two cornets with the best of his soldiours and placed his weakest in the middest that the Romaines following the retreit of the battell which was easily repeld might be inclosed on each side with the two cornets CHAP. XX. The battell betweene Caesar and Ariouistus THE signe of battel was no sooner giuen but the Romaines charged vpō the enemy so fiercely as though they ment to giue themselues the lye for seeming to acknowledge that they once conceiued any feare of the Germaines and the enemie on the other side returned so speedie a counterbuffe that the legions had no time to cast their Piles and therefore they speedilie betooke them to their swordes But the Germaines putting themselues according to their manner into a Phalanx receiued the force of their swords without any daunger or losse at all In the battell there were many legionarie souldiers that were seene to keepe vpon the phalanx to pull vp with their hands the targets that couered it and so to wound kil those that were vnderneath and by that means they brake dispersed it and so the left cornet of the enemy was ouerthrowne put to flight Now while the right cornet was thus busied the left cornet was ouercharged with an vnequall multitude of the Germans which young Crassus the Prefect of the horsemen no sooner perceiued hauing more scope and libertie then any of the commanders that were in the battell he sent tertiam Aciem the third battell to rescue and aide their fellowes that were in danger by meanes whereof the fight was renewed and all the enemie was put to flight and neuer looked backe vntill they came to the Rhene which was about fiue miles from the place where they fought where some few of them saued themselues by swimming others found a fewe boates and so escaped Ariouistus lighting vpon a little barke tied to the shore with much a doe recouered the other side of the Rhene and so saued himselfe the rest were all slaine by the horsemen As Caesar pursued the German horsemen it was his chance to light vpon Valerius Procillus as he was drawne vp and downe by his keepers bound with three chaines which accident was as gratefull to him as the victorie it selfe being so fortunate to recouer his familiar friend whom the barbarous enemie contrarie to the law of nations had cast into prison in his own presence had three seuerall times cast lots vpon his life whether he should be then burned or repriued vnto another time and still he was saued by the fortune of the lots and Marcus Titius was found in like manner and brought vnto him The fame of this battell being caried beyond the Rhene the Sueui that were come to the bankes of Rhene returned home againe whom the inhabitants belonging to the saide riuer pursued and slew a great number of them Caesar hauing thus ended two great warres in one sommer he brought his Armie into their wintering campes somewhat sooner then the time of the yeare required THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis phalanx here mentioned can hardly be proued to be the right Macedonian Phalanx but we are rather to vnderstand it to be so tearmed by reason of the close and compact imbattailing rather then in any other respect and it resembled much a testudo as I said of the Heluetian phalanx Secondly I obserue that Caesar kept the olde rule concerning their discipline in fight for although the name of Triaries be not mentioned in his historie yet he omitted not the substance which was to haue primam secundam tertiam Aciem and that prima Acies should begin the battell and the second should come fresh and assist them or peraduenture if the enemie were many and strong the first and second battell were ioyned together and so charged vpon the enemie with greater furie and violence but at all aduentures the third battell was euer in subsidio as they tearmed it to succour any part that should be ouercharged which was a thing of much consequence and of great wisedome For if we either respect the incouragement of the souldiers or the casualtie of fortune what could be more added to their discipline in this behalfe then to haue a second a third succour to giue strength to the fainting weaknes of their men and to repaire the disaduantage which any accident should cast vpon them or if their valour were equally balanced and victorie stood doubtfull which of the two parties shee should honour these alwaies stept in being fresh against wearie and ouer laboured spirits and so drew victorie in despite of casualtie vnto themselues THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning vse of lots it shall not be amisse to looke into the nature of them being in former times so generall that there was no nation ciuill or barbarous but were directed in their greatest affaires by the sentence of lots As we may not refuse for an vndoubted truth that which Salomon saith the 16 of Prouerbs The lots are cast into the lap but the direction thereof belongeth to the Lord Through the knowledge whereof Iosua was directed to take Achan the Mariners Ionas and the Apostles to consecrate Matthias So whether the heathen and barbarous people whose blindnes in the way of truth could direct them no further then to sencelesse superstition and put them in minde of a dutie which they owed but could not tell them what it was nor how to be performed whether these I say were perswaded that there was any supernaturall power in their lotteries which directed the action to the decree of destenie and as the Gods would haue it it remaineth doubtfull Aristotle the wisest of the heathen concerning things naturall nameth that euent casuall or proceeding from fortune of which the reason of man could assigne no cause or as he saith which hath no cause So that whatsoeuer happened in any action besides the intent of the agent and workeman was tearmed an effect of fortune or chance of habnab For all other effects which depended vpon a certaine and definite cause were necessarily produced and therefore could not be casuall or subiect to the inconstancie of chance And because manie and sundrie such chances daily happened which like terrae filij had no father and could not be warranted as lawfull children either to nature or to reason by the appearance of an efficient cause they reduced them all to the power of fortune as the principall efficient and soueraigne Motor of all such vnexpected euents that is they made nothing else the gouernesse and directresse of many things which afterward grew to such credit amongst men that it surpassed in dignity all naturall causes and was deified with celestiall honour as the Poet saith Nos te facimus fortuna deam caeloque locamus By the prouidence of this blinde goddesse which held her deity by the tenure of mens ignorance were all casuall actions directed and especially lots the euent whereof depended onely vpon her pleasure and decree neither could
