cuppe vnto the king chanced in the middle of the floure to stumble with one foote helping and recouering himselfe with the other saying in these wordes Thus one brother as ye see helpeth an other These wordes being thus spokeÌ„ in the hearing of the king so moued his mind that forthwith he commaunded the false accuser of his brother to be had out to execution Whose iust recompence I would wish to be a warning to all men what it is to sowe discorde betwixt brother and brother King Ethelstane besides his vij yeares lamentation for this acte builded the two Monasteries of Midletone and of Michelenes for hys brothers sake or as the stories say for his soule Whereby it may appeare what was the cause most speciall in those daies of building monasteries to wit for releasing the sinnes both of them departed and them aliue which cause howe it standeth wyth the grace and veritie of Christes Gospell and of his passion let the Christen reader trie examine with himselfe This cruell fact of the king towarde Edwyne caused him afterwarde to be more tender and careful toward his other brethren and sisters left in his handes vnmarried Which sisters as is partly in the Chapter before declared he richly bestowed in great mariages As one to the king of NorthumberlaÌ„d Sithericus an other he gaue to Lewes King of Aquitania the thirde to Henricus Duke of Almaine for hys sonne Otho who was the first Emperour of the Germanes Whereby it is to be vnderstand that the Empire at this time began first to be translated from Fraunce where it remained about C. yeares and halfe vnto Germanie where it hath euer since continued The fourth of his sisters being a virgine of singulare benty Hugo the French king required to be geuen vnto him sending to King Ethelstane pretious and sumptuous presents such as were not before seene in England Among the which presents gifts besides the rare odours of sondry fauours fine spices and besides the precious costly gemmes namely of Smaradges of most redoleÌ„t grene besides also many and great coursers and palfries richly trapped especially of one iewell as wryters make inention which was a certaine vessell finely and subtilly made of the precious stone Onichinus so radiantly wrought that in it appeared the liuely corn growing and mens images walking c. Ouer and besides was sent also the sworde of Constantine the great with the name of the possessor wrytten in golden letters where in the hast of the same al beateÌ„ in gold was one of the yron nailes wherwith our Sauiour on the crosse was nailed Of the veritie whereof I am not disposed at thys present muche to say what I suspect but that this in the Ecclesiasticall storie of Eusebius is euideÌ„t That two of the foresaid nailes of Christ was speÌ„t on the bridle of Constantine the 3. he cast into the Sea in a raging tempest Wherfore if Christ were nailed with 4. nailes perhappes this naile might be one If he were nailed but with iij. I see not how this storie can stand with other stories neither howe this fourth naile can stand with truthe Among the rest moreouer was the speare as is reported wherwith the side of our Sauiour was opened which also the sayd ConstaÌ„tine was woÌ„t to cary in the field against his enemies with a portion likewise of the holy crosse inclosed in Cristall Also a part of the crowne of thorne in like maner inclosed c. Of the whych Reliques part was geuen to Winchester part to the Church of Malmesbury where king Ethelstane was buried As this King was indued and enlarged by the gift of God the serter vp disposer of all kings with great victories of worldly renowne hauing vnder hys subiection both the Scottes and Britons and the whole Monarchie of the land So he deuised diuers good and holesom lawes for the gouernment of the same as wel concerning the state of the orders Ecclesiasticall as also of the secular or lay people Whereby it is to be vnderstaÌ„d that the vsurped power of the bishop of Rome did not then extend it selfe so largely nor so proudly to derogate froÌ„ the authority of kings princes but that euery one in his owne dominion had vnder God and not vnder the Pope the doing of all matters within the same his dominion contained whether they were causes teÌ„poral or spiritual As by the decrees and constitutions of this king also of other as well before him as after him may euidently be testified as where hee among other lawes thus ordeineth â—ouching the bishop in wordes as folowe Episcopo iure pertinet omnem rectitudinem promouere Dei videlicet ac seculi In primis debet omnem ordinatum instruere quid ei â—it agendum iure quid hominibus secularibus iudicare debeant Debet etiam sedulò pacem concordiam operari cum seculi iudicibus qui rectum velle diligunt in compellationum allegationem edocere ne quis alij perperam agat in iureiurando vel ordalio Nec pati debet aliquam circumuentionem iniustae mensurae vel iniusti ponderis Sed conuenit vt per consilium testimoniuÌ„ eius omne legis rectum burgi mensura omne pondus sit secundum ditionem eius institutum valde rectuÌ„ ne quis proximum suum seducat pro quo decidat in peccatum Et semper debet Christianis prouidere contra omnia quae praedicta sunt ideo debet se de pluribus intromittere vt sciat quomodo grex agat quem ad Dei manum custodire suscepit ne diabolus cum dilaniet nec malum aliquod superseminet Nunquam enim erit populo benè consultum nec dignè Deo conuersabitur vbi lucrum impium magis falsum diligitur Ideo debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est eneruare quod iustum est eleuare nec pati vt propter falsum pecuniae questum homines se forisfaciant erga verè sapientem Deum cui displicet omnis iniustitia Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est vt rectum diligant iniqua condemnent faltem sacris ordinibus euecti iustum semper erigant praua deponant Hinc debent Episcopi cum iudicibus iudicia dictitare interesse ne permittant si possint vt illinc aliqua prauitatuÌ„ gramina pullulent Et sacerdotibus pertinet in suo Dioecesi vt ad rectum sedulò quemcumque muent nec patiantur si possint vt Christianus aliquis alij noceat non potens impotenti non summus infirmo non praelatis subditis non Dominus hominibus suis seruis aut liberis Et secundum ditionem per mensuram suam conuenit per rectum vt necessaria serui operentur super omnem scyram cui praeest Et rectum est vt non sit aliqua mensurabilis virga longioâ— quà m alia sed per
counted for great holinesse Men therefore either to winne publique same with men or merites with God gaue themselues to lead a straite life thinking thereby the stranger their conuersation was and farther from the common trade of vulgar people the more perfect to be toward God and maÌ„ There was at that time and before that a monastery in France named Floriake after the order and rule of Benedict from the which Monasterie did spring a great part of our english moÌ„ks Who being there professed and afterward returning into England did coÌ„gregate men daily to theyr profession And so partly for strangenesse of theyr rule partly for outwarde holinesse of their strait life partly for the opinion of holinesse that many had of them were in great admiration not onely with the rude sort but with kinges and princes who founded their houses maintained their rules and enlarged them with possessions Among the which order of monks comming from Floriake especially was one Oswaldus first a monke of Floriake then bishop of Wirceter and of Yorke a great patrone and setter vp of monckery Touching the which Oswaldus William in his booke De pontific writing of his historie hath these woordes Familiaris per id temporis Anglis consuetudo fuit vt si qui boni afflati essent desiderio in beatissimi Benedicti monasterio caenobialem susciperet habituÌ„ a quo religionis huiusce manauit exordium c. That is It was a common custome at that time amoÌ„g English men that if any good men were well affected or minded toward religioÌ„ they went to the Monasterie of blessed S. Benedict in France and there receiued the habite of a Monke Wherupon the first origine of this religion began c. But of this Oswald bishop of Yorke and Dunstane bishop of Canterburie and Ethelwold bishop of Winchester howe they replenished diuers Monasteries Cathedral Churches with Monkes and howe they discharged maryed Priestes and Chanans out of their houses to plante in Monkes in their celles more shall be spoken by the grace of Christ heereafter Nowe let vs returne againe to the matter where we left of king Edmund who besides his noble victories against his enemies and recouering the Cities aboue expressed into his own haÌ„ds did also subdue the prouince of Cumberland And after he had put out the eyes of the two sonnes of Dunmail king of Cumberland he committed the gouernance therof to Malcolinus king of Scots vpon promise of his trustie seruice obedience when the king should stande in any neede of him In the time of this king Dunstane was not yet Archbi of Canterbury but onely Abbot of Glastenbury of whom many fabulous narrations passe among the wryters importing more vanity then verity Wherfore this is one of the first what time Edgarus called Pacificus was borne Dunstane being the same time Abbot of Glastenbury as the monkish fables dreame heard a voyce in the ayre of certaine Angels singing after this tenour and saying Nowe peace commeth to the church of England in the time of this child and of our Dunstane c. This I thought to recite that the christian reader might the better poÌ„der wyth himselfe the impudent and abhominable fictions of this Romish generation Out of the same mint also haue they forged how the sayd Dunstane should heare the aungels sing the Kyrieeleyson vsed to be song at euensong in the church Guliel de pontif lib. 1. Which is as true as that the Harpe hanging in a womans house played by it selfe the time of the Antheme called Gaudent in coelis c. What would not these deceiuers faine in matters something likely whych in thinges so absurde and so inconuenient shame not to lie and to forge so impudently also so manifestly Through the motion of this Dunstane King Edmund builded and furnished the monasterie of Glastenbury made the sayd Dunstane Abbot thereof Concerning the ende and death of this King sundrye opinions there be Alfridus and Marianus say that while this King Edmund endeuored hymselfe to saue his sewer from the daunger of his enemies which would haue slaine him at Pulcherchurch the king in parting of the fray was wounded and died shortly after But Guliel de Regibus lib. 2. sayeth that the king being at a feast at Pulcherchurch vpon the day of S. Augustine espied a fellon sitting in the hall named Leof whom he before for his fellony had exiled And leaping ouer the table did flie vpon him plucked the thiefe by the haire of the head to the ground In which doyng the fellon with a knife wounded the king to the death and also with the same knife wounded many other of the kings seruants and at length was all to hewen and died forthwith By the lawes of king Edmund ordeyned and set forth as well for the redresse of church matters as also of ciuile regiment it may appeare that the state both of causes temporal likewise spiritual appertained then to the kings right the false pretensed vsurpatioÌ„ of the bishop of Rome notwithstanding as by these lawes is to be seene where he by the aduise of his lordes and bishops did enact determine concerning the chastitie pure life of ecclesiastical ministers and such as were in the orders of the Church with the penalties also for them which transgressed the same Item for tithes to be payd of euery christian man and for the church fees and alme fees c. Item for deflouring of womeÌ„ professed which we call Nunnes c. Item for euery bishop to see his churches repaired of his owne proper charge and boldly to admonish the king whether the houses of God were well maintayned c. Item for flying into the church for sanctuary c. Item concerning cases and determinations spousall or matrimoniall c. All which constitutions declare what interest kings had in those days in matters as wel ecclesiastical as other within their dominion and that not only in disposing the ordinances and rites such as appertained to the institutioÌ„ of the church but also in placing and setting Bishops in their sens c. In the tyme of this Edmund was Ulstanus Archb. of Yorke and Odo Archbishop of Canterbury which Odo beyng a Daâ—e borne as is before touched was promoted to that sea by king Ethelstane for that as they say hee being first bishop of Witone present with kyng Ethelstane in the field against Analafus before mentioned what time the said Ethelstane had lost his sword he thorough his intercession vp to heauen did see a sworde from heauen come downe into the sheath of the kyng Whereof relation beyng made to the kyng by the foresayd Byshop Ethelstane vpon the same was so affected toward Odo that not onely he counted him for a Patrone of his life but also made him Primate of Canterbury after the decease of Ulfelmus This Odo was the first from the commyng of the Saxons till his
the porte of Southhampton But as Polydorus sayeth and Fabian affirmeth the same that it was by Thames side at London When his flatterers comming about him began to exalt him vp with high wordes calling him a king of all kings most mighty who had vnder his subiection both the people the land and also the sea Canutus reuoluing this matter in his minde whether for pride of his heart exalted or whether to trâ—e and refell their flattering words coÌ„maunded his chaire of estate to be brought to the sea side at what time it should begin to flowe Polydore sayth that no seate was brought but sitting vpon his garments being folded together vnder him there charged and commaunded the floudes arising comming toward his feete that they shoulde not touch neither him nor his clothes But the water keeping his ordinary course came nearer and nerer First to his feete and so growing higher began to wash him welfauoredly Wherewith the king abashed partly also afeard starte backe and looking to his Lordes Loe sayth he ye call me such a mighty king yet can I not commaunde backe this litle water to stay at my worde but it is ready to drowne me Wherfore all earthly kings may know that all their powers be but vaine and that none is worthy to haue the name of a king but he alone which hath all things subiect to the power authoritie of his word which is the Lord of heauen earth the creatour aboue of all thinges the father of our Christ and Lorde who with him for euer is to be glorified him let vs worship and extoll for our king for euer After this as histories witnes he neuer suffred the crowne to come vpon his head but went to Winchester or as some say to Canterbury but both those may be true for his going to CaÌ„terbury was to acknowledge that there was a Lorde much higher of more power then he himselfe was and therewithal to render vp his crowne for euer With that Egelnothes Archbyshop of Canterbury informed him of the image of the Crucifix before meÌ„tioned which dissolued the matter betweene maried Priests and life of Monkes and did many other myracles moe being then at Winchester Wherewith the King prouoked to go to Winchester to the roode there resigned vp hys regall Crowne and made the roode king ouer all the land Here is also to be noted in this Canutus that although as is said he coÌ„descended in the beginning of his raigne vpon king Edgares lawes yet after in proces of time hee set forth peculiar lawes of his own Among which diuers there be that concerne as well causes Ecclesiasticall as also temporal Whereby it may appeare that the gouernmeÌ„t of spirituall matters not to depende then of the Bishop of Rome but to appertaine to the lawfull authoritie of the temporall Prince no lesse then of matters and causes temporall As for example by these ordinaunces of the foresayd Canutus may be well considered as here folowe Pecunia sepulturae iustum est vt aperta terra reddatur Si aliquod corpus a sua parochia deferatur in aliam pecunia sepulturae c. In English It is mete and right that in funerals money be geuen for opening the earth If anybody or corse be caried from his owne Parishe into an other the money of the buriall shal pertaine by the law to his owne Parish Church All ordinaunces and ceremonies of God let them be obserued as neede in all things requireth Uppon the Sonday we forbid all publique â—ayres or markets all Synodes or conuenticles huntinges or any such seculare actions to be exercised vnlesse vrgent necessitie compell therunto Let euery ChristeÌ„ man prepare himself thrise a yere to approche to the receauing of the Lords body so to eate the same as not to his iudgemeÌ„t but to his wholsome remedy If a minister of the altare doe kill any man or haue intangled himselfe in any notorious crime let him be depriued both from his order and dignitie If any maried woman her husband being aliue haue committed adultery be proued with the same to her opeÌ„ shame in the world let her haue her nose and eares cut of Let euery widow after the death of her husband so remaine sole xij monethes or if shee marrye let her loose her ioynter And heere an ende of the Danish kyngs Nowe to the English kings againe whose right line coÌ„meth in againe in Edward here following King Edward called the Confessor FOr so much as God of his mercye and prouidence who is onely the maker of heires thought it so good after the wofull captiuitie of this Englishe nation to graunt now some respite of deliuerance in taking away the Danish kings without any issue left behind them who reigning here in EnglaÌ„d kept the english people in miserable subiection about the space of xxviij yeares and that from their firste landing in the time of King Brightricus wasting and vexing this land the terme of cc. â—v yeres Now their tiranny here comming to an ende the next election right of the crowne fell as appertained to Edwarde the yonger sonne of king Egelred and Emma a meere Englishman who had bene now long banished in Normandy as is aboue declared A man of gentle and soft spirite more appliable to other mens couÌ„sailes then able to trust to his owne of nature condition so geuen from al warre and bloudshed that being in his banishment he wished rather so to continue all his life long in that priuate estate then by warre or bloudshed to aspire to any kingdome This Edward after the death of Canutus the seconde or Hardecanute being sent for of the Lordes into NormaÌ„die to take possession of the Realme although he something mistrusted the vnconstant and fickle heads of EnglishmeÌ„ yet hauing sufficient pledges laid for him in Normandie came ouer with a few Normands accompanied and not long after was crowned at Winchester an 1043. by Edsius then Archbishop of Cant. And not long after that he maried Goditha or Editha daughter of Earle Godwyne whome he entreated after such sort that he neither put her from his bed nor yet delt with her fleshly Whether it 〈◊〉 for hate of her kin as most like it was or for loue of chastitie it remaineth vncertaine But most writers agree that he continued his lyfe without offence with women â—or the which he is highly exalted among our story writers and called holy king Edwarde After he had thus taken vpon him the gouernement of the realme he guided the same with much wisedome and iustice the space of 24. yeres lacking two monethes from whome issued as out of a fountaine much godlinesse mercy pitie and liberalitie towarde the poore gentlenes and iustice toward all men and in all honest life he gaue a vertuous example to his people He discharged the Englishmen of the great tribute called Dane gelt which before
