends or Benefices contrary to the said Act that then every such person putting in execution any such Dispensation or Licence for himself from the said first of April 1530. should run and incur the penalty damage and pain of Twenty pounds sterling for every time so doing to be forfeited and recovered and yet such Licence or Dispensation so procured or to be put in execution to be void and of none effect It was enacted That no person from thenceforth cited or summoned 23 H. 8. cap. 9. or otherwise called to appear by himself or herself or by any Procurator before any Ordinary Archdeacon Commissary Official or any other Judge Spiritual out of the Diocese or peculiar Jurisdiction where the person which shall be cited summoned or otherwise as is abovesaid called shall be inhabiting and dwelling at the time of awarding or going forth of the same citation or summons Except it be for in or upon any of the cases or causes hereafter written viz. for any Spiritual offence or cause committed or done or omitted forstowed or neglected to be done contrary to right and duty by the Bishop Archdeacon Commissary Official or other person having Spiritual jurisdiction or being a Spiritual Judge or by any other person or persons within the Diocese or other Jurisdiction whereunto he or she shall be cited or otherwise lawfully called to appear and answer And that every Spiritual Judge offending contrary to the purport of this Act shall forfeit Ten shillings sterling the one half to the King the other half to any person that will sue for the same in any of the Kings Courts in which action no protection shall be allowed nor Wager of Law or Essoine be admitted In which Sir E. Coke Cawdries case says there were twenty four Bishops Stat. 24. H. 8. cap.
12. twenty nine Abbots and Priors for so many then were Lords of Parliament It is declared That where by divers sundry old authentique Histories and Chronicles it was manifestly declared and expressed that this Realm of England is an Empire and has been so accounted in the world governed by one Supreme Head and King having the dignity and Royal estate of the Imperial crown of the same unto whom a Body Politique compact of all sorts and degrees of people divided in terms and by names of Spirituality and Temporality been bound and ought to bear next to God a natural and humble obedience He being also institute and furnished by the goodness of God with plenary whole and entire power preheminence authority prerogative and jurisdiction to render and yield justice and final determination to all manner of folk resiants or subjects within this his Realm in all causes matters debates and contentions happening to occur insurge or begin within the limits thereof without restraint or provocation to any Forein Princes or Potentates in the world The body Spiritual whereof having power when any cause of Law Divine happened to come in question or of Spiritual Learning that it was declared interpreted and shewed by that part of the said body Politique called the Spiritual body then being usually called the English Church which always hath been reputed and also found of that sort that both for knowledge integrity and sufficiency of number it has been always thought and was also at that houre sufficient and meet of it self without the intermedling of any exterior person or persons to declare and determine all such doubts and to administer all such offices and duties as to the the rooms Spiritual did appertain For the due administration whereof and to keep them from corruption and sinister affection the Kings noble Progenitors and Antecessors of the Nobles of this Realm have sufficiently endowed the said Church both with honor and possessions And the Laws Temporal for trial of Property of Lands and Goods and for the conservation of the people of this Realm in unity and peace without rapine and spoil was and yet is administred adjudged and executed by sundry Judges and Ministers of the other part of the said Body Politique called the Temporalty And both their Authorities and Jurisdictions do conjoin together in the due administration of Justice the one to help the other This Statute does moreover affirm that Ed. 1. Ed. 3. Rich. 2. H. 4. and other Kings did make divers Laws Ordinances Statutes c. for the entire and sure conservation of the prerogatives liberties and preheminences of the said Imperial Crown and of the Jurisdictions Spiritual and Temporal of the same to keep it from the annoyance as well from the See of Rome as from other Forein Potentates and does make all Causes determinable by any Spiritual jurisdiction to be adjudged within the Kings authority All First-fruits and all contributions to the See of Rome by any Bishop St. 25. H. 8 cap. 20. were forbidden upon pain of forfeiture of all the goods and cattals for ever and all the Temporal lands and possessions of every Archbishoprick or Bishoprick during the time that he or they who offend contrary to the said Act shall possess and enjoy the said Archbishoprick or Bishoprick And that if any presented to