their direction be assigned to any other power for then their nature had been altered from chance to certainty the euent could not haue been called Sors but must haue been reputed in the order of necessary effects whereof discourse of reason acknowledgeth a certaine foregoing cause Whereby we see vpon how weake an axletree the greatest motions of the godlesse world were turned hauing irregularitie and vncertaintie for the intelligentiae that gouerned their reuolutions All herein all sortes of men although in diuers respectes rested as well contented as if an Oracle had spoken vnto them and reuealed the mysteries of fatall destinie Rome directed the maine course of her gouernment by the fortune of this mocke destiny For although their Consuls and Tribunes were elected by the people who pleased their own fancie with the free choice of their commanders and suted their obedience with a well liking authority yet the publike affaires which each Consull was seuerally to manage was shared out by lots For if an enemie were entered into their confines to depopulate and wast their territories the lots assigned this Consull for the gouernment of the cittie and the other to command the legions and to manage the war If forces were to be sent into diuers prouinces and against seuerall enemies neither the Senate nor the people could giue to either Consull his taske but their peculiar charges were authorised by lots If any extraordinarie action were to be done in the citie as the dedication of a temple the sanctifying of the Capitoll after a pollution Sors omnia versat did all in all And yet notwithstanding the weake foundation of this practise in their Theologie deepest diuinitie we may not thinke but these skilfull Architectors of that absolute gouernment wherein vertue ioyned with true wisdome to make an vnexampled patterne we may not thinke I say but they foresaw the manifold danger which in the course of common actions could no otherway be preuented but by the vse of lots For when things are equally leueled betweene diuers obiects and run with indifferencie to equall stations there must be some controlling power to draw the current towardes one coast and to appropriate it vnto one chanell that the order of nature be not inuersed nor a well established gouernmēt disturbed So the state of Rome casting many things with equall charge vpon her two soueraigne magistrates which could not be performed but by one of them what better meanes could there be inuented to interesse the one in that office and to discharge the other then to appoint an arbiter whose decree exceeded humane reason Of which it could not be saide why it was so but that it was so for if the wisdome of the Senat had been called to counsell or the voices of the people calculated to determine of the matter it might easily haue burst out into ciuill discord considering the often contentions between the Senat and the people the factions of Clients the constant mutabilitie of euery mans priuate affections necessarily inclining vnto one althogh their worth were equal by true reason indiscernable which might haue made the one proud of that which peraduenture he had not and cast the other lower then would haue well beseemed his vertues And therfore to cut off these with many other inconueniences they inuented lots which without either reason or will might decide such controuersies By this it appeareth how little the ancient law-makers respected the ground reason of an ordinance so the commoditie were great and the vse important to the good of the state for as they saw the thing it selfe to be casuall so they saw that casuall thinges are sometimes more necessarie then demonstratiue conclusions neither ought the nature and speculatiue consideration of lawes and statutes belong to the common people but the execution and obedience thereof maketh the common weale flourish And thus endeth the first Commentarie of Caesar his warre in Gallia THE SECOND COMMENTARIE OF THE WARS IN GALLIA THE ARGVMENT LIke as when a heauy bodie lyeth vpon the skirt of a larger continued quantity although it couer but a small parcell of the whole surface yet the other quarters are burthened kept vnder with a proportionable measure of that waight and through the vnion and continuation which bindeth all the parts into one totality feele the same suppression which hath really seased but vpon their fellow part In like maner the Belgae inhabiting the furthest skirt of that triple continent seemed to repine at that heauy burthen which the Romaine Empire had laide vpon the Prouince the Hedui and other states of that kingdome And least it might in time be further remoued and laide directly vpon their shoulders they thought it expedient whilest they felte it but by participation to gather their seuerall forces into one head and trie whether they coulde free their neighbour nations from so greeuous a yoak or at the least keepe it frō comming any neerer vnto themselues And this is the Argument of this second booke which deuideth it selfe into two partes the first containing the warres betweene Caesar and all the states of Belgia vnited togither the secōd recording the battailes which he made with some