playne neare vnto S. Iohns towne put him to flight and so chased the Scots that of them were slayne to the number of 7. thousand In the which victory such Byshops and Abbots as were taken he sent theÌ„ to the Pope the temporall Lordes and other Scots he sent vnto London c. Syr Robert Bruys after this discomfiture when he had thus lost both the field and chiefe frendes seing himselfe not able to make hys party good fled into Norway where he kept hys abode during the time while king Edward liued WheÌ„ this noble Edward had thus subdued the Scots he yelded thankes to God for hys victory so letting the land in a quiet and an order he returned vnto London which was the 35. yeare and last of his raigne c. Now returning to that which I promised before touching the variaunce and greuous dissention betwene Philip the French king and Pope Boniface the eight of that name After the byshopricke of Rome had bene long voyd through the dissentioÌ„ of the Cardinals for the space of two yeares and 3. monthes at length Pope Celestinus was chosen successor to pope Nicholas the fourth Which Celestinus in hys first consistory began to reforme the Clergy of Rome thinking to make it an example to al other churches Wherefore he procured to hymselfe such a hatred among hys Clergy men that this Boniface then called Benedictus speaking through a reede by his chamber wall nightly admonished him as it had bene a voyce from heauen that he should geue ouer his Papacie as beyng a burden bigger then he could wyld Ex Masseo This pope Celestine after he had set vi monethes by the trechery falshhoode of this Boniface was induced to geue vp resigne his Bishoprick partly for the voyce spoken of before partly for feare being told of certaine craftely subornated in his chaÌ„ber that if he did not resigne he shold lose his life Who theÌ„ after his resignation goyng to liue in some solitary defert being a simple man was vilely taken and thrust in perpetuall prison by Pope Boniface crastely pretending that he did it not for any hatred vnto Celestine but that sedetious persoÌ„s might not haue him as their hed to rayse vp some stirre in the Church And so was brought to his death Wherfore this Boniface was worthely called the eight Nero of whom it was rightly sayd hee came in like a Foxe he reigned like a Lyon and dyed like a dogge This Pope Boniface succeeding or rather inuadyng after Celestinus behaued himselfe so imperiously that he put down princes excommunicated kings such as did not take theyr confirmation at his hand Diuers of his Cardinals he draue away for feare some of them as schismaticks he deposed and spoyled them of all theyr substaunce Philip the French king he excommunicated for not suffering hys money to goe out of the Realme and therefore cursed both his and him to the fourth generation Albertus the Emperour not once nor twise but thrise sought at his handes to be coÌ„firmed and yet was reiected neyther could obtain vnlesse he would promise to driue the Frenche king out of his realme The factions discorde in Italy betweene the Guelphes and Gibillines which the part of a good bishop had bene to extinct so little he helped to quench the smoke that he of all other was chiefest fire brande to encrease the flame In so much that vpon Ashwednesday when Porchetus an Archbishop came and kneeled down before hym to receaue hys ashes Pope Boniface looking vpon him perceauing that he was one of the Gibbellines part cast his handfull of ashes in hys eyes saying Memen to homo quòd Gibellinus es c. That is remember man that a Gibeline thou art and to ashes thou shale go This Pope moreouer ordained first the Iubilei in Roâ—â—â—in the solemnising wherof the first day he shewed hymselfe in his poutificalibus gaue free remission of sinnes to as many as came to Rome out of all the parts of the world The second day beyng arrayed with Imperiall ensignes he commaunded a naked sword to be caryed before him and sayd with a loud voyce Eccepotestatem vtriusque gladij That is Loe here the power and authoritie of both the swords â—es From the which very yeare as most stories do record the Turkes doe beginne the first count of their Turkishe Emperours whereof the siâ—t was Ottomannus as you shal heare discoursed hereafter by Gods grace in the history of the Turkes By this sayd Pope Boniface diuers constitutions extrauaganes of his predecessours were collected together with many of his owne newly added thereto and is made the booke called Sextus decretalium c. By whom also first sprang vp pardons and indulgences from Rome These thinges thus premised of Boniface the Pope now will I come to the occasion of the strife betweene him and the French king Concerning whiche matter first I finde in the history of Nicholas Triuet that in the yeare of our Lord. 1301. the Byshop of Oppanubam beyng accused for a conspiracie agaynst the French king was brought vp to hys Court so committed to prison The pope hearing this sendeth word to the kyng by hys Legate to set him at liberty The French king not daring to the contrary looseth the Bishop But wheÌ„ he had done he dischargeth both the byshop and the Legate commaunding them to voyde hys realme Whereupon Pope Boniface reuoketh all the graces and priuiledges graunted eyther by him or his predecessors before to the kingdome of Fraunce also not long after thundring out the sentence of hys curse agaynst hym Moreouer citeth all the prelates all diuines and lawyers both ciuile and canon to appeare personally before him at Rome at a certain day which was the first of Nouember Agaynst this citation the king againe prouideth and commaundeth by straite proclamation that no maner of persoÌ„ should export out of the Realme of France eyther gold or siluer or any other maner of ware or marchandise vppon forseting all their goodes and theyr bodyes at the kinges pleasure prouiding with all the wayes and passages diligeurly to be kept that none might passe vnsearched Ouer and besides the sayd French kyng defeited the Pope in geuing and bestowing prebendes and benefices and other ecclesiasticall liuings contrary to the Popes profite For the which cause the pope writeth to the foresayd king in forme and effect as followeth ¶ Boniface Byshop and seruaunt to Gods seruauntes to hys beloued sonne Phillip by the grace of God king of Fraunce greeting and Apostolicall blessing BOniface the seruaunt of Gods seruauntes c. feare God and obserue his commaundementes We will thee to vnderstand that thou art subiect to vs both in spirituall thinges and temporall And that no gift of benefices or prebendes belongeth to thee and if thou haue the keeping of any beyng vacaunt that thou reserue the profites of them to the
gouernement of both the states as well secular as also ecclesiasticall The king therfore not suffering the excessiue proceedinges of Pope Clement the 5. aboue specified directeth his letters mandatory to the Prelates and Barons of the realme of Fraūce to connēt assemble themselues together at Paris about the beginning of December the yeare aboue prefixed The tenor of which letters of the king directed to the Prelates followeth in this forme and maner ¶ The Sommons of a Parliament by Philip the French king PHilip by the grace of God king of Fraunce to our welbeloued Bishop of Eduens greeting and salutation Reuerend Father in God right trusty and welbeloued we greete you well The more sight and knowledge you haue in diuinitye and the holye Scriptures of God with the practise and experience of other good qualityes and vertues you know the better a great deale how that the Clergy and layty of this our Realme as members of one body ought to cleaue and sticke together and how by theyr helping hand vnity and peace should bee maynetayned of all and the contrary eschued and auoyded euery state contēting it selfe not incroching one vpon another And because we are aduertised how that our Barons and officers as well in time past as of late haue diuersly in diuers poyntes iniuried you as semblably you and yours in many causes haue wrongfullye damaged them by occasion wherof the knot of vnitie and concord which ought to haue florished among you is quite loosed and vndone To the end therefore by Gods grace some good reformation and redresse may be had herein We most studious of vnity and concord requere you and by these our letters commaūd you to appeare personally before vs at Paris the 15. day of Decēber next ensuing the dare hereof and there before vs to make relation of such wrong as ye haue receiued at the laities hāds And wee likewise straightly charge and commaund you our Barons Bailiffes and officers not to fayle but to make your personall appearaunces before vs the day and place aboue written there to exhibite before vs a bill of such complayntes wherewith you burden our Prelats and Clergy with their officials that we with our counsell consulting thereupon with due regard may see redresse therin wherby perpetuall loue and charity may euer hereafter raigne and remayne among them for euer Geuen at Paris the first day of September an 1329. At the day in the letters aboue specified the Prelates and Clergy assembled themselues before the King at hys palace in Paris that is to witte The L. Baturicen the L. of Auxitan the L. Turonen the L. Rothom and the L. Senon all Archbishops The L. Beluaren the L. Cathalan the L. Laudun the L. of Paris the L. Nousonon the L. Carnoten the L. Constan the L. Andegauen the L. Pictauen the L. Melden the L. of Cameracen the L. of S. Feri the L. Brioce the L. of Cabition the L. of Eduen all Byshops Where after due reuerence done vnto the Kinges grace there sitting in his owne person wyth his Barons and counsell about him a certayne noble and wise person Lord Peter de Cugnerijs being one of the kinges counsell rose vp and openly in the Parliament house spake in the kinges behalfe on this wise taking for hys Theame Reddite quae sunt Caesaris Caesari quae sunt Dei Deo which is to say geue and render vnto Cesar whiche is his and vnto God which is Gods which he uery artificially prosecuted and applyed deuiding it into 2. partes First that obedience and reuerence is due vnto the king Secondly that there ought to be a difference betweene the iurisdiction of the clergy and laity so that spirituall matters should be defined and ordered by the Prelats and spirituall men and temporall causes ruled and determined by the king his Barons and temporall men Which all he proued by many reasōs both of fact and law as more fully appeareth beneath in the answere of the Byshop of Eduen finally he concluded that the Clergy ought onely to deale and haue to doe with spirituall matters in defence whereof the kings highnes would stand their good Lord and maintayner His Oration being ended he repeated certayn wordes in the French toung which imported that the kinges will and pleasure was in some poyntes to renew the temporall state and iurisdiction therewith exhibited a certaine bill in French whereof also he gaue a copy to the Prelates contayning certaine pointes and articles vnder writtē the contentes wherof he affirmed not to appertaine to the order iurisdiction of the spiritualty but onely to the temporalty complayning that the Clergy had wrōgfully proceeded in y◠same But notwithstanding the premisses for all this his complaint he sayd that y◠Prelates should haue time to consult and deliberate thereupō with the king The copy of which articles with answers ensuing vpon the same and the grieuaunces of the kingdome of Fraunce wrought by the clergy and exhibited to the king hereafter foloweth 1. First the cognition of causes reall whether they touch possession or their propriety or not by commō law apperteineth to y◠iurisdicion temporall But the Prelates wyth their officials to y◠end to infringe the tēporall iurisdiction take vpon them the determination of such causes reall especially concerning possession and all other interdictes 2. Item when a temporall man is sued by any Clerke or spirituall man for the possession of his land obtayning an adiornament of the secular power in the cause of nouite or otherwise The prelates officials stopping hereby the tēporall iurisdiction at the instaunce of the Clerke calleth by proces before them both the secular iudge and the party inhibiting them to proceed any farther in the cause vnder payne of excommunication and forfeiture of a certayne summe 3. Item although the secular iudge haue the cognition of all lay mens matters except in spirituall causes yet wil y◠Bishops Officials at the instaunce of any partye call such before them And if the tēporall mē do except against their iurisdiction alleadging the incompitency of the iudge or els if they require the cause to be remitted to them vnder whom they are as the right iudges yet doth the Officials refuse this to do yea and by excommunication compell the parties to proceed before them 4. Item the Byshoppes Officials at the instaunce of the clerks alledging that they are iniuried in matters of inheritance by a lay man call by proces the laity And if it be alledged that those causes stand vpō reality being so indeed for that consideration the cause to be remitted to the tēporall law This notwithstanding the Officials prohibit them vnder payne of excommunication or some great forfeit not to proceed but before them 5. Item the Bishops Officials take vpon them to heare the plea of such contractes as either be conceiued in writings or made by word of mouth in the temporall law