the See of Rome by the King to a Bishoprick and he be there delayed he may be consecrated by an Archbishop in England and that an Archbishop presented to the See of Rome to be there consecrated and there letted may be consecrated by two Bishops of England And because the Pope hereof informed did not redress and reform the said exactions nor give answer to the Kings mind therefore the said Statute did prohibit any man to be presented to the See of Rome for the dignity of an Archbishop or Bishop or that any Annates or First-fruits be paid to the Bishop of Rome and that upon the avoidance of any Archbishoprick or Bishoprick the King his heirs and successors may grant to the Prior and Covent or Dean and Chapiter of the Cathedral Churches or Monasteries where the See of such Archbishoprick or Bishoprick shall happen to be void a Licence under the Great seal as of old time hath been accustomed to proceed to Election of an Archbishop or Bishop of the See so being void with a Letter missive containing the name of the person which they shall elect and choose and for default of such Election the King by his Letters Patents may nominate an Archbishop or Bishop and that every Archbishop Bishop to whose hands any such presentment or nomination shall be directed shall with speed invest and consecrate the person nominated and presented by the King his heirs and successors And if any Archbishop or Bishop Prior and Covent Dean and Chapiter shall for the space of twenty days next after such Licence or Nomination come to their hands neglect or shall execute any Censures Excommunications Interdictions c. contrary to the execution of any thing contained in this Act that then they incur the penalty of a Praemunire An act concerning the exoneration of the Kings subjects from exactions St. 25. H. 8. cap. 21. and impositions before that time paid to the See of Rome and for having Licences and Dispensations within this Realm without suing further for the same The King shall be reputed Supreme Head of the Church of England St. 26. H. 8. cap. 1. and have authority to reform and redress all Errors Heresies and abuses in the same Every Archbishop and Bishop disposed to have a Suffragan may elect 26 H. 8. c. 14. discreet Spiritual persons being learned and of good conversation and present them under their seals to the King making humble request to his Majesty to give to one of the two such title name stile and dignity of Bishop of such of the Sees as the King shall think fit and that every such person to whom the King shall give any such stile and title of the Sees abovenamed viz. the Towns of Thetford Ipswich Colchester Dover Gilford Southampton Taunton Shaftsbury Molton Marlborough Bedford Leicester Glocester Shrewsbury Bristow Penrith Bridgwater Nottingham Grantham Hull Huntington Cambridge and the Towns of Perth and Barwick S. Germans in Cornwal and the Isle of Wight shall be called Bishop Suffragan of the same See whereunto he shall be named and that every Archbishop and Bishop for their own peculiar Diocese may and shall give to every such Bishop Suffragan such Commissions as have been accustomed for Suffragans heretofore to have or else such Commissions as by them shall be thought requisite reasonable and convenient And that no Suffragan shall use any ordinary jurisdiction or Episcopal power otherwise nor longer time then shall be limited by such Commission upon pain of the penalties mentioned in the Statute of Provisions made the 16. of Rich. 2. The King shall have authority to name Thirty two persons sixteen
with the Opinion of Learned men That the marriage with his Brothers wife was contrary to the Law of God and void The King not expecting the Popes sentence anno 1533. marries his beloved Anne but such love is usually too hot to hold for about two years after he cut off her head yet the King did not wholly renounce the Papacy but still expecting the Popes sentence The Pope for the reasons aforesaid not desiring to end the business The slow proceedings of the Pope but to expect advantage from time reduces the matter into several points or heads which he would have particularly disputed and at the time of the Kings marriage with Anne was not got further then the article of Attentates in which the Pope gave sentence against the King that it was not lawful for him to put away his wife by his own authority without the Ecclesiastical Judge For which cause the King in the beginning of 1534. denied the Pope his obedience commanding his Subjects not to pay any money to Rome nor to pay the ordinary Peter-pence This infinitely troubled the Court of Rome and they daily consulted of a remedy Some thought to proceed against the King with censures and to interdict all Christian nations all commerce with England But the moderate counsel pleased best to temporise with him and to mediate a composition by the French King K. Francis accepted the charge and sent the Bishop of Paris to Rome to negotiate a Pacification with the Pope where they still proceeded in the cause gently and with resolution not to