of the states thereof in particular as time and occasion gaue him meanes to effect it CHAP. I. Caesar hasteth to his army marcheth towardes the confines of the Belgae taketh in the men of Rheims THE report of this confederacie being brought vnto Caesar whilest he wintred beyond the Alpes as wel by letters from Labienus as by the common hearesay of the worlde hee leuied two new legions in Lumbardie and sent them by Q. Pedius into Gallia and assoone as there was any forrage in the fieldes he himselfe came to the armie At his arriual vnderstanding by the Senones the rest of the Galles that bordered vpon the Belgae to whom he gaue in charge to learne what was done amongst them that there was nothing in Belgia but mustering of soldiours and gathering their forces into one heade he thought it not safe to make anie further delaie but hauing made prouision of corne he drewe out his army from their wintering campes and within fifteene daies he came to the borders of the Belgae Assoone as he was come thither which was much sooner then was looked for the men of Rheimes being the vttermost of the Belgae next adioining to the Celtae thought it best to entertaine a peaceable resolution and sent Iccius and Antebrogius two of the cheefe men of their state vnto Caesar to submit themselues and all that they had to the mercy of the Romaine Empire affirming that they were innocent both of the counsel of the Belgae and of their conspiracie against the Romaines For proofe wherof they were ready to giue hostages to receiue them into their towns and to furnish them with corne or what other thing they stood in neede of That the rest of the Belgae were al in armes and the Germains on the other
that powerfull engine which Vetius Mescius calleth vltimum and maximum telum the last and greatest weapon the force whereof shall better appeare by these examples Some few of the Samnites contrarie to the articles of peace between them and the Romans hauing made incursions into the territories of the Ramaine confederates the senate of that state sent to Rome to excuse the fact and to make offer of satisfaction But being reiected Claudius Pontius generall of their forces in an excellent oration which he made shewed how the Romans would not harken to peace but chose rather to be reuenged by war and therefore necessity constrained them to put on armes iustum est bellum saith he quibus necessarium pia arma quibus nisi in Armis spes est Caius Manlius conducting the Roman legions against the Veij part of the Veian armie had entered the Romaine campe which Manlius perceiuing hee hasted with a band of men to keepe the breach and to shut in the Veij which they no sooner perceiued but they fought with that rage and fury that they slew Manlius and had ouerthrown the whole campe had not a Tribune opened thē a passage by which they fled away In like manner Camillus the wisest of the Romaine Captaines beeing entered into the citie of the Veij that hee might take it with greater facilitie and disarme the enemie of that terrible weapon of necessitie hee caused it to bee proclaimed that no Veian shoulde bee hurt that was founde vnarmed Whereupon euery man cast away his weapon and so the towne was taken without bloudshed Let a soldiour therefore take such holde of occasions and oportunities that are offered vnto him that in time of battaile hee may seeme to cast necessitie vpon his own cause and retaine it in his paie considering how the power therof altereth the workes of nature and changeth their effects into contrary operations being neuer subiect to any ordinance or lawe and yet making that lawful which proceedeth from it CHAP. IIII. The Germans contrary to their owne request made to Caesar set vpon the Romaine horsemen and ouerthrew them NOtwithstanding the Germans request concerning the truce assoone as they saw the Romaine horsemen which were in number 5000 whereas the Germans had not aboue 800. herse they charged vpon the Romains not expecting any hostile incounter inasmuch as their ambassadours were newly departed from Caesar and had obtained that daie of truce but being set vpon they made what resistance they could The Germans according to their vsuall custome forsooke their horse and fighting on foote did easely put the Romains to flight who neuer looked backe vntill they came into the sight of the legions in that battell were slaine 74. Romaine horsemen After this battel Caesar thought it not safe either to harken to anie conditions or to receiue any message from them that by fraud and deceit had songht for peace and ment nothing but war And to attende any longer vntil their horsemen returned was but to giue them that aduantage against him especially considering the weakenesse of the Galles amongst whom the Germans by this battel had gained great reputation and therfore he durst not giue them space to thinke vpon it OBSERVATIONS THis cunning of the Germans offereth occasion to speake somewhat concerning that maine controuersie of policie which is whether the actions of Princes and great commanders are alwaies to bee attended with integrity and faithful accomplishment thereof Wherin I wil only set down such arguments and grounds of reason which vertue and morall honesty on the one part for we wil make it no question to a Christian minde and the daily practise of states men on the other side alleadge to make good their contrary assertions The great Polititians of the world that commend vertue in a shew and not in esse and being and study to maintaine their states onely with humane reason not regarding the authority of diuine ordinance set this downe as a maxime in their Art That he that is to negotiate a matter and meaneth to bring it to an ende sorting to his contentment must in all respects bee like qualified both in iudgement and disposition as the party is with whom he dealeth otherwise he cannot be sufficiently prepared to hold himselfe strong in the matter which he vndertaketh For a wrastler that cōmeth with meere strength to incounter an other that hath