seÌ„ding out their monition of excommunication against theÌ„ that stand bound concerning the same contractes 6. Item the Byshoppes and Prelates decree prouinciall couÌ„cels and Sinodall Statuts enacting ordering therin many thinges to the high great preiudice of the temporall iurisdiction wherin they ought to haue no cognitioÌ„ at all neither to intermeddle themselues therwith 7. Item the foresayd Officials take vpon theÌ„ before Notaries to sweare persons for performance of contractes bargaynes made by them in places vnder the iurisdiction temporal concerning the sale of inheritance or otherwise incroching thereby vpon their iurisdiction when verelye they haue nothing to do with any contracts and obligations but with such as are made and agreed vpon within the compasse of their owne seat and iurisdiction 8. Item the sayd Officials of ther meere office call before them the laity to aunswere to such matters of correctioÌ„ as shal be layd to theyr charge the cognition where of as they say doth appertayn vnto them And when the sayd persoÌ„s do appeare before them deny the crime obiected against them the Officials deteyne them and put them in prison although in such cases they are to be released and that imprisonment appertaineth onely to the temporall power not to them 9. Item in the cases aforesayd although by making of their purgations and other the proces therein they be fouÌ„d cleare of that which is layd to theyr charge and are acquitted these yet the said officials will in no wise discharge and dismisse theÌ„ before they haue to the vttermost payd for the writings and proces in that behalfe a good piece of mony when by law it ought to be done gratis and for nothing 10. Item it must not be forgotten to talke of the senteÌ„ce of excoÌ„munication which is decreed by vertue of one only citation so often times as a man sayleth in his appearance 11. Item mentioÌ„ is to be made of those kinde of obligatioÌ„s De nisi whereby a man is excommunicated by and by if he make not payment at the day prefixed although he be not able so to do 12. Item whosoeuer by vertue of excommunicatioÌ„ in the Bishops court is excommunicate and he â—â— excoÌ„municate do not satisfy the summe due about the excommunication by by the summ is doubled And the secular power charged by the bishops or their officials that they vnder paine of excoÌ„mmunication compell the excoÌ„municate by attaching their goods to pay the sayd summe and not to misse a iote which monitioÌ„ if the layry refuseth to put in executioÌ„ they themselues are then excommunicate in no wise to be absolued before they disburse that mony the which the principall excommunicate person should haue payd 13. Item if the Balifes Hedborowes or other the kings officers and iudges of the temporaltye receiuing the foresayd monitions do put the same in execution finde those that be excoÌ„municate to be beggerlye and nothing worth the sayd officers are bound at their owne proper costs and charges to resort to the Bishops sea or consistory where soeuer it is there to take a corporall oath that the partyes excoÌ„municate are nothing worth This if they fayle those officers are sure to be excommunicate and therby inforced to disburse the due of the first excommunicate persons 14. IteÌ„ if two lay men be in sute together before a temporall iudge about an action either reall or personall one of theÌ„ after contestation of law and great proces therin do appeale vnto an ecclesiasticall iudge he will presume then to deteine before him the plea of such cases actions both reall personal causing by vertue of his monitions authority the temporall iudge to cease leaue of from medling therein which if the secular iudge obeyeth not he is pronounced excommunicate compelled to make satisfaction by occasions wherof the teÌ„poral iurisdiction is much annoyed and cleane loseth the prerogatiue thereof because by law no man may appeale from a spirituall iudge to the temporall law 15. Item if a lay man inhabiter of any the kings townes procureth his debter being also a lay man to be arested by vertue of secular iustice in that place he which is so arrested appealeth causeth also his creditor to be arrested the officials will take vpoÌ„ them to heare this matter And if any thing be atteÌ„pted concerning the appeale they misse not to demauÌ„d cost and satisfaction both of the iustice and also of him to whom the arrest was made And if any of the Princes retinne compelleth them to resist this iniury they are straight wayes pronounced excommunicate 16. Item if the sayd Bishops haue a number of Officials vnder them whom they terme Deanes of the clergy which vsually causeth all sorts of people through the kinges dominions onely by word of mouth to come afore theÌ„ that sometime without commissioÌ„ when that in euery Dioces there ought onely to be but one seat or Consistory wherâ—â— matters should be heard and decided And hereby it hapneth diuers times that many are wrongfully without cause cited to the end that they may pay mony enough to rid themselues thereof which is to the no small preiudice of the Kinges Maiestyes subiectes and the temporall iurisdiction 17. Item the sayd rulers of the clerks sealeth vp the houses of their clergy which are situate in the kinges townes and other of his noble mens villagyes to the preindice of the kinges maiestyes iurisdiction other of his nobility for that in such kinde of places the Bishops haue no suche kinde of iurisdiction 18. Item the sayd Prelates or their officials doe presume to seale vp the moueable goods of maryed Clerkes and of marchaunts where in such cases the order thereof apperteineth to the temporall law 19. Item they compel the laity to put in surety to answere clerkes before them in the spirituall court yea and chiefly the kinges owne seruitures 20. Item they presume to heare and haue the cognition of actions which are reall or at leastwise mixt that is both reall and personall 21. Item the sayd prelates go about to haue cognition of such temporall mens matters as dwel in hospitals almes houses the kings peculiars and in villagies of his subiectes although the plea thereof apperteineth to the King himselfe and his subiects forbidding vnder payne of excoÌ„munication great forfeits no man so hardy to commeÌ„ce any sute agaynst any of them but before theÌ„selues in pain of a great summe of mony 22. Item to the end the Clergye and Ecclesiasticall rule should be multiplied they conferre a number of Tonsures to children vnder age some of them being sonnes of bondmen other some bastardes borne yea and to many more maried folkes insufficient vnable and vnlearned 23. Item they do cause by the gouernors of their clerkes widow women to be inforced defiled and will haue the discussing therof as in like maner they will determine the matters
with the Sherifte and that the one shall teach them Gods law and the other mans law as ye heard in King Edgars lawes before Many other lawes both Ecclesiasticall and temporall besides these were enacted by these and other Kings heere in England before the Conquest but these be sufficient to geue the vnderstanding Reader to consider how the authority of the Bishops of Rome all this while extended not so farre to prescribe lawes for gouernement of the Church but that Kings and Princes of the Realme as they be now so were then full gouernours heere vnder Christ as well in causes Ecclesiasticall as temporall both in directing orders instituting lawes in calling of Synodes and also in conferring Byshoprickes and benefices without any leaue of the Romish Bishops Thus Odo Dunstane Oswold Ethelwold Aldelinus and Lancfrancus although they fet their palles afterwarde from Rome yet were they made Bishops and Archbishops by Kings only not by Popes And thus stoode the gouernement of this Realme of England all the time before the Conquest till Pope Hildebrand through the setting on of the Saxons began first to bring the Emperour which was Henry 4. vnder foote Then followed the subduing of other Emperours Kings and subiects after that as namely heere in England when Lancfrancus Anselmus and Becket went to complayne of their Kings and gouernours then brought they the Popes iudiciall authority first from Rome ouer this land both ouer Kings and subiects which euer since hath continued till these latter yeares Albeit the sayd Kings of this Realme of England being prudent Princes and seeing right well the ambitious presumption of those Romish Byshops did what they could to shake off the yoke of their supremacie as appeareth by the lawes and Actes of their Parliaments both in king Edward the thirds time King Richard the 2. and King Henry the 4. aboue in their Parliament notes specified yet for feare of other foreine Princes and the blind opinion of their subiectes such was then the calamitie of that time that neither they could nor durst compasse that which faine they would till at last the time of their iniquitie being complete through the Lords wonderfull working theyr pride had a fall as in the next Volume ensuing the Lord so graunting shall by proces of hystorie be declared The Image of the true Catholicke Church of Christ. ¶ The proude primacie of Popes paynted out in Tables in order of their rising vp by little and little from faythfull Byshops and Martyrs to become Lords and gouernours ouer King and kingdomes exalting themselues in the Temple of God aboue all that is called God c. 2. Thessalonians 2. IN the Table of the primitiue Churche aboue described hath bene gentle Reader set forth and exhibited before thine eies the greeuous afflictions and sorowfull tormentes which thorough Gods secret sufferance fell vpon the true Saints and members of Christes Church in that time especially vpon the good Bishops Ministers and teachers of the flocke of whome some were scourged some beheaded some crucified some burned some had their eies put out some one way some another miserably consumed which daies of wofull calamitie cōtinued as is foreshewed neare the space of CCC yeares During which time the deare spouse and elect Church of God being sharply assaulted on euery side had small rest no ioy nor outward safetie in this present world but in much bitternes of hart in continuall teares and mourning vnder the crosse passed ouer their daies being spoiled imprisoned contemned reuiled famished tormented and martired euerywhere who neither durst well tarie at home for feare and dread and much lesse durst come abroade for the enemies but onely by night when they assembled as they might sometimes to sing Psalmes and Hymnes together In all which their dreadfull dangers and sorrowfull afflictions notwithstanding the goodnes of the Lord left them not desolate but the more their outward tribulations did increase the more their inward consolations did abound and the farther off they seemed from the ioyes of this lyfe the more present was the Lorde wyth them wyth grace and fortitude to confirme and reioyce theyr soules And though theyr possessions and riches in this world were lost and spoyled yet were they enriched wyth heauenly giftes and treasures from aboue an hundreth fold Then was true Religion truely felt in hart Then was Christianitie not in outwarde appearance shewed but in inward affection receaued and the true image of the Churche not in outwarde shew pretensed but in her perfect state effectuall Then was the name and feare of God true in hart not in lippes alone dwellyng Fayth then was feruent zeale ardent prayer not swimming in the lippes but groned out to God from the bottome of the spirite Then was no pride in the Church nor laysure to seeke riches nor tyme to keepe them Contention for trifles was then so far from Christians that well were they when they could meete to pray together agaynst the Deuill authour of all dissention Briefly the whole Churche of Christ Iesus wyth all the members thereof the farther it was from the type and shape of this worlde the nearer it was to the blessed respect of Gods fauour and supportation ¶ The first rising of the Byshops of Rome AFter this long tyme of trouble it pleased the Lord at length mercifully to looke vpon the Saints and seruauntes of his sonne to release their captiuitie to release their miserie and to binde vp the old Dragon the Deuill which so long vexed them whereby the Church began to aspire to some more libertie and the Bishops which before were as abiects vtterly contemned of Emperours through the prouidence of God which disposeth all things in his time after his owne willy began now of Emperours to be esteemed and had in price Furthermore as Emperours grew more in deuotion so the Bishops more and more were exalted not only in fauour but also preferred vnto honour in so much that in short space they became not quarter maisters but rather halfe Emperours with Emperours Constantinus the Emperour embrasing Christen Byshops By which words of S. Paul we haue diuers things to vnderstand First that the day of the Lordes cōming was not thē nere at hand Secōdly the Apostle geuing vs a tokē before to know whē that day shall approch biddeth vs looke for an aduersary first to be reuealed Thirdly to shew what aduersary this shal be he expresseth him not to be as a common aduersary suche as were then in his time For although Herode Annas and Cayphas the high Priestes and Pharasyes Tertullus Alexander the Coppersmith Elymas Symō Magus Nero the Emperor in Paules time were great aduersaryes yet here he meaneth another besides these greater thē all the rest not such a one as should be like to Priest King or Emperor but such as farre exceding the estate of all kinges priests and Emperors should be the prince of priests should make kings to
Rome Pope Iohn had his eyes put out and so put to death Pope Gregory restored Vii electours of themperors ordayned in Germany and who they be Ex Chronico Martini King Egelred Anno. 979. The life of Egelred Anno. 981. The coronation of Egelred The prophecie of Dunstane as monkishe storyes geue it The Danes recoursed to England Houeden lib. continuationum London coÌ„sumed with fire The king warred against the Byshop of Rochester An. 990. The bloudy flixe and hote feuers reigned in this land The death of Dunstane Ethelgarus Elfricus Siricius Elphegus Archb. of Canterb. An. 995. The Byshops sea of Dyrham London besieged of the Danes The Dane spoyled the land Great tribute leuied of the Englishmen Danegelt The sorrowfull affliction of the English nation What disseÌ„tion and discorde doth amoÌ„g the nobles in a realme The pride and wretchednes of the Danes toward the Englishmen Lord Dane Lurdaine Anno. 1000. Henrie Archidiat lib. 6. The first ioyning betweene the Norm and Englishe men King Egelred marieth Emma the Dukes daughter of Normandy Richard Duke of Normandy The Danes by secret coÌ„mission slayne in euery towne of England Suanus K. of Denmarke ariueth in England Exeter beat down Norwiche spoyled and wasted by the Danes Anno. 1004. A tribute payd to the Danes of xxx M. pound to haue peace The persecution of Turkillus a Dane Euill counsell about a king what hurt it doth The second returne of Suanus into England The persecution of Suanus king of Danes Caunterbury besieged Treason of a false Deacon Caunterbury takeÌ„ and brent The tything of the Monkes of Caunterbury A cruell murther of the Danes Elphegus the Archb. of CauÌ„t stoned to death Anno. 1013. King Egelred driuen 〈…〉 I le of Wigâ—â— from then 〈◊〉 Normandy The vertue of Christen mens prayer The death and end of Suanus The Abbey of S. Edmundelburie builded King Egelred returneth into England Canutus cutteth of the noses and handes of hys pledges Canutus taketh Westsaxon A lessen for all Iudges and Iustices Brybes Euill Iudges worse in a common wealth then bloudy enemies Wicked officers Agaynst wicked Iudges A wicked Iudge deposed and depriued by the king Anno. 1016. Edmund Ironside sunne of Egelred king Canutus sonne of Swanus king The battayles betweene Edmundus and Canutus A witty oration to stay bloud betweene 2. armyes Two 〈◊〉 fight 〈◊〉 to hand The 〈◊〉 murtherd king Edmund Two soâ—ne of Edmund Yâ—onside Flattery 〈◊〉 fidelity 〈◊〉 vntrueth in English Lordes False vnfaythfulnes and vnconstant mobilitie in Englishe Lordes and rewarded Duke Edrike the false traytor and murtherer of 〈◊〉 king worthely rewarded for hys wicked falshode The end of pernicious traytours The brother of Edmund Yronside banished reconciled and lastly slayne Edmund and Edward two sonnes of Edmund Yronside sent out to be slayne Canutus K. of Denmarke Canutus maryeth Emma wife before of Egelred Lawes of K. Edgar Hâ—rold Harefoot K. of EnglaÌ„d a Dane Anno. 1039. Hardecknout king last of the Danes that reigned in England Erle Godwyn The miserable wretchednes of Godwyn agaynst the Normands The Normandes tythed and yet the tenthes retithed agayn Alfredus sonne of Egelred right heyre of the crowne tormented with cruell death The cause expended why God suffered this land to be conquered by the Normandes Example of Gods righteous iudgement The death of K. Hardeknout The sonnes of Erle Godwyn The story of Alfred repeated Taken out of the english story or chronicle compiled of certayne englishe Clerkes Alfred of Alâ—red sonne of K. Egelred Ex historia ignati autoriâ— Gunilda wife to Henricus the Emperour Canutus went to Rome The hospitall builde at Rome for English pâ—â—grimes Rome shote confirmed by Canutus The Cathedral Churche of Wintchest inritched by Canutus S. Benets in Norfolke builded Bury Abbey turned to Monkes Flatterers and clawbackes about Princes Canutus chargeth the sea to stand backe but it would not be A lesson notable for kinges and Princes God onely the king of all kings and Lord of Lordes The kinges crowne put on a roode Kinges of England haue as much right in causes spirituall as temporall Certaine lawes of K. Canutus for the ordering of matters ecclesiasticall Adultresse woman to loose their eares and noses Anno. 104â— King Edward the conâ—ellour England aâ—flicted by the Danes the space of 255. yeares K. Edward crowned Holy king Edward a virgine iâ— maryage Methe iâ— Greeke signifieth drâ—kennes Aceasation of the Archbish. against Emma the kinges mother False accusation purged by hote yron A straunge thing if it were true and without false conueyance Great snow and mortalitie in England Variaunce betweene the king and Godwyn Godwyn with hys v. sonnes outlawed Godwyn reconciled to the king vpon pledges geuen William D. of Normandy came into England to king Edward Marianus Scotus wheÌ„ he liued The end and death of vngodly Godwyn Ex lorna Malmesberiensi Polydor. Fabiano alijs Gods iust punishment vpon Godwyn for the murthering of Alphred Periurie plagued Edward the outlawe sonne of Edmund Yronside sent for to England Anno. 1056. The death of Edward sonne of Edmond Yronside William Duke of Normandy admitted heyre to the crowne The enuy and discorde of brethren Vngracious children of a wicked father A place of Polydorus Virg. examined Harold taken of the Normands Harold promiseth Duke William to marry hys daughter and to keepe the realme for hys behoofe Erle Leofricus euer true and faythfull to hys prince How Couentry was made free Godina wife to Leofricus The Abby of Couentry builded by Leofricus Edward the outlaw Edgar Edeling Margaret Queene of Scottes Matilde Queene of England Dauid King of Scots The death of King Edward Westminster repayred Guliel Malmesber Ex lornalen Ex Historia Richardi 2. iussu composita The lawes of K. Edward Ex Mathaeo pariensi William Conquerour sworne to K. Edwardes lawes yet went from it Ex libro Reg. antiquorum in praetorio Londinensi The office of a king described in the lawes of K. Edward A king the vicare of God in earth The limits of the kingdome of England how farre they doe extend The office of a king farther described 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 king 〈◊〉 to haue 〈…〉 iecâ—ion Anno. 1066. Harold 〈◊〉 K. of Saxons Harold king of Denmarke and Tostius slayne The Pope sendeth a banner to Duke W. vpon bone vâ—age into England Duke William landeth at Hâ—stinges Three causes why Duke William entred England Three conditions offered to Harold by D. William The fight betweene Harold and Duke William K. Harold slayne The consanguinitie betweene K. Edward and William Conquerour Murther iustly recompensed Archbishops of Caunterb Liningus Egelmothus Robertus Stigandus The decay of the Church Pope Siluester 2. Siluester the. 2 a soule sorcerer Ioannes Stella Platina Petrus Praemostratensis Nancleâ—us Antoninus Robertus Barnus Ioannes Baleus Ex Ioan Stella An admonition for sorcerers and wicked coniuâ—ers The feast of all soules brouâ—ht into the church Benedictus the 9. Gregorius the 6. A constitution no pope to be chosen but by the