come to censures if the Emperor did not proceed first or at the same time with his forces They had divided the cause into twenty three articles and then they handled whether Prince Arthur had had carnal conjunction with Queen Katherine in this they spent time till Midlent was past when the 19. of March news came that a Libel was published in England against the Pope and the whole Court of Rome and besides a Comedy had been made in presence of the King and Court to the great disgrace and shame of the Pope and every Cardinal in particular For which cause all being inflamed with choler ran headlong to give sentence which was pronounced in the Consistory the 24. of the same month That the marriage between Henry and Katherine was good that he was bound to take her to wife and that in case he did not he should be excommunicated But the Pope was soon displeased with this precipitation For six days His rash censure repented of after the French Kings letters came That the King was content to accept the sentence concerning Attentates and to render obedience upon condition that the Cardinals whom he mistrusted should not meddle in the business and that persons not suspected should be sent to Cambray to take information â—and and the King had sent his Proctors before to assist in the Cause at Rome Wherefore the Pope went about to devise some pretence to suspend the precipitate sentence and again to set the cause on its feet But the King so soon as he had seen it said It was no matter for the Utterly loses the obedience of England Pope should be Bishop of Rome and himself sole Lord of his Kingdom And that he would do according to the antient manner of the Eastern church not leaving to be a good Christian nor suffering the Lutheran Heresie or any other to be brought into his Kingdom From that time forward Henry the Eighth of a zealous Assertor of the No anger lost between the King Pope Papacy both by pen and purse became the first and greatest Opposer of it of all the Western Christian Princes for the Eastern Christian Princes except sometimes the Emperors of Greece and the Kings of Holy Land did seldom or never submit to the Papacy in her Spirituals yet did he afterwards seed to be reconciled to the Pope even by means of his Nephew Charls the Fifth Nor were the Popes much behind hand with him For besides Clement's petty Excommunication Paul the Third Anno 1538. thundred out such a terrible Excommunication against him as the like was never heard of which deprived him of his kingdom and his adherents of whatsoever they possessed commanding his Subjects to deny him obedience and Strangers to have no commerce in the kingdom and all to take arms against and persecute both him and his followers granting them their states and goods for their prey and their persons for slaves But the Popes anger ended in words whereas the Kings deeds took place against the Pope But what there was in all the Kings reign which might be called Reformation What was the Kings Reformation I do not understand For whatsoever the King took from the Pope except Peter-pence he ascribed to himself If the Pope would be Head of the Catholique Church the King would be Head of the Church of England If the Pope challenged Annates and First-fruits of the Bishops and Clergy the King would do no less If the Pope did give Abbots and Priors power being Ecclesiastical persons to make divers Impropriations to their benefit the King will take a power to take them all away and convert them into Lay-fees and incorporate them so into particular mens estates that they shall never return to the Church more Nor had he any love or desire of Reformation of the Church but only to the Church-lands for all the Rites Ceremonies and Religion of the Church of Rome was continued and that with such bloody cruelty that a Stranger going over Smithfield one day and seeing two men there executed one for denying the Kings Headship of the Church and another for subscribing to the Six Articles cryed out Bone Deus quomodo hic agunt vivi hic suspenduntur Papistae ibi comburuntur Antipapistae And so zealous did he continue herein that Pope Paul the Third after he had fulminated so dreadfully against him Hist Conc-Trid fol. 90 proposed him for an Example to be imitated by Charls the Fifth Although such was the temper of this Prince that he never spared man The exclusion of the Papai jurisdiction was an act of the King Kingdom and Church of England in his rage woman in his lust nor any thing which might be called sacred in his avarice yet so absolute was he that his Divorce was attested by both the Universities at home besides that at Paris abroad his freeing himself and the Nation from the jurisdiction of the Pope was not only assented to by a Synod and Convocation of all the Clergy of England but the English and Irish Nobility did make their submissions by an Indenture to Sir Anthony Sellinger then chief Governor of Ireland wherein they did acknowledge King Henry to be their lawful Soveraign and confessed the Kings Supremacy Bram. Vind. of the Church of England p. 43. in all causes and utterly renounced the Pope But Divorce banishing the Papal authority
