this horrible wickednesse there hangeth vpon this our world most sharpe punishments Yet in this kind of arguments that vice is most diligently to be taken hede of Of examples we reasō what vices are to be eschewed which creapeth vpō one before he beware thereof And the commeth two maner of wayes First that we take not vpon vs to follow those doynges of the sainctes which they sometimes committed vnaduisedly For euē as men they fell sometimes that most filthily Wherfore the things done by thē which we do set forth as examples to be folowed of vs must with great iudgement be examined Augustine Augustine writeth of this thing in his 2. booke against the 2. epi. of Gaudētius after this sort We must not alwaies imitate or allowe whatsoeuer good men haue done but we must adde therunto the iudgement of the scriptures marke whither thei allow these dedes This father doth very wel admonish vs here that although they wer holy mē pleased god very many waies The fallings of the sainctes are not to be folowed the holy scriptures witnessed excellently well of them yet are not all their actions to be iudged absolute and without fault For euery man both is a lyar and oftentimes sinneth For who woulde followe Dauyd his horrible aduoutrye and betraying of faythfull Souldiours or the forswearyng of Peter or hys wycked dissimulation surely none which hathe but euen a cromme of godlinesse Moreouer it sometymes happeneth that that worke whiche is done well and rightly by some excellent person is forbidden of other men bycause God whiche hath geuen a lawe to men is not so bounde vnto the same that he may not lose some frō that common bonde when it semeth good vnto him It is not lawfull for any man to steale God will some times haue certaine thinges done of godly men whiche be not lawfull for others to do and yet the Hebrewes when they were led out of Egypt were permitted yea and commaunded of god to cary awaye the Egyptians goodes whiche they had borowed of them euen agaynst their willes and without their knowledge What shal we do then Thus truly we must well and diligently cōferre those thinges which are expounded in the holy histories with the general rules of the cōmaundementes of God wherewith when we do perceaue that they do agree The doynges of saintes must be weighed by the rules of gods Law let vs boldly vse them But if they disagree from thē let vs recken them either for certaine fallinges or singular prerogatiues of some and kepe our selues backe from following of them And these prouisoes beyng added great profit shall come by reading of histories and especially diuine histories And that did Chrisostome very well vnderstand when as in the preface of his exposition vpō the Epistle to Philemon Chrisostome he wished that all those thinges had bene written for vs which the Apostles spoke and did when they sat downe what they did eate or what they did write other thinges of this kynde And the same Chrisostome writeth in his 57. Homily vpon Genesis that histories were geuen vs by the holy ghost to the entente we shoulde followe them Augustine Also Augustine in his seconde booke and 28. chap. De doctrina Christiana teacheth that many darcke and hard thinges may some times onely be opened by the knowledge of an history Moreouer who soeuer muche exerciseth him selfe in redyng ouer of histories he doth not without fruite reuolue with him selfe the doinges examples of our times There was vpon a tyme a certaine man euill fauored enoughe Note a pleasaunte historie who neuerthelesse was meruelous desirous of beautifull children and yet he maryed a fowle wyfe wherfore he was mocked of euery bodye This man went into the Citie where he bought most fayre ymages whiche he set in his chambre and gaue his wife charge that for a certayne space she should euery day most earnestly looke vpon those ymages She obeyed her husbandes commaundement and by that meanes brought him forth most beautifull children So wil it also come to passe with vs which thoughe we by reason of naturall sinne grafted in vs are defourmed lothsome and are continually prouoked as well by the deuill as by wicked men to vnlawfull thinges yet if we will attentiuely diligently gather together the exāples of the sainctes trimly paynted forth in the diuine histories and if we reuolue the same in our mynde we shall forthwith shewe forth most excellent workes acceptable to God And now that I haue entreated enough as I suppose of the matter and forme of writing of this booke the nexte is to speake some what of the efficient cause What is the efficient cause of this booke If we would searche to knowe the man by whom God would haue these thinges written that can we not vnderstand by the holy Scriptures The Hebrewes affirme that Samuel put these thinges in wryting but they speake that without testimonie of the Scriptures Other also thincke that euerye Iudge wrote suche thinges as were done in his own time which monument of theirs being in sondry pampheletes Samuel afterwarde compiled into one certain body or volume Agayne there be some whiche ascribe all this to Esdras or to Ezechias the king which Ezechias the booke of Prouerbes mencioneth to haue gathered together some of the sentences or as some call them the parable of Salomon but I thincke it is not mete for me to stāde about this matter for there is no cause why we should curiously searche out those things which God will not reueale in his oracles wherfore I will returne to declare the principall efficient cause of this booke The spirite of God is properly the aucthour of this Booke We must ascribe al what soeuer it is to the spirite of God For Paul writing to Timothe sayth that the scriptures were reuealed by god and there is no doubte but he spake then of the bookes of the olde Testament But thou wilte aske who shall persuade vs that the holy bookes were reuealed vnto men by the holy ghost The spirite of God testifieth vnto the faithful that the holy Scriptures came frō God Euen the same spirit which hath prouided to haue these things written doth make vs assuredly to beleue that they are not the inuentions of men For nether can the holy lyfe of the teachers nor yet miracles be sufficient to persuade vs of this It is the spirite the spirit I say of god which testifieth vnto our spirite of this thyng The moste daungerous error of the Antichristes must diligently be taken hede of whiche dare affirme It is not the Church which geueth authoritie to the Scriptures that it is the Churche which bringeth authoritie to the holy Scriptures when as it is cleane contrary For what soeuer authoritie or estimation cōmeth vnto the Churche that all whole cōmeth of the worde of God It is horrible to be heard that
so then were it very easy to persuade the Ethnickes and Turkes of the holy Scriptures and to bryng the Iewes to receaue the new Testament and how true this is the thing it selfe witnesseth And I thincke I haue spoken enough of the efficient cause of this booke and of the holy Scriptures Of the ende of this booke And now lastly order semeth to require the seyng we haue spoken of the matter forme and efficient cause of the holy bookes we shoulde also entreate somewhat to what end they were written Wherin I thincke it not nedeful to kepe the reader long for that before when I entreated many thynges of an historye I haue expounded also the profite and commodities whiche come therof whiche no doubte of it belong vnto the ende but nowe presently I will say thus much compendiously that all these thinges are mentioned by the holy ghost that we shoulde behaue our selues vprigthly both in prosperitie and also aduersitie For we learne by the examples of holy men when we are afflicted with sundry troubles and miseries stedfastly to holde our faith to put our hope in God to call vpon him only therewithall to repent vs of our sinnes whiche thinges if we do he will no lesse be presente to helpe vs than we know that he oftentimes deliuered the people of the Iewes And this Paul declared when he sayde to the Romaines whatsoeuer things are written they are written for our learning that we thorough patience and consolation of the Scriptures might haue hope Moreouer we are instructed in prosperous thinges to kepe the feare of god lest we fal into grieuous sinnes by whiche meanes we might be made guiltie both of punishement in this lyfe and also of euerlastyng damnatiō Finally we may moste manifestly gather the ende of reading of these bookes out of the Apostles doctrine whiche he deliuered to Timothe writing after this sorte in his second Epistle and third chap. All Scripture geuen by inspiration of God is profitable to doctrine to reprouing to correction and to instruction which is in righteousnesse that the man of God may be perfect and prepared to al good workes And now that as I suppose I haue spoken enough of the end and other causes of this booke I will come nygher to the exposition of the same first I wil declare whether this booke according to the sentence of the Hebrewes be the second booke of the firste Prophetes whose coniunction is so great with the history of Iosua that a man woulde easely saye that they be both one Whether the booke of Iosua ought to be reckened with the booke of Iudges And peraduenture there be some which suppose that Iosua should be reckened with the iudges to whom I will not subscribe For iudges were raised vp of god when the people were oppressed with outwarde enemies but when Iosua was proclaymed prince all the affaires of the Israelites were in good prosperitie For Sihon and Og most mightie kinges were ouercome and that office was cōmitted to Iosua wherby Moyses being dead he might leade the people ouer Iordane and take possessiō of the lande of Chanaan and deuide the promised lande by lottes vnto the children of Israell and besides that the people did set their handes to a decree whiche they had made of Iosua that he whiche obeyed not his voyce should be killed as we read it written in the first chap. of his booke But there is no mention made of suche thynges as concernyng the Iudges And yet both the bookes are so like and of such affinitie that many thinges are repeated in this our booke especially in the beginning whiche no doubte were done when Iosua was yet lyuing There resteth now to admonishe the reader somewhat of the partes of this boke The partes of the booke of Iudges There are as many principall membres in it as there were Iudges to Samuels tyme. For that in euery one of them still riseth vnto vs a new historye But the first of all was Othoniel of whom we will speake in the third chap. So that all those thinges whiche are written vnto that place do contayne the thynges done from the death of Iosua vnto Othoniel And certainly bycause the Iewes as long as Iosua liued worshipped god a right kept the lawe as muche as the weakenesse of mā coulde do god stil wrought with them accordyng to his couenaunt gaue thē a great victorye ouer their enemies so that euery tribe ouercame his enemies for the most part which were yet adioynying to their borders And then when the Israelites obteynyng the victorye did transgresse the commaundements of their god did not cleane destroy the nations which they had ouercome as god had commaunded them yea they made them tributaries vnto them god therfore grieuously admonished them by his messanger bycause they had not onely saued their enemies but also had moste filthyly honoured theyr gods So that god was not wtout a cause angry with them and deliuered them into the handes of outwarde tyrannes But when they were sorye for it and called vpon their god he had compassion of them and raysed them vp Iudges by whom they might be deliuered when they were deliuered they fell agayne to Idolatry they were afflicted againe they repented wherby in course their deliueries and oppressions are set forth But their first oppressiō worthy of memory was vnder Chusan Resanthaim from the which Othoniel the first of al the iudges reuenged them of whom we will speake in his place But now we will put here vnderneth the wordes of the holy history The first Chapter 1 IT came to passe after the death of Iosua that the childrē of Israel asked the Lord sayeng Who shall go vp for vs agaynst the Chananites to fight first agaynst them 2 And the Lorde sayd Iudah shal go vp beholde I haue deliuered the lande into his handes IT semed good vnto the children of Israel to take warre in hande for as it is writtē in the xiii chap. of Iosua they had not yet at this tyme conquered all the promised land so that in euery tribes lotte there were enemyes remayning And when they sawe there was no remedy but that they must dryue them out by force they doubted not whether they shoulde make warre agaynst them but their doubte was whiche tribe should fight before all the other The Israelites aske counsell of God The matter seemed to be of such great importaunce that they asked counsell of god whiche was the chief gouernour of their publicque weale Iosua that worthy captayne was no more a liue at whose becke and pleasure they hanged The Israelites affaires had euill successe whē they were done without God hys counsell Neither yet had they forgotten howe euill successe they had when not long before they toke weighty affaires in hand without asking counsell of God For in their settyng forth to battaill against the citie of Hai they sped very vnluckely in the
history retourneth to that setting forward to battaile which they of Iudah and the Symeonites tooke in hand styrred vp by the oracle of God And therfore it is written And Iudah went wyth Symeon hys brother and smore the Chananites dwellyng in Zephat and vtterly destroyed it and called the name of the Citye Horma The vowe of Cherem that is of the curse The Hebrues did not vtterly throw downe nor destroy certain cities which they possessed but dwelled in them Howbeit som they cursed and cleane defaced And their vowe was called in Hebrew Cherem of the thing that was promised deriued from this woord Charam which is to waste to destroy to kil to deface to geue vnder curse The Grecians called that woord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as thinges consecrated and put apart And it may be that so they called them bycause they were hanged vp in temples and were seperated from the vse of men neither was it lawfull to remoue them out of that place Yea and men somtymes wer called by that name Paule also vsed that woord many tymes for he saith to the Galathians Let hym be accursed whosoeuer shal preache any other Gospel And to the Romanes he wished him selfe to be made a curse for the brethren And to the first of the Corinthians he saith he the loueth not the lord Iesus let him be accursed Maranatha wher he taketh this woord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for this woord Cherem that is a thing seperated and seioyned vtterly from mans occupying or vse so that it was wycked either to touch it or to put it to any vse Wherfore we haue a testimonye in the booke of Iosua Why the cytye of Iericho was made a curse the .6 chap. of the city â—â—â—â—cho And it semed to haue bene so accursed bycause it was after a sorte th◠〈◊〉 fruites of the Cities that were taken For after they were passed ouer Iordane it was the first of al the cities that was conquered and that by no mans helpe for that the walles therof fel downe of their owne accorde and through the woorking of God And therefore it was mete that the spoyles therof should altogether bee consecrated vnto God Whether the destruction of cities pertayne to the worshipping of God But that semeth to be vtterly farre from the worshipping of God to destroy both cities and men and these seme to haue a shew of cruelty rather than of religion To that I answer that the destruction of townes in dede of their own nature belong neither to religion nor yet to godlynes but so farre forth as they ar referred to the glory of God And that may happen two maner of wayes As wheÌ„ that destruction is counted as a certayn monument of the seuerity and iustice of God against those nations which he for their wickednes would haue destroyed or as a certain testimony of Gods goodnes and mercy towards the Israelites whom in that expedition he mercyfully helped Therefore the ouerthrowing of the city houses men and beastes did shew the iustice and seueritie of God And the consecration declared the goodnes helpe and mercy shewed to that people Moreouer God would by that meanes proue the obedience of his people in abstaining from the spoiles which wer consecrated vnto God God by these curses proued hys people For we know that souldiours when they haue gotten the victory are hardlye restrained from the pray But they which obeied not the curse published wer most grieuously punished which the holy history of Iosua declareth to haue happened vnto Acham bicause he vsurped vnto him selfe some of the spoiles of Iericho We know also that Saul for this cause was depriued of his kyngdome bicause he had reserued Agag the king and certain oxen and fat cattel of the pray which wer bound before to the vow of the curse The forme of the curse Of the forme and end of the curse we haue spoken enough For the forme is the destruction of cities men and beastes and the consecration of gold siluer yron brasse precious stones and costly things which wer appointed onely to the vse of the tabernacle But the end was that they might be monuments of Gods goodnes and iustice The end of the same and also an exercise and trial of the Israelites Now resteth somewhat to speake of the matter and efficient cause therof The matter was what soeuer was found on lyue in those cities for al that ought to be killed The matter of the same and the buildinges and other garnishinges of the city ought to be cleane destroyed but as for the ornamentes and riches they were as it is sayd consecrated vnto the worshipping of God But ther is to be marked that none wer vowed vnto so horrible a destruction but such as were already declared and knowen to be enemies of God for it is not lawfull to kyll Innocentes Wherfore they sinned most grieuouslye which so vowed Paules death that they would neither eate nor drinke tyl they had killed him And at this daye they behaue them selues more than wickedly Iephre which saye that they haue vowed them selues most cruelly to kil al the Professours of the gospel Yea and Iephte without doubt was deceaued Agamemnon which bicause of hys kynde of vowyng thought that his daughter should either be slaine or els compelled to perpetual virginity Agamemnon also is to be condemned which as Cicero declareth in his booke of offices vowed vnto Diana the fairest woman that should be borne in his kyngdome And to performe this foolish vowe he sacrificed his daughter Iphigenia The efficient cause of a curse But the efficient cause of the vow Cherem somtimes is God as it is written in the .vii. and .x. chap. of Deut. For ther it is commaunded that places dedicated to Idoles aulters ymages groues monumentes should be vtterly destroied and that was a perpetual curse in the land of Chanaan and to be alwaies obserued Somtimes the Prince made such a vow as we reade of Iosua and somtimes the people as we find in the .21 chap. of Num. The prophets also somtimes did this so Samuel coÌ„mauÌ„ded Saul cleane to destroi al things beloÌ„ging to the Amelekites The name of this city wherof we now entreate was afterwarde called Horma for it was not so called before and it was so called of the woorde Cherem For such a name were they wont to geue vnto such places as were wasted and destroyed by a curse In the booke of Num. 21. chapter a certaine portion of the Chananites which the Israelites possessed by violence was by reason of suche a vowe called Horma But some peraduenture wil aske These destructions of Cities are not agaynst charity Augustine whether these destructions of townes wer against charity To whom I answer no. Bicause such enemies were chosen to be vtterly destroyed of the Iewes by