fruites for 2. yeares graunted to the kyng Ex vetusto Chronico Albanensi A parliament in Fraunce assembled wherein is discussed the iurisdiction ecclesiastical how farre it extendeth Anno. 1329. The letter of Philip king of Fraunce to the byshops prelates The Parliament conuented Lord Peter speakes in the Parliament The theaâ—e of his oration The oration deuided in two partes Obedience to the kyng Difference betweene the iurisdiction of the state temporall and ecclesiasticall Articles in the Parliament propounded contayning the iust complaints of the laitie against the clergie Causes real Prelates intermedle in temporall mens matters Ex Officio Imprisonment pertaineth not to the Clergie Action reall personall No maÌ„ may appeale froÌ„ a spirituall iudge to the temporall law by the Popes diuinitie Deanes of the Clergie Maryed clear Gynnes to gâ—â— money Resortum The clergie preiudiciall to common iustice Ex Officio Vsury craftely obiected by the clergie against laye men The prelates make the church a denne of theeues Note the practise of officials to get money B. Eduen and Archb. of Seâ—â—â— elect Prolocutor for prelates Repetition of the L. Peters oration aboue touched page 358. Luke 22. Math. 17. Two gifts giue Priesthood Empyre Prouerb 22. Dif 10. 1. Peter 2. Actes 5. 2. Mach 7. 11. quast 1. Feare of God staÌ„deth in three pointes Num. 18. 1. Paral. cap. vlt. What benefite commeth by geuing to the church Luke 6. Time of warre 1. Mach. 3. Exod. 17. 2. Mach. Time of peace Prouerb 16. 1. Esdras 6. Eccle. 2. The 2. part of fearing God Hebr. 12. Honouring of spirituâ—â—â— fathers 4. Keg 6. Luke 10. 1. Thess. 4. 11. q. cap. â— Sacerdâ—â—â—bus Exod. 22. Malach. 2. Honour to be giuen to priestes Two powers temporall and spirituall and what difference betwene them both De mai obed cap. Solit. Double subiection vpon merite of vertue and vpon duetie of necessitie The authoritie of a byshop and a king compared The pride of the prelacye Siâ—upekings Eccle. 4. Eccle. 4. The third part of fearing God Eccle. 18. A thing made myne diuers wayes 6. Proofes 1. Diuine lawe 2. by the law of nature 3. by canon lawe 4. by ciuill lawe 5. by custom 6. by priuiledge Formes being dislike not contrary may be compatible in one subiect Proofes out of the olde Testament Melchisedech was both kyng and Priest Ergo the P. may haue both iurisdictions Gene. 14. Deut. 17. Samuell was iudge in temporall matters Ergo the Pope may haue both iurisdictions 1. Mach. â— Ierem. 1. Proofes taken out of the new Testament Apoc. 19. Christ by his humaine nature had both powers Psal. 8. Hebr. 2. Phil. 2. Act. 10. Acts. 5. Math. 8. Omnia terminus distributiuus Luke 22. 1. Cor. 6. 22. q. 1. cap. futuram Esay 13. Probation by ciuil lawe and reason 1. Peter 2. Probation by the Canon lawe Custome Iudicium contradictorium Three things pertayning to prescription 1. Titulus 2. bonafides 3. TemporiÌ„s continuatio Ius fisci The church not subiect to the kyng Obiection Answere The French 〈◊〉 more blessed then other in 3 thinges 1. Faith to God 2 Honour to the Church 3. Iustice to the people 5. thinges doth nobilate the realme of Fraunce The bloud of Fraunce came out of Priamus king of Troy 1. Reg. 2.1 Daniel 5. Ambrose in case denieth to obey the Emperour 3. Reg. 21. Nabaoth denyeth to the kyng his Vineyard Gene. 48. Math. 17. Offence how it ought to be auoyded Rom. 14. Math. 16. The 3. note of the feare of God Eccle. 15. Honour of the kyng Eccle. 10. Two kinde of honour Math. 17. Double honour with lippes and with heart A prince â—â—ther to be beloued 〈◊〉 feared Seneca de clementia ad Gerâ—â—â—â— A sentence Prouerb 22 In alteration what is to be coÌ„sidered 3. Reg. 11. Math. 20. 25. Quaestâ—â—â— cap. Si. Marke here a fable A dreaming fable Iohn 8. Eccle. 4. Rom. 11. Who honoreth the K. Prouer. 22. Conscience and good name Eccle. 4. 24. q. 5 cap. Regnum Eccle. 37. Eccle. 3. The 4. honoring of the kyng Mat. 6. 1. Reg. 15. The oth of the French kinges Aâ—g by the possessions of the church many brethren and kinsmen of the nobles be maintayned Ergo such possessions are not to be grudged at To beleeue in the Church is not in our faith 1. Reg. 21. To the bill of articles exhibited An other dayes sitting in the parliament Bishop of Eduen againe speaketh Math. 12. Marke 12. 11. q. 1. cap. 1. 2. 22. q. 4. cap. Si vero Math. 26. Why Christ payd tribute 16. Dist. cap. Constantiâ—â—â— 35. Dist. cap. ab exordio Eccle. 6. Speciall answeres to the articles premised by B. Eduen An other dayes sitting in the Parliament â—â— Dist. cap. sum ad vetum Shauing of Priestes crownes wherefore 11. quest 2. The B. findeth fault with the kings answere The gentle answere of the king to Bishope The finall answere of the kyng to the Prelates Notes vpon the bishops answerâ— Pag. 36â— col 2. Feare of God consisting in three thinges 1. In geuing 2. In honoring 3. In restoring Honour to the kyng double In word flattering in deede effectuall Honour effectuall standeth in foure pointes 1. in maintayning the kings loue 2. in maintayning his dignitie 3. in maintayning his good name 4. in maintayning his conscience Pag. 361. col 2. Pag. 361. col 2. Religio peperit diuitias nunc filia deuorauit matrem 4. incommodities that come in geuing to the church Pag. 361. col 2. 3. Things to be noted in offering to God and to the church Rom. 12. Pag. 361. col 1. Pag. 362. col 1. 1. Tim. 5. 2. Things â—â— be noted â— geuing honour whâ—â—in consiâ—â—â— honour geuing to Priestes 1. Tim. 5. Titus 2. Qui benè praesunt How far honour giuen to priestes extendeth Marke 7. Pag. 362. col 1. Tit. 2. Pag. 362. col 1. 2. formes not contrary maybe compatible in one subiect Pag. 363. col 1. Rom. 13. Pag. 363. col 1. Noe was a priest and had both iurisdiction in the Arke Pag. 363. col 1. A. Pag. 363. col B. Page 363. col 1. C. Pag. 363. col 1. D. E. Pag. 363. col 1. Pag. 364. col 1. Pag. 364. col 1. Pag. 364. col 1. Anno. 1307. The sicknes and death of K Edward Godly lessoÌ„s and precepts geuen to the yong prince The kyng coÌ„maundeth his bones to be caryed in the field against the Scottes The fatherly care of kyng Edward in excluding wicked coÌ„pany froÌ„ his sonne A rashe vow of kyng Edward The kyngs heart to be carâ—ed to the holy land The Epitaph of kyng Edward King Edward the second Anno. 1308. King Edward led by wicked counsaile Peter Gaueston or Gauerston a wicked doer about the kyng Anno. 1310. Peter Gaueston The vnordinate affection of the kyng to Peter Gaueston The pride of Peter Gaueston Peter Gaueston spoileth the kynges treasure The queene complaineth to the freÌ„ch kyng her Father of Peter Gaueston Gaueston againe
Martir Men of Amersham burnt in the cheeke for Gods word Anno. 1506. Tho. Chase Martir Tho. Chase brought before the B. Tho. Chase condeÌ„ned to the Bishops prison at Wooburne called little ease A worthy almes of a Bishop The perfect patience constancy of Tho. Chase. Tho. Chase cruelly murthered in the Bishops prison Tho. Chase falsely slauÌ„dered to hang himselfe God bringeth to light the secret murthers of the papistes Math. 10. Luke 12. Tho. Norice Martir Anno. 1507. Elizabeth Sampson Anno. 1508 Laurence Ghest Martir LaureÌ„ce Ghest two yeares in prison at Salisbury Laurence would not be turned for wyfe nor childreÌ„ Laurence died a Martir Witnes to the story A notable storke of a faithfull woman burned in Chippingsadbery D. Whittington Chauncellour a persecutour A faithfull Christian womaÌ„ and Martir burned at Chippingsadbery A comparison betweene butchers and the popes murthering ministers A rare speciall example of the iust punishment of God vpon a persecutour D. Whittington slaine of a Bull. Witnes to the story The state of the commoÌ„ wealth comonly foloweth the state of the church The duetie of princes to defend their subiectes froÌ„ the slaughter of the Church of Rome Ex comenta riis Phil Co minaei De bello Neapolitano lib 3. Vid supra pag. 731. The prophesie of Hierome Sauonarola Note Vide Phil. CominaeuÌ„ de bello Neopol lib. 5. De bello Neopolit lib. 5. Examples of kinges of England which were blessed of God with long prosperitie being enemies to the byshops of Rome Augustus reigned 55 yeares Vide supra pag. 340. Vide supra pag. 352. Vide supra pag. 383. What difference betweene moderat princes and theÌ„ that were persecutors The death of K. Henry 7. Couentry men persecuted I. Blomstone The power of Peter flitteth not to his successours Purgatory denied Images not to be worshipped Richard HeghaÌ„ Merites condemned Images serue rather to be burned then to be worshipped Robert Crowther Against Pilgrimage Iohn Smith The Lordes prayer to be in Englishe Roger Browne Against Pilgrimage Fleshe eating in Lent Against Purgatory and confession auricular Against confessioÌ„ satisfactioÌ„ Thomas Butler Against Purgatory Against merites Iohn Falkes Against Images It is heresie to say a stone is a stone a blocke is a blocke Richar. Hilmin Scripture in Englishe Margery Goyt Against the Sacrament of the Aultar Picus MiraÌ„dula Earle This Thomas LaÌ„ghton was elected Archbysh but died before he was confirmed Ecclesiasticall lawes ordeined by auncient kings of this Realme Ecclesiastical lawes of king Ina. King Alure des lawes K. Edwards lawes K. Ethelstanes lawes K. EdmuÌ„des lawes K. Edgars lawes King Ethelrede lawes King Canutus lawes Kinges of England before the Conguest gouernours as well in causes Ecclesiasticall as temporall WheÌ„ kinges of England came first vnder the Popes subiection The martirdome of good bishops vnder wicked Emperours in the primitiue Church The true riches of the Church described The first rising of the Bishops of Rome A declaration of Saint Paules wordes The Pope matching himselfe euen with God Iohn Patriarch of Constantinople subdued by B. of Rome The Emperours Lieuetenaunt of Rauenna subdued by the Lumbardes and Romaine Byshops Boniface 3. obtained of Phocas to be called vniuersall byshop Pope Zachary putteth downe Childericus the French K. and serteth Pipinus in his place Pipinus and Carolus Magnus set vp by pope Zachachary How the Byshops of Rome came first to be the head Byshops of the Church Donation of Constantine a thing false and forged Pâ—pe Gregory 5. practiseth with the Germains to reduce the Empyre to Germany an 1002. Otho first Germaine Emperour Emperours brought to kisse the popes feete Henricus 4. accursed wayteth at the popes gate 3. daies Rodulphus and at last his owne sonne set vp to fight against him Read before pag. 179. Pope Alexander 3. treadeth vpon the necke of Fredericke Emperour Pope Celestine crowneth Henry 5. Emperour with his feete and with his foote spurneth the crown from his head agayne Warre raysed against Conradus by the Byshops of Rome Ex Auentino The insolencie of Pope Boniface 8. against Philip French kyng The tyrannous iniuries of Byshops of Rome agaynst kings of England Pope Alexander 3. against Kyng Henry 2. Pope Innocent 3. against king Iohn Ex Rotulo patent De anno Regni Reg. Ioannis 8 K. Iohns supplication to Pope Innocent 3 H. Henry 3. kissing the knee of the popes Legat Ex D. Paulo 2. Thess. 2. 186 Ioan Dreido De Dogmatibus vanis Lib. 4. 187 Hugo in Glosa Dist. 40. c. Non Net 188 Glos. in Caus. 11. q. 3. cap. Absis 189 Glosa in c. 11. q. 3. Si. inimicus 190 Hostiensis in cap. Quanto De transl praeb 192 Ex summacasuum fratris Baptistae 192 Ex Citatione Henr. Bulling de fine seculi Orat. Prima Item ex citatione Iacobi Andre ae aduersus Hosliâ—â— Lib 5. Item excitatione Hier. Marij in Actis 2. Diui. 193 Pope Nicolaâ—s Dist. 96. c. Satis 194 1â— q. r. Sacerdotibus 195 12. q. r. FuturaÌ„ 196 Decretal De Transl. epist. c. p. Quanto Thus ye may see it verified that S. Paul prophesieth of the aduersary sitting in the temple as God and boasting himselfe aboue all that is named God c. 2. Thess. 2. 197 Pope Nicolaus Causa 15. q. 6. c. Autoritatem 198 Pope Martin Dist. 14 â— cap. Lector 199 Pope Gregorius Innior 32. q. 7. cap. Quod proposuisti 200 Pope Inno. 4. Sext. Decretal De sententia excom cap. Dilecto 201 Pope Alexander 3. De Decimis cap. Ex parte 202 Pope Nicolaus â—5 q. 6. Autoritatem 203 De elect elect potestate Significasti in Glosa 204 Baptista de Salis. in Summa casuum ex panormitano 205 pope Innoc. 4. De elect Venerabilem 206 Ext. De Iureiurando cap. Venientes Item Dist. De Elect Significasti in Glosa 207 Pope Martinus 5. Extra cap. Regimini Vniuersalis ecclesiae 208 Pope Vibanus 2. Câ—â—â— 23. q. 5. c Excommunicatorum 209 Pope Nicolaus Caus. 25. q. 6. Autoritatem 210 Ibidem 211 Dist. â—2 â— praesbyter 212 pope pelagius Dist. 34 cap. Fratâ—â— tatis 213 Baptista de Salis. fol. 24. q. 1. Quoties Extr. de translat c. Inter 3. q. 6. Quamuis 9. q. 3. Deniq 16. q. 1. Frater 2. q. 6. Ideo Extr. De restitutione cap Cum venissent 7. q. 1. temporis 16. q. 1 Felix 16. q. 1. Et Christus Extr. De vota Ex multa Extr. de statu monachi c Cum ad Extr. De iuramento cap Venientes Extra De iudicio c. At si clerici Extr. de Bigamia c. nuper Extr. de clerico noÌ„ ord ministrante Extr. De corpore vitiatis Dist. 55. Dist. 50. Miror Extr. De sententia excom ca. Cum illorum Extr. De filajs praesbyt c. Is qui. Extr De praebend c. De multa Extr. De elect cap. Cum nobis Extr. De aetate qualit Generalem Dist. 15. per totum 9. q. 3. Per principale De elect cap. VenerabileÌ„ Extr. De officio legati c. Querenti 9. q. 3. Aliorum Extr. De templi ordine c. Cum in Distrib Extr. De vsu palij cap. Ad honorem Extr. De elect c. Dudum Ext. de elec c. venerabileÌ„ Tractatu De censuris Ext. De elect c. Innocuit Extra De religione veneratione Sanct. cap. 1 Extrau De praebendâ—ca De multa Extrau Qui. si sint leg cap. Tanta 9 q. 3. cap. Vltimo Extrau De Sentent re Indie c. In causis Extrau De elect cap. Quod sicut Extrau De restit spo Literas Extrau De praescript c. vlt. De Iudicio c. Nouit Thomas Extrau Qui. si sint legit c. Pervenerabilom Petrus de Palude lib. 4. Secundum Thomam in 4. 9. q. 3. Per principalem Distinct. 40. Si Papa Ibidem Dist. 32. cap. Praeter hoc â— Verum The riches and possessions of the Pope 214. Dist. 96. Constantinus 215. Ex Commentarins Theodorici Niemi quem citat Illyricus in Catalogo restium fol. 228. 216. Dist. 96. Constantinus 217. Antoâ—inus in â—umma Maiore 3. Parte 218. Ex lib. GranominuÌ„ nationis Germanicae Aboue fiftie byshopprickes in Germany Aeneas Syluius 219. Sext Decret De penis cap. Felicis in Glosa Ité De priuilegiâ—s c. Autoritaté in Glosa 220 Pope Bonifacius 8. Ext. De Maio. obed c. Vnam sanctam 221. Ibid. â—Iâ— Monethes Reuelat. xi lii yeares a halfe iij. dayes a halfe Reuelat. xi A time times and halfe a time Reuelat. xij M.CCLX dayes Reuelat. xij The tying losing agayne of Sathan Reuelat. 20.