School-master presuming to teach any thing contrary to this Act and being thereof lawfully convict shall be disabled to be a Teacher of Youth and shall suffer imprisonment without Bayl ot Mainprise for the space of a year No Ordinary or their Ministers shall take any thing for the allowance of any Schoole-master All offences aforesaid and all offences against the first Eliz. 1. 5 Eliz. 1. 13 Eliz. 2. c. are inquirable into by the Justices of peace and other Justices named in the said Act within a year and day after such offences committed Justices of Oyer and Terminer of Assiize of Goale-delivery in their limits Justices of Peace in their Quarter-sessions have power to hear and determine the offences aforesaid except Treason and Misprision of Treason Every person guilty of any offence against this Statute other then Treason Misprision of Treason which shall before he be indicted or at his Arraignment before Judgement submit and conform himself before the Bishop of the Diocess where he shall be resident and before the Justice of Peace where he shall be arraigned or tried having not before made like submission shall upon his recognition of such submission in open Assises or Sessions in the County where such person shall be resident be discharged of all the said offences The forfeitures of the moneys limited by this Act shall be divided into three equall parts whereof one third part to the Queen to her use another for the relief of the poor in the Parish where such offence is committed to be delivered by warrant of the principle Officers in the receipt of the Exchequer without further warrant from her Majesty the other third part to such person as will sue for the same in any court of Record in which no Essoin or Protection or Wager of Law shall be allowed He that shall forfeit such summes as are specified in this Act and be not able or shall not pay the same within 3. moneths after Judgement shall be committed to prison and there remain untill he have paid the said summes or conform himself to goe to Church He that usually on Sunday shall have in his house the Divine Service as it is established and be thereat usually present and not obstinately refuse to come to Church and shall at least four times in the year be present at the Divine Service in his Parish Church or in some open Church or Chappell of ease shall incur no damage nor danger by this Act. Every Grant Conveyance Bond Judgement and Execution of covetous purpose to defraud the Queen or any other person shall be holden utterly void Tryall of a Peer for any Treason or misprision of Treason by this Act shall be by his Peers This Act nor any thing contained therein is said not to extend to take away any or abridge the authority or jurisdiction of the Ecclesiasticall Censures for any cause or matter but that Arch-Bishops and Bishops and other Ecclesiasticall Judges may do and proceed as before the making of it All Jesuits made within or without the Realm since the Nativity of St. Stat. 27 Eliz. cap. 2. John the Baptist in the first year of the Queen shall within 40. dayes next after the Session of Parliament if they be not wind-bound depart out of England and other the Queens Dominions If any Jesuit Seminary Priest or other such Priest Deacon or Religious or Ecclesiasticall person whatsoever born within the Dominions of the Queen and made since the feast of the Nativity of St. John in the first year of the Queen or hereafter to be made by any Authority from the Church of Rome shall after the said forty dayes after the Session of Parliament other then in such speciall cases as in this Act is expressed be found in any of the Queens Dominions every such person shall be adjudged a Traitor All they which shall receive any such Jesuit or Priest after such time shall be adjudged a felon without benefit of Clergy If Any Subject of England then being or after shall be of or brought up in any Colledge of Jesuits or seminaries already erected or to be erected out of the Realm shall not within six moneths next after Proclamation in that behalf made in London under the broad Seal return into this Realm and within two dayes after before the Bishop of the Diocesse or two Justices of the peace of the County where he shall arrive submit himself to her Majesty and her Lawes and take the Oath set forth in the first year of her Reign That then every such person which shall otherwise return shall be taken and deemed as a Traitor Whosoever shall any wayes send relief to any Jesuit or seminary beyond the seas or give any maintenance to any Colledge of Jesuits or Seminaries shall incur the danger of a Premunire None during the Queens life shall send his or her Child or other person except Merchants or such only who serve in their Trade as Merchants or Mariners beyond the Seas without the Queens speciall licence or under four of the Councells hands upon the penalty of one hundred pounds Every offence committed against this Act may