both strength cunning may beshrew his strength that brought him thither to be cast by skil and be laught at as an vnworthy chāpion for serious sports in like maner in this vniuersall confusion of infidelitie wherein subtilty flieth at so high a pitch he that thinketh with simplicitie of spirit to winde through the labyrinths of falshood and auoide the snares of deceit shall finde himselfe too weake for so difficult a taske and beshrew his honesty if he regard his commodity for it is the course that euery man taketh which must bring vs to the place to which euery man goeth and he that opposeth himselfe against the current of the world may stand alone in his own conceit and neuer attaine that which the world seeketh after Forasmuch therfore as craft and deceit are so general it behooueth a man of publike negotiations to carry a mind apt disposed to these qualities This was signified by that which anciēt writers report of Achilles who was sent to Chiron the Centaure half a man half a beast to be instructed in the rudimēts of princely cariage that of the brutish part he might learn to strengthen himself with force courage of the humane shape so to manage reason that it might bee a fit instrument to answere or preuent what soeuer mans wit might forge to ouerthrow it Neither ought a priuate man to wonder at the strangenesse of these positions considering that the gouernment of kingdomes and Empires is caried with another bias then that which concerneth particular affaires in a well ordered state wherein truth-breakers and faithlesse-dissemblers are worthely condemned inasmuch as they necessarilie enforce the ruine thereof But these that sit at the helme of gouernment and are to shape the course of a state according to the variation of times and fortunes deriue their conclusions from other principles whereof inferiour subiects are no more capable then men are able to vnderstande the workes of the Godes and therefore they are called arcana imperij to bee reuerenced rather then lookt into To conclude the affaires of particular persons are of so short extension and incircled in so small a compasse that a meane capacitie may easily apprehend the aduantages or inconueniences which may ensue vppon the contract and therefore it is requisite they should stande to the aduenture and their iudgement is worthely taxed with the losse but the businesses of a common weale are both subiect to so many casualties of fortune and relie vpon such vnexpected accidents that it is impossible for any spirit howe prouident soeuer to
He sent also Q. Titurius Sabinus with three legions vnto the Lexouij Curiosolitae Vnelli to disappoint any practise which rebellious mindes might intend And making D. Brutus chiefe Admirall of the nauie he gaue him in charge to make towardes Vannes with what speede he could and hee himselfe marched thitherward with the rest of the foote forces THE OBSERVATION IN the first booke I obserued the authoritie which the Roman leaders had to vndertake a warre without further acquainting the senat with the consequence thereof in this place let vs obserue the care and circumspection which the Generals had not to vndertake a troublesome and dangerous warre vpon a humor or any other slender motion but diligently waighing the circumstances thereof and measuring the perill and hazard of the warre with the good and consequence of the effect informed their iudgments of the importance of that action and so tried whether the benefit would answere their labour And thus we finde the reasons particularly deliuered that moued Caesar first to vndertake the Heluetian warre and then the causes which drew him on to the quarrell with Ariouistus then followeth the necessitie of that warre with the Belgae and nowe the motiues which induced him to this with the maritimate cities of Bretaine and so consequently of his passage into Germanie or what other enterprise he attempted which he laieth downe as the groundes and occasions of those warres and could not be auoided but with the losse and dishonour of the Roman Empire Further let vs obserue the meanes he vsed to preuent the inclination of the Galles and to keepe them in subiection and peaceable obedience by sending his men into diuers quarters of that continent and so setling the wauering disposition of the further skirtes with the waight of his Armie and the presence of his legionarie souldiers which he sent readie to stifle all motions of rebellion in the beginning that they might not breake out to the preiudice and diminution of the Roman Empire and the good successe of his proceedings besides the aduantage which he gained in the opinion of the enemie whom he so little feared concerning the vpshot of that quarrell that he had dispersed the greatest part of his Armie vpon other seruices the rest being sufficient to end that war CHAP. VI. The maner of their shipping and their sea-fight THE scite of almost all these cities was such that being built in pointes and promontories they could not at full sea which happened alwaies twise in 12 houres be approched by foot forces nor yet with shipping neither for againe in an ebbe the vessalles were laid on the ground and so left as a praie to the enemy And if the Romans went about to shut out the sea with mounts which they raised equal to the wals of the town and were at the point of entering taking it yet the townsmen hauing such store of shipping would easily conuey both themselues and their cariages into the next townes and there helpe themselues with the like aduantage of place And thus they deluded Caesar the greatest part of the sommer for the Roman fleete by reason of continuall windes and foule weather durst not aduenture to put out of the riuer Loier into so vast a sea wherein the hauens and roades were fewe and farre distant one from another and the tides great The shipping of the Galles was thus built and rigged the keele was somewhat flatter then the Roman shipping the better to beare the ebbes and shalowes of that coast the foredecke was