of consolation wherfore it is no maruel if he againe desired the remedy which he had had experiēce of Why Gideon required contrary sygnes He requireth contrary signes bicause the first semed not to be so great a wonder that the rest of the earth should be dry the fleese moyst Bicause such is the nature of wool that by a certaine proper power it draweth moystnes vnto it selfe as the Magnete stone draweth yron and Naphtha fire Naphtha a kinde of chalk Wherefore the wool myght easilye drinke in the dewe and that aboūdantly although the earth wer not yet moist But that about the fleese the earth should be moist and the wool dry it was vtterly against nature What is the Allegorye of these sygnes Augustine vpon the .71 Augustine Ambrose The Allegorye of these signes Psalme writeth and also Ambrose in his first booke de spiriru sancto in the Proheme The fleese they vnderstand to be the people of the Hebrues who in the old time wer watred with the woord of God when as the whole earth that is all other nations wanted the preaching of the woord of God Christ also was the minister of the circumcision in the first embassadge he sēt his Apostles onely to the Iewes But afterward the thing was so altered that the whole worlde after the comming of the holy ghost vpon the Apostles was watred wyth the woord of God and the Iewes vtterly wanted it and as barren bowes were cut of from the fertile and fat Olyue tree ¶ Of Miracles IN the ende of the chapter twoo thinges are to be enquired of The first is of miracles the other is how much or in what sort it is lawful to require them The Etymology of the wordes As touching the firste the Hebrue verbe is Pala or Niphla whiche is it was hard or marueilous wherof ar deriued these nownes Niphlaoth or Miphlaoth By which woordes are noted thinges seuered from other for their dignitye or excellency seperated I say and wonderful The Grecians call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of thys verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is to maruayle The Latines call them Miracula that is miracles bicause they are woorthy of admiration They cal them also Prodigia monstra and Portanta that is wonders monsters and thinges seldom sene that we should vnderstand that God by these thinges wyl shewe that some certayne thing shal come to passe or be done contrary to the cōmon order of things aboue hope or expectation Miracles very muche renoumed Wherfore seing mircales ar done aboue the natural course of thynges they bring with them admiration And vndoubtedlye there are verye many miracles which by writers are made famous as the temple of Diana in Ephesus the Tombe of Artemisia Queene of Caria the horrible great image of the Sūne at Rhodes the walles of Babilon very many other of the sort Wherfore Augustine against the Epistle of the Maniches the .xvi. Augustine A general description of myracles chap. prudently writeth I call a miracle whatsoeuer appeareth harde or vnaccustomed aboue the hope or faculty of the wonderer By which wordes a certaine large description of miracles may be had Transubstantiation is yll fayned to be a myracle And forasmuch as it said that a miracle appeareth they are worthely reproued which do fayne Transubstantiation and wyll haue it to be a miracle which can neither be confirmed by the holy scriptures and seing that it appeareth not neither can it be sene it cannot be called a myracle After this very common and large description ther is to be added that of miracles certaine are true False miracles and certaine are false For those are called false myracles which either are not that which they seme to be or els if they bee they are not done by anye power which passeth nature but by the powers of nature although it be secrete For Angels either good or bad may do them and that thre maner of wayes For sometime they applye vnto matter the strengthes of nature which they perfectly know of which cōiunction of the matter wyth efficient causes do follow effectes ar in dede in a maner vpon the sodaine at the which the beholders cannot but maruayle The deuils know that of thinges putrified are engendred Frogges woormes or some certaine Serpentes so that heate in certaine degrees be added Wherfore seing to them it is not hard to couple these thinges together they do it somtimes to deceaue men with al. And by this meanes Augustine thinketh as he writeth in his .3 Augustine booke de Trinitate that the sorcerers of Pharao did sometimes the same thinges which Moses dyd Farther the mouings of the spirites of the blood and humours doo verye much trouble the bodies of men whereby figures images and shapes of thinges whyche in them are kept are in the same mocion brought before the phantasy or imagination by that maner and order that the troubler of the spirite knitteth them Wherof do spring sundry and manifold sightes which we see doo sometimes happen in suche as are in phrensy And the thing may come so farre that the formes and images which are inwardly kept may be called backe euen vnto the outwards senses Whereby he which suffreth such thinges weeneth that he verilye seeth and feeleth those thinges whiche are in his imagination or phansye and in hys sense when as in very dede there is no suche thing outwardlye done And thys kinde of miracles ought rather to be referred to illusions then to miracles It also commeth to passe that sometimes these spirites by their own power either of the ayre or els other elements do forme certaine bodies that they appeare vtterly like mens bodies and vnder them they appeare to whō soeuer they lust So came they sometimes to Abraham Lot and other fathers These thinges if we speake properly and simply ar not true miracles but in our reason iudgement ther is nothing letteth but that they may so be called Yea and commonly Iuglers are said to do miracles when as for all that they deceaue by the nymblenes of the handes or by the powers of certaine thinges natural do represent thinges wonderful to the beholders What true miracles are But this is the definition of true miracles A miracle is a woorke hard and vnaccustomed by the power of God which passeth al faculty of nature created to this ende wrought to cause the beholders to wonder and to confirme fayth towardes the woord of God Causes of myracles Wherefore the matter of miracles are woorkes and the forme is that they be hard and vnaccustomed The efficient cause is the power of God which ouercommeth nature created And the end of them is both admiration and also confirmation of faith And that we should not doubt of the efficient cause this I thinke good to be added That that power of God which vtterly is aboue the faculties of nature is to be vnderstande sometimes to
abstinēce Definition not onely from meate and drinke but also from all other thynges whiche may delite and noorishe the body contrary to the accustomed manner as much as strength will suffer and it is done of a repentant mynd and of a true fayth by prayers to desire the clemency of God for miseryes eyther already oppressing vs or very nighe at hand The forme of this definition is abstinence An expositiō of the causes of true fasting and that aboue the accustomed manner whiche yet excedeth not strengthes of the body The matter is not onely meate and drinke but also all thynges whiche may reioyse the body The efficient cause is fayth and repentance for sinnes committed agaynst God The end is by prayers to craue the mercy of God and to turne away or to diminishe calamityes Therfore they whiche fast Exercises of those that faste truely ought to geue themselues to prayers almes visitynges of the sicke and to the holy supper When we feruently pray vnto the Lord and do from the heart truly repent vs of the sinnes which we haue cōmitted for their causes are earnestly afflicted we can not easely thinke vpon meate drinke fine delicates For whō such a griefe grieuously vrgeth it is more pleasant to thē to absteyne thē is any other delectation So Dauid in his .35 Psalme sayth of his enemyes When they were sicke I laughed not but put on sacke clothe and afflicted my soule with fasting and earnestly prayed for them They whiche deiect and humble themselues bycause they in a manner dispaire of their things are wont to contemne and loth meate and drinke and other delightes and pleasures Hereby we may vnderstād Why fastyngs please God Ierome how it commeth to passe that our fastes doo please God not assuredly that the emptines of the belly pleaseth God So Ierome derideth certayne which fasting to hardly were made to all purposes all their lyfe long vnprofitable This pleaseth God that we deiect the mynde that we returne vnto him with prayers and casting away other pleasures do put all our delectation in him onely But the fastes wherof we now intreate Fastes publike and priuate are sometymes publique and sometymes priuate Priuate fastes we take in hand when we are afflicted with proper and domesticall miseries for there is none whiche is not vexed sometymes either in himselfe or in his famely Or if it happē that peraduenture he be not greued with any calamity of his owne or any of hys We must faste sometymes for other mennes sakes yet sometymes he must mourne for other For if we be the members of one the self same body we must thinke that the discōmodityes of our brethrē pertayn vnto vs our selues So Dauid prayed for them which afterward became his enemies which reioysed in his euils So Iobs frindes whē they saw hym vexed with most grieuous plagues lay seuē dayes full in dust and ashes before they spake any thyng vnto him so much wer those men moued with his misery Wherfore before they commoned with hym they would by fasting and prayers desire God to asswage his so great misery So Dauid when Abner was slayne did not onely mourne at his buriall but also sware that he would that day taste of no meate before the sunne were set The same thing did he when he was reproued of Nathan the Prophete and when he had receaued tydinges of the death of the childe Vndoubtedlye all the whole tyme that he was sicke he neuer toke meate Nehemias in the .1 chap. whē he heard of the afflictions of the Hebrewes whiche remayned in Ierusalem afflicted himselfe with fasting and prayed vnto the Lord. Daniel also when he had red those things which Ieremy wrote of the captiuity of .70 yeares cōfessed both his owne sinnes and the sinnes of the people wept also and fasted Wherfore priuate fasting ought to be taken in hand not onely for our selues but also for others But publique fasting is two maner of wayes commaunded How publique fastes are denounced Either of God himself by the law or of the Magistrate or of the Bishop or els of a Prophet And this is to sanctify a fast which sometymes is red in the holy scriptures Of thys kind there are many examples What it is to sanctify a fast especially that fast which the Israelites in this place imposed vpon themselues In the .1 booke of Samuel when the Philistines grieuously afflicted the Iewes the whole people at the exhortation of Samuel assembled in Mizpa wept fasted and threw away their Idoles Dauid also with all his fasted when he heard of the ouerthrowe of the people and death of Saul The men also of Iabes Gilead toke the carkayses of Saul and Ionathas and wept and also fasted That also was a publique fast whiche Iosaphat commaunded in the .2 boke of Paralip the .20 chap. Esther the queene beyng in extreme daunger commaunded by Mardocheus a publique fast to be denounced The Israelites in their captiuity as it is written in the .7 chap. of Zachary had a fast both in the .5 moneth the .7 moneth bycause in the .5 moneth the spoyling of the City desolation of the tēple happened and in the .7 moneth Godolias was slayne wherby so many miseryes afterward ensewed That was also a publique fast whiche Iezabel proclaymed a woman otherwise wicked and an Hipocrite Her acte declareth that it was the manner that when any great wicked crime was committed the whole Churche should fast as it were desiryng helpe agaynst the common punishement This fast sometymes also the Prophetes required As Iohel when he sayd Sanctifie ye a fast Esdras also in his 8. chap. proclaimed a fast Wherfore fastes were by certayne godly considerations publikely denounced Why an yearely fast was instituted among the Hebrues God himself also commaunded a publique fast For he commaunded that euery yeare the feast Chephurim that is the feast of expiations should be celebrated the .10 day of September with a publique fast For the people committed many sinnes thorough out the whole yeare neither did they diligently obserue the ceremonyes Wherfore once in a yeare the tabernacle was purified and a publique fast was obserued These thinges in the old Testament signified as it wer by a certaine shadow that the sinnes of mē should be by Christ abolished of whō when we take hold by a true and lyuely faith The day of fast was a festiuall day we are losed from sinnes and therof followeth the mortification of sinnes and carnall delightes pleasures Neither is this to be passed ouer that that one daye of fast was a festiuall day For it was not lawful in the publique fast either to worke or for a man to geue hym selfe to his own busines not that on feastiual dayes we ought vtterly to be idle but that in those dayes we should do good deedes whereby we may rest in God and we are commaunded onely to absteyne from our
the holy oracles and wordes of god should get their credite by men which are otherwise lyers But these things they faine to the entēt that seyng they are manifestlye founde often tymes to haue decreed and ratified in the Sacraments doctrines farre otherwise than the holy scriptures will beare Whiche thing they would defend that they may do it bycause the Churche whiche doth bring authoritie and credite to the worde of God may alter things in the holy Scriptures as pleased it Wherfore we must resiste them by all meanes possible in this thyng which they take vpon them to do We may not suffre our selues to be brought to thys poynte to thincke that the Scriptures haue had their credite and authority by the Churche And yet do I not write these thynges as thoughe I woulde despise or contemne the dignitie of the Churche vnto the whiche There be three offices of the Churche touching the word of God The Churche as a witnesse kepeth the holy Bookes I do attribute thre offices and them moste excellent as touchyng the worde of GOD. The firste of them is that I do confesse that the Church as a witnesse hath kept the holy bokes But thereby it can not be proued that it is lawful for it to peruert or alter any thing in the holy bookes Experience teacheth vs that publique and priuate wrytinges are committed to scriueners whiche are commonly called notaryes to be layd vp and diligently kept of thē And yet there is none that is in his right wittes which wil say that he may alter any thing in them or wil beleue that their authoritie is of greater force than their willes were whiche desired to haue the same written The worde of God reuealed and written Neither shall it be here vnprofitable to obserue the difference betwene the worde of god as it was reuealed at the beginning to the Prophetes sainctes as it was afterwardes preached or written For we do easely acknowledge betwene these that there is onely difference of tyme and not of the authoritie or efficacie For we confesse that the worde vnwritten was more auncient than that which was afterward appointed to letters and we graunt that either cōferred together was geuen to the Churche but in suche sorte that the Churche as we haue sayd can not by any meanes wrest or chaunge it The office of the Churche is to publishe and preache the worde of God And this vndoubtedly is the second office of the Church to preach publish the wordes committed vnto it by God In which thing it is lyke a common crier who althoughe he do publishe the decrees of princes and magistrates yet he is not aboue the decrees or equal vnto them in authoritie But his whole office is faithfully to pronounce all thynges as he hath receaued them of the princes and magistrates And if he should otherwise do he should be counted altogether for a traytour Wherfore the ministers of the Churche ought to care and study for nothing so much as to be founde faithfull We acknowledge also the last office of the Churche to be The Churche discerneth the holy bokes frō counterfaite such as are Apochriphas that seyng it is endued with the spirite of God it must therfore discerne the sincere vncorrupted bookes of holy Scriptures from the counterfaite and Apocriphas whiche is not yet to be in authoritie aboue the worde as many do foolishely dreame For there are very many which can discerne the true propre writings of Plato and Aristotle from other falsely put to them yet in comparison of iudgement they are neither of greater lernyng nor yet of equall with Plato or Aristotle And euery one of vs cā easely know God from the deuill yet are we not to be coūted equal with God much lesse can we thinck that we do excel him So the Churche ought not bycause of this to preferre faith or authoritie thereof before the Scriptures Augustine But they say Augustine sayeth I would not beleue the Gospell except the authoritie of the Churche did moue me therunto But in that place is read to moue together for in very dede Faith is not poured in by the minister but by God it is the spirite of God which poureth faith into the hearers of his worde And bycause the ministers of the Churche are his instrumentes they are rather to be sayd to moue with than absolutely to moue The same Augustine writeth in his 28. booke and second chap. against Faustus that the Maniches ought so to beleue that the first chap. of Matthew was writtē by Matthew euen as they did beleue that the Epistle whiche they called Fundamentum was written by Maniche bycause vndoubtedly they were so kept by their elders from hande to hand deliuered vnto them This is it therfore that the Churche moueth withall to beleue the Gospell bycause faithfully it kepeth the holy scriptures preacheth them and discerneth them from straunge Scriptures The same father manifestly witnesseth in his 6. booke of his confessions the 4. and 5. chap. that God him selfe in very dede did geue authoritie to the holy scriptures Tertullianus Irenaeus But Tertullianus and Irenaeus hauing to do against heretikes did therfore send thē to the Apostolicall Churches bycause they did not admitte the whole scriptures Wherfore they would that they should take their iudgemēt of those Churches which were certainly knowen to be Apostolical For it was meete that those Churches should continuallye remayne both witnesses and also keapers of the holy scriptures and yet therfore they did not decree that the authoritie of the Churche should be preferred before the scriptures What is to be thought of a certayn rule of the Logiciens But the aduersaries say that they are led by the sentence whiche is cōmonly vsed among Logiciens Euery thyng is such a thyng by reason of an other VVherfore that other shal more be counted suche Wherfore they reason after this maner If by the Churche the Scripture hath hys authoritie it must nedes be that the Church much more hath that authoritie But they remēber not that this sentence put by the Logiciens taketh place onely in finall causes and is of no strength in efficient causes For althoughe our inferior worlde be made warme by the sunne and the starres yet doth it not thereby followe that they are farre more warmer And agayne when immoderate men by wyne are made droncke we can not therby conclude the wyne to be more dronken than they Yea the Logiciens teache this that this their sentence is then strong and of efficacy in efficient causes when such efficient causes are brought forth whiche are whole and perfect and not whiche are perciall and maymed whiche rule is not obserued of our aduersaries in this argument For the Churche is not the whole and perfect efficient cause of that faith and authoritie whiche the holy Scriptures haue with the faithfull For if it were
battail bycause they went to warrefare without oracle as it is written in the vii of Iosua It is also written in the same boke in the ix chap. that the Gabaonites were receaued into league without the oracle of god and it is also writtē in the boke of Numbers that the Israelites were slayne by the Amorrhites when they fought cōtrary to gods will This peoples iudgement therfore is worthy to be praysed for it is excellently well done in most weighty affaires to aske counsell of God first of all And that must be done conueniently and holyly otherwise it profiteth not For the Israelites whē they should make warre agaynst the tribe of Beniamin although they asked coūsell of God yet were they twice put to flight slayne cowardly tourned their backes to their enemies bycause they behaued not them selues well in asking counsell of god Wherfore they asked counsell of God And it is to be beleued that the Hebrues after the death of Iosua considered this with them selues that their hong a great matter in those first warres whiche should be enterprised after the death of Iosua bycause if they happened to be ouercome of those nations in one battaill or two then would those nations thincke with them selues that the good lucke of the Israelites were chaunged with the death of their captayne By whiche opinion they would easely haue ben boldened and their affaires should haue had better successe dayly But on the contrary if it happened that the Israelites gotte the vpper hand in the first battailles they sawe that the power and audacitie of the nations woulde euery daye diminishe and beyng made feable and faynter they should the easelyer be ouercome God was also asked counsell of in the tyme of Iosua They did not therfore without cause aske coūsell of God in so great a matter which also to do the cōmaundement of the law did vrge them which is writtē in the boke of Numbers Neither must it be now thought that they so required the oracle as though they did not the same whē Iosua was lyuing for they required also answers of God verye often when he was a lyue but after his death it is said that they enquired for this thing chiefly principally namely which tribe should go vp to battail before all the other in al their causes And thys is the signification of the hebrew word Lanu that is for vs. And this woord to go vp is mencioned bycause they saw that they should fyrst vanquishe the hyly places Against Chanaan This is somtimes a general name What the people of Canaā were containeth al these nations which God had decreed to destroy out of Palestine whereby all the lande was afterward called Channan And sometimes it signifieth particularly some one nation of that people And that lay chiefly about Tyre Sidon Which the Euangelical history proueth when it calleth the woman a Chananite which offered her self to the sonne of God when he was goyng to Tyre Sidon And of that nation peraduenture bicause it was mightier than the other were the rest called Chananites And I wyl not ouerskip this by the way that the people which is singularly called Chanaan when they wer driuen out of their coastes by the Israelites they departed to Aphrica where they remayned safe euen to the time of Augustine Augustine So that the father writeth in his booke of the exposition whych hee begon vpon the epistle to the Romaines thus Our rusticals beyng demaunded what they wer they answered in the Affrick tong Chananites And theyr language is very nye to the Hebrewe tong The Africans ar Chananites as the same Augustine writeth in hys booke of questions vpon the Iudges the .16 question For by Baal in the Affrick tong they seme to say Lord whereby by Baal Samen is vnderstoode as thoughe they would say Lord of heauen bicause these tonges differ not much one from an other Hierome also agreeth therw t Hierome writing vpon Esay the prophet when he enterpreteth these woords Behold a virgin shal conceaue in the Affrick tong saith he which is said to haue had his ofspring of the Hebrues Virgil. A virgin is properly called Almah Also Virgil when he called Dido an Aphrician a Sidonian the inhabitants of Carthage Tirianes hath most manifestly confirmed that Dido her people came of the Chananites Wherfore it is no maruel if they almost kept in remembraunce the Chananishe tong But these thinges I haue spoken by the way But now Chanaan signifieth no one special nation but is a cōmon word for al those nations which the Israelites should ouerthrow For the tribe of Iudah which is said to haue gone vp first of al to the war For what thing the Israelites asked councell of God had in his lot the Iebusites not the Chananites Moreouer I admonishe the Reader that the Hebrues asked not counsel of God for their Captaine neither desired they to know what man should be made chief ruler ouer the Israelites going to battail against the Chananites but which tribe should begin the battel first Othoniel the first Iudge should be of the tribe of Iudah But we entreate not of him now presently And bycause it is said that the children of Israel asked counsell of the Lorde Howe many waies that elders asked councell of God some wil aske after what sort the Iewes accustomed to aske anye thing of hym at that time It may be answered that ther wer three accustomed ordinarye waies which are rehersed in the .28 chap. of the first booke of Samuel namely by dreames by Vrim Thūmim lastly by prophets whē ther wer any to be had therfore Saul complained in the booke that God had answered hym by none of these waies when he would haue asked counsel of hym of the successe of the most daungerous battail I finde also other waies in the scriptures of asking coūsell of god but they wer extraordinary waies One is by reuelacion of angels or of god him self expressing him selfe vnder some forme An other way was when som holy men by the mouing of god did appoint to themselues certayn tokens of thinges to come which did signify before whether they happened this waye or that what should be looked for So Abraham hys seruaunt decreed with hymself that she should be his Lordes wife which only amongest many maydens comming to the well offred drinke of her owne mynde to hym and to his Camels Ionathas also the sonne of Saule had then the victory promysed him when the Philistianes shoulde say Come vp hither to vs and contrarilye if they shoulde byd him tary till they came downe thither I haue called these extraordinarye wayes bycause they were not commonly vsed neyther are they often red in the Scriptures Lottes also are of this kinde There is mention made of them in the fyrst booke of Samuel when Saule should be declared King all the tribes standing there