be heard and determined as well in the Kings Bench as also in any County within this Realm or any of the Queens Dominions where the offence shall be committed or where the offendor shall be apprehended This Act shall not extend to any Jesuit c. before mentioned as shall within the said 40. dayes or within 40. daies after he come into the Realm submit himself to some Arch-bishop or Bishop of this Realm or to some Justice of Peace within the County where he shall arrive and doe thereupon truly and sincerely before the Arch-bishop Bishop or Justice of Peace take the said Oath set forth the first of Eliz. and under his hand confesse afterward to continue in due obedience to the Queens Lawes made or to be made in causes of Religion Peers shall be tried by their Peers for any offence made Treason Felony or Premunire by this Act. Any person being a Subject of this Realm which shall after the said 40. daies know any such Jesuit or Priest c. and shall not discover the same to some Justice of Peace or Higher Officer within 12. dayes every such person shall be fined and imprisoned according to the Queens pleasure and every such Justice of Peace or higher Officer which shall not discover the same within 28. dayes to some of the Queens Councell or to the President or Vice-president of the Queens Councell established in the North or Marches of Wales then he or they so offending shall forfeit 200 Markes Such of the Privy Councell President or Vice-president abovesaid to whom such information shall be made shall thereupon deliver a note in writing subscribed by his own hand to the party by whom he shall receive such information testifying that such information was made to him All such Oaths Bonds and Submissions as shall be made by force of
shall incur any forfeiture or losse for travelling or making appearance accordingly Every person so restrained as aforesaid shall be bound to yeeld their bodies to the Sherif of the County upon Proclamation in that behalfe made nor shall incurre any penalty for so doing If any person which shall offend against this Act shall before he be thereof convict come to some parish Church on some Sunday or Festivall day and then heare divine Service and at Service time or at the reading of the Gospell make open submission and declaration of his conformity to the Queenes Lawes as hereafter is declared that then every such offendor shall be cleerly discharged The forme of the submission is I A. B. doe humbly confesse and acknowledge That I have grievously offended God in contemning her Majesties godly and lawfull government and authority by absenting my selfe from Church and from hearing Divine Service contrary to the godly Lawes and Statutes of this Realm and am heartily sory for the same and doe acknowledg and testifie in my Conscience That the Bishop or See of Rome hath not or ought to have any power or authority over her Majesty or within any of her Majesties Dominions or Realmes And I do promise and Protest without dissimulation or any colour or meanes of dispensation That from henceforth I will from time to time obey and performe her Majesties Lawes and Statutes in repairing to Church and hearing Divine Service and doe my utmost endeavor to maintain and defend the same The Minister or Curate of every parish where such submission shall bee made shall presently cause the same to be entred into a booke to be kept in every Parish for that purpose and within ten dayes after shall certifie the same to the Bishop of the Diocess Every offendor that shall after such submission relapse and become Recusant in not repairing to Church to heare Divine service as aforesaid shall lose all benefit he might have enjoyed by such submission Every woman married shall be bound by every article branch and matter contained in this Act other then the branch or article of abjuration nor shall any woman married be compelled to make abjuration Of the Reformation made by Queen Elizabeth QUeen Mary dying upon the 17. Novemb. 1558. the same day both The Pope did reject the Queen before the Queen rejected the Pope Houses of Parliament without any contradiction did acknowledge and receive Elizabeth to be the true and undoubted Heir to the Crown of England and without delay with sound of Trumpet dissolved the Parliament for that being called by Queen Mary could have no being or continue after her death The Queen caused an account to be given of her assumption to the Pope who was Paulus Quartus with letters of Credence to Sir Edward Cerne who was Ambassador to her Sister and not departed from Rome But the Pope was so far from acknowledging her that he answered that that Kingdome viz. of England was held in Fee of the Apostolick See that she could not succeed being illegitimate that he could not contradict the Declaration of Clement the Seventh and Paul the Third that it was a great boldness to assume the name of Government without him that for this she deserved not to be heard in any thing yet being desirous to shew a fatherly affection if she will renounce her pretensions and refer