altogether erect and perpendicular the poupe was made to beare the hugenesse of the billowes and the force of the tempest And in a word they were altogether built for strength for the ribbes and seates were made of beames of a foote square fastned with yron pins of an inch thicke in steed of cables they vsed chaines of yron and raw hides and skins for sailes either for want of linnen or ignorant of the vse thereof or because sailes of linnen would hardly serue to carrie ships of that burthen The meeting and conflict of the Roman nauie with this kinde of ships was such that they onely excelled them in celeritie and speedie nimblenes with force of oares but in all other thinges either concerning the nature of the place or the dangers of the foule weather were farre inferiour vnto them for the strength of them was such that they could neither hurt them with their beake-heads nor cast a weapon to anie purpose into them by reason of their altitude and high built bulkes And if anie gust chanced in the meane time to rise that forced them to commit themselues to the mercie of the weather their shipping would better beare the rage of the sea and with greater safetie shelter it selfe amongst flats and shallowes without feare of rockes or any such hazard of all which chances the Roman nauie stood continually in danger OBSERVATIONS ANd here let it not seeme impertinent to the argument which we handle considering the generall vse which we Insulairs haue of nauigation briefly to set downe the most eminent causes of the flowing and ebbing of the sea as farre forth as shall seeme necessarie to the knowledge of a souldier which albeit may fall short of the true reasons of this great secret yet for as much as they stand for true principles of regularitie and well approued rules in our Arte of nauigation let vs take them for no lesse then they effect and giue them that credit in our imagination which tract of time hath gained to those forged circles in the heauens that albeit their chiefest essence consisteth in conceit and supposal yet for as much as they serue to direct our knowledge to a certainty in that variety and seeming inconstancie of motion we esteeme of them as they effect and not as they are Considering then the globe of the world as it maketh a right spheare for in that position the Naturalistes chiefly vnderstand celestiall influence to haue operation in this liquid element of the water it is deuided by the Horizon and Meridian into foure quarters the first quarter is that betweene the east horizon and the noone meridian which they cal a flowing quarter the second from the noone meridian to the west horizon which they make an ebbing quarter the third from the west horizon to the midnight meridian which they likewise call a flowing quarter and againe from the midnight meridian to the east horizon the second ebbing quarter And so they make two flowing quarters and two ebbing quarters of the whole circuit of heauen The instruments of these sensible qualities and contrarie effects are the sunne and the moone as they are caried through these distinct partes of the heauen And although experience hath noted the moone to be of greatest power in warrie motions yet we may not omit to acknowledge the force which the sunne yeeldeth in this miracle of nature First therfore we are to vnderstand that when the
knowledge of a Generall to enter into the consideration of this learning Wherein first I must laie for a maxime that which long experience hath made authenticall that the motions of the minde are either quicke or slow according as the complexion is tempered either with heat or cold for as the flegmaticall humor is of a moist cold and heauy nature begetting weake and grosse spirits and benumming the instruments with a liueles disability so is the motion of the internall faculties proceeding likewise after a slow maner according to the qualitie of the instruments whereby it moueth and therefore men of this watrish constitution are no way apt to receiue an impression nor to entertaine any sensible apprehension vnles it be beaten into them with often and strong repetitions and then also they proceede as slowlie in discoursing of the consequence and linger in the choise of their resolutions On the contrary part this flaua bilis being of a hote piercing nature and resembling the actiue vertue of the fire doth so purifie the instruments of sense and quicken the spirits with the viuacity of motion that they take the first impression as perfectly as if it had beene oftentimes presented vnto them with many strong circumstances And thence it happeneth that inasmuch as the Species is so readily receiued and possesseth the apprehending facultie with such facility of entrance that it moueth the other powers of the soule with as great efficacie at the first conception as if it had beene brought in with troupes of probabilities and strengthened with manifest arguments of vndoubted truth It followeth therefore by reason of the subtile and fit disposition of the instrumentes which proceedeth from heate the chiefest qualitie in choler that the obiect is at the first moment so strongly setteled in the first receiuing facultie that the other powers of the minde with as great speede manifest their offices concerning the apprehension and deliuer a sentence answerable to the strength of the first conception which maketh them so impatient of delaie and so sodainly to alter their former resolutions not suffering the discoursiue power to examine the substance thereof by conference of circumstances nor to giue iudgment according to the course of our intellectual court It behooueth therefore euery man in that vnsteady disposition especially in matter of moment to be suspicious of his owne credulity and not to giue place to resolution before his iudgement be informed by discourse of the strength or weakenes of the conceiued opinion But to leaue these speculatiue meditations to Philosophers of learned conceit for as much as the right vse of passions is either