them which thought giaūts were not borne of men bicause they thinke it is not possible the huge giauntes can be borne of mē of vsual bignesse stature Wherfore some of thē haue gone so farre that they haue affirmed that the first mā was a giaunt and that Noah also his childrē were Giaunts bicause they beleued not that the kind of mē could be either before or after the floud except their first progenitors had bene such if it were thought they should be borne of men But Augustine proueth that to be false sayth Augustine A womā giaūt that a litle before the ouerthrow made by the Gothes there was a womā at Rome of a giauntes stature whō very many out of diuerse countreyes came to see Which womans parents neuerthelesse exceded not the cōmon accustomed stature of other men The naturall cause of the great stature of giāts But as touching the cause of this huge bignesse of giaūtes if we should loke vpō nature thē can we bring no other reason but a strong naturall heate also a moysture which abundauntly largely ministreth matter for the heate doth extende the same not only into length but also it poureth out spreadeth it both to breadth also to thicknesse Giaunts therfore begā before the floud they wer also before the accōpanieng of the sonnes of god with the daughters of men after that also continued their generation Men therfore begat them and had a naturall cause such as we haue sayd There were also some without doubt after the floud for there is mencion made of them in the booke of Num. Deut. Iosua How huge the giauntes were Iudges Samuel Paralip and other holy bookes Concerning their bignesse stature we may partly gesse and partly we haue it expressedly described The coniectures are bycause Goliah had a cote of male weing v.m. sicles and a speare like a weauers beame and the Iron or top of his speare weighed 600. sicles We coniecture also that Og kyng of Basan was of a wonderfull bignesse and that by hys bed whiche being of Iron contayned 9. cubites in length And the Israelites compared with Enachim seemed as grassehopers These he signes wherby we may iudge howe bigge these men were But the bignesse of Goliah is described properly and distinctly in the booke of Samu. For it is sayd that he was 6. cubites and a hande bredth highe A cubite with the Grecians Latines And a cubite with the Grecians is two feete but with the Latines a foote and a halfe Some alledge the cause of this difference to be bycause the measure may be extended from the elbow to the hand being some tymes closed and sometymes open or stretched forth And thus much as concerning the stature of giauntes so farre as may be gathered by the holy Scriptures But we read among the Ethnickes farre more wonderfull thinges The Ethnikes opinion of gianntes Philostratus The common stature of men in our tyme. The measure of a foote such which seeme to some incredible Philostratus writeth in his booke of noble men that he sawe the carkase of a certain giaunt which was 30. cubites long and an other 22. cubites long and certain other also 12. But the cōmon stature of men in our tyme passeth littell aboue .5 feete And the measure of a foote agreeth both with the Grecians with the Latines for they both geue to euery foote 4. hand breadthes and euery hand breadth conteineth the breadth of 4. fingers that is the length of the litle finger But if the last fingers the thombe I saye and the litle finger should be stretched abroade then euery foote cōtaineth but two hand bredthes I thincke it not amisse also to declare here what Augustine writeth in the .15 Augustine booke de ciuit Dei 9. chap. where he reproueth those whiche obstinatly contend that there were neuer any men of so wonderfull huge a stature and testifieth that he him selfe sawe vpon the coaste of Vtica a tooth so great that being deuided it might easely be iudged to be an hundred fold bigger in forme and quantitie thē vsuall teth in our tyme are Vergil he also declareth in the same place that there were in oldetyme very many such bodyes of men by the verses of Vergil whiche are written in the 7. booke of Aenedos where he sheweth how Turnus tooke vp so great a stone from the groūde and threw at Eneas that 12. such men as the earth bringeth forth now of dayes could scarsely lifte whiche place he tooke out of the 6. boke of Iliades of Homere We may adde also vnto these the verses which the same Vergil hath writtē in the first of the Georgikes he shall wonder at the great bones digged out of the graues Moreouer Augustine bringeth Pliny the second who affirmeth in his 7. Pliny booke that nature the longer it procedeth in her course the lesser bodyes doth it bryng forth dayly Cipriane Whether the bodies of men haue decreased from the floud to our tyme. And he maketh mencion also of Homere whiche made complainte sometymes in his verses To whom I might adde the testimonie of Cipriane against Demetrian But if I should be asked the question whether I thought that the bodies of men whiche were brought forth after the floud are lesse than those whiche were before the floud I would peraduenture graunt vnto it Aulus Gellius but that they haue alwayes decreased from the floud euen to our tyme I would not easely consent to that and especially bycause of Aulus Gellius wordes whiche he wrote in the third booke where he sayth that the measure of the growth of mans body is 7. feete whiche seemeth also to be the measure at this day in mē of the bigger sort But lest I should dissemble any thing we read in the Apochriphas of Esdras the 4. booke about the ende of the .5 chap. that our bodyes are lesser nowe and shal be euery daye lesse bycause nature is alwayes made more weake And the same doth Cipriane as I haue a litle before sayd seme to affirme But why I would not so easely assent thereunto this is the cause for that I can se almost nothing altered in our time from the measure whiche Gellius defineth Pliny But now to Pliny agayne who sayth in his 7. booke that in Crete when a certayn mountaine was rent by an earth quake a dead body was founde standing whiche was 46. cubites long whiche some beleued to be Orions body other some Othus It is also left in writing that the body of Orestes being digged vp by the commaundement of an oracle was 7. cubites long But that whiche Berosus affirmeth Berosus that Adam Seth his sonne were giauntes and Noah also with his children as it is put without testimony of holy scriptures so may it also be reiected Now it seemeth good to declare Why GOD woulde haue so huge giauntes some tymes for what
the mariage of his cousin Germaine or of his sisters daughter or of his brothers daughter or of his wiues daughter lastly of al whose mariage is forbidden and condemned But that law is not in these dayes found in the Digestes neither in the booke of the Code nor in the Authentikes Which neuerthelesse Clother the king followed as it is red in the lawes of the Almaines entituled of vnlawfull mariages yea and it is confirmed by the ecclesiasticall Canons and decrees in Gracian 35. Question the second and third also by the counsel of Agathen in the 61. Canon And Gregorye the fyrst in the same place is found to be of the same opinion in the chap. Quaedam ex Romana c. This answereth to the sixth interrogation of Augustine Bishop of Cantorbury and affyrmeth that those which be ioyned by the degree of cousin Germaines ought to abstaine from contracting of matrimony one with an other Yea and long before Gregorye his time Ambrose hath in his 66. Epistle ad Paternum condemned the mariage of brethrens children he testifieth that it was forbiddē by the law of Theodosius which I haue also brought And if I should vse coniecture I thinke Theodosius did it by the persuasion of Ambrose who had a singular respecte to publique honestie Neither was that law so seuere at that time but that sometimes it might be released as he declareth in that Epistle to Paternus In that Ambrose affyrmeth there that such mariages were prohibited by Gods lawe It can be made probable to none which shall attentiuely consider the wordes of the law of god and doings of the fathers How the Romanes haue behaued themselues toward their cousins as concernyng matrimonyes in the old time this I haue obserued Ligustine sayth in the 2. booke and 5. decade of Liuy that his father gaue him his Vncles daughter to wife Cicero also writeth in hys oration for Cluentius that Cluentia had lawfully maryed her cousin Germaine M. Aurius And M. Anthonius the Philosopher tooke to wife Faustina his cousin Germaine as Iulius Capitolinus testifieth And before Rome was builded the mariages of Turnus and Lauinia were in hand which came of two sisters Howbeit Plutarch writeth in the place aboue mentioned that at the fyrst when Rome was builte it was forbidden by a lawe that they whiche were nighe of kinne shoulde not marrye together But yet he writeth that the lawe for brethren and sisters children was vppon thys occasion released bycause a certayne man beyng both honeste and also well beloued of the people of Rome when he was greuouslye oppressed with pouertye toke to wife his sisters daughter which was ryche and welthye for the whiche cause he was accused of inceste But the matter being decided he was quyted by the iudgemente of the people of Rome for he was greatly fauoured in the citye Then after that it was decreed by the consent of the people of Rome that from thence forth it shoulde be lawfull for brethren and sisters children to marry together These thinges I thought good to declare of this kinde of matrimonye both out of Gods lawes and the old new lawes of the Romanes and also out of the fathers and ecclesiasticall Canons Whereunto I will adde that there be very many Cities professing the gospell whiche do not admitte the mariages of brethren and sisters children as Surike Berna Basile Schapusin Sangallum Biema c. In the kingdome also of England when I was there that degree was excluded from matrimony Wherfore in places where the magistrate forbyddeth these mariages the faithful ought for those causes whiche I haue before declared to abstayne from them But now I will go to the present matter If Othoniel as I haue before sayd were cousin vnto Achsa he might mary her by the lawe of God but if he were her vnckle it was not lawful by the cōmō lawe But he maried her Wherfore we must nedes saye one of these two thinges either that it was a faulte for the fathers as we haue before sayd were not alwayes free from sinne or elles that god would haue this done by a priuilege or certain prerogatiue whiche we may not for all that take example by Neither is this to be forgottē that after the accustomed manner of Scriptures Kinsfolkes in scriptures are called brethren they whiche were any way of kinne together were called brethren as Loth is called the brother of Abraham the kinsfolkes of Iesus Christ the sonne of God are called in the history of the gospel his brethrē So may it also be in this place that Othoniel may be called the brother of Chaleb when as he was but only some other waye of kinne vnto him And the interpretours do vse this expositiō oftē times which I would not disallow but that I se this particle in the texte The yonger whiche is not wont to be added but when sisters and brethren in dede are compared together But now wil I go to other thinges whiche are to be considered in this history Chaleb had promised him which should cōquere the citie of Debir Whether Chalebs promisse were a rashe promisse his daughter to wife What if any wicked persone had performed that should he by the vertue of the promise haue ben made the sonne in law of Chaleb surely it semeth not For what other thing had this ben than to betraye his daughter Therfore it may appeare that he promised rashly For a wise man ought to foresee those thinges whiche might happen How be it we must consider that there were not at that tyme such wicked and flagitious men among the Israelites for as long as those elders lyued whiche gouerned the publicque wealth together with Iosua as it shal be declared in this hystory the people feared god Wherfore it followeth that they vsed to put those to death by the lawe whiche were guiltie of very grieuous crimes Therfore there was no daunger lest any such mā should conquere the citie to whom for that act Hacsah should be geuen to wife of duetye But if there remayned certaine smal and common faultes in him which had conquered it the same might be recompenced by his other vertues For there is is none so absolute and perfect but that some times he may fal Moreouer there were some hope of amendement of life And the conquerour might be so nighe of kynne as peraduēture this Othoniel was that he could not mary the daughter of Chaleb Wherfore it seemeth that at the least in that part it was a rashe promise But I do not thincke it can be accused of rashenesse A constant rule of all humane promises for as much as all promises ought among the godly so farre forth to be of force as they do agree with the word of god which thing if Iepthe had diligently considered he would neuer haue suffred hym selfe to haue committed so vnworthy thinges agaynst his daughter This cōdition surely in all couenaunts and promises ought to be counted
playnly written that they went frō thence to Iudah Wherfore I can better agree with Iosephus Iosephus Why the Kenites departed from Iericho who writeth the they therfore departed frō thence bicause in the deuision of the land distributing of fieldes as I haue before sayd their inheritaunce fell about the tribe of Iudah wherfore they got thē vnto it when Hebron Debir were conquered But why frō the time they came ouer Iordane euen to this time they dwelt rather about Iericho thā in any other place seing the scripture speaketh not of it I am cōtent to lacke the knowledge therof But bicause this Kenite as many Hebrues confesse was the father in law of Moyses which thing also Ierome confyrmeth in his booke of traditiōs or Hebrue questions vpon the first boke of Samuel vpon Paralip we must therefore call to memory Iethro of whom is mentiō made more largely in the boke of Exodus That Iethro was he to whō Moyses came when he fled out of Egipt What this word Cohen signifyeth who was also either prince or priest of Madian For the Hebrue word Cohen signifieth both therfore the holy historyes writeth of the sonnes of Dauid that they were Cohenim that is princes highly exalted amongest magistrates ii Sam viii Aben-Esra for so were kynges wont to exalte their children Although Aben-Esra affirmeth Moyses father in law to haue bene priest of Madian And sayth that he ministred not to Idols but to the true god for the pure worshipping of god was not so peculiar to the people of Israell but that there were godly men in other places which worshipped god sincerely There is no doubt but the Melchisedech was such a one whō the scripture calleth the priest of the high god Moyses defended the daughters of this Iethro frō the shepherdes at the wel by which meanes he was made his sōne in law And afterward when he fed his shepe not farre frō the mount Sina he was called of god to deliuer the people of Israell frō the Egiptian bondage Wherefore he asked leaue of him to depart went his way to Egipt frō thence after wonder full works of god he led the people into the deserte and fought agaynst Amelek in whose land Kenite the Madianite dwelt And when Moyses had obtayned the victory Iethro who was not with Amelek in the warre came vnto Moyses hys sonne in law reioyced at his happy successe in the battaile he did sacrifice and cōmunicated together with his sonne in lawe the rest of the Israelites in geuing thankes to god He gaue also vnto Moyses wholesome coūsell not to weary himself in hearing al causes But rather that he should haue men chosen out which might both heare also determine cōmon and light causes such as wer harder to be referred only to him and he for the most hard matters to aske coūsel of god and loke what god had answered commaunded the same to be decreed for the people Whē Iethro or Kenite had done these with Moyses in the wildernesse after the warre of Amelek before the law was geuen he returned into his own countrey as it is written in the xviii Chap. of Exodus But concerning his returne into his own countrey there are two opinions Of the returne of Moyses father in law into his countrey both of the Hebrues our men Some say that he returned to dispose and set an order in his domesticall things and to make preparation for his familie to iourney with the Israelites Which things being al finished almost in one yeares space he returned to his sonne in lawe and went together with him and the Israelites to the land of Chanaan And so they say although it be sayd in the historye that he departed before yet it is truely put in the boke of Num. that Moyses spake with him in the second yeare from the departure out of Egipt when the tabernacle was then finished orders appoynted wherby the Hebrues shoulde go forward For he destred him not to depart frō him but to be as it were an eye to the Israelits in this their iourney into straunge countryes for that he knew all the places of the desert very well bycause he was borne in the countrey adioyning vnto it Not bycause the pyllers and cloudes led not the Israelites safely soundly but bycause this man was very cunning in pitching and camping an hoste Moyses woulde therfore as they say haue him to instructe the troupes of Souldiours which shoulde goe forth and to prouide that they going forwarde shoulde abyde ioyned together and shoulde keepe the iuste manner of warlyke order Whereunto thys also was a helpe for that by reason of hys knowledge of the countreyes he coulde easely admonyshe the Israelites of the nature of those places and howe farre distante and nyghe they were together Howbeit other say that Iethro so returned to hys house after he had reioyced with Moyses that he retourned not vnto hym agayne for as it is to be beleued he was very aged and therfore he spent the reste of hys age with hys neyghbours and familye in Madian exercisyng his office eyther of a prince or ells of a priest Neuerthelesse they thynke that he left a sonne with Moyses called Hobab to the entente he might be throughly enstructed by Moyses hys kinnesman and by Aaron and other excellent men of the Hebrues in Godlinesse and knowledge of worshipping of God Therfore they wil haue this man to be he whō Moyses spake vnto in the .x. of Num. and made ouersear for pitching of the campes Besides that they say that this mans sonnes familye were now at this present called Kenites And I my self to say what I thinke true do much agree with this latter sentence For Balaam the Prophet in the .24 chap. of Num. prophecied peculiarly of the Kenites Balaam the Prophet that they should haue their habitations in the most fenced places and that thei should there abide til they were led away captiues by the Assirians he ioyneth them as it appeareth manifestly in that place with Amelek for as I sayd before they inhabited al one land with the Amelekites Wherfore it is gathered that Iethro so departed from Moyses into Madian to dwell there continually And so it might be that Balaam the Prophet ioyned the Kenites with the Amelekites of which Kenites neuerthelesse part were with the Israelites for as much as Iethro as it is sayd left his sonne with them Besides this in the .x. chap. of Num. Hobab was desired of Moyses to come go with the Israelites whether they went who refused to goe any farther bycause he was mynded to returne home into his countrey For he was left there of his father to be better instructed in the worshippyng of God and he abode with the Israelites tyll they were readye to depart thence And then he thought to haue returned into his countrey but being desired of