perisheth in the Church of God for want of preachers all that shal be demaunded of them at the day of iudgement As Iacob confesseth to Laâ—an whose sheep he fedde Genesis 31 I did restore all thy losse and that which was stolne I made aunswere for I will demaund his bloud at thy handes Ezechiell 3. This is sayd to the Pastor or Prelate But if the other thinges which we haue spoken of before could not mooue the Prelates and Cardinals this at the least should mooue them Because that then the spirituall power which doth consist for the most part in the exercise of preaching in hearing confessions enioyning of penaunce shall be taken away froÌ„ them by litle little For by piece mele doth the wolfe dâ—nour the poore needy man 3. q. cap 1. when the authority Ecclesiasticall therfore shall be quite taken from them and disposed to other such as either by their order or Apostolicall grauÌ„t do challenge to haue the same Then doubtles shall neither the iurisdictioÌ„ of ciuile causes and pleadings nor any authority that such Prelates haue yet remaining neither yet the possessions of the temporall goodes of the Church any longer remayne amongest them Shall suche haue the temporall goods of the church which minister not the spirituall treasure thereof 1. Cor. 9. Know ye not that they which kill the sacrifice ought to eate of the sacrifice they that serue at the aultar are partakers of the aultar For as the body without the soule cannot stand so corporall thinges without spirituall things cannot continue 1. q. 1. if any shall take away the same Thus haue you had the 39 arguments for the which both he was coÌ„demned and his bookes burned In the dayes of this Guilielmus there was a most detestable and blasphemous booke set forth by the Friers mentioned also in Math. Parisiens which they called Euangelium aeternum or Euangelium spiritus sancti That is the euerlasting Gospell or the Gospell of the holy Ghost In which book many abhominable errors of the Friers were conteyned so that the Gospell of Iesus Christ was vtterly defaced which this booke sayd was not to be compared with this euerlasting Gospel no more then the shell is to be coÌ„pared with the carnell then darknes to light c. More ouer that the Gospell of Christ shal be preached no longer but fifty yeares and then this euerlasting Gospell should rule the Church c. Item yâ— whatsoeuer was in the whole Bible was in the saide Gospell contayned At length this Friers Gospell was accused to the Pope and so 6. persons chosen of the whole vniuersitye to peruse and iudge of the booke as Christianus Canonicus Baluacensis Odo de Doaco Nicholaus de Baro Ioannes de Sicca Vella Anglus Ioannes Belim Gallus Among whom this Guilielmus was one who mightely impugned this pestiferous and deuillish booke These 6. after the perusing of the booke were sent vp to Rome The Friers likewise sent their messengers withall where they were refuted and yâ— errors of the booke condemned but so that the Pope with the Cardinals commaunded the sayd booke to be abolished and condemned not publickly tendering the estimation of the religious orders as of his own most chiefe champions but that they should be burned in secret wise and the books of the foresayd â—uilielmus to be burnt with all Besides other his bookes 2. Sermons we haue of his yet remayning one vpon the Gospell of S. Luke of the Pharisy and the Publicane the other vpon the Epistle redde in the Church on May day where in the first he resembleth the Phariseis to our Monkes and that he proueth by all the properties of the Phariseis described in the Gospell The Publicane he resembleth to the Laity such as for because the sooner they are reduced to acknowledge their sinnes the more hope they haue of mercy The other because they stand confident in their own righteousnesse are therefore farther from their instification In the latter sermoÌ„ he setteth forth and declareth what perils and dauÌ„ders be like to fall vpon the Church by these religious orders of Monkes and Friers Among the other besides of that age which withstood the bishops of Rome his Antechristian errors was one LaureÌ„ce an Englishman and maister of Paris An other was Petrus Ioannes a Minorite Of whome the foresayde Laurence was about the yeare of our Lord. 1260. who in his teaching preaching writing did stoutly defeÌ„d yâ— part of the forsayd Guilielmus the rest of his side agaynst the Friers Against the which Friers he wrote 2. bookes One in the defence of William afore meÌ„tioned the other vpoÌ„ this argument and title To beware of false prophets c. Certayn other things also he wrote wherin by diuers proofes and testimonies he argued proued that Antichrist was not farre of to come The other Petrus Ioannes was about the yeare of our Lord. 1290. which taught and maintained many things agaynst the Pope prouing that he was Antichrist and that the sinagogue of Rome was great Babilon He wrot vpon Mathew vpon the Epistles and vpon the Apocalips Mention of this Petrus Ioannes is made in Nicholaus Emericus in Lib. Inquisitionum c. And sayth moreouer that Miâ—hael Cesenas of whoÌ„ Christ willing shall followe hereafter took of him a great part of his opinioÌ„s And because the pope could not burne him aliue after his death he caused his bones to be taken vp and burned To these and with these aboue specified is to be added Robertus Gallus who being borne of a right noble parentage for deuotion sake was made a Dominicke Frier about the same yeare of our Lord aboue touched an 1290 This man as appeareth by his writing had diuers and sundry visions whereof part is annexed with the visions and prophecy of Hildegardis His visions al tend against the spiritualty of Rome where in the fift chapter he calleth playnely the Pope an Idoll which hauing eyes seeth not neither lusteth to see the abhominatioÌ„s of his people nor the excessiue enormity of ther voluptuousnes But only to see to the heaping vp of his own treasure hauing a mouth speaketh not but sayth I hane set good men ouer them which is sufficieÌ„t for me to do them good either by my selfe or by some other And foloweth in the same chapter wo to that Idoll woe to the mighty and proud who shall be equall in all the earth to that Idoll He that exalted vp his name in earth saying who shall bring me vnder Is not my house compared with the mighty Potentates of the land I am higher then Dukes Knightes on their horsebacke do seruice vnto me That which my Fathers had not before me yâ— haue I done to me My house is strowed with siluer gold and pearle are the pauement of my palace c. Agayn in the 12. chapter and also in the first vnder the name of a SerpeÌ„t he paynteth out the Pope whom he
violent shedding of bloud in any churchyard wherby the interdict taketh place the Clergy causeth a certain impositiō to be leuied of the parishioners there for the salary towards the restoring therof Although some of the parishioners be of an exempt iurisdictiō yea although he which shed the bloud be able to pay the whole taxe which they leuyed and more to 55. Item certaine Chaplaines affirme to haue certayn Apostolicall priuileges by vertue wherof they may appoint what Iudges they will yea and oftentimes of their own house so be iudges in their owne cause which is playne against the law wherby often times it happeneth that after great proces expenses had made in any great cause of inquest more often about reality then otherwise when they haue notice by the Proctors and Aduocates that they shall haue the foyle therin they reuoke forthwith those named Iudges and so the kings subiectes are damaged and can haue no iustice nor redresse at their handes 56. Itē if any temporall man call a Clerke before a secular iudge in a case of inheritance the ecclesiastical iudge procureth a stopp to be made therein attributing to themselues the cognitiō therof and so by adiourning remouing the lay man is constrayned to make satisfaction 57. Item the clergy chalengeth the cognition of such causes as maried Clerkes being marchauntes and artificers do commence when by law it doth appertaine to the temralty especially about the trade of Marchaundise 58. Item they oftentimes make interdictions in many of the kings townes and holdes and cause the diuine seruice to cease agaynst the priuiledges graunted by many of the high Bishops of Rome to our soueraigne Lord and maister the King 59. Item to and for the maintaynance keeping of theyr temporalties they appoynt Baylifs other officers who if they do offēd may not condignly be punished according to law and iustice 60. Item the Ecclesiasticall Iudges haue promoters belonging vnto them who whē any man is excommunicated be it right or be it wrong they cause to be made that no man shall work or do anything for him that is excommunicate whereby the landes and vines are often times vnlooked to and vntilled to the no small preiudice of the king and his common people 61. Item the foresayd Promoters cause Citation to be made out by vertue wherof they call in one citatiō 20.30 40. persons to appeare for participating with such Interdicted persons taking of some 10. of other some 20. s. as much as they be able to make wherby the commō people are much oppressed 62. Item the Ecclesiasticall Iudges cause all the Aduocates of their courtes to be sworne that none shall retayne them of their Counsell agaynst any of them without their licence whereby oftentimes the poore man quite leeseth his right and the Kinges cause is delayed Because hys Solliciters cannot freely retayne counsell without speciall licence 63. Item they will make Inuentories of theyr gooddes which dye intestate or without making of will And will haue the possession of thēir goods as wel moueable as vnmoueable in theyr owne hands to distribute to the hetres or to whom they list 64. Item the execution also of Testamentes they take to their own hands taking inuentories of dead mens goods and keeping and disposing them to the heires after their pleasure And haue officials properly deputed for the execution therof 65. Item they will not geue credite sometimes to testamentes made before witnesse vnlesse they be first by theyr owne Officials approued After he had thus spoken the prelats required to haue time to answere therunto wherupon was appoynted for the same the Friday next ensuing On the which day the Bishop Eduen Archbishop or Senon elect in the name of the whole clergy answered for them all before the king holding his Parliament as that day at Uicenas and thus he there proposided For somuch as the Lord Peter Cugner of late propounding against the Church of Fraunce took to his Theame that is written in the 22. of Mathew Render vnto Cesar that which is Cesars and vnto God that which is Gods by which words he sayd two points were to be noted First the reuerence and subiection of the Prelates that they ought to haue to the king their soueraigne Secondly the deuision of the temporall iurisdictiō from the spirituall The which first part he proued out of the first Epistle of Peter in the second Chapter where it is written Submit your selues vnto euery creature for the Lordes sake whether it be vnto the king as vnto the superior or vnto gouernours as vnto them that are sent of him for the punishment of euill doers and for the praise of them that doe well The second poynt he proued by the wordes of our Sauiour Christ in the 22. Chap. of Luke where the Apostle sayth Lord behold here are 2. swords And he said vnto them it is enough signifying by the two swordes the two iurisdictions And in likewise out of the 17. of Math. where Christ would pay tribute for him and Peter Geuing hereby an example how that Ecclesiasticall persons were bound to pay and yeld to the temporall power the tēporalities which also is proued in the 11. quest prim cap Si tributum cap magnum And further because this is proued by mans law where it is sayd 2. great gifts are bestowed Priesthood and Empire The priesthood to rule ouer matters diuine the Empire to beare domination ouer humaine matters wherby he cōcluded that when these iurisdictions are distincted of God The one being geuen and limited to the church and the other to the temporalty That in no wise the Church ought to intermeddle or to haue any thing to do with the temporall iurisdiction For it is written in the 22. of the Prouerb You ought not to passe the old limits bounds which the forefathers haue set And well by the way be bringeth in this word olde auncient Because customes brought in to the contrary be of no force but rather are coūted abuses corruptions Neither can prescriptiō take place for that ius fisci is inprescriptible neither cā the king abrogate frō himselfe such law nor renoūce his right prouing the same by many chapters contained in the 10. Dift Wherefore seeing the king at what time he was crowned sware not onely not to alienate or infringe the lawes of his realme but also to call in such lawes as were alienated vsurped either by the Church or by any other the king was bound by his oath to reuoke the same abuses In especiall he did exhibite many articles in writing wherin as he sayd the Church did vsurpe vpon the iurisdictiō temporall To answere these premisses which conciling of the places vnder protestatiō whatsoeuer I say or shall say it is not to ground or make any finall iudgemēt or determinatiō herein but onely to informe the consciēce of our soueraigne Lord the king and
to 922. li. 5 s. 11. d. besides the valuation of other riches and treasure within the Abbey which cannot be esteemed The Abbot all this space was at London in the parliament by whose procurement at length such rescue was sent down that 24. of the chiefe of the towne submitting theÌ„selues were committed to warde 30. cartes full of the townesmeÌ„ were caryed to Norwiche of whome 19. were there hanged diuers were put to conuict prison The whole tounship was condemned in seuen score thousand pound to be payd for damages of the house Iohn Berton AldermeÌ„ W. Herlng wâ—i 32. priests 13. women 138. other of the sayd town were outlawd Of whoÌ„ diuers after grudging at the Abbot for breaking promise with theÌ„ at London did confederate themselues together priuily in the night coÌ„ming to the mannour of Cheninton where the Abbot did lye brast open the gates who then entring in first bounde all his familie after they had robbed al his plate iewels and mony they tooke the Abbot and shaued him secretly with them conueyed him away to London where they remouing him from street to streete vnknowne from thence had him ouer Thames into Kent at length ouer yâ— sea they serried ouer to Dist in Brabante where they a sufficient tyme kept him in much penury misery and thraldome till at length the matter being searched they were all excommunicate first by the archb of Cant. then by the pope And at last being known where he was by his friends was deliuered and rescued out of the theeues handes and finally brought home with procession and restored to his house agayn And thus was that abbey with the Abbot of the same for what demerites I know not thus vexed and afflicted about this tyme as more largely I haue seene in theyr latine register But thus much briefly touching the rest I omit here about the latter end of this Edward the 2. ceaseth the history of Nic. Triuet and of Flor. Hist passing ouer to the raigne of the next king King Edward the 3. COncerning the acts story of K. Edward the 2. his deposing cruell death wrought by the false and counterfet letter of sir Roger Mortimer sent in the kings name to yâ— keepers for the which he was after charged drawne quartered I haue written sufficiently before and more peraduenture theÌ„ the profession of this Ecclesiasticall history wil well admit Notwithstanding for certayne respects causes I thought somewhat to extend my lunittes herein the more wherby both kings such as clune to be about them may take the better example by the same the one to haue the loue of hys subiects the other to learne to flee ambition not to beare themselues to brag of theyr fortune and state how hye so euer it be Considering with theÌ„selues nothing to be in this worldo so firme and sure that may promise it selfe any certayne continuance is not in perpetuall danger of mutatioÌ„ vnles it be fastened by God his protection After the suppression of this king as is aboue expressed Edward his soone was crowned king of England beyng about the yeare of 15. raygned the space of 50. yeares who was a prince of much and great temperance In feares of armes very expert and no lesse fortunate and lucky in all hys warres as hys father was infortunate before him In liberallitie also and clemeÌ„cy worthely coÌ„mended briefly in all princely vertues famous and excelleÌ„t Concerning the memorable acts of which prince doue both in warres and peace as how he subdued yâ— Scots had great victoryes by the sea how he conquered Fraunce an 1332. wan Calice an 1348. and trasâ—ated the staple thither tooke the French king prisoner how the French armes first by him was brought in conioyned with the English armes also how the order oâ— the Garter first by the sayd k. was inuented and ordayued an 1356. also an 1357. How the king in hys parliament at Notingham decreed that al such in Flaunders or other where that had skill in making cloth should peaceably inhabite the land and be welcome For 3. yeares before yâ— it was enacted that no wool shold be transported ouer the sea Which was to bridle the pride of that Fleminges who then loued better the sackes of wooll then the nation of EnglishmeÌ„ All these with other noble acts of this worthy Prince although in other chronicles be fully intreated of yet according to that order I haue begun saying somewhat of ech kinges raigne although not pertinent to our ecclesiastical history I haue here inserted the same making hast to other matters shortly compendiously abridging them out of diuers sundry authors together compacted mentioned in this wise The coronation and solemnity of K. Edward the third and all the pompe therof was no sooner ended but Robert of Bruse K. of Scotland vnderstanding the state and gouernment of the realme to be as it was in deed in the queene the yong king the Erle of Kent and sir Roger Mortimer And that the Lords and Barons as he was enformed did scarsely wel agree amongst themselues although he grew now in age and was troubled with the falling disease Yet thought he this a meet tyme for hys purpose to make inuasion Hooping for as good successe like victory now as but lately before he had at yâ— castle of Eustriuelin WherupoÌ„ about the feast of Easter he sent his Embassadours wyth Heralds and letters of defiance to the yong king Edward the 3. the Queene counsaile declaring that his purpose was with fire and sword to enter and inuade the Realme of England c. The K. Queene and counsaile hearing this bold defiance commaunded in all speedy preparation musters to be made throughout all the realme appoynting to euery band captaines conuenient at the citty of York by a day assigned them commaunding euery man to be with all their necessary furniture ready and throughly prouided They directed their letters also with all speede to sir Iohn of Heynault requiring him with suche souldiors and men at armes as he might conueniently prouide in Flaunders Heynalt and Grabant to meete the king and Queene vpon the Ascention day next ensuing at their Citty of Yorke The king Queene made speedy preparation for thys expeditioÌ„ The noble men prouided theÌ„selves of all things necessary therunto the English captaynes and souldiors theyr bands throughly furnished were redy at theyr appoynted time and place Sir Iohn of Heynalt Lord Bedmount mustring his men as fast was ready to take shipping where at Wysant in English Bothoms there lying for him redy he weÌ„t aboard and with a mery winde landed at Douer trauailing froÌ„ thence by small iournies dayly tyll he came wtin 3. dayes after the feast of Pentecost to the City of Yorke where the king and Queene with a great power of 6000. men within and about the City of Yorke expected his comming Before whome in curteous wise