true wisdome or commeth neerest to the same I will onely touch in a worde what degree of choler best befitteth a soldier or howe it auaileth or disaduantageth in matter of warre And first it cannot bee denied that there is almost no passion that doth more eclips the light of reason or sooner corrupteth the sinceritie of a good iudgement then this of anger which we now speake of Neither is there any motion that more pleaseth it selfe in his owne actions or followeth them with greater heate in the execution And if the trueth chance to shewe it selfe and conuince a false pretended cause as the authour of that passion it oftentimes redoubleth the rage euen against truth and innocency Piso condemned a soldier for returning from forraging without his companion being persuaded that he had slaine him but at the instant of the execution the other that was missing returned and with great ioy of the whole army they were caried to the generall thinking to haue much gratified him with the manifestation of the truth but hee through shame and despight being yet in the torture of his wrath redoubled his anger and by a subtilty which his passion furnished him withall he made three culpable for that he found one innocent the first because the sentence of death was past against him and was not to bee recalled without the breach of law the second for that hee was the cause of the death of his companion and thirdly the executioner for not obeying his commandement Concerning matter of warre as it consisteth of differenced partes so hath choler diuers effectes In case of discourse and consultation when as the powers of the minde ought to bee cleere of all violent affections it greatly darkeneth the vnderstanding and troubleth the sincerity of a good iudgement as Caesar noted in his speech to the senate concerning Cateline and therefore a commander must by al meanes indeuor to auoid euen the least motions of so hurtfull a passion and season his affections with that grauity and constancy of spirit that no turbulent disposition may either hinder his vnderstanding or with-hold his will from following that course which reason appointeth as the best means to a fortunate successe alwaies remembring that al his actions are presented vpon a stage and passe the censure of many curious beholders which applaud graue and patient motions as the greatest proofe of true wisdom and disallow of passionate and headstrong affection as derogating from the sincere cariage of an action how iust soeuer otherwise it seemeth Concerning execution and furie of battaile I take anger to be a necessarie instrument to set valour on foote and to ouerwage the difficulties of terrour with a furious resolution for considering that the noblest actions of the minde stande in neede of the impulsions of passions I take anger to bee the fittest meanes to aduance the valiant carriage of a battaile for as feare is trecherous and vnsafe so anger is confident and of an vnquenchable heate and therefore a Commaunder ought by all meanes to suggest matter of anger against an enemie that his men may behold them with a wrathfull regard and thirst after the daie of battell to satisfie their furie with the bloud of their aduersaries If any vrge that it hath beene heretofore obserued of the Galles that in the beginning of a battel they were more then men and in the latter end they were lesse then women and therfore a cholerick disposition is not so fit for seruice as we seem to make it I answere that there is a difference between a disposition to choler such as was obserued in the Galles and the passion of anger wel kindled in the minde for the first is subiect to alteration and contrarietie of actions but the other is furious inuincible neuer satisfied but with reuenge And so that of Aristotle is proued true that anger serueth oftentimes as a weapon to vertue whereunto some answere very pleasantly saying it is a weapon of a strange nature for wee doe manage other weapons and this doeth manage vs our hande guideth not it but it guideth our hande it possesseth vs and not wee it as it happened in the raigne of Tyberius amongst the mutinous legions at Vetera and therefore a Commaunder ought to take greate heede whome he maketh the obiect of that anger which kindleth in
wherby it may be obtained had directed the course of their proceedinges they might with reason haue drawne backe from such imploiments and valewed their safetie aboue the issue of such an enterprise And hence ariseth that confident opinion which the soldiers haue of a good Generall which is a matter of great importance in the course of a warre CHAP. XIII The Britaines make head with their forces and are beaten by Caesar his returne into Gallia AFTER this for manie daies together there followed such tempests and foule weather that both the Romans were constrained to keepe their campe and the Britaine 's were kept from attempting any thing against them But in the meane time they sent messengers into all quarters publishing the small number of the Roman forces and amplifying the greatnesse of the bootie and the easie means offered vnto them of perpetuall libertie if they could take the Roman campe Shortly vpon this hauing gathered a great companie both of horse and foote they came to the place where the Romans were incamped Caesar although he foresaw the euent by that which before had happened that if the enemie were beaten backe he would auoide the danger by flight yet hauing some 30 horse which Comius of Arras had carried with him at his comming into Britanie he imbattailed his legions before his campe and so gaue them battell The enemie not being able to beare the assault of the Roman souldiers turned their backes and fled the Romans followed them as farre as they could by running on foote and after a great slaughter with the burning of their townes farre and neare they returned to their campe The same daie the Britaines sent messengers to Caesar to intreat for peace whom he commanded to double their number of hostages which