the iudgement of God and not by the lust of men But as touching the loue or hatred of enemies wee must vnderstande that Augustine hath written toward the ende of the first booke vpon the sermon of the Lord on the mountaine that he doth ascende one steppe of righteousnes which loueth his neighbour although he yet hate his enemy But then shall he performe beneuolence and gentlenes at the commaundement of hym whyche came to fulfyl the law and not to breake it when he shall stretch it euen to the loue of the enemy For that degree though it be somwhat yet it is so smal that it may be commō also with Publicanes Neither that which is said in the law Thou shalt hate thine enemy It is not lawfull for the vnperfecte to hate their enemyes is to be taken as a commaundement vnto the iust man but as a permission to the weake Thus much he writeth with whom yf I should speake as I thinke I do not agree but am certainly perswaded that to hate our enemies is not permitted of God no not to the vnperfect For it is an euerlasting precept that we should loue our neighbour as our selues Who is oure neyghbour And he is our neighbour whom we helpe by anye occasion as Christ hath declared in the parable of the Iewes and of the Samaritan They were compared as enemyes one to an other wherefore the condition of enmitye when it happeneth can not let but that such as are enemies one to an other be yet neighbours Moreouer for as much as we se the Dauid other prophets did oftentimes curse their enemies by what meanes can we cal thē weake whō God gaue liberty to hate their enemies For they wer holy men and very perfect Augustine Neither doth that seeme to make much to the purpose which the same Augustine saith namely that the sayinges of these holy men were no vowes desires but rather forespeakinges prophecies of them who liuing vnder the old testament did oftentimes prophecye the chaunce of thinges to come For the Apostels ar also found in the new testamēt not only to haue spoken words of cursings as Paul when he saith I woulde to god they wer cut of which do trouble you but also to haue most grieuously punished some For as much as it is written in the actes of the Apostels the same Paul depriued Elimas the Magicien of his sight and Peter slewe Ananias and Saphira Wherfore we must rather say that these great mē did not such things of an hatred graunted to vnperfect men but that they wer driuen therunto by some other maner of meanes Marke the distinction And therfore me thinketh we must make this distinction that they somtimes had to do for their own causes sometimes for gods cause Whē they had to do for their matters al their doings wer ordered with al modestye and gentlenes As we se Dauid to haue done who many times spared Saul his deadly enemy Moyses also other holy men did constantly valiauntly very often grieuous thinges But when the matters of God wer in hand the same mē behaued them selues seuerely nobly And if they should haue done that in theyr own causes they might haue semed to wrest the swerd out of the hande of God and of the Magistrate which they do which reuenge their own iniuries This is also to be added that men which are appointed to take in hand to defend Gods cause What is chieflye to be taken heede of when Gods matters are in hand although they may then do thinges sharpely seuerlye yet they must precisely diligently take hede that vnder that pretence they cocker not their owne affections The Apostels when they desired Christ to sende fyre from heauen vpon the Samaritanes as they knew was done in the olde tyme at the prayers of Helias wer rebuked of the Lord bicause they knew not of whose spirite they wer which without doubt was a most apt answer For they whom God sendeth to execute these offices ought not nowe to be counted priuate or symple men Whether it bee lawfull to pray against tyrans to curse them Augustine but such as wer prepared and enstructed of him to be in hys steede vpon the earth But whether it be lawful for priuate men to praye against vngodly and cruell Tyrannes by whom the true worshipping of God is hindred and to curse them Augustine aunswereth that it is alwaies lawfull for godlye men to pray vnto God against the kingdome of synne And that maye be cleane taken away when the vngodly forsake their wickednes for whose vnfayned repentaunce we must alwayes pray vnto God But if they seeme past all hope it is lawful to praye that their synnes maye sometymes at the length come to an end namely that when they are taken awaye they myght cease both to hynder the woorshipping of God and also to trouble the Saintes For as much as it is not expedient that theyr synne shoulde escape vnpunished for when it is leaste without punishment it is mere vniustice But when the punishment of God is adioyned vnto it then ther is in him lesse deformitye Wherefore God is of the same Augustine called verye wel not a cruell tormentor Augustine but a iust correctour Moreouer bycause holy men are very familiar with God and therefore when by some heauenly reuelation Saintes sometimes reioyce also are sory for the destruction of the wycked they are acertained of his wil bicause they exceedingly loue him they cannot but allow his sentence yea they faithfullye praye that the same may be accomplished Although in that they be men they be both sory and also take it grieuously to haue their neighbours so vexed After whych sorte Samuel mourned for Saul the kyng whom be knew neuertheles to be reiected of god Ieremy also wept for the captiuity which was at hand and Christ wept for the City of Ierusalem which should be destroyed For they which be mē in dede God requireth not the not feeling of the Stoikes can not chose but be sory for their neighbours and their own flesh when it is afflicted Neither doth God require of vs that Stoike lacke of compassion But as touching this matter if the Reaver desire to know more let hym looke vpon my Cōmentaries to the Corrinthians But as touching this present purpose that is to say that the people of Israel in destroying cursing of these peoples followed not their own hatred but the instinction of God for they wer his Lieuetenauntes and might be called his woorkemen when as they destroyed those whom god himselfe had declared to be enemies and cōmaunded that they should be destroyed by them And Iudah tooke Hazzam and the borders therof These words do al so cōfirme that those things which ar now declared wer don after the death of Iosua when the publique wealth of the Israelites was gouerned by elders For when in the booke of
vs is verye synne but in respecte that it commeth from God it is both good iust and holy For punishment is by God imposed to wycked men And to punishe synnes no man is ignoraunt but that it partayneth to iustice Wherfore God in withdrawing his grace from the vngodly and ministring some occasions which might moue to good things if they happened to right iust mindes and which he knoweth the wicked wyll turne to euil may after a sort although not properly be said to be the cause of sinne And vndoubtedly that act A â—â—militude in that it passeth through vs is sinne but not as it coÌ„meth from God For in that it coÌ„meth froÌ„ God it is most perfect iustice It happeneth somtimes that the self same wine being poured into a corrupt vessell is lost and made paide which wine as it was brought by the husbandmaÌ„ put into the vessel is both swete and good Neither is it hard to vnderstand how one the selfe same act may as touching one be vicious in respect of an other iust For when a murtherer hangman do kill a man the act as touching the matter or subiect without doubt is al one namelye the death of a man And yet the murtherer doth it most vniustly the hangman by law and iustice Iob also did wel vnderstand that when he said The Lord gaue the Lord hath taken away as it hath pleased him so is it done He did not by those wordes praise the Chaldians Sabines the Deuil which wer vessels of iniquity most vicious but he with great godlines allowed those euils as they were gouerned ruled by the prouidence of God namely for this cause bicause they pleased God It is also written in the .2 booke of Samuel the .24 chap. of Dauid who vnaduisedly wold haue the people numbred how God was angry with Israel therfore he styrred vp Dauid to do that And in the booke of Paral. it is writteÌ„ that Sathan was the doer of it For God doth those thinges which he wil haue done by Angels as wel good as euil Wherfore that numbring of the people as it proceeded of Dauid or the Deuil was in dede vicious but in that it came from God who intended to punish the Israelites it pertayned excedingly to the setting foorth of hys iustice Howbeit Iames sayth that God tempteth none to euyll but euery one of vs is allured by our own concupiscence Augustine Whyther God tempt or no. Augustine wryting of thys thyng in hys booke de consensa Euangelistarum saith that there are two kyndes of temptacion the one of trial the other of deceite And in dede as touching tryal he denyeth not but that God tempteth for that the scriptures do confesse it But with that kinde of temptation which deceaueth whereof Iames wrote he sayth that God tempteth no man But the scriptures teache not so as we haue declared a litle before of Dauid and before him of Achab. Yea and in Ezechiel the .14 chap. god saith that he had deceaued the Prophet And the same Augustine writeth not after the same maner in other places as it manifestly appeareth in hys bookes de Praedest Sanctorum de Cerrept Gratia ad Valent. and in hys .5 booke and .3 chap. contra Iulianum Wherfore the true interpretatioÌ„ of this place is that euery man is therfore tempted of his own concupiscence bicause al men haue their natural disease which is corruption and vicious lusts which ar together borne with them do also grow and increase in them Wherefore God instylleth no malice of his for we haue inough at home Therefore he cannot bee accused for as much as the beginning of vngodlines wickednes commeth not from hym God when he wyl bringeth to lyght our frowaconesse of mynde but lieth hid in vs. He ought not therefore to bee counted to geue the cause and fault who yet when it semeth good vnto him wil for iust causes haue our lusts wickednes brought to light and rule gouerne our wicked acts therby more and more to illustrate his iustice and glorye to aduaunce the saluation of the godly Wherfore his singular goodnes and prouidence is very much to be praised which can so iustly and wisely vse so wycked meanes Whence the variety of pronenesse to synne commeth But if a man wil aske how it happeneth that some are more prone to sinnes than others if as it is sayd malice wyckednes ar rooted into vs al from our byrth neither is it nede that any new or latter malice should be instilled in vs froÌ„ God And seyng that we ar al brought forth of one the selfe same lumpe and that lumpe likewise is altogether viciated it shoulde seeme that all also ought to be of a like disposition and inclination to wickednes But thys is diligently to be weighed that besides thys disposition ther happen naturall malices maners customes wicked qualities fellowshippes temperatures of bodies sundry parentes diuers countries and manifold causes wherby some are made more or lesse prone vnto sins which pronenesse of ours God according to his iustice goodnes and wisdome vseth and stirreth it vp gouerneth and ruleth it And this is not to be forgotten that none of vs haue so in our selues the beginninges of good actes which truely please God as wee euen from the verye birth haue within vs the beginninges of sins For they ar inspired in vs by the holy ghost and we continuallye receaue them of God neither burst they foorth out of the corrupt beginninges of our nature Now resteth to see from whence after the synne of Adam that frowardnes and corruption came Whether the first corruption after the synne of Adam were deriued froÌ„ god or no. and whither it wer deriued from God to punish the wicked act which was committed I answer that we maye not so thynke for man was for the fault which he had committed allenated from god wherfore he iustly withrew from him his giftes fauour and grace And our nature being left vnto it self falleth and declineth to woorse and woorse yea it coÌ„meth to nothyng from whence it was brought forth at the beginning Wherefore we must seke for no other efficieÌ„t cause of that corruption Wherefore by that wythdrawing of giftes and grace and departure from God which is the fountain of al good thinges nature is by it self throwen headlong into vice and corruption But now let vs returne to the history 12 Againe the children of Israel dyd euill in the syght of the Lord. And the Lord strengthened Eglon king of Moab against Israel bicause that they had done euyl in the sight of the Lord. 13 And this Eglon gathered vnto him the Chyldren of Ammon and Amalek and went and smote Israel and they possessed the city of Palme trees 14 And the childreÌ„ of Israel serued Eglon king of Moab .18 yeres The history declareth first the sinne which the Israelites committed then it
man geue place and be therwith ouercom he grieuously sinneth For he transgresseth the first precept I am the Lord thy God But howe farre that sentence is from the truth this historye declareth For when Gideon thought that God was absent from him then was he present and talked with him VVhere be al his miracles These woordes may be vnderstande two wayes The first way is as though Gideon should reason by contraries saying When God was with our fathers he did marueilous thinges for their health but now hath he deliuered vs vnto the Madianites neither deliuereth he vs by his excellent workes therefore he is not with vs. The other interpretation is as if by a certain godly expostulation he should say wher doth God now restrain these his marueilous woorkes What temptation is counted grieuous to the godly Why suffreth he the benefites which he so plentifully bestowed on our fathers so much now to want Vndoubtedly whilest we ar thus forsaken al these thinges as it semeth are frustrate of their end These thinges manyfestly declare what is the temptation of godly men in aduersities troubles For the deuil the flesh and the world go about to persuade them that they are nowe forsaken of God and that they in vayne put their confidence in hym Which kinde of temptation also was moued vnto Christ when vpon the crosse he cryed O my God my God why hast thou forsakē me For none as I think would beleue that the same had happened vnto Christ vnlesse the Euangelists had written that he being vpon the crosse vsed such wordes And this temptacion would he therefore suffer to the end that as it is wrytten in the seconde to the Hebrues he myghte be lyke vnto vs in all thynges wythout synne Wherefore Esay testifieth Hee hath in deede borne our infirmities and caryed our sorrowes 14 And the Lord looked vpon hym said Go in this thy strength and thou shalt saue Israel out of the lande of Madian Haue not I sent thee The Angel looked vpon Gideon when he had spoken these wordes For peraduenture whilest he spake them he looked not vpon him but then he behelde him when he sent him to delyuer the Israelites But in that he sayth In thys strength it is expounded two maner of waies The Hebrues saye that by the sight of the Angel he was fylled with strength and therefore it is sayde go thou in this strength which I haue now geuen thee and thou shalt deliuer Israel frō the Madianites Neither is it anye straunge thing that God doth chaunge those whom he choseth to any function and endueth them with sundry gyftes For we rede that it so happened vnto Dauid and Saul when they were called to bee kynges And it is expressedlye wrytten in this booke that Iephthe and Samson were adorned with the spirite of strength That strength also may here bee noted which God vsed in helping the fathers when for them he wrought myraculous thinges in the tyme of Moses and Iosua Gideon had demaunded where those marueilous woorkes were now become and therfore the Angel answered him Go in that strength whereby those thinges in tymes past were wrought and by it deliuer Israel By which woordes the Angel declareth that hee shoulde not by his own strength bring to passe the thinges which he had commaunded him but by that power of God which was geuen the fathers in the olde tyme The Angel calleth himself the Lord. And this ought not to seme marueilous that the Angel is called the Lord. For that is for this cause done either bicause he did it spake it in the name of God or els bicause he was in verye deede the sonne of God which so appeared The calling of the Iudges is therfore so diligently described that wee might vnderstand that priuate men are not able to attempt matters and affaires of so great waight vnlesse a certaine authority had bene geuen them of God For to gather an hoste and to take weapons against those whyche haue the chiefe rule of thinges vnto suche as are weake and destitute of al ayde it is altogether daungerous Wherfore ther is required an assurednes and vndoubted calling which cannot be had vnlesse fayth go before whiche consisteth of the woorde of God when it is rightly vnderstoode The Aungell vseth an intorrogation when hee sayth Haue not I sent thee Bycause this maner of speaking is verye apt to augment a commaundement 15 And he sayd vnto him O my Lord wherby shal I saue Israel Behold my familye is the poorest in Manasses and I am the least in the house of my father God sayd not that he would delyuer Israel but he declared that it shoulde be done by Gideon who therefore maruelleth forasmuche as he saw that he wanted all such thinges as were requisite to so great a woorke For warre coulde not be made by a poore man and one of the base sorte suche a one as Gideon perceaued himselfe to be when as to the accomplishing therof wer required power ryches and especially authority Wherfore Aristotle to ciuil felicitye hath ioyned outward goodes and that namely for this bicause they are necessary instrumentes of actes most noble Of hys Myllenary or thousand he therfore maketh mention bycause God in the publike wealth of the Iewes as we rede in Exodus instituted thys maner namely that by tribunes or thousands hundreds the people should be gouerned For it could not easily be that by a few Magistrates an infinite number of people should be numbred and so gouerned that their maners liuing and ordinaūces might diligently be looked vpon whych one thing chiefely pertaineth to gouerne well rightly Why God appointed tribunes Centuriōs and Captaines ouer ten For when euery man is permitted vnto him selfe in these thinges he both abuseth his liberty and also easily transgresseth the lawes bycause he is not noted Wherefore God in hys people woulde for that cause haue rulers ouer ten and ouer hundredes and also ouer thousandes least that publike wealth if the people were necligently looked vnto shoulde fal to ruine and waxe woorse and worse That band of a thousand wherof Gideon was one he declareth to be the poorest among all those of the tribe of Manasses Farther he saith that he was the least in his fathers house or family and therfore he saw not by what meanes he could set at liberty the Hebrues Some say that Ioas the father of Gideon was at that time a tribune or ruler ouer a thousand men that his sonne ment him when he said that his family was the poorest among the tribe of Manasses This sentence I disalow not forasmuch as afterward it shall easily appeare the Ioas was of some authority amōg his people But whither this word Alpi signify him or no I wil not rashly affirme forasmuch as the first exposition is both apt and also wel agreeth with the woordes of the history Whyther Gideon synned in gainsaying the āngel Many holy mē
the word of god thaÌ„ ciuile peace Euery godly man so roweth when tranquility of the publike wealth cannot be coupled with the obedience of the word of God Wherfore for asmuch as the one or the other is to be chosen the whole and vncorrupted worshipping of God ought rather to be wished for thaÌ„ the commodity of outward peace For the end of cities and publike wealthes is to obey God and rightly to worshiâ—pe god that is by his word and prescribed rule For to haue a city or publike wealth quiet and peaceable is not by it self necessary but to obey God to beleue his word and to worshippe him as he hath prescribed is the summe and end of all humayne things and therefore it is to be preferred aboue all good thinges Neither is it anye newe or vnaccustomed thing that by true piety sedicions are stirred vp Christ of that thing hath admonished vs I came not sayth he to send peace on the earth but a sworde I came to kindle fire what will I but that it should burne The time shall come sayth he that for the Gospels sake the father from the childe the children from the parentes brethern from brethren shall not onely be alienated but which is more cruell The godly are not guilty of the troubles whych happen for religions sake they shall deliuer one an other to the death And yet these sedicions troubles are not to be ascribed vnto the godly forasmuch as they wheÌ„they obey god do not depart from their office they do that which they should do the fault consisteth in the vngodly and idolatrers they are to be accused and coÌ„dempned as guilty of those euils because they can not abide the truth neyther will they obey the word of god Wherfore prechers of the gospel ar to be absolued of this crime for sedicioÌ„s spring not throgh theyr default which obey god but through the peruersnes of the world which streyght rageth agaynst the word of god Ioas like a wise and stoute Magistrate at the beginning asswageth the people being in an vprore shewing them how vnworthy a thinge they doo when they beyng priuate men dare auenge the cause of Baal VVill ye pleade his cause As though he should haue sayd It is not your office it pertayneth to me and the other magistrates And then he maketh a proclamation agaynst the sedicious persons He that will so stand in Baals cause shal dye and that this daye or the morninge He shal not liue till morning for he shal be executed out of hand If Baal be god let him plead his own cause agaynst him which hath cast down hys altar and hath cut down hâ—s groue If the matter be to be discussed without iudgemente and ordinary action Baal hath no neede of thys your helpe for seing he is god he can right wel reuenge himself The last part of this sentence is somewhat dark He that wil plead Lo for him or against him let him dy this day before morning Some expounde this woorde Lo to signify for him namely for Baal as though the â—retor had put forth his decree after this maner Whosoeuer goeth aboute to moue sedition as though he would pleade for Baal him will I strayghtewaye punish as a troublesome citezen which dareth to take vpon him more then hys state may suffer The other sense is to expound this woorde Lo against him as though he should haue sayde do not rage in this sorte bycause he shall vtterlye dye and that this day before morning which agaynst Baal hath pleaded and contended By the power of this god he shall not so escape And this sentence seemeth to be confirmed by the words which follow If he be god let him pleade his owne cause agaynst him which hath done him iniurye But I rather allowe the fyrst sentence because the holy scripture rather vseth this word Lo in that sense Gideon by his fathers aunswer was named Ierubbaal He shal plead saith Ioas or let Baal plead against him These ar words ether of them that praieth which would so speake in earnest or faynedly or els of one that affirmeth as though he should affirm that it should vtterly so come to passe The men which herd these wordâ—s either because they meruayled that the father wished these things vnto his sonne or els bycause they beleued that the earth would strayghtway swalow him vp or the lightning would destroy him or that god would by some exquisit punishment punish him they waited I say to see what would happen And therfore they called him Ierubbaal And his surname was then of farre more estimation when they saw that he escaped safe and sound and contrarye to the hope of all men deliuered the Israelites from the power of theyr enemies By this example Magistrates may know what they should doo The office of a stout Magistrate agaynste tumultes bycause of religioÌ„ when Papistes stirre vp sedition or tumult in their dominion bicause Masses are abrogated Idolatry taken away and the Pope throwen downe They must valiantly stande by it and must declare that this charge pertaineth not vnto these by violeÌ„ce to defend rites and supersticions forasmuch as they haue not the sword theyr care should be this to see that godlynes be rightlye and orderlye appointed If so bee that they desire any thing against lawes or right and thinke that they haue the better cause let them from God waite for the successe He is of himselfe by nature both mighty and wife and therefore if he allowe the Masse the Pope and superstitions hee wyll then take those thinges in hande himselfe In the meane time they ought to compel their subiectes to obey iust and healthful decrees By these thinges it appeareth as I suppose that Ioas was not a Baalite from the hart for he could not haue said If hâ—â—e God let him pleade his own cause Vnles thou will faine that he said in time to come Baal shal pleade his owne cause but what he before iudged of Baal now he declareth when he seeth the daunger of death that his sonne is in for his sake 33 Then al the Madianites and the Amalekites and the children of Kedem were gathered together and pitched their tentes in the valley of Iszreel 34 And the spirite of the Lorde did put on Gideon and he blew a trumpet and Abiezer was gathered together after hym 35 And he sent messengers through out al Manasseh and he also was ioyned wyth hym And he sent messengers vnto Aser and Zebulon and to Nephthali and they came vp to meete hym When the vprore seditions wer pacified which were stirred vp for a thing godlily done of Gideon God prouided that occasion shoulde be geuen whereby he might by Gideon geue vnto the Israelites the victory against their enemyes That thereby at the last they might vnderstand with howe muche godlines and profit the worshipping of Baal was taken away In the coÌ„ming of the enemyes the spirit of the Lord did put