statute of prouision and premunire made in the 25. yeare of thys kynges dayes And let hym read in the statutes made in the parliamentes holden the 27 yeare and 38. yeare of hys raigne And vnder the same title of prouision and premunire shall finde the popes primacie and iurisdiction wythin this Realme more nearely touched and much of hys papall power restrayned In so much that who soeuer for any cause or controuersy in law either spirituall or temporal the same being determinable in any of the kyngs courts as all matters were whether they were personall or reall citations or other or should eyther appeale or consent to any appellation to be made out of the realme to the pope or see of Rome should incurve the sayd penaltie and daunger of premunire Diuers other matters wherein the Pope is restrained of his vsurped power authoritie iurisdiction within this realme of England are in the sayd titles and statutes expressed at large set forth who euer list to peruse the same which for breuities sake I omitte hastening to other matters About this tyme being the yeare of our Lorde 1370. lyued holy Brigit whom the Church of Rome hath canonised not onely for a saint but also for a Prophetesse who notwithstanding in her booke of reuelations which hath bene oft times imprinted was a great rebuker of the pope and of the filth of his clergie callyng him a murtherer of soules a spiller and a pyller of the flocke of Christ more abhominable then Iewes more crueller thē Iudas more vniust then Pilate worse then Lucifer hymselfe The see of the Pope she prophesieth shal be throwne down into the deepe lyke a mylstone And that his assister shall burne with brimstone Affirmyng that the prelates byshops priests are the cause why the doctrine of Christ is neglected and almost extincted And that the clergie haue turned the ten commaundementes of God into two wordes to wyt Da pecuniam that is Geue money It were long and tedious to declare all that she against them writeth Among the rest which I omytte let this suffice for all where as the sayde Briget affirmeth in her reuelations that when the holy Uirgine should say to her sonne howe Rome was a fruitfull and fertile field yea sayd hee but of weedes onely and cockle c. To thys Briget I will ioyne also Catherina Senensis an holy virgin which lyued much about the same tyme ann 1379. Of whome writeth Antoninus part historiae 3. Thys Katherine hauyng the spirite of prophesie was wōt much to complaine of the corrupt state of the church namely of the prelates of the court of Rome of the pope prophesying before of the great schisme which then folowed in the Church of Rome and dured to the Councell of Constance the space of xxxix yeares Also of the great warres ano tribulation which ensued vpon the same And moreouer declared before and foretold of this so excellēt reformation of religion in the Church now present The words of Antoninus be these After this Uirgine in her going to Rome had tolde her brother of the warres and tumultes that should rise in the coūtries about Rome after y◠schisme of the two Popes I then curious to know of thinges to come knowing that she vnderstood by reuelation what should happen demaunded of her I pray you good mother sayd I and what shall befall after these troubles in the Church of God And she sayd By these tribulations and afflictions after a secret maner vnknowne vnto man God shall purge his holy Church and stirre vp the spirit of his elect And after these thinges shall follow suche a reformation of the holy Churche of God and suche a renouation of holye Pastors that the onelye cogitation and remembraunce thereof maketh my spirit to reioyce in the Lord And as I haue oftentimes tolde you heretofore the spouse which now is all deformed and ragged shall be adorned and deckt with most rich and precious ouches and brouches And all the faythfull shall be glad and reioyce to see themselues so beautified with so holy shepheards Yea and also the Infidels then allured by the sweet sauour of Christ shall returne to the catholicke folde and be conuerted to the true Bishop and shepheard of their soules Geue thankes therefore to God for after this storme he will geue to his a great calme And after she had thus spoken she stayd and sayd no more Beside these aforenamed the Lord which neuer ceaseth to worke in his Church styrred vp agaynst the malignant church of Rome the spirites of diuers other good godly teachers as Matthias Parisiensis a Bohemian borne who about the yeare of our Lord 1370. wrote a large book of Antechrist and proueth him already come and noteth the Pope to be the same Which booke one Illiricus a writer in these our dayes hath promiseth to put it in print In this booke he doth greatly inuey against the wickednesse and filthines of the Clergy and agaynst the neglecting of theyr duety in gouerning the church The Locustes mentioned in the Apocalips he sayth be the hypocrites raigning in the church The workes of Antechrist he sayth be these the fables and inuentions of men raigning in the Church the Images fained reliques that are worshipped euery where Itē that men do worship euery one his proper Saint and Sauior beside Christ so that euery mā and City almost hath his diuers and peculiar Christ. He taught and affirmed moreouer that godlines true worship of God are not boūd to place persons or times to be heard more in this place thē in an other at this time more thē at an other c. He argueth also agaynst the cloisterers which leauing the onely and true Sauior set vp to them selues theyr Franciscanes theyr Dominickes and suche other and haue them for theyr Sauiors glorying and triumphing in them and fayning many forged lyes vpon them He was greatly and much offended with Monks friers for neglecting or rather burying the word of Christ and in stead of him for celebrating setting vp theyr own rules and canons affirming it to be much hurtfull to true godlines for that Priestes Monkes and Nunnes do account themselues onely spirituall and all other to be lay secular attributing onely to themselues the opinion of holynes contemning other men with al theyr politick administration the office as prophane in cōparison of theyr owne He further writeth that Antechrist hath seduced all Uniuersities Colleges of learned men so that they teach no sincere doctrine neither geue any light to the Christiās with theyr teaching Finally he forewarneth that it will come to passe that God yet once againe will raise vp godly teachers who being feruent in the spirite and zeale of Helias shall disclose and refute the errors of Antechrist and Antechrist himselfe openly to the whole world This Mathias in the sayd booke of
and protesting before the face of the people that his comming into the Realme in the absence of the king was for none other cause but that he might in humble sort with the loue and fauour of the king and all the Lords spirituall and temporall haue and enioy his lawfull inheritance descending vnto him of right after the death of his father which thing as it pleased all men so cried they Blessed is he that commeth in the name of the Lord But how this blessing afterwards turned into cursing shall appeare in that which followeth and also ye shall vnderstand his horrible and wicked conspiracie against his soueraigne Lord king Richard and diuers other Lords as well spirituall as temporall besides that his manifest periurie shal wel be known and that he remaineth not only foresworne and periured but also excommunicate for that he conspired against his soueraigne Lord our king Wherefore we pronounce him by these presents as well periured as excommunicate 3. Thirdly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he the said Lord HeÌ„ry immediatly after his entry into England by crasty and subtile policie caused to be proclaimed openly throughout the Realme that no tenths of the Clergy fiftenes of the people sealing vp of cloth diminution of wooll impost of wine nor other extortioÌ„s or exactions whatsoeuer should hereafter be required or exacted hoping by this meanes to purchase vnto him the voice and fauour of the prelates spiritual the Lords temporall the Marchants comminaltie of the whole Realme After this he tooke by force the kings Castels and fortresses spoiled and deuoured his goodes wheresoeuer he found it crieng hauocke hauocke The kings maiestie subiects as well spirituall as temporal he spoiled and robbed some he tooke captiue and imprisoned them and some he slew put to miserable death wherof many were Bishops prelates Priests and religious men Whereby it is manifest that the said Lord Henry is not only periured in promising swearing that there should be hereafter no more exactioÌ„s paiments or extortions within the realme but also excommunicate for the violence and iniurie done to Prelats and Priests Wherefore by these presents we pronounce him as afore as well periured as excommunicate 4. Fourthly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he hearing of the Kings returne from Ireland into Wales rose vp against his soueraigne Lord the king with many thousands of armed men marching forward with al his power towards the Castle of Flint in Wales where he tooke the king held him prisoner and so led him captiue as a traitor vnto Leicester from whence he tooke his iourney towards London misusing the king by the way both he and his with many iniuries and opprobrious coÌ„tumelies and scoffes And in the end committed him to the Tower of London and held a Parliament the king being absent in prison wherein for feare of death he compelled the king to yeeld and resigne vnto him all his right title of the kingdome and crowne of England After which resignation being made the said Lord Henry standing vp in the Parliament house stoutly and proudly before them al said aâ—â—â—med that the kingdome of EnglaÌ„d and crowne of the same with al therunto belonging did pertaine vnto him at that present as of very right and to none other for that the said king Richard by his owne deede was depriued for euer of all the right title interest that euer he had hath or may haue in the same And thus at length by right and wrong he exalted himselfe vnto yâ— throne of the kingdome since which time our commoÌ„ weale neuer florished nor prospered but altogether hath bene void of vertue for that the spiritualtie was so oppressed exercise and warlike practises hath not bin mainteined charitie is waxed cold couetousnes and miserie hath takeÌ„ place finally mercy is taken away vengeance supplieth the rcome Wherby it doth appeare as before is said that yâ— said Lord HeÌ„ry is not only periured false by vsurping the kingdome and dominion belonging to another but also excommunicate for the apprehending vniust imprisoning and depriuing his soueraigne Lord the king of his roiall crowne and dignitie Wherefore as in the articles before we pronounce the said Lord Henry to be excommunicate 5. Fiftly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he the same Lord Henry with the rest of his fauourers complices heaping mischief vpon mischief haue coÌ„mitted and brought to passe a most wicked and mischieuous fact yea such as hath not bene heard of at any time before For after that they had taken and imprisoned the king and deposed him by open iniurie against all humane nature yet not coÌ„teÌ„t with this they brought him to Poinfret Castle and there imprisoned him where xv daies nights they vexed him with continuall hunger thirst and cold and finally berest him of life with such a kind of death as neuer before that time was knowen in England but by Gods prouidence it is come to light Who euer heard of such a deed or who euer saw the like of him Wherefore O England arise stand vp auenge the cause the death and iniurie of thy king and prince which if thou do not take this for certaintie that the righteous God will destroy thee by strange inuasions and foreigne power and auenge himselfe on thee for this so horrible an act Whereby doth appeare not only his periurie but also his excommunication most execrable so that as before we pronounce the said Henry not only periured but also excommunicate 6. Sixtly we depose c. against the sayd Lord Henry that after he had attained to the crowne and scepter of the kingdome he caused forthwith to be apprehended diuers Lords spirituall Bishops Abbots Priors and religious men of all orders whom he arested imprisoned bound and against all order brought them before the secular iudges to be examined not sparing the Bishops whose bodies were annointed with sacred oyle nor priests nor religious men but commanded them to be coÌ„demned hanged and beheaded by the temporall law and iudgement notwithstanding the priuiledge of the Church and holie orders which he ought to haue reuerenced and worshipped it he had bin a true and lawfull king for the first and chiefest othe in the coronation of a lawfull king is to defend and keepe inuiolate the liberties and rights of the Church and not to deliuer anie Priest or religious man into the hands of the secular power except for heresie onely and that after his degradation according to the order of the Church Contrary vnto all this hath he done so that it is manifest by this article as afore in the rest that he is both periured and excommunicate 7. Seuenthly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that not onely he caused to be put to death the Lords spirituall and other Religious men but also diuers of the Lords
temporall and nobilitie of the Realme and cheifly those that studied for the preseruatioÌ„ of the commonweale not â—casing as yet to coÌ„tinue his mischeuous enterprise if by Gods prouideÌ„ce it be not preuented that with speed Amongst all other of the Nobilitie these first he put to death the Earle of Salisbury the Earle of Huntington the Earle of Gloucester the Lord Roger Clarendon the kyngs brother with diuers other knights and Esquiers and afterwards the Lord Thomas Percy Earle of Worcester and the Lord Henry Percy sonne and heyre to the Earle of Northunberland the which Lord Henry he not onely slew but to the vttermost of his power againe and againe he caused hym to be slayne For after that he was once put to death and deliuered to the Lord of Furniuale to be buryed who committed his body to holy sepulture with as much honour as might be commending his soule to almighty God with the suffrages of the blessed masse other praiers the said Lord Henry most like a cruel beast still thirsting hys bloud caused his body to be exhumate brought forth againe and to be reposed betwene two milstones in the towne of Shreusbury there to be 〈◊〉 wyth armed men And afterwards to be beheaded anâ— quartered commanding his head and quarters to be caried vnto diuers cities of the kingdome Wherefore for so detestable a fact neuer heard of in any age before we pronounce him as in the former articles excommunicate 8. Eightly we depose c. agaynst the said Lord Henry for that after his atteining to the crowne he willingly ratified allowed and approued a most wicked statute set forth renued in yâ— parliament holden at Winchester The which statute is directly against yâ— Church of Rome the power principalitie therof giuen by our Lord Iesus Christ and vnto blessed S. Peter his successors Bishops of Rome vnto whom belongeth by full authoritie the free disposing of all spirituall promotions as wel superior as inferiour which wicked statute is the cause of many mischiefes vid. of simonie periurie adultery incest misorder disobedience for that many Bishops Abbots priors and prelats we will not say by vertue but rather by errour of this statute haue bestowed yâ— benefices vacant vpoÌ„ yong men rude and vnworthy persons which haue compacted with them for the same so that scarce no one prelate is found that hath not couenanted with the partie promoted for the halfe yearely or at the least the third part of the said benefice so bestowed And by this meanes the said statute is the destruction of the right of S. Peter the Church of Rome and England the Cleargie and vniuersities the mainteuance of wars and the whole common wealth c. 9. Ninthly we say and depose c. against the said Lord Henry that after he had tyrannously taken vpon him the gouernement of the Realme England neuer florished since nor prospered by reason of his continuall exactions of money and oppressions yearely of the cleargie and coÌ„minaltie neither is it knowen how this money so extorted is bestowed when as neither his souldiours nor his gentlemen are payed as yet their wages and fees for their charges and wonderfull toile and labour neither yet the poore countrey people are satisfied for the victuall taken of them And neuertheles the miserable clergie and more miserable comminaltie are forced still to pay by menaces and sharp threatnings Notwithstanding he sware when he first vsurped the crowne that hereafter there should be no such exactions nor vexations neither of the clergie nor lâ—â—tie Wherfore as afore we pronounce him periured c. 10. In the tenth and last article we depose say and openly protest by these presents for our selues all our assistents in the cause of the Church of Rome and England and in the cause of king Richard his heires the clergie and comminaltie of the whole Realme that neither our entention is was nor shall be in word nor deed to offend any state either of the prelats spirituall Lords temporall nor commons of the realme but rather foreseeing the perdition and destruction of this Realme to approch we haue here brought before you certeine articles concerning the destruction of the same to be circumspectlie considered of the whole assembly as well of the Lords spirituall as temporall and the faithfull commons of England beseeching you all in that bowels of Iesus Christ the righteous iudge and for the merits of our blessed Lady the mother of God and of S. George our defender vnder whose displayed banner we wish to liue and die and vnder paine of damnation that ye will be fauourable to vs and our causes which are three in number Wherof the first is that we exalt vnto the kingdome the true lawfull heire and him to crowne in kinglie throne with the diademe of England And secondly that we renoke the weshmen the Irishmen and all other our enimies vnto perpetuall peace and amitie Thirdly and finally that we deliuer and make free our natiue countrey from al exactions extortioÌ„s vniust paiments Beseeching our Lord Iesus Christ to graunt his blessing the remission of their sinnes life euerlasting to all that assist vs to their power in this godly and meritorious worke and vnto all those that are against vs we threaten the curse of almighty God by the authority committed vnto vs by Christ and his holy Church and by these presents we pronounce them excommunicate These Articles being seene and read much concourse of people daily resorted more and more to that archbishop The Earle of Westmerland being then not far off with Iohn the kings sonne hearing of this mustered his souldiours with all the power he was able to make bent toward the Archbishop but seeing his part too weake to encounter with him vseth practise of policie where strength would not serue And first comming to him vnder colour of frendship dissembled laboureth to seeke out the causes of that great stirre To whome the Archbyshop againe answering no hurt to be entended thereby but profit rather to the kyng and common wealth and maintenance of publicke peace but for so much as he stood in great scare and danger of the king he was therefore compelled so to doo And withall shewed vnto him the contents of the Articles aforesaid which when the Earle had read setting a faire face vpon it seemed highly to commend the purpose and doyngs of the Bishop promising moreouer that he would helpe also forward in that quarell to the vttermost of his power And required vpon the same a day to be set when they with equall number of men might meere together in some place appointed to haue farther talke of the matter The Archbishop easilie perswaded was content although much against the counsaile of the Earle Marshall and came Where the Articles being openly published and read the Earle of Westmerland with his companie pretended well to like vpon the same and to ioyne their