he commanded to be carried into Gallia And forasmuch as the Aequinoctium was at hand he thought it not safe to put himselfe to the winter sea with such weake shipping and therefore hauing got a conuenient time he hoised saile a little after midnight and brought all his ships safe vnto the continent Two of these ships of burthen not being able to reach the same hauen put in somewhat lower into the land the soldiers that were in them being about 300 being set on shore and marching towardes their campe the Morini with whom Caesar at his going into Britany had made peace in hope of a bootie first with a few of their men stood about them commanding them vpon paine of death to laie downe their weapons and as the Romans by casting themselues into an Orbe began to make defence at the noise and clamour amongst them there were suddenly gathered together about 6000 of the enemy Which thing being knowen Caesar sent out all the horsemen to relieue them in the meane time the Romans sustained the force of the enemie and fought valiantly the space of foure houres and receiuing themselues some few woundes they slew many of the enemie After the Roman horsemen came in sight the enemie cast awaie their weapons and fled and a great number of them fell by the horsemen OBSERVATIONS OF al the figures which the Tactici haue chosen to make vse of in militarie affaires the circle hath euer beene taken for the fittest to be applied in the defensiue part as inclosing with an equall circuit on all partes whatsoeuer is contained within the circumference of that Area and therefore Geometrie tearmeth a circumference a simple line for as much as if you alter the site of the parts and transport one arch into the place of another the figure notwithstanding will remaine the same because of the equall bending of the line throughout the whole circumference Which propertie as it proueth an vniformitie of strength in the whole circuit so that it cannot be said that this is the beginning or this is the end this is front or this is flanke So doth that which Euclide doth demonstrate in the 3 of his Elements concerning the small affinitie betweene a right line and a circle which being drawen to touch the circumference doth touch it but in a point only shew the greatnes of this strength in regard of any other line by which it may be broken Which howsoeuer they seeme as speculatiue qualities conceiued rather by intellectuall discourse then manifested to sensible apprehension yet forasmuch as experience hath proued the strength of this figure in a defensiue part aboue any other maner of imbattailing let vs not neglect the knowledge of these naturall properties which discouer the causes of this effect neither let vs neglect this part of militarie knowledge being so strong a meanes to maintaine valour and the sinew of all our abilitie for order correspondent to circumstances is the whole strength and power of an Armie Neither ought there any action in a well ordered discipline to be irregular or voide of order and therefore the Romans did neither eate nor sleepe without the direction of the Consull or chiefe commander otherwise their valour might rather haue beene tearmed furie then vertue but when their courage was ranged with order and disposed according to the occurrences of the time it neuer failed as long as the said order continued perfect It appeareth therfore how important it is for a commander to looke into the diuersitie of orders for imbattailing and to waigh the nature thereof that hee may with knowledge apply them to the quality of any occasion The Romans tearmed this figure Orbis which signifieth a round body both with a concaue and a conuex surface in resemblance whereof I vnderstand this Orbe of men imbattailed to be so named which might peraduenture consist of fiue or more or fewer rankes inclosing one another after the nature of so manie circles described about one Center so that either the middest thereof remained voide or otherwise contained such cariages and impediments as they had with them in their march This forme of imbattailing was neuer vsed but in great extremitie for as it was the safest of all other so it gaue suspition to the souldiers of exceeding danger which abated much of their heat in battell as wil herafter appeare by the testimonie of Caesar himselfe in the fift Commentarie vpon the occasion which happened vnto Sabinus and Cotta CHAP. XIIII THE next daie Caesar sent Titus Labienus a Legate with those legions which he had brought out of Britanie against the reuolted Morini who hauing no place of refuge because their bogs fens were dried vp where they had sheltered themselues the yeare before they all fell vnder the power of his mercie Q. Titurîus and A. Cotta the Legats who had led the legions against the Menapij after they had wasted their fieldes cut vp their corne burned their houses for the Menapij were all hid in thicke woods they returned to Caesar these thinges being thus ended Caesar placed the wintering campes of all his legions amongst the Belgae to which place two only of all the cities in Britanie sent hostages
with losse and dishonour when as they measured the humour of their poore needie and vndisciplined souldier by the garbe of their ambitious thoughtes and so laide such proiects of difficultie as were verie vnsutable in the particularitie of occurrences to that which their souldiers were fit to execute CHAP. XIX The aemulation betweene two Centurions Pulfio and Varenus with their fortunes in the incounter THERE were in that legion two valiant men Titus Pulfio and L. Varenus Centurions comming on a pace to the dignitie of the first orders these two were at continuall debate which of them should be preferred one before another euery yeare contended for place of preferment with much strife and emulation Pulfio at a time that the fortification was very sharply assaulted called to Varenus and asked him why he now stood doubtfull or what other place he did looke for to make triall of his manhood this is the daie