dareth do thing but so much as God himselfe wyll somtime permit him as we reade was done of Iob. God sometime suffreth the sayntes to be greuously afflicted of Sathan to the ende his grace towardes them may most manifestly be declared Whither the plagues of the Egiptians wer done by good Aungels or by euyll But when Augustine expoundeth these wordes of the Psalme namelye the sending out of euyll Angels he doubteth whither the plagues of the Egiptians were done by a good Angel or by the Deuyl And at the length he sheweth that the plague and destruction of the first begotten maye be ascribed vnto the ministery of the Deuyl but the other plagues are to be attributed vnto good angels that the sentence both of the booke of Exodus and of the Psalme may stand fast Howbeit as touching that plage of the firste begotten in Exodus it is written vnder the name of God I wil this night passe through Egipt and wil smite c By these woordes that destruction semeth to be ascribed eyther vnto god or to a good Angel and not vnto the Deuil But that moueth me not much bycause although it were done by the ministery of the Deuil yet maye it be ascribed vnto the Lorde For Iob when by the woorke of the Deuil he was bereft bothe of goodes and children said neuerthelesse The Lorde hath geuen and the Lorde hath taken away and that sayd he was done by the Lorde which was done by the Deuil But some obiect If we assigne these things vnto the Deuil then shal he seme to haue fought against himself For the Sorcerers by the help of deuils withstoode Moses when they did the same thinges that he dyd And if plagues were by euyl Angels sent against the Egiptians and the Sorcerers went about to withstand them then Sathan semed to resist Sathan Neither could the Sorcerers haue trulye sayde that they fayled and testified that it was the fynger of God whych wrought But these reasons in my iudgement are not strong bycause the thinges done by the Sorcerers were done by the power of Sathan which is vnto him naturall For by it he is able to applye the seedes of thynges and woorking causes to his matter prepared and to woorke wonders as touching the sight of man But those thinges wherewith God afflicted the Egiptians were by his most mighty power wrought by the instrument of the Deuyll Wherefore it is no maruail if the Sorcerers failed and felt the most excellent power of the finger of God The place of Exodus and of the Psalme is conciliated Howbeit the booke of wysdome the .xviii. chap. semeth vtterly to ascribe these plagues vnto God wher he saith while al thinges wer stil and when the night was in the middest of her course thy almighty word c. And in the .xvii. chap. it is written that the Egiptians being among those plagues especially when they were oppressed with darknes wer with horrible vexations of minde and sights very terrible so vexed as though most doleful spirites had perpetuallye bene before their eyes and about their phantasy which vndoubtedly might be done by the sending of euyl Angels as the Psalme doth mencion Their hart also was hardened and their mindes were dayly made much more obstinate againste the Israelites And that semeth to haue pertained to the sending downe of euil angels Wherfore these two places may easely be made to agree in ascribing the plagues which ar mencioned in Exodus to good Angels and the terrible sights and hardning of the hartes to the sending of euyl Angels vpon them of whych the Psalme now alledged maketh mencion The power to work miracles maketh not mē better or woorser But forasmuch as God as it is declared for the woorking of miracles vseth both euil good angels men the godly men ought not therfore to be greued bicause oftentimes he geueth not vnto them this faculty For they are not for the cause of any worse condition then are they to whom God graunteth to woorke miracles For the Lord said vnto his Disciples when they returned from theyr embassadge Reioyce not in this bicause spirites are subiect vnto you reioyce ye rather for this bycause your names are wrytten in heauen There are some which are so desirous of such thinges that to obteine signes they are not afraid to vse euen the help of the deuill and vnder this pretence they excuse themselues To worke signes we must not vse the help of the deuill bycause god himself to worke signes vseth Sathan in following of whome they do well so farre ar they of that they can be cōdemned guilty of any crime They say also that Paul deliuered some to the deuill to be vexed and therfore they also may vse his ministerye But what manner of men are they whiche wil affirme that it is lawfull for them to do asmuche as is lawfull vnto god God is the author of all creatures wherfore it is no marueile if he vse them all But vnto vs it is by the law of god prescribed that we should not do it It is not lawfull to imitate God in all thinges And the immitation of god is so farforth commended vnto vs as by his law it is commaunded vs and no otherwise For he reuengeth his owne iniuries And who will saye that priuate men may do the same God adioyned vnto his owne burnt offring the bullocke appointed for Baal as we haue haue now hard with the wood also dedicated vnto the same idole Shall euerye one of vs therefore eate thinges dedicated vnto idoles The rule of our actiōs is the word of God Wherfore we ought not to be drawen to imitate him but so muche as the lawe suffreth That lawe hath he made not for himself but for men that they should frame theyr life after it Wherfore it was to him lawful to require of Abraham the immolation of his sonne which thing none of vs can require of our frend Paule and other Apostles had euill sprites subiect vnto them and by them it was sometimes lawfull vnto them to punish the guilty for theyr saluation Wherefore those to whome such a gift is not graunted ought to abstayne from excercising the same Wherefore the vse of the power of euil spirites is of two sortes wherof one is with authority and that belongeth chiefelye vnto god also to the Apostles and to the sayntes of the primitiue church The other by compact obedience which is vtterly forbidden mē For what participatiō cā ther be of the light with darknesse of god with Belial And for that cause the sorcerers which beleue thē can not be excused yet they ar by the law condēned guilty of superstition idolatry And it is not to be thought but that god vpō very iust causes and to vs most profitable hath forbidden these things to be done Why God forbad men to vse the helpe of the deuil to worke myracles For he prouideth that we should not
hauing waxe candles lighted which I suppose was inuented not that by that obseruation they might deliuer the soules of the dead from purgatorye Watches at the Sepulchres of the deade Ierome but rather in honour of them For as euerye man helde deare his friendes which were deade that the memory of them shoulde not bee forgotten they watched at the place where they were buryed one daye in the yeare which we manifestly perceaue in the life of Hilarion written by Ierome where he telleth that a certaine Deacon sayd that he should watch at the tombe of blessed Antony within a day or two bicause now a yeare or certayne yeares were passed since he died The Elders watched also at the Sepulchres of Martirs therby to shew vnto them honor applieng themselues to doctrine exhortations geuing of thankes praiers especially in these perilous times whē they might not easily in the day time assemble together Farther peraduenture piety was by the meanes the better obserued For in the day time men wer occupied with sundry labours workes Wherfore that the worshipping of God might not lye vtterly neglected they appointed certaine houres in the night for it Ierome against Vigilantius maruelously cōmendeth the institutiō of the church for watching he thinketh that we shuld not cease frō this obseruation although by occasion of these watches some filthy things wer cōmitted For saith he the errors of yong men and light women which can synne also in an other place and play filthy partes at home ought not to reuoke vs from so holye a custome But we see that at this day contrary to the sentence of Ierome watches ar abolished not onely of Martirs but also those which were done in the honour of the Lord as it manifestly appeareth in the Counsell of Antisiodorensis chap. the .v. Consilium Antisiodorense although in some places there remaine some remnants of watches as at Mantua vpon the feast of Bartlemew and at Versellis on the night of Saint Eusebius But al men know how vnreasonably and immoderatly mē behaue themselues in those watches Watches turned vnto fastinges Wherfore they haue conuerted the obseruation of watchings into fastinges But what maner of fastinges I pray you Suche which they vse now adayes in abstayning from eating of fleshe But whatsoeuer it be the sentence of the Apostle is firme and constant that the exercises of the body haue no great vtility but piety is of force to al thinges We must in dede fast and watch as much as reason requireth and strength of the body wil beare And I doo not thinke that in this thing we ought with to much zeale to imitate Basilius Nazianzenus and such like which with outward obseruations so brake their bodies that at the length they became vnprofitable both to them selues and also to other The golden mediocritye is to be kept wherein wee must keepe the laudable measure of frugalitye and temperaunce And thus muche by the waye of watches 20 And the three bandes blew with trumpets when they had broken their pitchers and they tooke their lampes in their leaft hande and the trumpets in their right hand to blow withal and they cryed the swoord of the Lord and of Gideon 21 And they stoode euery man in his place rounde about the host and al the host brake theyr aray and cryed and fled The blowing of the trumpets with the wonderful great cry of men on euery syde and the sodaine light which the burning firebrandes gaue when the pytchers were broken did not onely astonish the Madianites but they beyng yet oppressed with sleepe were so troubled that they could not tel what to do Wherfore they supposed that there were many and sundry hostes there and had nowe inuaded their host and God filled them with such a certaine disines madnes that they counted their fellowsoldiours in stede of enemies and miserably slew one another The holy ghost suggested thys warlike polecy This warlike pollecy was not found out and inuented by Gideon himself onely but as it is to be beleued he did it by the suggestion of the holy gost And how God fauoured his enterprises the holy history declareth whereby we might learne that God must prosper our enterprises otherwise they are easely made vayne and of no force For trumpets fyrebrandes and empty pitchers of their own disposition and nature haue smal force to obtaine a victory especially if euery one of thē be taken a part although being ioyned together they seme that they can do somwhat yet if God had not added his power they wold haue bene but laughed at And they cried The swoord of God and of Gideon God is mencioned as the true principall efficient cause Gideon is added vnto him The victorye must not be parted betweene God Gideon as a fellow worker and instrument appointed to this worke And it is not therfore so written bicause the victory should after a sort be parted and the one halfe geuen vnto God the other part to Gideon whych thing also we must obserue as touching eternal saluatiō For we must count the obtaining of it to be wholy receaued of God and not by free wyl as the Pelagians do Not vndoubtedlye to the ende we should lyue ydlely or cease frō good workes when as Paul to the Philip expressedly commaundeth that we should worke our own saluaciō but that we might vnderstand that all that we do is of him euē as in the same place it is added For it is he which worketh in vs both to wil to perform according to his good pleasure Of this victory the .83 Psalme maketh mencion Doo vnto them as thou diddest vnto Madian as vnto Horeb Zeb Zebah Zalmona Which sheweth vnto vs that the order of this history is diligentlye to be kept in remembraunce of vs that wee maye hope for the like by praiers desire them of God and haue a confidence to obtaine them And not onely Dauid maketh mencion of this narration but also Esay in his .x. chap. where he entreateth of Senacherib God saith he wil raise vp a whip like the destruction of Madian And in very dede it so happened as the Prophet prophesied for the whole hoste of that king was by God destroyed as was this host of the Madianites The names of the Captaynes of the Madianites do expres the nature of tirannes And as touching the names of these Captaines they doo verye well signifye their tiranny Aareb is a waster Zaab is a woulfe Sabchah is killing and Salmona is prohibiting shadowe and refreshing So do tirannes behaue themselues they wast and rauen all thinges they kil lyke woolues and take awaye all refreshing and commodity from their subiectes when as yet if they were Princes in deede they should do farre otherwise But God so punisheth them that he wil haue their wicked affectiōs of their myndes manifested not onely in dedes but also in their names Yea and they
matrimony is contract they ought both of them to haue this in theyr mind that beyng once ioyned they must abide liue together This belongeth also to the forme that the coÌ„munication of gods law and mans law be had betwene them For they must be both of one religion coÌ„municate humayne things one with an other For the wife goeth into the famely of the husband and with the husbande is counted all one fleshe Yea and the substance of either parties are made in all poyntes coÌ„mon but the efficieÌ„t cause of this ordinaÌ„ce was god himself euen froÌ„ the beginning who made vnto Adam a helper And the end as we haue sayd is the procreation of children for god sayd Increse and multiply But as touching the other ende namelye for the aduoydinge of whoredome Paule in the .1 to the Corrinth hath very well and playnly written If thou wilt demaund Whither boÌ„ds or writings ar required to contract matrimony or no. Ierome whither bondes or writynges are required for the coÌ„tracting of matrimonye we maye auâ—swere that they are not required For the consent of eyther party is sufficiente as it is had in the Authentikes and in the Code where entreaty is made of mariages But that whiche Ierome writeth to Oceanus that hereby a wife is discerned from a concubine bycause a wyfe must haue bondes and a dowry which thinges concubines had not thys I say is not vniuersally to be receaued For his sentence is to be drawen vnto the wife which before was a concubine As touching her she neded bondes that shee mighte no more be counted a concubine that the children which she had alredy or afterward might haue might be legitimate But a dowry is not required of necessitye because as it is a coÌ„mon saying a dowry hath not place without matrymony A dowry is not necessary to coÌ„tract matrimonye but matrimony may coÌ„sist wtout a dowry For a dowry is geuen for the easier susteyning of the hurtheÌ„ of matrimony The Cannons haue added and the profitably the Matrymonyes should not be contracted priuely For if the assent of the man and wife be secrete and without witnesses Agaynst secret mariages Iudges can pronounce nothyng of suche a matrimony contracted Wherefore if theyr wils should he changed and after those secret matrimonies they should contracte solemne and publike mariages the first mariages geue place vnto them and the conscience is kept both perplexe and also wounded But to speake of hauing of concubines two things ar to be considered First what the Romaine lawes ordeyned of it Secondly Of hauing oâ— Concubines in what sort it was among the Hebrewes vsed or what is to be vnderstand when we reade that the fathers had concubines As touching the first hauing of coÌ„cubines was by the ciuile law a certayne kind of matrimony for a concubine was not a harlot Hauyng of a Concubine semed to the Romaynes to be a kind of Matrimony The definition of a Concubine which was common to many nor also a harlot which was kept of a man together with his lawful wife And how much it differeth from a wife it shall appeare by the definitioÌ„ of a concubine For a concubine is she which hath the vse of mariage wyth one that liueth sole But for that shee is not vnseperable bycause they that are so ioyned maye easely be seperated therefore a concubine differeth muche from a very wife Farther humayn rights ar not communicated with her for a Concubine goeth not into the famely of him with whome shee is conuersant Yea and theyr goodes and facultyes are not commune together neyther are the children borne of that coniunction counted lawful and iust heyres vnlesse they be made legitimate by the benefyte of the prince Howbeit it is by the Romayne law forbidden that a manne shoulde haue manye Concubines at once and it is prohibited to haue a Concubyne together with his wife Moreouer by the Romayne lawes such can not be counted as Concubynes whych may be vsed as harlots as a fre virgine and a widow vnder .25 yeres of age for if a man medle with them eyther it shal be matrimony or els iudged whoredome Howbeit a widow maye be a Concubin if before witnesses it be declared that she is taken not for a wife but for a Concubine And lastly there can be no Concubine whiche may not become a wife although not in that place where she dwelleth yet at the least in an other place which I therfore ad because by the Romaine law it was not lawful for the President to mary a wife of that prouince wher he gouerned whiche yet he might haue as a Concubine And if thou wilt demaund whether the Romayne law allowed Concubines or no. Whether the Romaine lawe allowed concubines or no. I wyll answer that they did absolutely allow theÌ„ because they condeÌ„ned not hauynge of Concubines as a thing vnlawfull so that it were vsed as before is sayd Yet it shadowingly reproueth that coniunction when as it suffreth not the children borne of CoÌ„cubines to be lawful iust heyres vnlesse at the length of a Concubine she should become a wife or vnlesse it be by the authority of the prince Howbeit we must know that the children of a Concubyne were admitted vnto a certayne little portion of inheritance but yet not to a like and equall portion with the legitimate Yea and the children borne of a concubyne are not in the power of the father But when of a Concubine she is made a wife then it was necessary that there shoulde be tables of Matrimony If we will retayne the Romayn law a handmayden cannot be made a Concubine for by that law a handmayden could not be made a wife For the coniunction of a free man with a hand maiden the Romayn lawes called ContuberniuÌ„ neyther did they count it for a iust matrimonye Howbeit by handemaydens the Romaynes vnderstode not hired seruantes but such as were bought whiche I therefore speake because our hired handemaydens are free persons and therfore it is lawfull to contracte iust matrimony with them The Concubines of the fathers were wiues But now let vs consider of the law of the Hebrewes what is to be thought of the Concubines of the fathers They wer in very dede wiues although oftentimes they were handemaydens as Agar Bala Zilpa and as this Concubine of Gideon In the iudgement seate and as touching ciuile actions it seemeth that free men of those places where these fathers were conuersant could not contract matrimony with them and therfore paraduenture in holy scriptures they were called Concubines But yet before god that is by the law of matrimony institituted by hym they were wyues Wherfore in the boke of Genesis Agar whyche is called a Concubine is also called a wife Therefore there were two differences betweene the Hebrewe lawes and the Romayne lawes bycause wyth them hauinge of Concubines was no matrimony but with the Iewes it was before