her self wholly to his free disposition he will doe whatsoever may be done in the honor of the Apostolick See * And afterwards he commanded Sir Edward Hist conc Trint 411. Cerne who had continued Ambassador at Rome for Henry the Eighth Queen Mary and then for Queen Elizabeth to lay down his office of Ambassador that I may use his own very words sayes the Author by force of a Mandat made by Lively voice from the Oracle of our most Holy Lord the Pope by virtue of holy obedience and under pain of the greater Excommunication and also of losse of all his goods that he should not depart out of the City but undertake the Government of an Hospitall of the English * It is true Indeed that Pius 4. a man of much more moderate disposition Camb. Eliz. Keg Pag. 28. then his Predecessor did in the year 1560. by Letters sent by Vineentius Parpalia Abbot of St. Saviours to her full of humanity not only acknowledge her Queen of England and invited her to return into the bosome of the Church but also as the report went promised to recall the sentence pronounced against her Mothers Marriages as unjust to confirme the book of Comon-prayer in English by his authority and to permit the use of the Sacrament in both kinds to the People of England in case she will joyn her self to the Church of Rome and acknowledge the Primary of the Roman See * And afterwards in the year 1561. in Letters full of affection by Abbot Camb. Eliz. Reg. 58. 59. Martinego he invited her to the Councell of Trint Camb. Eliz. Reg. 68. 69. but matters were so far thrust off the hinges that not only Parpalia returned without any fruit but Martinego was denied access into England Not only the Arch-bishop of York but all the other Bishops except The Bishops except Carlile refuse to crown her Carlile did refuse to Crown the Queen both because she had been instructed in the Protestant Religion and because she had forbidden the Archbishop of York a little before he was to celebrate Divine service to elevate the Host for adoration and had suffered the Letany with the Epistles and Gospel to be used in the popular tongue It is no wonder therefore if the Parliament which happened immediately after and the Commons especially who once usually swayed only by passion and affection and much averse from the Religion of the Church of Rome did endue the Queen with such plentifull power as to make her supreme Governor the title of Head was waved in all causes as well Spirituall as Temporall This power the Queen well understanding what advantage would be How far the Queen did declare her Power in Ecclesiasticall matters made thereof by her adversaries did by Proclamation and after by her Injunctions declare that she took nothing upon her more then what anciently of right be longed to the Crown of England to wit that she had supreme power and jurisdiction under God over all sorts of people within the Kingdome of England whether they be Ecclesiasticall or Lay persons and that no forrein Power hath or ought to have any jurisdiction or authority over them Camb. Eliz. Reg. 39. 40. In the 37. Article of the Church of England she declares We give to How far the Church of England declares the Prerogative of Princes Our Princes that Prerogative which we see in holy Scripture alwayes given to all godly Princes by God himself to rule all estates and degrees of men committed to their charge by God whether they be Ecclesiasticall or Temporall and to restrain
from voluntary and contingent causes of man so contactus naturalis in bodies apted and disposed doth necessarily generate yet is there no necessity that this contactus should bee but it might not have beene c. Universall causes in nature produce nothing of themselves but as meeting with particular and materiall causes disposed to production the universall causes are alwaies prime and necessary but their meeting with particular causes are not alwaies so but often times contingent and voluntary As God by the confluence of naturall causes is alwaies the first cause of all creatures by Generation so is he the first cause of the preservation of all Creatures yet doth not he preserve them by any absolute necessity of his part alone but by such meanes as he hath ordained for every Creature I say this meanes doth not alwaies come to passe from inevitable necessity of the part of God but often times from the will of men and contingent causes for example no man lives but as he daily repaires nature by eating and drinking yet there is no necessity that he should eat or drink but he may choose whether he will or not Nor is God less the prime preserver of intellectuall and rationall creatures yet doth he not preserve them as other creatures void of understanding but thus using the intellectuall and rationall faculty of their Soul yet there is no man but may chuse whether he will use his understanding and reason in his actions and that man who doth not use his understanding in his actions but only his affections and passions how great soever he be will live to see misery enough And though Religion and Justice