saith hee that shall decide our controuersies and when he had spoken these wordes he went out of the fortification and where he saw the enemie thickest he fiercely set vpon thē then could not Varenus hold himselfe within the rampier but followed after in a reasonable distance Pulfio cast his pile at the enemie and strooke one of the multitude through that came running out against him he being slaine all cast their weapons at him giuing no respite or time of retrait Pulfio had his target strooke through and the dart stucke fast in his girdle this chance turned aside his scabberd and hindered his right hand from pulling out his sword in which disaduantage the enemy pressed hard vpon him Varenus came and rescued him immediatly the whole multitude thinking Pulfio to be slaine with the darte turned to Varenus who speedely betooke him to his sword and came to handy-strokes and hauing slaine one he put the rest somewhat backe But as he followed ouerhastely vpon them he fell downe him did Pulfio rescue CICERO BESIEGED being circumuented and in danger and so both of them hauing slaine manie of the enemie retired to their campe in safety to their great honour Thus fortune caried as well the contention as the incounter of them both that being enemies they neuerthelesse gaue helpe to saue each others life in such sort that it was not to bee iudged which of them deserued greatest honor OBSERVATIONS CAEsar inserteth this accident of the two Centurions as worthie to be related amongst the deeds of armes contained in these commētaries wherein we are first to obserue the grounds of this quarrel which was their continual strife for place of preferment which they sought after by shewing their valour in time of danger and approouing their worth by the greatnesse of their desert a contention worthy the Roman discipline and may serue for a paterne of true honour full of courage accomplished with vertue For these Simultates which desire of honor had cast between them brought forth emulation which is the spur of vertue far from enmitie or hatefull contention for the difference betweene these two qualities is that enmitie hunteth after destruction and onely reioiceth in that which bringeth to our aduersary vtter ruine dishonour or ill atchieuement but emulation contendeth only by well deseruing to gaine the aduantage of an other mans fame that vseth the same meanes to attaine to the like end and is alwaies mixed with loue in regard of the affinity of their affections and the sympathie of their desires not seeking the ouerthrow of their Competitor but succouring him in time of danger and defending him from foule and vnfortunate calamitie that he may still continue to shew the greatnes of his worth by the opposition of inferior actions which are as a lesser scantling of desert to measure the estimation of the others honour A vertue rare and vnknowne in these daies and would hardly find subiects to be resident in if she should offer her helpe in the course of our affaires or sue to be entertained by the crooked dispositiōs of our times for we can no sooner conceiue the thoughts that breed emulation but it turneth presently to hatred which is followed to the vttermost of our malice and resteth better satisfied with the miserable end of our opposed partner then with thousand of Trophes deseruedly erected to our honor Which maketh me wonder when I looke into the difference of these and those ages whether it were the discipline of that time which brought forth such honest effectes of vertue to their glory and our ignominy hauing learned better rules then were known vnto them or whether the world weakened with age want strength in these times to bring foorth her creatures in that perfection as it did in those daies or what other cause hath made our worst affections so violent and our better faculties so remisse and negligent that vertue hath no part in vs but wordes of praise our whole practise being consecrated to actions of reproch The iniuries murthers scandalous cariages of one towards an other which in these daies are so readily offered and so impatientlie digested will admit no satisfaction but priuate combate which in the first monarchies was granted only against strangers and forraine enemies as the only obiects of armes and wrath and capable of that iustice which the priuate sworde shoulde execute for they well perceiued that these single battels were as sparkles of ciuill discorde and intestine warres although not so apparant in the generall viewe of their state yet as odious in particular and as dishonourable to good gouernment And if there were a true recorde of such as haue beene either slaine or wounded within these fortie yeeres either in this kingdome or in France or in Germanie by this licentious and brutish custome I make no question but they woulde amount to a number capable of that fearefull stile which is attributed to ciuill warres Neither is there any lawe howe rigorous or harde soeuer that can giue reliefe to this disorder but the restraint will drawe on as great enormities and as vntolerable in a good gouernment Rotaris king of the Lumbardes forbade his subiectes this manner of combate but shortlie after hee was constrained to recall the edict for the auoiding of greater euils although hee protested the thing to bee both inhumane and barbarous The like edict was published in France by Philip the Faire but was within two yeeres reuoked againe at the instante request of his subiectes in regarde of the murthers and assasinats committed in that kingdome The onelie remedie that I finde to take effect in this case was that of late time which the Prince of Melphe in Piemont inuented to preuent this euill for perceiuing howe ordinarie quarrels and bloudshed were in his campe hee assigned a place betweene two bridges for the performance of the Duellum with this charge that hee that had the worst shoulde alwaies bee slaine and cast from the bridge into the water the daunger ioyned with dishonour which by this decree attended such as