Beniamin and agaynst the house of Ephraim And Israel was in verye great miserye 10 And the chyldren of Israel cryed vnto the Lorde saying Wee haue synned agaynst thee euen bicause we haue forsaken our God and haue serued Baalim When they heaped synnes vpon synnes the latter sinnes wer alwaies more grieuous then the first And this is not to bee passed ouer that they are sayde to haue synned in the syght of the Lord for the world otherwise is often times deceaued and the iudgement of men many times either aloweth or excuseth sins And the euyl which the Israelites are sayde to haue done was nothing els but Idolatry As soone as the good Princes were dead the people easely fel to worshipping of Idoles and why they were so prone to this wicked crime there may be many causes alledged Why the Israelites were so prone vnto idolatry Fyrst they sawe that the Nations which were nyghe vnto them when they woorshipped Idoles floorished in all kinde of riches and honors but they thēselues wer wonderfully oppressed with penury of thinges Wherfore they thought that the Gods of those nacions were both better more bountiful then their own God They considered that they them selues whyche woorshipped but one God were fewe in the number but there was an infinite number which woorshipped Idoles And as they detested the ceremonies and holye seruices of other Nations so on the other syde other Nacions bothe abhorred them and also vexed them with contumelies Lastly the woorshipping of the true God was more seuere and after a sort more sadde it hadde no pleasure no chalenging of battayl one with an other no stage playes no daūcings no running at tylts no Comodies no Tragedies all which thynges they sawe were vsed in the woorshipping of Idoles yea and also often times were added most vyle and fylthy thinges And forasmuch as the nature of man is of it selfe ready vnto pleasures hereof it came that they turned vnto straunge holy seruices And vndoubtedly the same causes in our time doo moue the myndes of many and therfore manye cleaue vnto the Papistes whom they see to lyue muche more pleasantly and to floorish in goods and riches they see also that they are more in number in Italy in Spaine and in Fraunce then we are Bicause also they thinke that they are infamed and reproched when they ar called Schismatikes and Heretikes And lastly bicause our ceremonies as touching the senses of the flesh are dry and without pleasures they haue no copes no descant synging no musical Organes nor stage play Masses Hereof come these defaultes and fallinges of many I might also adde that many say their fathers lyued so and died in that religion The stubdernnrs of the Iewes agaynste God which reasō is with many of great force Such things without doubt did the Iewes thinke vpon But it is marueilous to behold their stubburnnes It seemeth that they had wholy bent their mindes perpetually to resist their God When God would haue them to obserue his ceremonies they sought for other ceremonies at the hands of the people that wer nigh vnto thē And for as muche as God hath nowe decreed that those ceremonies shoulde by Christ be made of none effect and they wyl styl keepe them they doo therin that which ouerthwart wiues are wont to do when the husband wyl they wyl not when he wyll not then they again wyll They did not onely woorship Baal and Astharoth but also the Gods of Aram Zidon the Gods of the Moabites and of the children of Ammon and also the Gods of the Pelisthims If we marke the number they woorshipped seuen kyndes of Idoles And forsooke the Lord. They did not onely follow straunge Gods but also forsooke the woorshipping of the true God There is a certaine Emphasis in this woorde forsooke It signifieth as much as if it should haue bene said They would not so much as haue the woorshipping of the true God named neyther made they any more mencion of it Wherfore the wrath of the Lorde kindled against them and he deliuered them into the handes of the Philistians c. Whē they forsooke the true God he againe tooke away from them his helpe and sold them to the Philistians and Ammonites whom they so serued as thoughe they had bene their bondslaues And the yoke of the Ammonites was much more greuous then the yoke of the Philistians Wherfore Iiphtah tooke in hande warre singularly against the Ammonites as against the chief vexers of the Israelites Farthermore let vs marke that euen the self same yeare wherin Iair died they were vexed and oppressed of their enemies The Lorde taried not straightwaye after the death of the Iudge hee beganne to afflict the people In whyche place we must note that most stronge Nations so soone as they are destitute of God are easelye without anye a doo conquered and ouerthrowne of their enemyes For it is God onely which geueth power and strength and therefore the Israelites were straightway oppressed of their enemies bicause the Lord had forsaken them for God is not onely the efficient cause of might and rule but also it is he that keepeth and preserueth it They oppressed vniuersally al the children of Israel For they kept not them selues within any bondes but wandred and made rodes through out al the borders of the Hebrues which thing is noted by these woordes Yea and they passed ouer Iordan The tribes of Ruben Gad The request of the twoo tribes the halfe tribe was vnwyse and part of Manasses dwelled on this syde Iordan For all that region was verye fertile therefore they required it of Moses when the other tribes were not yet passed ouer Iordan but they did not wel marke what they desired for although it wer a most fat and fertill countrye yet was it alwaies in greater daunger For often times their next enemies made rodes into their landes And this is very cōmonly sene that men are more careful for gaine then for health but the Ammonites did not onely rob and spoyle those tribes but they also miserably afflicted al Israel When they had passed ouer Iordan they would also fight against Iuda Beniamin and Ephraim which were of al the tribes most noble Wherfore we must beleue that they raged against al the Hebrues VVherfore the Israelites were aboue measure oppressed And they cryed vnto the Lord. When they were but a litle oppressed they were nothing moued but when they wer farther vexed and most grieuouslye afflicted What God hathe a respect vnto in the punishmēts wherwith hee punysheth synners they began to turne to God and cryed vnto him Neither did they that lightly but weeping repented from the hart confessed their sinne implored his ayde This thing onely God regardeth when he afflicteth his people with aduersitye where wordes wil not serue he addeth stripes and vexations which are certain vehement sermons towarde the stiffer sorte and are of great force towarde the godly and
this .300 yeares and Balac though he were a mighty Prince and other also neuer required it againe wherfore then doest thou demaund it againe especiallye seing we haue had it so long time That which we translate Art thou better in Hebrue it is Tob tob For bicause they want the comparatiue degree they vse in steede of it a repeticion of the positiue degree Why Balac fought agaynst the Israelites Balac of whom he speaketh was he which hired Bileam to cursse the Iewes And when he fought against the Israelites he did not therefore fight bicause he would wrest from them that land this was onely his entent that they shoulde not enter into his borders Hesbon Hesbon was the kingly Citye of Sihon There dwelled Israell and in all her townes .300 yeares and now at the last demaundest thou it agayne If a man wyl count the number of the yeares euen to this time he shall not fullye finde .300 yeares but onely .270 But so vse they to doo which prescribe any thing by time to adde somwhat aboue the iust number Although the scripture also is wont in supputacions many times to follow the greater number And .270 yeares come nere vnto .300 yeares then to .200 yeares And for that cause it seemeth that the number should be put whole Wherfore Iiphtah concludeth after this maner I haue not offended thee Bicause thou art the occasion of the warre and haue shewed thee my reasons now resteth to put the matter in Gods hand he wyll iudge best Thys was the message of Iiphtah We must fyrst entreate by messengers before we go to weapons Titus Liuius This Oration as farre as it appeareth pertaineth vnto the iudicial kynde and entreateth of possession and the reasons are layde foorth But nowe let vs marke that Iiphtah before he moueth battail sendeth messengers before That is a custome verye laudable For Titus Liuius writeth in his first booke that it was the maner of Rome that before warre was proclaymed againste their enemies messengers were sent to complaine of the iniuries and to require againe the thinges taken away And if by their message they nothing profited they returned vnto the Senate who vnderstanding the matter proclaimed war by the publike assent For wise men iudged it not best rashlye and sodainlye to fall to warres So Iiphtah though he were a warlike and valiant man yet woulde he gouerne the matter wisely and moderatlye For he was not so light brained as many now adayes are who firste prepare them selues to battaile and make a bragging before any man know that there is any warre proclaimed God thus ordained in the .27 chap. of Deut. when thou shalt come to any Citye thou shalt firste offer peace So Iiphtah assayeth firste to compose the matter by woords before he goeth to hand strokes The king of Ammon alledgeth a cause in dede but it is but a fained cause for first it was not the laÌ„d of Ammon but of Moab and the Amorhites draue them out as the second chap. of Deut. testifieth For Israel had none of their landes For God had before said that he woulde geue nothing vnto the Israelites of that which pertained either to the Edomites or to the Ammonites or to the Moabites and when they offred no wrong vnto anye man Sihon the king of the Amorhites pursued them with an host and assayed to destroy them but God gaue the victory wherin both Sihon was slain and his kingdome came to the Israelites Wherfore it can not seme that they did wrong vnto the Ammonites for that land at that time longed to the Amorhites which they before had taken away from the Moabites Whither the Israelites sent messengers vnto the Moabites or no. But in this place ariseth a doubt for it is written that the Israelites sent messengers vnto the Moabites and that is not found in the .21 chap. of Numb The Hebrue interpreters say that that may be gathered out of the .2 chap. of Deutr. where it is after this sorte written I sent messengers vnto Sihon the king of the Amorhites with woordes of peace saying Let vs passe throughe thy lande and we wil go by the high way we wil not decline neither to the right hande nor to the leaft Sel vs meate for money for to eate geue vs water for money to drink Onely geue vs leaue to passe through as did the children of Esau which dwell in Seir and the Moabites which dwel in Arre Ther are three principal pointes in this message What wer the chief points of I phtahs meâ—sage for first Iiphtah answereth that he possesseth this land by the right of war secondly by gift lastlye by prescription I thinke it good to examine these thinges singularly and aparte ¶ Of things whych are taken by the ryght of warres AS touching the first we learne that it may be that some thing may be claymed by the right of warre which maye be confirmed both by mans lawes and by the lawes of God But I wyl begyn with mans lawes In the Digestes de captiuis et postliminio reuersis in the law Postliminium Postliminium a law by 〈…〉 we receaue agayn 〈◊〉 â—hichâ— we lostâ— in warres The thinges that we haue lost in war or in affaires of war if we afterward recouer the same again we shal possesse them by the law Postliminium For so long as they are not recouered they are possessed of our enemies And thys ryghte is towarde those whyche are declared to bee enemyes But suche were declared to bee enemies against whom the people of Rome publikelye proclaimed warre or they which publikely prohibited warre against the people of Rome as it is had in the same title in the law Hostes For Pirates or theues cannot by this meanes attaine to be owners or possesse any thing by the law of warre For warre ought to be made to the ende to attaine something by the right of warre And in the Digestes de acquirendo rerum dominio in the lawe Naturale paragrapho the last Such thinges as are taken from enemies by the common law of all men agreing vnto naturall reason are straightwaye made theirs which take them And thus the lawes of man as touching this thing are very manifest So is it also by the lawes of God Abraham as it manifestlye appeareth in the booke of Genesis the .14 chap. made warre against the .v. kinges whiche had led away Lot prisoner The battaile being finished theyr praye came into the handes and power of Abraham which maye easelye bee proued bicause of that pray he gaue tithes vnto Melchisedech But it had not bene lawfull for him to haue geuen tithes of an other mans goods therfore they wer his own of which he gaue Wherfore we must beleue that that pray was truelye in his possession For in that he gaue it to the king of Sodom it was of his mere liberality for he was not therunto compelled by the law I coulde make mencion what
hurt is to be preferred before the greater bycause it hath the nature and reason of goodnes But in sinne there is no consideration of goodnes And vndoubtedly what soeuer is synne the same muste strayghtwaye be reiected let followe what will But Augustine excuseth after a sorte Lot and thys olde manne bycause they fell with a heauy and troubled mynde It oftentymes happeneth vnto wyse men with a troubled mynde to doo those thynges whiche afterwarde when they come to themselues they allowe not But this excuse doth not vtterly absolue these menne from sinne althoughe it somewhat release them But if a manne will say Paul preferred the lesser sinne before the greater when he sayde he woulde be accursed of Christ for hys brethreÌ„ rather then they should persiste in that blyndnes and stubbernnes wherein they were holden He whiche obiecteth this vnto vs must knowe that he doth not rightly vnderstand that place of Paul For the Apostle desired to redeme the saluation of the Iewes with his daunger not vndoubtedly with sinne but with hys losse or hurte namely to be accursed of Christe not certaynely to be made an Apostata or to cease to beleue in Christ but onely not to haue the fruition of the eternall and blessed lyfe Augustine Augustine also hath many thynges agaynst thys compensation of sinnes And amonge other thinges What sayeth he if a man require either of a mayden fornication or of a maryed woman adultery and threateneth to kill hymselfe vnles he obteyne hys request ought the pure and chaste women to fulfill his desire No vndoubtedly Neither thoughe he afterwarde slay hymselfe shall the chast women be counted guilty of his death They ought in deede to be sory for hym to deplore his acte but not to thinke they haue done euill bycause they graunted hym not vnlawfull thynges The same Augustine vpon the .146 Augustine Psalme writeth If a man deny dewe beneuolence vnto his wife bycause he would lyue chastly and the wyfe in the meane tyme fall into adultery he sinneth neither can his entent be allowed For sinne is not to be admitted in the wyfe for the exercising of continency God sayeth he doth not recompense suche a hurte with suche a gayne Wherfore the sentence of Leo the first Leo in the dist .46 chapter Non suo is to be allowed wherein he sayth that it is vncomely that any should bestow theyr faultes vpon other mens commodities Augustine in hys booke De mendacio to Consentius sayeth For the health of our neyghbours Augustine we must doo whatsoeuer may be doone And if it come to that point that we can not helpe them without sinne there remayneth nothyng els for vs to doo And he addeth that no manne must be brought into heauen by a lye The same Augustine in an other place sayeth If poore menne see a cruell and bitter riche manne and woulde steale any thynge from hym eyther to helpe themselues or other poore menne they doo not diminishe sinne but encrease it Gregory And Gregory Byshoppe of Rome in hys Epistle to Siagrius To committe the lesse sinne to the end to auoyde the greater is to offer Sacrifices vnto GOD of a wicked acte To Chrisostome and Ambrose as it is written in the .21 of the Prouerbes But in that Chrisostome and Ambrose doo for thys cause prayse Lot they are thus to bee vnderstande namely that they allowed hys charity and fayth towardes straungers and had a respecte vnto the horriblenes of the sinne whiche the Citezins were ready to committe not that they allowed their abandonyng of theyr women And thus muche as touchyng thys matter How much the horrible synne of the Sodomites is to be detested Augustine But in that the olde manne calleth it a villany and a detestable thyng whiche they went about to committe he sayeth most truely For seede was geuen vnto manne for procreations sake But these pestiferous menne abuse the gifte geuen them of GOD they resiste hys law and agaynste nature chaunge menne in that after a sorte they turne the male into the female Augustine to Pollentius Adultery sayeth he is more grieuous then whooredome and incest more heynous then adultery but that whiche is done agaynste nature is of all most wicked and detestable And he addeth In thynges whiche GOD hath graunted it is more tollerable immoderatly to transgresse then lyghtly to sinne in those thynges whiche by no meanes are graunted And in hys .3 booke of Confessions he sayeth that the fellowship of humane kynde is violated with GOD bycause nature whiche we haue of GOD is polluted This was the crye of the Sodomites and the Gomorhites which ascended into heaueÌ„ and the grieuousnes of their wickednes is moste manifest by their distruction For they were distroyed with fire and brimestone from heauen punishementes vndoubtedly agreable vnto so greate a heynous crime by the fire was noted their burnyng filthy luste and by brymestone theyr stynkyng and vnpure wicked crime Chrisostome Chrisostome writeth Bycause they followed not fertility but barennes therfore God made that so ill baren and infertyle whiche before was most fertile But he demaundeth Why god doth in theâ—e daâ—es deferre the punishement of Sodomites Why are not they whiche are in the same faulte in these dayes punished also after the same manner He aunswereth whome that punishement moueth not for them abydeth the vnquencheable fyre And they are not so punished in this lyfe bycause suche menne for the moste parte are conuersaunt amonge good menne and GOD promised Abraham that he was ready to forgeue Sodome if there mought haue bene founde there but onely tenne good menne Wherefore for as muche as Cityes at this daye are not altogether so corrupte as Sodome was then therefore GOD dealeth more remissedly with them It also oftentymes happeneth that althoughe these men are moste wicked yet they had good predecessors And GOD as he hath testified tarieth and differreth the punishement vnto the thyrde and fourth generation Farther we muste marke that thys vice wheresoeuer it rangeth it is not alone With it are ioyned cruelty inhumanity pryde robbery and oppressing of the poore And when it shall come to this point that menne cruelly withdrawe their dewtyes from their neyghbours GOD doth then on the other side withdrawe hys helpe and grace Wherefore they beyng left vnto themselues that is vnto their owne corrupte and viciate strengthes doo degenerate into beastes The Sodomitical sinne is to bee punished with death The lawe of GOD in Exodus and Deuteronomy made thys sinne death And Paul to the Romanes sheweth that thys is the punishement of Idolatrers And in an other place he numbreth abusers of nature with them whom he excludeth from the kyngdome of GOD. Amonge the olde Grecians thys wicked crime was punished with death and that by the lawe of Laius Bessarion Tertulian whereof Bessarion maketh mention agaynste Trapezuntius Tertullian de Monogamia writeth that among the Romanes there was