Queene Elizabeth The trayterous murdering of the Lord Iames Regent of Scotland Martyr The chiefe cause of al these latter persecution in the Church is onely the priuate quarrell of the Bishop of Rome The plantation of the Popes supremacie proued not to be of God Iohn 8. Luke 18. The 3. question Apocal. 13. The two beastes in the booke of ReuelatioÌ„ described The second beast with the hornes like a Lambe The misterie of the first beast rising out of the Sea applied The Image of the beast resembled to the Monarchie of Rome Apocall 13. Of these 42. monethes and the exposition thereof read page 101. The wounded head of the beast in the reuelation what it meaneth The second beast rising out of the land pretending the hornes of a Lambe what it meaneth Apocall 13. The Misterie of the 13. chapter of the Reuelations expounded Ex platina in vita Gregoâ—ij 7. The Image of the old Monarchie reuiued by the Bishop of Rome Power to doe the workes of the beast before his sight Apocal. 13. The 4. question 2. Thess. 2. Religion of Christ spiritual and not corporall The Pope turneth the spirituall religion of Christ to a corporall religion The whole summe of the Popes Catholicke religion set forth in partes A man may be Catholique by the Popes religion without any working of the holy ghost The nature of tâ—ue Christian Religion described Saluation of man standeth onely in fayth of Christ. Fayth in Christ no light matter to fleshe and bloud Many thinges incident to saluation besides fayth but not as causes thereof Workes of sanctification how they come and follow fayth Esay 58. Math. 25. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 1. Plat. de rep 8. Hippocrates Constantinus erus Ad Martyres Ad deum de inundantibus bellorum procellis Math. 16. Three thinges noted in Christes wordes The order of the disposition of this history 1 The suffering time of the church 2 The florishing time of the Church 3 The declining time of the church 4 The time of Antichrist in the Church 5 The reformation of the Church Church of Rome Foure thinges to be considered in the Church of Rome 1. Title 2. Iurisdiction 3. Lyfe 4. Doctrine The title of the Pope The iurisdiction of the Pope The iurisdiction of the Pope The properties of life in the Romish Clergy The doctrine of the Pope Pope siluester the second Pope Gregory 7. called Hildebrand Pope innocentius the third Pope Bonifatius the eight Equinocé That is in name onely and not in very deede Vutuocè That is both in â—ame and also in definition and effect agreeing with the name The Church of Rome as now it is is not Apostolicall but onely aequiuocè The argument of Pighius Hosius and Eckius for the aucthoritie of the Church of Rome Aunswere Fallacia aquiuoci The minor examined The maior examined A distinction The church of Rome distincted into a double consideration of tymes The 〈◊〉 of Rome how it was commendâ—d of the 〈◊〉 Doctours The principall obiection of the Papistes agaynst the Protestants Aunswere to the obiection The church of Rome reuolted from the Church of Rome An other obiection of the papists An answere to the obiection No man bound to follow the opinions of hys Godfathers in all poyntes vnlesse they be consonant in al things The church of Rome distincted froÌ„ the Church of Rome Two times of the Church of Rome considered and examined The first poynt The enormities of life in the latter Churche of Rome described Policies and practises of Rome to get mony XV. Practises of the newe Churche of Rome to get mony Summa totalis The iurisdiction and power of this new church of Rome examined This â—ewe Church of Rome in three poyntes challenged Nicen. Con. Cap. 6. Victor stopped from his excommunication by Ireneus Boniface the first falsefieth the Councell of Nice The 6. Councell of Carthage Appellations to Rome forbidden in England Appellations to Rome forbiddeÌ„ in Fraunce Ex Annonio de gestis FraÌ„corum Lib 5. Cap. 33. The Popes iurisdiction resisted in Fraunce Pragmatica sanctio The Popes iurisdiction concerning elections examined Platina Sabel Enead 8. lib. 6. ConstaÌ„tine the 4. Emperour of Constantinople The Popes bibliothe carie suspected The constitution of Constantine the 4. Emperour of ConstaÌ„tinople examined Rubrica de ordinatione Episcopi ex Caelestino Papa dist 63. Cap. Cleri Dist. 63. Cap. Sacrorum Libertie graunted to the Clergy and to the people to chuse their Bishop Carolus Magnus Ludouicus Pâ—us The decree Ego Ludocus dist 63. suspected Gratianus Volâ—teranus what ground they haue of their recordes Dist. 63. ca. Ego Ludouicus Election of the Bishop of Rome standeth vpon the coÌ„sent of the Clergy and the people of Rome The decree Ego Ludouicus proued fals Dist. 23. ca. In Nomine Domini The iudiciarie power of the Pope examined Georg. Turonens in Francorum hist. lib. 10. ca. 18. The Popes jurisdiction vsurped in geuing and disposing ecclesiastical promotions 16. q. 7. cap. emnes Basilicae The Councell of Nice cap â— The generall Councell of Antioch cap. 9. 9. q. 3. cap. per singulas Pragmatica sanctio sancti Ludouici Impropriations and first finites of benefices Institutiones canonicae sub Ludouico Pio. The wordes of Prosper Aug. ad Bonifac Vowsons and pluralities of benefices Three points wherein the Popes Church erreth in his iurisdiction 1 Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction falsly restrained impropriate to the Church of Rome which ought to be generally equall to all Churches Christian. 2 Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction abused and extended in the church of Rome further then the word limiteth Christening of Bels. 3 The iurisdiction of the Pope abused and vsurped in temporal matters where he hath nothing to doe Popes submitted in the olde tyme to Emperours Ex cap. 1. de iuramentis calumniat Dist. 97. cap. 1. Plat. in vita Euge. 2. Euidences prouing ecclesiasticall persons to haue bene subiect to their Magistrates in causes both Ecclesiasticall temporall Euidences out of the Scripture Dauid 1. Par. cap. 30.31 Ezechias 4. Reg. 18. The order of Abias was the eight order among the Priests 1. Par. 24. Salomon Iudas Machabeus 1. Mac. 10. 1. Mac. 14. Iosaphat 2. Par. 19. Iohn 19. Rom. 13. Theophilactus Aug. ad Bonifacium Aug. contra CresconiuÌ„ li. 3. cap. 5. Thomas de regim princip li. â— cap. 32. 1. Pet. 2. Gregor ad Maurit Aug. lib. 3. epist. 61. The Pope calleth king Lucius Christes Vicar 23. q. cap. 5. principes cap. Administratores Dist. 97. ca. ecclesiae cap. Victor Dist. 79. ca. Si duo 24. q. 3. cap. De illicita Ex Nouel 5. Iustinian Diuine seruice vsed in the vulgare tongue Clodoueus Concilium Aureliense Carolus Magnus Canonicall Scripture onely to be read in Churches Conc. Cartha 3. cap. 47. Bishops and Priests charged to pâ—each with diligence Superstition in Funerals forbidden Ex. Ansegiso Abbate lib. 1. cap. 76. Ludouicus Pius Ex Ans. lib. 1. cap. 20. Lib. 2. C de
the constitutions decretall to magnifie the Church â—â— Rome The Epistle of Caius A great part of the Epistle of Caius taken out of the Epistle of Leo to Leo the Emperour The Epistle of Marcellinus The epistle decretall of Marcellus 24. q. 1. Regamus vn fratres In what chapter or leafe in all the Byble doth the Lord commaund the sea of Peteâ— to be translated from Antioche to Rome The church of Rome â—â—â—eth to the Church of Antioche to yeld vnto her The second Epistle of Marcellus written to Maxentius The Epistle of Marcellus to Marentius blanched The church of England gouerned by the popeâ— CanoÌ„ law without sufficient ground of antiquitie The Epistles decretall of Eusebius and Miltiades Ex Epist. Decretal Miltiades A place of the third Epistle decretall of Eusebius sound vntrue Miltiades the last Byshop of Rome being in danger of persecution The end of these persecutions in all the West Churches The persecutioÌ„ vnder Licinius Hermylus Straconicus Martyrs Theodorus Captayne Martyr Milles martyr The kinges of Persia were commonly called by the name of Sapores Persecution in Persia. Acindimus Pegacius Anempodistus Epidephorus Symeon Archbishop Cresiphon Byshop Martyrs 128. Martirs in Persia. The story of Symeon Archb. of Seleucia Ex Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 8.9.10 The worthy answere of Symeon vnto the king The constancie of Simeon The fall of Vsthazareâ— The fruite of Ecclesiasticall discipline and chastisment The repentance of Vsthazares The aunswere of Vsthazares to the king Vsthazares the kinges tuâ—or condemned to be beheaded The message of Vsthazares To the king The cause openly cryed why Vsthazares was beheaded The end and martirdome of Vsthazares The martirdome of Symeon Archb. The exhortatioÌ„ of Symeon the Archbishop to the martyrs at their death when he also hymselfe should suffer Abedecalaas Ananias Martirs The story of Pusices Martyr The free speach and boldnes of Pusices The cruell martyrdome of Pusices The daughter of Pusices Martyr A cruell edict of Sapores agaynst the Christians Innumerable martyrs in Persia Azades a noble 〈◊〉 yet Martyr The proâ—â—â—â— of God 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Trabula 〈◊〉 her sister martyrs Trabula 〈◊〉 sister of Symâ—â—on False accusaâ—â—on rashly beleued Trabula and her sister sawne in sâ—â—der The blinde charme of the wicked Queene Example of maydenly chastitie in Trabula Ex ecclesiast Hist. Zozom lib. 2. cap. 13. Persecution agaynst the â—â—shops and teachers of the church in Peâ—sia Acepsimas byshop Martyr Iacobus Priest Martyr Example of true Christian charitie and singuler piety in Iacobus Athalâ—â— Deacon Azadanes Deacon Abdiesuâ— Deacon Martyrs This Archimagus and magi as â—onophon sayth was as order of religion among the Persians which had the greatest strâ—ke in the land next to the king The end and martirdome of Acepsimas Byshop Athalas lost the vse of both hys armes beyng pluckt from the ioyntes of his body Ex Sozo li. â— cap. 13. ex Nicepho Lib. 8. cap. 17. Barbasimes Paulus Gaddiabes Sabinus Mareas Mocius Iohannes Hormisdas Papas Iacobus Romas Maares Agas Bochres Abdas Abiesus Ioannes Abramius Agdelas Sabores Isaac Dausaâ— Bicoâ— Maureanda with 250. other martirs The number of the martirs that suffered in Persia were 16. thousand Constantinus the Emperour writeth to the king of Persia in the behalfe of the afflicted Christians The copy and effect of the Epistle of Constantine Sapores Of this Galienus and Valerianus read the pag. 75. The generall care of godly Constantinus for all christians in all places Other forrayne persecutions in Persia. Andas Byshop martir The story of Hormisda Martyr Ex Theodor. Lib. 5. cap. 39. The faythfull constancie of Hormisda Hormisda banished the country of Persia. Suenes Martir The constancy of Suenes The story of Beniamin Deacon and Martyr Beniamin tormented The martirdome of Beniamin The martirs vnder Iulianus Apostata Aemilianus Domitius Martyrs The story of Theodorus Martyr Ruff. Lib. 5. cap. 36. Theodor. lib. 3. cap. 11. Zozom lib. 5. Cap. 10. A miracle to be noted Artemius Martyr Eusebius Nestabus brethren Nestor Martirs Eupsychius with other men of Cesarâ—a martyr Miserable crueltie agaynst the Christian virgins of Arethusia The people made to be pluckt from their olde customes though it be neuer so wicked The story of Marcus Arethusius The true conscience of Marcus Arthusius Great cruelty shewed Couetousnes the cause of cruelty A notable saying Hierony in Aba cap. 1. The wicked in this world doe most florish and preuayle Persecution commeth by no chaunce Persecution of Gods people prefigured and forewarned of God The Churche forewarned of Christ by speciall reuelation in the Apoc. The beast 〈◊〉 the Apoc. expounded 42. montheâ— in the Apoc. cap. 13. expounded The beast had power to make 42. monthes The persecuting tyme of the primitiue Church vnder the beâ—â— lasted 300. yeares The Israelites 300. yeares 1 MCCLX Reuelation 11.12 2 Three dayes and a halfe Reuela cap. 11. 3 A time tymes and halfe a time Reuela cap. 12. 4 Xlii. monethes or 3. yeares and a halfe Reuel cap. 11. Ezech. cap. 47. The persecuted Israelites bearing a figure of the persecuted Church of Christ. From the first persecution of the primitiue Church to the last persecution 294. yeares Vniuersall persecution ceaseth for a 1000. yeares in the Church Apoc. 10. From the tyme of Licâ—â—â—us to Wirkliffe 1000. yeares Sathan bound vp for a thousand yeares The time of Sathans binding opened Doxologia The good quallities of Constantinus The cause of all hys prosperous successe Constantine sometime by meanâ—s of hyâ— wife was an Idolater Euseb. lib. 4. de vita Constant. The common saying of Constantinus August contra Crescon epist. 49.50 The raygne of Constantinus The effect of some of hys constitutions Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 5. The law of nature made perfect compared with the knowledge of God Lithernes the nurse of ignoraunce and ignoraunce the enemy to wisedome Tyranny depriueth Emperours Bloudy tyrantes make ciuile warres Apollo gaue answere out of a caue in the ground that he was disquyeted by the Christians The 〈◊〉 geuen for to be 〈◊〉 vpon malefactoâ— A great â—â—â—mendation of the christians The earth bewayled the martyr deathes The authors of all mischiefe punished Apollo lying oracles the cause of so many martirs deathes Constant. prayer Constant. Fayth confirmed by the myracles of the crosse The clemâ—â—â—cy of a good Emperour A good iudgement One religion from the beginning of the world The prayer of Constantine was fulfilled Ech thing in their creation preach the very and true God The earth stayd vp by the power of God Who they be that Constant. accompteth wise in deede Experience a tryall of the truth Constantinus neyther for feare dissembleth hys fayth neyther through pollicye defaceth Gods glory Constantinus compared to Moses in deliuiring the people and agreeing them together The letter of Constantinus to Aâ—ilinus hys captayne Another letter of Constantine to Aâ—ilinus The contempt of gods religion chiefest decay of common weales An other letter of Constantine to Miltiades Byshop of Rome The
remissioÌ„ where no earnest repentaunce is sene before to number remission by dayes yeares to dispense with thynges expressely in the word forbiddeÌ„ or to restrayne that which the word maketh free to deuide Religion into Religions to binde and burthen consciences with constitutions of men to excommunicate for worldly matters as for breakyng of parkes for not ringyng bels at the Byshops commyng for not bringyng litter for their horse for not paying their fees and reÌ„tes for withholding the church goods for holding on their princes side in princely cases for not going at the Popes commaundement for not agreeyng to the Popes electioÌ„ in an other princes Realme with other such thyngs mo more vayne then these c. Agayne although the Scripture geueth leaue and authoritie to the Byshop and Churche of Rome to minister Sacraments yet it geueth no authoritie to make Sacramentes much lesse to worshyp Sacraments And though their authoritie serueth to baptise meÌ„ yet it extendeth not to Christen bels neither haue they authoritie by any word of God to adde to the word of God or take from the same to set vp vnwritten verities vnder payne of damnation to make other articles of belief to institute straunge worship otherwise theÌ„ he hath prescribed which hath told vs how he would be worshipped c. The third abuse of the Popes iurisdiction standeth in this that as in spirituall iurisdiction they haue vehemeÌ„tly exceeded the bouÌ„des of Scripture so they haue impudeÌ„tly intermedled them selues in temporall iurisdictioÌ„ wherein they haue nothing to do In so much that they haue traÌ„slated the Empire they haue deposed Emperours Kyngs Princes rulers Senatours of Rome set vp other or the same agayne at their pleasure they haue proclaymed warres haue warred them selues And where as Emperours in auÌ„cient tyme haue dignified theÌ„ in titles haue enlarged theÌ„ with donations they receauyng their confirmation by the Emperours haue like ingratfull clients to such benefactors afterward stampte vpon their neckes haue made theÌ„ to hold their sâ—urrup some to hold the bridle of their horse haue caused them to seeke their confirmation at their hand yea haue bene Emperours theÌ„selues Sede vacante in discordia electionis and also haue bene Senators of the Citie Moreouer haue extorted into their owne handes the plenary fulnes of power iurisdiction of both the swordes especially since the tyme of Pope Hildebrand which Hildebrand deposing Henricus the iiij Emperour made him geue attendance at his Citie gate And after him Pope Bonifacius the viij shewed him selfe vnto the people on the first day like a Byshop with his keyes before him the next day in his robes Imperiall hauyng a naked sword borne before him like an Emperour an 1298. And for so much as this inordinate iurisdiction hath not onely bene vsed of theÌ„ but also to this day is mainteined in Rome let vs therefore now compare the vsage hereof to the old maner in tymes past meanyng the primitiue and first age of the Church of the Romaines Wherein the old Byshops of Rome in those dayes as they were then subiect to their Emperours so were other Byshops in like maner of other nations subiect euery one to his Kyng Prince acknowledgyng them for their Lordes were ordered by their authoritie obeyed their lawes and that not onely in causes ciuile but also in regiment Ecclesiasticall as appeareth Dist. 10. cap. 1. 2. Dist. 97. cap. De illicita Also 24. q. 3. So was Gregorius surnamed Magnus subiect to Maâ—â—itius and to Phocas although a wicked Emperour So also both Pope people of Rome tooke their lawes of the Emperours of Constantinople were submitted to theÌ„ not onely in the time of Honorius an huÌ„dreth yeares after Constantine the great but also in the tyme of Martianus an 1451. so further vnto the tyme of Iustinian of Carolus Magnus and also after the dayes of them In all which coÌ„tinuance of tyme it is manifest that the Emperiall law of Martiane did rule bynde in Rome both in the days of Iustinian an 150. yeres after til the tyme of the Empire beyng translated from Grece vnto FrauÌ„ce Whereby it may appeare false that the Citie of Rome was geueÌ„ by Constantine the first vnto the bishop of Rome to gouerne for that Pope 〈◊〉 the first writyng to the Emperour Honorius câ—â—â—eth in the same place Rome the Emperours Citie Dist. 97. cap. 1. And Lotharius also Emperour appointed Magistrates and lawes in Rome as is aboue mentioned Moreouer for further probation hereof that both the Byshop of Rome all other Ecclesiasticall persons were in former tyme and ought to be subiect to their Emperours and lawfull Magistrates in causes as well spirituall as ciuile by many euidences may appeare takeÌ„ out both of Gods law and mans law And first by Gods law we haue exaÌ„ple of godly kyng Dauid who numbred all the Priestes and Leuites disposed theÌ„ into xxiiij orders or courses appointyng theÌ„ coÌ„tinually to serue in the ministery euery one in his proper order turne as came about which institution of the Clergy also good king Ezechias afterward renued of whoÌ„ it is written he did that was right in the sight of the Lord accordyng to all things as his father Dauid had done before he tooke away the high groues and brake downe Images c. 4. Reg. 8. The sayd Ezechias also reduced the Priests Leuites into their orders prescribed by Dauid before to serue euery one in his office of ministratioÌ„ .2 Paralip 30.31 And this order froÌ„ Dauid still continued till the time of Zachary at the coÌ„myng of Christ our Lord beyng of Abias course which was the viij order of the Priestes appointed to serue in the tabernacle Luc. 1. To passe ouer other lighter offices translated from the Priestes to the Kyngs authoritie as coÌ„cernyng the orderyng of oblations in the Temple and reparations of the Lordes house kyng Salomon displaced Abiathar the high Priest by his kyngly power and placed Sadoch in his stede 3. Reg. cap. 6 Also dedicatyng the temple of the Lord with all the people blessed the whole congregation of Israell 3. Reg. 8. Iudas Machabeus also elected Priestes such as beyng without spot had a zeale to the law of the Lord to purge the Temple which the Idolatrous Gentiles had before prophaned 1. Machab. 4. Also kyng Alexander writyng to Ionathas appointed him chief Priest in his couÌ„trey 1. Mac. 10. Demetrius ordeined Simon Alchinus in the like office of Priesthood Iosaphat likewise as in the whole laÌ„d did set Iudges so also in Hierusalem he appointed Leuites Priestes and heades of families to haue the hearyng of causes and to minister Iudgement ouer the people 2 Paral. 19. By these many other is to be sene the Kynges Princes in the old tyme as well when Priestes were borne Priestes as wheÌ„ they were made by election had the dealyng also