cannot of themselves preserve men in Peace and Happinesse but some superior cause which must order and dispose them thereunto yet so necessary are they for the preservation of peace and happiness that whersoever they are neglected men did ever degenerate into straction confusion and prophanenesse this superior cause which dignifies men above all other creatures as well intellectuall as sociable is God who is the prime efficient and necessary cause of peace and happinesse among sociable Creatures and Religion and Justice are the necessary meanes which he hath ordained therefore But though Religion and Justice be necessary for the peace and happinesse of any Nation yet is it not alwaies necessary on Gods part men should be Religious and Just but men may chuse whether they will do religious and just acts or not God therefore is the first and necessary cause of peace and happinesse among men and Religion and Justice the necessary meanes which he hath ordained thereunto and this to be performed by man and let no man thinke that God will save any man in this world or blesse him in the world to come against his Will when men will not endeavor these things by such meanes as hee hath ordained Man therefore by Religion and Justice ought to endeavour through God's blessing to attaine to Peace and Happinesse as well in this World as in the next without which hee cannot reasonably hope for eyther Having thus far treated of the causes of all society and vindicated the Government and Lawes of my native Country and mother-Church of England It will not be amisse before I conclude to add a word or two in vindication of Sir Edward Coke my most honored Ancestor since by words and writing he is so traduced as indeed Quis ille a tergo quem nulla aconia pinsit by men so maliciously or ignorantly or both Among the rest one a late writer of a Pamphlet I will not call it because of the subject being the life of our late Soveraigne yet it is without name although I thinke few men but are sufficiently assured of the Author upon a seditious and reproachfull speech he sayes tending to the dishonour of his Majesties Government made by Mr. Coke after the wonted rate of his lavish pen without any more adoe makes him a Chip of the old Block But of all men I am content he next after one of our Mercuries should say it since if he be not traduced unjustly hee can asperse the Nobility upon the faith of a Mercury and so many others upon none at all and his Quotations upon his Geography So fals that upon search made by a Reader and scarce any to be found to be true upon the reprinting he blotted out the pages and only quoted the Authors and left the Reader to finde them where he could If these be true then certainly his ipse dixit is of small account if false then let him deny them But I can tell our Historian newes of his Soldier whom he page 156. made openly to be shot to death in Saint Pauls Church yard for as is confidently reported and beleeved he was apprehended about Whitehall June 17. and is at this time in faire election of being hanged And being no lesse a more famous Geographer then Historian though his second Edition suffers much for want of his expunged pages to finde out his quotations hee page 123. makes the Town and Castle of Conway a place of principall command on that narrow channell which runs between the County of Carnarvan and the Isle of Anglesey whereas the Town and Castle of Conway stand upon the River Conway which parts Denbighshire from Carnarvanshire a little below the mouth of the River Gessen nay let any man see whether the River Conway falls not into the Irish or Virgivium Sea but whether it fals into the Irish or Virgivium Sea or not yet certainly it cannot fall into the narrow Channell which parts Carnarvanshire from Anglesey which begins at Abermenay ferry and ends at Porthathir ferry whereas the mouth of Conway is little lesse distant from Porthathir ferry then that is from Abermenay Porthathir ferry being upon the matter equidistant from either What heed then is to be taken to the ipse dixit of such a Geographer and Historian let any man Judge Sure he had more need mend his own Errors then be so rash and lavish a Censurer of other mens Although I take not this mans tongue to be any slander so not worth an answering or at most a bare denyall of what he sayes were sufficient which I doe since it is but gratis dictum yet since other men have assumed to themselves such licence of aspersing him it will not ill become mee to shew how unjustly he is aspersed in those things whereof they traduce him as first this man makes him a seditious man certainly it is very strange that in the living of 83 yeeres the many of his writings and his many imployments doth not produce so much as any suspicion thereof that I ever heard of One thing yet pleases me that in all these seditious commotions Judge Jenkins and almost all the assertors of the Kings Cause have next after Divine Laws maintained it principally out of his writings nor doe I remember that any of the adverse part I am sure