first fruites of al their thinges Tēthes at this day ar no more ceremonies but rather rewards and stipendes But our men do in these dayes receiue tenthes But by what law Not vndoubtedly by the ceremoniall law but by the morall lawe Forasmuche as it is mete that the Mynister shoulde bee nooryshed of the people For the laborer is woorthye of hys rewarde and hee whyche serueth the Gospel it is meete that he liue of it Wherfore whither stipéds be payd vnto ministers out of lands or out of houses either in ready mony or in tenths it skilleth not so that they be not maintained filthily but honestly Indede these rewardes in some places doo retayn the olde name of tenthes But in many places they ar not called tenthes but stipendes or wages And assuredly they are in very deede rather rewards whiche are dew vnto the labours of the ministers then tenthes Stipendes are paid both to superiors and also to inferiors And as touching this foresayd argument we must vnderstand that such rewardes and stipendes are thinges indifferent bicause they are sometimes payd vnto inferiors and sometimes to superiors For tributes which are geuen vnto kinges and princes are theyr stipendes which we geue vnto them partly to norish and susteine them and partly to confesse that we are subiecte vnto them and lastly the they may haue wherwithal to defēd the publike welth and vs. And somtimes inferiors also do receaue stipendes For princes pay them vnto souldiers and yet cannot we therefore saye that the souldiours are greater then Kynges and Prynces And notwythstandynge I woulde not haue anye thynke that I speake these thinges to dimynyshe the dygnitye of the Ecclesiasticall ministerye but that men myghte vnderstande that theyr argumentes are very trifling The church which payeth the stipēd vnto the minister is greater then he Why in the church kinges are consecrated Power is geuē vnto princes of god and not of bishops Neither doubt I to affirme that the church it self whiche payeth the stipend vnto the minister is greater then the minister Wherfore if we speake of tenthes as they are at this day geuen vnto ministers they are no cause that they should be greater then those that pay them But in that kinges and Emperors are consecrated and annointed of byshops and in that they receiue the crowne and sword of them it nothinge helpeth their cause For if we speake of the ciuill power that is not geuen of the bishop but of God But this thing is ther done that after the king or Emperor is chosen of god in such manner as is agreable prayers should be made for him in the assembly of the church that god may confirm and strengthen his hart that he may encrease piety in him and instil in him a feare of his name prosper his counsels and so make fortunate his actions that they may proue profitable vnto the church and vnto the publike welth And the bishop whilest these thinges are in doing is the mouth of the church goeth before it in expressing the prayer And this function was deriued of an olde ceremony and custome of the Iewes And the the king receaueth not his power of the bishop but of God euen their owne decrees also do testifye In the dist 96. chap. Si Imperatur Gelasius saith that the Emperor hath the priueleges of his power at gods hand Why then doth Bonifacius arrogātly claim it vnto himself namely that which longeth to God onely For as Paule sayth All power is of god In the Code de Iure veteri enucleando in the lawe firste Iustiniane Iustinian declareth that his power was geuen him of the deuine maiesty And the Glose in Extrauag de maioritate obediencia in the chapter vnam sanctam toward the end saith that power is geuen vnto kings of God onely and that therfore they do indede receiue the crowne of the byshop and the sword from the aulter But let vs more narowly examine Bonifacius argumēt I sayth he do geue power vnto Emperors Therfore I am greater then Emperors Let this most blessed Thraso aunswere me who consecrated him when hee was chosen Pope Vndoubtedly the bishop Hostiensis Let vs conclude therfore that the bishop Hostiensis is greater then the Pope And if that follow not thē is the argument also of Bonifacius of no force bicause as I haue now shewed it cleaueth vnto a broken foundation For they are not bishops which geue power vnto kinges Farther All emperors were not consecrated of the Pope wer there not many Emperors whiche were neuer consecrated of bishops and yet were neuertheles for al that Emperors Neither were the old Grecian Emperors so annointed Wherfore that is a new inuētiō But what if I proue that the head bishop was somtimes consecrated of the ciuill magistrat Vndoubtedly Moses cōsecrated Aaron whē as yet as it is sayd Moses was a ciuil prince Wherfore Bonifacius laboreth in vayne about his consecration bicause he canne gather nothing thereby He boasted moreouer of the kayes Wherin the kayes of the church consyst We sayth he haue the power of binding and losing But the power of the kayes consisteth herein that ye should preach the word of god truly For he which beleueth the gospel is losed he which beleueth not is bound But when ye neither preach nor teach neither can ye binde nor lose And farther this subiection which we haue graunted is spiritual namely of fayth and of obedience and not ciuill and with dominion Afterward was Ieremy obiected vnto whom the Lord sayde I haue appointed thee ouer nacions and kingdoms c. First here I demaund what kings Ieremy deiected or whom he abrogated of theyr Empire and what new kinges he instituted They can shew of none What therefore signify these woordes I set thee ouer nacions and kingedomes Vndoubtedly nothing els then that by the sprite of prophecy word of god he should foretell what kingdomes god would ouerthrow for sinnes and what new ones he would institute Why doe not the Popes so excercise theyr power Let them sette before kinges and princes of the earth the threatninges of god Prophetes are not the efficiēt causes of the ouerthrow of kingdomes Ministers and prophetes are an occasion but not a iust cause of ruines and let them be in this manner ouer nacions and kingdomes Could Ieremy be called the cause of the ouerthrowe of kingdomes He was not properly the efficient cause but onely a certayn occasion For when he had admonished the king of Iudah and he beleued him not the prophet by his preachinge was some occasion that he shoulde be condemned and ouerthrowne So Paule sayth To some we are the sauor of life to life and to other the sauor of death to death When as yet the Apostle properlye killed no man but his preaching after a sorte broughte death vnto those whiche would not beleue It is god therefore that seperateth ouerthroweth scattereth planteth Neither disdaineth he
Why was Socrates condemned at Athens The Ethnike princes had a regard vnto religion I do not now demaunde how holyly or iustly for as all men in a manner beleue Anitus and Melitus lyed agaynst hym this I speake for that he was for no other cause condemned but onely for religion as thoughe he taught newe gods and led away the youth from the olde and receaued worshyppyng of the gods and he was by a prophane Magistrate condēned Socrates was for religiō sake condemned of a prophane Magistrate Wherfore the Athenienses thought that the obseruance and care of religion pertayned vnto their Magistrate The law of God commaunded that the blasphemer should be put to death not I thinke by euery priuate mā or by the Priestes but by the Magistrates The Ethnike Emperors also in those first tymes did for no other cause rage agaynst the Christians but bycause they thought that matters of religion pertayned vnto their iudgement seat And assuredly as touching this opinion they wer not deceaued for none as Chrisostome sayth either Apostle or Prophet reproued the people Chrisostome either Iewes or Ethnikes bycause they had a care ouer Religion but they were deceaued in the knowledge of Religion bycause they defended theyr owne religion as true and condemned the Christian religion as vngodly and blasphemous Constantine and Theodosius are praysed and very many other holy princes bycause they tooke awaye Idoles and either closed vp or elles ouerthrew theyr Temples But they dyd not these thynges but for that they thought that the charge of Religion pertayned vnto them otherwise they should haue bene busy fellowes and should haue put theyr sicle into an other mannes haruest The Donatistes tooke thys in very ill parte and grieuously complayned thereof in Augustines tyme bycause the Catholique Byshoppes required ayde of the Ciuile Magistrate agaynst them Augustine But Augustine confuteth them with the selfe same argumentes whiche I haue a litle before rehearsed and addeth this moreouer Why did ye accuse Cecilianus Bishop of Carthage before Constātine if it be wicked for the Emperor to determine concerning Religion Farther there is gathered by those thynges whiche the same father wrote agaynst Petilianus and agaynst Parmenianus and also in many other his Epistles howe that the Donatistes accused Cecilianus as it is sayde before Constantine the Emperour who first sent the cause to Melchiades Bishop of Rome And when by hym they were ouercome they appealed agayne vnto the Emperor neyther reiected he their appealation from him but committed the matter vnto the Bishop of Orleance by whom they were agayne condemned Neither rested they so Constātine decideth a matter of religion but again appealed vnto the Emperor who heard thē decided their cause condemned them and by hys sentence absolued Cecilianus Where are they now which so often and so impudētly cry that there is no appealyng from the Pope and that the causes of Religion pertayne not vnto the ciuile Magistrate To whom in the olde tyme pertayned the ryght of callyng generall counsels Pertayned it not vnto the Emperors Counsels were called by Emperors As for the counsell of Nice the counsell of Constātinople of Ephesus and of Chalcedonia Emperors called them Leo. 1. of that name prayed the Emperor to cal a counsell in Italy bycause he suspected the Gretians of the error of Eutiches yet could he not obteyne it and the Byshops were called together to Chalcedonia where at the Emperor also was present as was Constantine at the counsell of Nice Neither doo I thinke that they were there present to sitte idle and to do nothing but rather to put forth vnto the Bishops what they should doo and to vrge them to define rightly Theodoretus telleth that Constantine admonished the fathers to determine all thinges by the scriptures of the Euangelistes Apostles Prophetes and Canonicall scriptures Iustinian also in the Code Iustinian Augustine wrote many Ecclesiasticall lawes of Byshoppes and Priestes and other such lyke Yea and Augustine hath taught that the Magistrate ought after the same manner to punish Idolatrers heretikes as he punisheth adulterers for as much as they cōmitte whoredome against God in mynd which is much more heynous then to committe whoredome in body And looke by what lawe murtherers are put to death by the same also Idolatrers and heretikes ought to be punished for that by them are killed not the bodies but the soules although the common people be stirred vp onely agaynst homicides bycause they see the bloud of the bodyes killed but see not the death of the soules Vndoubtedly it is profitable for the Magistrate to take vpon hym this care and by his authority to compell menne to come to holy sermons and to heare the worde of God for by that meanes it commeth to passe that by often hearyng those thyngs begyn to please whiche before displeased As Hystoryes teach that God hath oftentymes with most noble victoryes illustrate godly prynces God hath prospered princes whiche had a care vnto Religion which haue had a care vnto these thinges Farther it can not be denied but that it is the dewty of the Magistrates to defend those Cities and publique wealthes ouer whiche they are gouerners and to prouide that no hurt happen vnto them wherfore for asmuch as Idolatry is the cause of captiuity pestilence famine ouerthrowing of publique wealthes shal it not pertaine vnto the Magistrate to represse it and to kepe the true sound religion Lastly Paul teacheth fathers to instruct their children in discipline in the feare of God but a good Magistrate is a father of the countrey wherfore by the rule of the Apostle he ought to prouide that subiectes be instructed as common children But kynges and princes whiche say that these thynges pertayne not vnto thē do in the meane tyme let geue and sell Bishoprikes Abbacies and benefices to whō they thinke good neither thinke they that to be none of their office onely religion they thinke they haue nothyng to doo with and they neglect to prouide that they whom they exalte to most ample dignityes should execute theyr office rightly Wherfore this thyng onely remayneth for them euen that GOD hymselfe at the length will looke vpon these thynges and with most grieuous punishement take vengeaunce of their negligence These thynges haue I spokē the more at large by occasion of our Hystory which maketh mention twise or thrise that euilles happened in Israel bycause they had not a kyng or lawfull Magistrate ¶ The .xx. Chapter 1 THen all the children of Israell went out and the congregation was gathered together as one man from Dan euen to Beerseba and from the lande of Gilead vnto the Lord in Mizpa 2 And the corners of all the people and all the tribes of Israell assembled in the Churche of the people of God foure hundreth thousand footemen that drew sword 3 And the children of Beniamin heard that the childrē of Israell wer gone vp vnto
Mizpa Then the children of Israell sayde Howe is this wickednes committed 4 And the man the Leuite the womans husband that was slayne aunswered and sayde I came vnto Gibea whiche is in Beniamin with my concubine to lodge 5 And the men of Gibea arose agaynst me and beset the house roūd aboute vpon me by nyght thynking to haue slayne mee And haue forced my concubine that she is dead 6 Then I tooke my concubine and cut her in pieces and sent her thorough out all the countrey of the inheritance of Israel For they haue committed abhomination and vilany in Israel 7 Beholde all ye children of Israell geue your aduise and Counsell herein The congregation of the Israelites was assembled together to iudge of the crime This Hebrew word Edah signifieth a Church or an assembly The end of assemblyes or meatynges together beyng deriued of this verbe Adah whiche is to testify bycause that it is the vse and ende of such assemblyes that the godly should faythfully testify before God of those thynges whiche are put forth to be consulted of From Dan euen vnto Beerseba Dan Beerseba In this kinde of Paraphrasis is comprehended the whole people of Israel For these ar the endes of that kyngdome Dan is the ende towarde the North wherby the Iewes are neyghbours vnto the Zidonians and Beerseba toward the South Euen vnto Gilead That land is beyond Iordane The borders of the region of the Hebrues where the two tribes Ruben and Gad together with halfe the tribe of Manasses dwelled Thys was the third end toward the East And ouer agaynst that toward the West lay the sea called mare Mediterraneum Within these termes and lymites was conteyned the region of the Hebrues whiche they possessed in the land of Chanaan They came into Mizpa vnto the LORDE Where Mizpa was Mizpa was a place moste apte to haue assemblyes in it was not farre frome Ierusalem in the Tribe of Iudah In the fyrste booke of the Machabites the thyrde Chapiter it is thus written When the people by reason of the tyranny of the Macedonians fled out of Ierusalem they assembled together in Mizpa vnto Iudas Machabeus And it is added that that place was a house of prayer of aūcient tyme laye situate ouer agaynst the City of Ierusalem And in this booke we haue before heard how that when Iiphtah should be ordeyned Iudge ouer the people the people assembled together in Mizpa In Samuels tyme also the people assembled together twise vnto that place once when they should leade an army agaynst the Philistines an other tyme when Saul should be created kyng Farther when all the Citye was ouerthrowen by Nebuchad-Nezar all the people fled to Godolia in Mizpa Moreouer besides the oportunity of the place was added a notable benefite of God bycause as we rede in the .10 chapter of Iosuah there assembled thether agaynst the people of Israel a very great nūber of kynges for there were not fiue or sixe but very many kinges which were neyghbours entending vtterly to destroye the name of the Iewes Yet God commaunded them to be of a good valiaunt courage bycause he would geue vnto his people the victory ouer them all And when that thyng happened contrary to all mans hope the Hebrues for a monument of so great a benefite built in that place an alter vnto God Wherfore it is probable as the Rabbines affirme that in Mizpa began to bee a house of prayer For the people went not to the tabernacle or to Ierusalem so often as they had occasion to pray Euery Citye had Synagoges but had in Cityes and Villages certayne Synagoges wherein they prayed together vnto GOD. But to doo Sacrifices it was not after that manner lawfull but onely at the tabernacle of Moses or at Ierusalem after Salomon had builte the Temple althoughe hyghe places were sometymes vsed Wherfore the people assembled thether as well for the opportunity of the place as also by reason of the auncient Religion neither thought they it lawefull to begyn any thyng without prayers Whiche institution for that the Papistes woulde somewhat resemble they firste prouide to haue a Masse of the holy Ghost songe before they make any leagues or rather conspiracyes agaynste Christe It is sayde that they assembled together vnto the Lorde to praye together vnto the Lorde D. Kimhi Although Dauid Kimhi thinketh that this was added bycause wheresoeuer is a multitude of the godly there is GOD also present And to confirme that sentence he bringeth a place put of the Psalme GOD stoode in the Synagoge of Goddes For Iudges whiche in thys place are called Goddes when they geue iudgement ought not to thinke that they haue theyr owne cause in hande but Goddes cause as Iosaphat the godly kynge shewed them I doo not dissallowe this sentence for it is both godly and also it maketh menne to vnderstande that when assemblyes are godly had then doo menne assemble vnto GOD whiche thyng if menne in these dayes woulde consider greate menne woulde handle publique causes with more feare of GOD. Howbeit thys is for certayne that the Israelites assembled not in Silo as some thinke And the corners of all the people assembled The Hebrewe woorde is Penoth whiche properly signifyeth corners but in this place it is taken for Capitaines heades ouer ten Cēturious Tribunes and gouernors of warlike affayres For they after a sort are corners strengthes and stayes of an army Wherfore the villages of the Holuetians in the Italian toungue are called Cantones Wherfore the Hebrues come and assemble in Mizpa not rashly but in their orders They had not in deede a kyng or myghty Magistrates or Senadrim as it is thought for they wer sore decayed and weakened by the Philistines Yet they retayned among themselues some order and discipline Fower hundreth thousande footemen When they went out of Epypte they were 666000. The nomber of the Israelites diminishe men It seemeth that the number was nowe diminished And no meruayle bycause they had ben afflicted with many greuous calamities Also the tribe of Beniamin was away which peraduenture had thirty thousande soldiours For that tribe was both ample and also mighty And the chyldren of Beniamin heard The Beniamites would not be present they onely heard what should be done Dauid Kimhi Kimhi admonisheth that these woordes are put in by a parenthesis for there is no cause shewed why they woulde not be among them And the children of Israel sayd Tel how this wycked act was committed Kimhi thinketh that these things are to be red in the vocatiue case as though it should haue bene sayd O ye children of Israel declare the whole matter in order as it was done in the meane time it seemeth that the Beniamites are noted bycause they would not come vnto the assembly neyther take awaye euill from among them The people assembled together to vnderstand the cause that for as much as ther was
in warre taken in hand by common counsel to withdraw themselues by priuate counsell Metius Suffecius captaine of Albany when he forsoke Tullus Hostilius fighting against the Fidenates by the commaundement of Tullus was bound to two cartes and so drawē in peces Solon depriued him of al honour dignity Solon A decre of Pōpeius which in the time of sedicion adioyned himselfe to neyther party And Pompeius as Plutarche affirmeth when he fled from Cesar proclaymed that he woulde count all them to be enemies which abode at Rome and helped not the common cause And after this maner are the Iabenites prescribed and counted for enemies And no otherwise are they to be counted which in this our tyme when there is controuersye concerning religion doo dissemble althinges when as in the meane tyme they wyl neither stand on the Papistes syde nor on ours It is not lawful for vs in religion to be neuters They say they wyll stand in the myddest betwene both which is nothing els then that they wyll be wyth the aduersaries or enemies For they halte on either side and therfore it may be said that after a sort they fauor them Farther the cause of religion is farre greater and greuouser then the cause of the publike wealth In the Churche no man can excuse himselfe that hee is a straunger for no man which professeth himself to be a Christian can be a straunger from religion wherfore warre is iustly proclaymed against the Iabenites Althoughe I thinke that in this matter also the Isralites wer to cruel For it semeth that it should haue bene sufficient to haue slaine the men that were apt vnto warre To much crueltye against the Iabenites which had committed the crime of rebellion But to kil womē old men and children it was to much cruelty Neither could they say that they had vowed vnto the Lord the vow Cherem forasmuch as they had saued the mayden virgins And vndoubtedly so great cruelty turned them to euyl for if they had delt more gently with the Iabenites they had had more women for the Beniamites Neither coulde they haue geuen counsell to haue vsed force to get them selues wiues But it is good to vnderstand how the Israelites founde oute that the Iabenites were absent The battaile being finished they al assembled to Siloh and numbred the people among whom when they founde none of the Iabenites they easelye vnderstoode that they were absent from the warre So great was their piety and religion at that time that when they had obtained the victory al of them assembled together to geue thankes vnto God But that thing is contemned now a daies for how many are there which when they haue gotten the victory wil acknowledge the benefite of God and geue him thankes Preachers do out of the Pulpit admonish the people to pray publikely for sicke folkes of which we either se or heare of none in a maner which when they are restored to health do publikelye geue thankes vnto God for that they haue by the prayers of the Churche escaped free They proclaymed peace vnto them which were in Rimmon That is gaue them safeconduct to returne home againe in safety 14 And Beniamin returned at that tyme and they gaue them wiues whom they had made on lyue of the women of Iabes Gilead which yet were not sufficient for them 15 And the people had compassion on Beniamin bicause the Lord had made a gappe in the tribes of Israel 16 And then the Elders of the congregacion sayd what shall wee do for wiues for the rest For the womē of Beniamin are destroied 17 And they sayd There must be an inheritance for them that bee escaped of Beniamin that a tribe be not destroyed out of Israel 18 For we cannot geue them of our daughters to wyues For the chyldren of Israel had sworne saying Cursed be he that geueth a wyfe to Beniamin 19 Then they sayd Behold there is a feast of a Lorde yearelye in Siloh in the place which is on the North syde of the house of God and on the East syde of the way that goeth from the house of God vnto Sechem and is South from Libanon 20 And they commaunded the chyldren of Beniamin saying Go and lye in wayte in the vyneyardes 21 And take hede For behold if the doughters of Siloh come out to daunce in a row then come ye out of the vyneyardes and catche vnto you euery man hys wyfe of the daughters of Siloh and get you into the land of Beniamin 22 And if their fathers or brethren come vnto vs to complayne we wyll say vnto them Haue pity on vs for them bicause we reserued not to eche man hys wyfe in tyme of war And bicause ye haue not geuen vnto them so that ye haue at this tyme offended 23 And the children of Beniamin did euen so and tooke them wiues of the dauncers according to their number whom they cought and went their wayes and returned euery man to hys inheritance And repairyng their cities they dwelt in them 24 And the children of Israel departed thence at that time euerye man to hys trybe and to his famelye And went out from thence euerye man to hys inheritaunce 25 In those dayes there was no kyng in Israel but euery man did that which seemed ryght in hys owne eyes They are sayd to haue made on lyue those maydens whom they had not slain for forasmuch as they had thē in their power it semed that they might iustly haue slayne them But they would preserue them on lyue Whereby they vnderstode that God wold saue the tribe of Bēiamin for that they sawe it was not the wyl of God that al the Beniamites should vtterly be destroyed and here by they vnderstoode the wil of God bicause he had caused sixe hundreth of them to escape Wherfore they gaue them safeconduct and the maydens of the Iabenites to be their wiues God made a breache in Israel That which they did themselues they ascribe vnto God A breache they cal the cutting of of one tribe Here is expressedlye set foorth the inconstancy of mans minde In that fury and hot anger they woulde haue destroyed al and they desyred of God to graunt them a ful victory when they haue obtained it and finished the matter they mourne afflict themselues If they had moderatly vsed the victory this thing had not happened vnto them After the same maner they synned against the Iabenites for if they had not slaine al the women ther they had had wiues inough for the Beniamites Now hauing slayne all they found onely .400 mayden virgins which not being sufficient they are compelled to seeke other by rapte or stelth And the Elders sayd So were the Senators or Senadrim called or els the Tribunes and Centurions which were rulers ouer the warlike affaires Let their inheritance be safe Iosua had appointed vnto euery tribe his inheritance Wherfore the Israelites could not clayme vnto
fyrst christen Prince 258. b Phineas nephew of Aaron 59 Phineas liued long 272. 237 Phisicion traitour 37. 39. b Phrantike persons oft see dreames 135. b Piety defined 279 Pigineians stature 82 Pithagorians .ij. the one pledge for the other 192. b Pithagoras opinioÌ„ of musick 102. b Pity foolish 13 Plage of the church greuous 92 Playes handled 218. b Playes and daunces vppon feast dayes 282. b Platoes prayse 29 Pleadinges in the law forbidden in the Lent 279. b Pleasures some delite the mynde som the outward sences also 102. b Plinies epistle to Traian 102 b Plural for the singular 108 b Plutarches diuine sentence 180. b Poetries begynnyng and lawfulnes 102 Poetes 139 b Pollicy not to make manye priuye of thine enterprise 170. b Pollicy of war agaynst the Beniamites 273. b Pollicy in fulfilling a mans vocation God forbiddeth not 123. Pollicies of Gedeon 139 Poligamia argued against 288 Pope Antichrist 231. b Pope hath no authoritye to make lawes in a common wealth 21. b Pope teacheth he must bee obeyed vpon necessity of saluation 257. b Pope aboue all kynges and Princes 257 Pope aboue emperor absurd 147 b Pope inferiour to many priests in dignity 261 Popes put downe kings and Emperours which the prophets neuer did nor Christ nor his Apostles 259 Pope maketh the sword of the emperour subiect vnto him 257 Pope whether he maye bee iudged of no man 262 Pope claymeth dignity for spirituall thinges neuer vseth theÌ„ 261 Popes are bawdes 232 Popes and popish bishops compared to brambles and briars 161 Pope ouerthrowen by Iothams apology 161 Popes ought to haue before theyr eyes c. 148 Pope dissolueth othes lawfull and vnlawful 85. b Pope touched 150 Popes wickednes in handling degrees of mariage 21. b Posteritye whether they maye bee bound by their elders 75. b Postliminium 186 Pouerty vowed 203 Power of God absolute and ordinarye 97. b Powers .ii. ecclesiastical and ciuil 257. b Power is geuen to princes of god not of bishops 261. b Powers Ecclesiasticall and Ciuil wherin they differ 259. b Precepts of the law when one is contrary to an other the weightier is to be obserued 184 Precepts of God of diuers sortes 203. b Prescription 38 Prescription handled 188. b President forbidden to mary a wife in his prouince 21 Preterperfectence expouÌ„ded by the preterpluperfectence 14 Praying we helpe other 50 Praiers distinguished into publike and priuate 94 Praiers wtout faith auaile not 1â—0 Pray onely to God for that which is aboue the faculty of man 129 Pratlers oft see dreames 135. b Preaching of gods word is not subiect to ciuill power but the preacher 258. b Preaching of the word of god hath all men and all states subiect vnto it 258 Priestes for hooredome should bee deposed 233 Priestes may excell the Pope in dignity 261 Priesthode bothe of Melchisedech and of Leui signified Christ 261 Pride detested of God 270 Pride of the Ephramites 197 Princes are called Deacons and pastors 255. b Princes good are diligently to bee prayed for 155 Princes duty to be a father of hys country 105. b Princes maye bee called heads of their people 148. b Princes euyll are the apointment of God 150 Princes dutye in suffering fellowship of godly and vngodly 54 Princes duty to be careful for hys peoples good state after his death 65 b Princes haue not lawfullye exemte Ecclesiasticall men from their subiection 263 Priscillanistes 38 Prisons are not to be violated 227 Prisoners condemned though the partye iniured by them forgeue them yet may they not be deliuered wythout the wyl of the Magistrate 81 b Priuate men admonished 122. b Priuate mans duty in taking awai vngodlynes 123. b Priuate mans syn sometimes cause of common calamity 124 priuate man sodenly oppressed is armed by the Magistrate to defend him selfe 85 Priuate men ought not to take away Images 245 Priuy contractes vnlawful 154 Prodition handled 36. b Prolepsis a comman figure in scriptures 246. b Promises how far they be of force 23 Promis first is euer to be kept if it be honest 86 promis rash of Chaleb 23 Promises how farre they are to be kept 39. b promises of as much efficacy as an othe 86 Promises ciuil how far they are to be performed 176. b Promises of the law 175 Promises of God howe they are to to be vnderstanded 175 Promises of the law gospell 13. b Promises ioyned commonly to preceptes 96 promises and threatnings why thei they be added to the commaundementes 23. b promocion offered godly men modestly refused 161 Pronounce of the first person repeated 104. b Prophecy in women 93 Prophetes might sacrifice though they were not of the Tribe of Leui 206 prophetes ar not the efficient cause of ouerthrowing of kingdomes 262 prophetes false by beyng possessed of an euil spirite 137. b propiciatory sacrifice is but one 64 Prosopographia 111 Prosperities behauiour 6 Prosperous euent sheweth not the enterprise to be iust 271. b prosperous succes is no good argument that our doinges please the Lord. 243 Prouerbe law and country 189. b Prouerbe of the courte of Rome 85. b Prouidence of God by light things bringeth weighty thinges to pas 122 Prouoking occasion of destruction geuen by God 97 Prudence God forbiddeth not in fulfilling a mans vocation 123 Publike prayer what behauiour is required thereat 207 Publike welth is more to be regarded then kinsfolke 156. b Punishment by the purs 284 Punishments should rather bee diminished by Iudges then augmented 12. b punishment of the vngodly after 2. sortes 11 punishments of this life no maÌ„ suffreth which he deserueth not 180 Punishmentes outwarde vsed by the Apostles 259 Punishment would not be done in anger 280. b Punishment firste in the Lordes house 234. b Punishmentes of God is to moue repentaunce 174 Punishing of fathers in the children is lawfull for God but not for men 182 punishments of other ought we coÌ„sider to our profit 171. b Purgatorye emptied with fasting 279. b Purifications of the elders 273. b R. RAhab traytor 38. b Rapte handled 283 Rapte hath most commonlye an vnlucky end 285 b Reading of an history what it profiteth 288 b Reasons humane must geue place to Gods vocation 115. b Reasoning by the example of god is not alwayes lawful 233. b Rechabyts came of the Kenites 27 b. their prayse 29 Rechabites came of the Kenites 98 Reconciliation of the husband and the wyfe after adultry hath bene committed 249 Reformation of Rome and romysh religion promised 222 reioycing at an other maÌ„s hurt 143 Religion pure can wee not long abide in 72. b Religion pure must be so receued that we depart from pernicious Masses and papistical impieties 123 Religion remaining vnrestored nothing can go forward in a publike wealth 122. b Religion hath continual nede of repayring and purging 68 Remedies against feare 247. b Remista for remissio 42. b Remnauntes described 1â—7 Remus why he was kylled of Romulus 227 Repentaunce 174 Repentance true 176
to their good Moreouer he wyll haue thē to expresse in themselues their first begottē brother Iesus Christ whiche suffred in hymselfe other mens synnes For this also is a certayne portion of the Crosse of Christ althoughe they are not so innocent as Christ was neither serueth their crosse any thing to redeme sinnes Daniel in his captiuity after this manner confessed hys sinnes We haue sinned sayth he and done vniustly c. He sayd not They haue sinned but we And Esaye sayeth All our righteousnes are as a cloth stayned with floures of a woman There is in deede in holy menne a certayne ryghteousnes but not such a righteousnes as they can boast of before the iudgement seate of God Wherfore if they suffer any thing they haue no iust cause to complayne But thou wilt saye Why is it sayd that God in thē punisheth the sinnes of other mē when as they also sinne We should say rather that he punisheth their sinnes and not the synnes of their parentes I answere Bycause when god hath much and longe tyme wayted that their father should repent and it nothing profited and in the meane tyme it is come vnto the third and fourth generation at the length he poureth out his anger vpon the children whiche therefore are sayd to suffer for their fathers bicause vnles the malice of their fathers had gone before their affliction might haue ben deferred till farther time But now bycause they haue fallen into the third and fourth generation the consideration of the iustice of god wil not suffer the punishement to be deferred any longer And althoughe they themselues also haue deserued those euils yet bycause they are so corrected in the third and fourth generation they owe that dewty vnto their parentes And so God feareth the parētes that they should temper themselues from wicked actes and thoughe they will not for gods sake or for their own yet at the least for theyr posterities sake It also maketh the children afrayde to imitate the sinnes of their fathers least the punishmēt due vnto their fathers be required of thē Neither is it vniust that the children suffer somthing for their fathers sake for by their fathers they receaue inheritances and are aboue other honored and exalted For god did not onely make fortunate Dauid but also for his sake fauored his posterity For the kyngdome perseuered in his famely the space of .400 yeares But as touching eternall life As touchyng eternall life the childrē are not punished for the sinnes of the fathers neither shall the father be punished for the sinnes of the children nor the children for the sinnes of the fathers Howbeit children obteine many spirituall giftes by good fathers For Paul in his .1 Epist to the Cor. the .7 chap. sayth Otherwise your children should be vncleane but now they are holy Wherfore the children haue of holy parentes some holynes and some spirituall gift as that place teacheth And on the contrary part Childrē obtein some spirituall giftes for their parentes sake by euil parentes many such good giftes are hindred neither are they heard of God beyng euill and not repentaunt when they desire spirituall giftes for their children Yet by the prouidence of God it oftentymes commeth to passe Euil parentes doo sometymes hinder theyr children of god spiritual gifts that of good parentes are borne noughty children and of euill good as Ezechias a good kyng had to his father Achaza a wicked kyng And contrarywise the same Ezechias beyng a very godly prince begat Manasses a very vngodly and cruell kyng The same also myght I saye of Iosias Thys therefore commeth so to passe least wickednes shoulde increase without measure Why good childrē ar borne of euil parētes euill of good if of euill parentes shoulde continually bee borne euill children God putteth to hys hande and maketh the sonne borne of an euill father a member of Christe And therewith all he sheweth that his goodnes can not be hindered by the parentes thoughe they be neuer so wicked Farthermore euill children are borne of good parentes that grace should be the better knowen And that the goodnes of the childrē should not be attributed vnto nature whiche they haue drawen of their parentes For god will haue it knowen to be his gifte that we are saued This one thyng onely is to bee added vnto the foresayde question It is not lawfull for men to punishe the sinnes of the parentes in the children That it is in dede lawfull for god as it is sayde to punishe in the children the synnes of the fathers but that is vtterly vnlawfull for men to doo For in Deut. the .24 chap. it is commaunded That the fathers should not be punished for the children nor the children for the parentes Whiche is to be vnderstande so that the father consent not vnto the sonne or the sonne vnto the father Wherefore Achan if he had bene called vnto tryall and to the iudgement seate he should be the ordinary lawe haue peryshed alone and not hys chyldren with hym But GOD hath thys hys proper law who would haue it otherwyse done although sometymes he obserueth thys also For in the booke of Numbers the 26. chap. When Core conspired agaynste Moses he was destroyed but hys chyldren were not together with hym extinguished Samuel came of the posterity of Core yea rather they were kepte for the holy ministerye and of their posteritye was Samuel borne Amasias the kynge was praysed who slewe the murtherers whiche killed his father and slewe not their children for he had a regard vnto the law of God The cause of this prohibition Augustine bringeth Augustine God sayth he may punishe the sonne for the father bycause although he afflicte hym in this worlde yet he can saue hym in the worlde to come And this can not man doo Farther god seeth that the children are not innocentes but man seeth not that Although the ciuill lawes are herein a great deale more seuere and do punishe the children for the fathers sake as it is in the digestes In treason the children are punished for the fathers and in the Code ad I. Iuliam maiestatis yet they put not the sonne to death for the father but depriue hym of all hys fathers goods dignityes and honours Howbeit they lefte some parte for the doughters whiche parte was called Falcidia to mary them withall Otherwise the ciuile lawes agree with the lawe of god For in the Code de paenis in the lawe Sancimus it is commaunded that the punishement be not transferred vnto other either to kinsfolkes by affinity or to kinsfolkes by bloud but onely to be layd vpon the author of the crime And yet as wel this law as the other before were ordeyned both of the self same Emperours Archadius and Honorius But the cause why it was so seuerely decreed agaynst treason seemeth to be this to feare men away from this kynde of wicked crime Yet the lawes of god decree
no suche thing of that matter but this by expresse woordes they commaunde not to kyll the sonne for the father But for goods they ordayne nothyng But our aduersaryes haue transferred thys ciuill lawe of treason vnto Heretikes For they doo not onely punishe the father whiche is an Heretike but also they depryue hys children of all his goods howe iustly I will not nowe tell Of these thinges I haue made mention the more largely bycause Iiphtah was thrust out of hys fathers inheritaunce and thereby seemed to beare the iniquity of hys father Nowe wyll I returne vnto the Hystory 3 Then Iiphtah fled from his brethren and dwelt in the lande of Tob and there gathered idle fellowes vnto Iiphtah and went out with hym 4 And in processe of tyme the chyldren of Ammon made warre with Israell 5 And when the Ammonites began to fyght with Israell the Elders of Gilead went to set Iiphtah out of the land of Tob. 6 And they sayd vnto Iiphtah Come and be our captayne that we may fight with the children of Ammon 7 Iiphtah answered the Elders of Gilead did not ye hate me and expell me out of my fathers house and why then come ye nowe vnto me when ye are vexed 8 And the Elders of Gilead sayde vnto Iiphtah Therefore we turne agayne vnto thee now that thou mayst go with vs and fight agaynst the children of Ammon and be our head ouer all the inhabitantes of Gilead 9 Then answered Iiphtah vnto the Elders of Gilead If ye bring me home agayne to fight against the chyldren of Ammon and if the Lord deliuer them before me shall I be your head 10 And the Elders of Gilead sayd vnto Iiphtah The Lord heare betwene vs if we do not according to thy woord 11 Then Iiphtah went with the Elders of Gilead and the people made him head and captayne ouer them And Iiphtah spake al his woordes before the Lord in Mizpah The land whereunto Iiphtah fled was called Tob Why the landâ— was called Tob. namely of the name of the possessor therof otherwise Tob signifieth good But here it is the proper name of the Lord of that land Idle men That is vaine This woord signifieth poore men and such as were oppressed for debte So also there came vnto Dauid when he fledde from Saule men that were in debt and heauy of harte And they went out with him Namely to warre agaynste the enemyes of the people of God and they liued of the spoyle For Iiphtah beyng a man banished and dryuen oute of hys countrey hadde nothynge wherewyth to maynetaine souldiers And the children of Ammon foughte We haue tolde that the Ammonites made warre agaynste the Israelites whiche is vnderstande to haue beene after Iiphtah departed from his fathers house and when he shoulde goe into the land of Tob he moued warre agaynste those Ammonites and oute of theyr borders tooke praies and booties Therefore when the Gileadites wer oppressed they came vnto Iiphtah to bringe him home agayne and by hys conducte to defende the city from theyr enemyes They desire to haue him to be theyr head bycause when they wer grieuously oppressed of theyr enemies they iudged it expedient that there shoulde be one to gouerne their thinges And firste they had decreed among themselues as we haue heard that he shoulde be theyr captayne which fyrst shoulde fyghte againste theyr enemyes but whither they did that by theyr owne iudgemente and ciuill reason or by the oracle of God the historye mencioneth not But the act or coÌ„dicion which the Gileadites ordeined was fulfilled by Iiphtah for he with a few souldiours assayled his enemies Therefore they seyng that they were bound to stand to theyr couenant came vnto Iiphtah and chose him captayne bicause he fyrste of all beganne the battayle agaynste the Ammonites This is worthy to be marked that the Gileadites call not Iiphtah kinge Iiphtah aâ—oliâ—ted captayne not kinge but only captayne or ruler Wherfore they are not to be accused as the Sechemites were For they did chuse Abimelech kinge but these men constitute Iiphtah captaine to fight against theyr enemies now for the presente time and also hereafter when oportunity should serue And vndoubtedly they do wel and wisely in choosing Iiphtah for he was a man expert and valiant in warres But god had with himself before in secret decreed that he shoulde be iudge ouer all Israell whiche manifestlye appeareth by those woordes whiche we shall afterward heare And the spirite of the Lord came vpon Iiphtah Farther we must consider that Iiphtah therfore fled bicause his bretherne had thrust him out of his fathers inheritance neither left they him any thing to defend his life with all wherfore he had rather fly and liue in exile then to liue with ignominye in his country This vndoubtedly came of a noble stoute courage that he woulde not liue there where he continuallye hearde his byrth vpbraided vnto him and where al men counted him for a bastard Therfore he got him to an other place and exercised the arte of warrefare It is also possible that that matter came in controuersy and the Iudges to gratify the legitimate bretherne did not onely iudge that he should be depriued of his fathers goods The law commaunded not to banish bastardes but also be thruste oute of the citye and seemeth to me verye probable For when the Gileadits came vnto hym and of theyr owne accorde offred vnto hym the pryncipalytye he aunsweared Did not ye expell mee oute of the citye These woordes declare that Iiphtah was handled more seuerelye then the lawe commaunded For the law commaunded not to banishe bastardes The Gileadites aunsweare that they did so in dede but as before they coulde expel him so also nowe it was in theyr power to call him home againe and make him ruler But nowe sayth Iiphtah you call me agayne when ye are in miserye As thoughe he woulde haue saide otherwise yee woulde not haue called me againe It is so saye they and therfore we come vnto thee that thou maist fight against our enemies bicause we are afflicted But in that it is written we are turned againe we muste not so vnderstande it as though they had before bene with Iiphtah but to turne again is in this place to be referred vnto the mind as though it should haue bene sayd we haue chaunged our counsel purpose Then Iiphtah like a wise maÌ„ would not be satisfied with these words but required the couenants of the principality to be coÌ„firmed If I sayth he shal put my selfe in daunger and god shal geue vnto me the victory shall I be your hed He did not streyght way geue credite to theyr firste woordes bicause he feared least they would not kepe promise which had before doone him such hurt nether worketh he these things priuely with them but in a place most famous What place Mizpa was namely in Mizpa There in the olde time the kinges of Chanaan assembled against