constitutionis Unto this Lotharius French kyng and Emperour Pope Leo the 4. writeth that Romana lex that is the Romane law meanyng the law of the Frēch Emperours as it hath hetherto stode in force Ita nunc suum robur propriúmque vigorem obtineat that is so now it may continue still in his vigour and strength Ino Carnotensis lib. 11. Decretorum about the yeare of the Lord .848 After this Lotharius succeeded his sonne Ludouicus the second in the kyngdome Empire of Fraunce before whō the foresayd Pope Leo was brought into iudgement pleaded his cause of treason and there was before the Emperour quyte and released Which declareth that Popes and Byshops all this while were in subiection vnder their Kynges and Emperours Moreouer descendyng yet to lower tymes an 1228. Ludouicus 9. called holy Ludouike made a law agaynst the pestiferous simonie in the Church also for the maintenaūce of the libertie of the Church of Fraūce established a law or decree agaynst the new inuētions reseruations preuētions exactions of the court of Rome called Pragmatica sanctio S. Ludouici the which Sāction was also practised lōg after in the kyngdome of Fraūce agaynst the popes collectors vndercollectors as appeareth by the Arestum of the coūsaile of Paris an 1463. ex Molinaeo in Cōmētarijs Furthermore king Philip le Bel. 1303. set forth a law called Philippina wherein was forbid any exactiō of new tithes and first fruites other vncustomed collections to be put vpon the Church of Fraūce Carolus the v. named Sapiens an 1369. by a law cōmaūded that no Byshops nor Prelates or their Officials within his kyngdome of Fraūce should execute any censure of suspense or excommunicatiō at the Popes cōmaundemēt ouer or vpō the Cities or townes corporations or cōmons of his Realme ex regist antiquarū const chart 62. Itē Carolus vi an 1388. agaynst the Cardinals other Officials collectors of the Pope reuoking againe the power which he had geuē to thē before prouided by a law that the fruites rentes of benefices with other pensions Byshops goodes that departed should no more be exported by the Cardinals the Popes collectours vnto Rome but should be brought to the king and so restored to them to whō they rightly did appertaine The like also may be inferred proued by the stories exāples of our kyngs here in Englād as kyng Offa kyng Egbertus Edgarus Aluredus Athelwoldus Canutus Edwardus William Conquerour Wilhel Rufus Henricus the first Henricus the second till the tyme of kyng Iohn and after Whose dealyng as well in Ecclesiasticall cases as in tēporall is a sufficient demonstration to proue what iniury the Popes in these latter dayes haue done vnto the Emperours their lawfull gouernours Magistrates in vsurpyng such fulnes of power iurisdictiō ouer them to whō properly they owe subiection cōtrary to the steps example of the old Romaine Byshops their aunciters therfore haue incurred the daūger of a Premunire worthy to be depriued Although it is not to be denyed but that Ecclesiasticall ministers and seruitures haue their power also committed vnto thē after their sort of the Lord yet it becommeth euery man to know his owne place standyng there to keepe him wherein his owne precinct doth pale him not rashly to breake out into other mēs walkes As it is not lawfull for a ciuile Magistrate to intermedle with a Byshops or a Preachers function so vnseemely vnorderly it is agayne that Boniface the viij should haue borne before him the tēporall male the naked sword of the Emperour or that any Pope should beare a triple crowne or take vpon him like a Lord and Kyng Wherfore let euery man consider the compasse limitation of his charge exceede no farther The office of a Bishop or seruiture Ecclesiasticall was in the old law to offer sacrifice to burne incense to pray for the people to expounde the law to minister in the tabernacle with which office it was not lawfull for any Prince or mā els to intermedle as we read how Ozias was punished for offering incense an other for touchyng the Arke so now the office of Christian Ministers is to preach the word to minister Sacramēts to pray to binde and loose where cause vrgently requireth to iudge in spirituall cases to publishe denounce free reconciliation remissiō in the name of Christ to erect comfort troubled consciences with the rich grace of the Gospell to teach the people the true differēce betwixt the law and the Gospell whereof the one belongeth to such as be not in Christ and come not to him the other pertaineth to the true beleuers in the sonne of God to admonish also the Magistrates erryng or transgressing in their office c. And as these properly belong to the functiō of the Ecclesiasticall sort so hath the ciuile gouernour or Magistrate agayne his proper charge office to him assigned whiche is to see the administratiō of iustice iudgement to defend with power the right of the weake that suffer wrōg to defend from oppression the poore oppressed to minister with equalitie that which is right and equall to euery man to prouide lawes good godly to see the execution of the same as cause moueth especially to see the law of God mainteined to promote Christes glory Gospell in settyng vp sendyng out good Preachers in mainteinyng the same in prouidyng Byshops to be elected that be faythfull in remouyng or els correctyng the same beyng faulty or negligēt in congregatyng the Clergy whē neede is of any coūsell or electiō to heare their learning in causes propoūded according to the truth learned to direct his iudgemēt in disposing such rites ordinaunces for the church as make to edification not to the destruction therof in conseruyng the discipline of the Churche and settyng all thynges in a congrue order Briefly the office of the ciuile ruler Magistrate extendeth to minister iustice and iudgement in all Courtes as well temporall as Ecclesiasticall to haue correction ouer all trāsgressours whether they be laymen or persons Ecclesiasticall And finally all such thyngs as belong to the mouyng of the sword whatsoeuer that is to say all outward punishment is referred to the iurisdiction of the secular Magistrate vnder whose subiection the ordinaunce of God hath subiected all orders and states of mē Here we haue the witnesse also of Hormisda Byshop of Rome which being well weyed maketh the matter plaine that Princes haue to deale in spirituall causes also not onely in temporall where the sayd Hormisda writeth to Epiphanius Patriarche of Constant. in this sort Clara coelestis misericordiae demonstratio procedit quando regés seculi causas de fide cum gubernatione politiae coniungunt c. ex Act. v. vniuers concil Constantini secundi an 528. And thus much and to much peraduenture concernyng the matter of
properly appertain briefly with this one short distinction I answer these all such other like places where S. Peter with his successours are called head of the church chiefe of Bishops Prince of the Apostles c. In which places this worde head chiefe and Prince of the Apostles may be taken two maner of waies to note either dominiō or els commendation For so we read sometime Caput and princeps to be wordes not of authoritie but of excellencie wherby is declared the chiefest and worthiest part among many parts and not possessour and gouernour of the whole Like as in the person of mā the hed is the principal part of the whole body being endued with reason furnished with most excellēt senses by the which the whole body of mā is directed so thereof is deriued by a metaphor to what man or thing soeuer nature or condition hath giuen the greatest excellēcie of gifts and properties aboue other partes or mēbers the same societie to be called of the said parties Caput or Princeps head or Prince And yet the same head or Prince so called hath not alwayes dominion or iurisdictiō of the rest So we call in our vulgar speach the head or chiefe men of the parish who for their riches wisdom or place are most specially noted After like phrase of speach we call the head man of the Inquest him that hath the first place And yet neither they nor these haue any dominion or iurisdiction vpon the residue In a schoole the chiefest Scholer in learning is not therefore the maister or gouernour of his fellowes Neither hath M. Cicero any title thereby to claime subiection and seruice of all other Oratours because he is named Princeps eloquentiae and goeth before them in that kind of phrase The same Cicero Lib. 1. offic calleth Cratippū principem huius aetatis Philosophorum as Homerus also may be called Poetarum Princeps And yet neither Philosophers to Cratippus nor Poetes to Homere owe anye thing els but onely fame and praise And what if S. Peter the blessed Apostle be called and counted of the old auncient Doctours as head and Prince of the Apostles which is as much as Coryphaeus Apostolorum for his excellent faith for his deuine confession singular affection to the Lorde Iesus yet what Interest or charge either hath he to chalenge ouer the Apostles or the Pope after him ouer all other bishops the whole church of Christ although the Pope haue the like excellencie of Christes faith which Peter had as would God he had As concerning these allegations therfore out of the Doctors two thinges are to be obserued First that neither these names and titles though they be geuen to Peter doe geue him any state or dominion aboue other Apostles nor yet the succession of him doth further any whit this celsitude and regalitie of the Pope to aduance him aboue his fellow Archbishops as he now doth And if our aduersaries would needs prouoke vs to the numbring of testimonies deuiding the house speaking of the writers and Counsels of the Primitiue age for these aforesaid testimonies alleaged on their side I could on the contrary part recite out of the witnesse of Doctours out of the examples of Councels practises of Emperors no lesse then 60. voices much more repugnant against their assertion then there is for the Pope The tractation wherof for this present I do refer either to them that haue more laisure at this time to discourse them or els omit it to an other time if the good pleasure of the Lord shall be to graunt me further laisure in an other Booke to intreat thereof at large in such order as if the Lord so graunt shal appeare sufficient matter to proue by the Doctors general Councels examples and histories of time that the Bishops of Rome during the first 500. yeres after Christ although for the greatnes of the Empire were somewhat more magnified then the other and therfore were sought of many and were flattred of some and they themselues diuers did set forth themselues more then they should yet by the commō consent of churches were stopped of their purpose so that by the consension of the most part within the compasse of that age the Bishops of Rome had not this regall state of title iurisdiction and fulnes of power which now they vsurpe but were taken as Archbishops of equal honour of equal merite with other Archbishops rulers of the church And if any preferment was giuen vnto them some thing aboue the rest yet neither was it so giuen of all nor of the most part secondly neither was it so giuen of them for any such necessitie of Gods worde aut iure aliquo diuino as which did so bind them thereunto nor yet so much for the respect of Peter his succession as for certaine other causes and respects as may be gathered to the number of 13. Of which the first is the greatnesse of the citie and Monarchie of Rome The second is the authoritie of the Emperor Constantine the great first of the Emperors conuerted to the faith and ruling in the same citie by whom the vniuersal libertie of the church was first promooted and the causes of the bishops being then at variance were committed partly to the bishop of Rome partly to other bishops nere by to be decided as appeareth Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5. The third was the Councel of Nice which confirmed the preeminence of that church to haue the ouersight of the churches bordering about it The fourth cause of aduauncing the church of Rome was the vnquiet state of the Greek church much troubled in those dayes with sects factions and dissentions wherof we may read Socrat. lib. 2. cap 15. Sozom. lib. 3. cap. 8. The fift when Synodes were called by other Metropolitanes then if it chanced the bishops of Rome to be absent and their sentence being absent to be required by the occasion therof they began at length to take their sentence for a Canon or rule Ecclesiasticall thereby to refuse other Synodes where their decree or sentēce was not required An other cause was that when any common matter was in hand in other places whatsoeuer was done commonly the maner was to write to the Romaine bishop for his approbatiō in the same for publike vnitie and consent to be had in Christes church as appeareth Lib. 10. Epist. 78. Ambrosij ad Theophilum Item for that the testimonie somtimes of the Romain bishop was woont in those dayes also to be desired for admitting teachers and bishops in other churches whereof we haue example in Socrat lib. 4. cap. 37. Moreouer this was a great setting vp of that church when as their sentence not only was required but also receiued diuers times of other bishops And when Bishops of other prouinces were at any dissention among thēselues they of their owne accord appealed to the bishop of Rome desiring him to
and condemned by any person or persons let the indifferent Reader iudge simply As touching the decretal epistles which be intituled vnder the name of these foresaide bishops who so well aduiseth them and with iudgement will examine the stile the time the argument the hanging togither of the matter the constitutions in them contained little seruing to anye purpose and nothing seruing for those troublous dayes then present may easely discerne them either in no part to be theirs or much of the same to be clouted and patched by the doings of other which liued in other times speciallye seing al the constitutions in them for the most part tend to the setting vp and to exalt the sea of Rome aboue al other Bishops and churches and to reduce all cames appeals to the said sea of Rome So the epistle of Caius beginnyng with the commendation of the authoritie of his sea endeth after the same tenor willing and cōmaunding all difficult questions in al prouinces whatsoeuer emerging to be referred to the sea Apostolicall Moreouer the greatest part of the said epistle from this place Quicunque illi sunt ita obcaecati c. to the ende of this periode Quoniam sicut ait B. Apostolus Magnum est pietatis c. is conteyned in the epistle of Leo vnto Leo the Emperour so rightly agreeth in al poynts with the stile of Leo that euidēt it is the same to be borrowed out of Leo out of the epistle of Caius or to bee patched into the epistle of Caius taken out of Leo. Likewise the epistle of Marcellinus to get more authoritie with the reader is admixed with a great part of S. Paules epistle to the ephesians worde for worde And howe is it like that Marcellinus which died in the 20. yeare of Dioclesian coulde write of consubstantialitie of the diuine persons when that controuersie and terme of Consubstantialitie was not heard of in the Church before Nicene councell which was 23. yeares after him But especially the two epistles of Marcellus bewray themselues so that for the confuting therof needeth no other probation more then onely the reading of the same Such a glorious stile of ambition therein doth appeere as it is easie to be vnderstoode not to proceede either frō such an humble Martir or to sauour any thing of the misery of such a time His wordes of hys first epistle written to the brethren of Antioche and alleaged in the popes decrees by Gratianus are these We desire you brethren that ye doe not teach nor conceiue any other thing but as yee haue receiued of the blessed Apostle S. Peter and of other Apostles fathers For of him ye were first of all instructed wherefore you must not forsake your owne father and followe others For hee is the head of the whole Church to whom the Lord sayd Thou art Peter and vpon this rocke I will build my church c. whose seate was first with you in Antioche which afterward by the commaundement of the Lord was trāslated frō thence to Rome of the which church of Rome I am this day placed by the grace of god to be the gouernour Frō the which church of Rome neither ought you to separate your selues seeing to the same church all maner causes ecclesiasticall being of any importance Gods grace so disposing are commonded to be referred by the same to be ordered regularly from whence they tooke their first beginning c. And followeth consequently vpon the same And if your Church of Antioche which was once the 1. wil now yeld her self vnto the sea of Rome ther is no other Church els which will not subiect it selfe to our dominion to whom all other Byshops who so euer listeth and as they must needes do according to the decrees of the the Apostles and of their successors ought to flee vnto as to their head and must appeale to the same there to haue their redresse and their protection from whence they tooke their first instruction and consecration c. Whether this be like matter to proceed from the spirit of Marcellus that blessed martyr in those so dreadfull dayes I say no more but onely desire thee gētle reader to iudge In hys second Epistle moreouer the sayd Marcellus writing to Maxentius the bloudy tyraunt first reprehendeth him for his crueltie sharpely admonishing him howe what to do to learne and seeke the true religion of God to mayntayne hys Churche to honor and reuerence the Priestes of God and specially exhorteth him to charitie and that he would cease from persecution c. All this is possible and like to be true but now marke good reader what blanched stuffe here followed withall as where hee alledging the statutes and sanctions of hys predecessors declareth and discusseth that no byshop nor minister ought to be persecuted or depriued of hys goodes And if they be then ought the to haue their possessions and places againe restored by the law before they were bound by the law to aunswere to their accusations layd in agaynst thē And so after that in conuenient tyme to be called to a councell The which councell notwithstanding without the authoritie of the holy sea cannot proceede regularly albeit it remayne in hys power to assemble certayne Byshops together Neyther can he regularly condemne any Byshop appealing to this hys Apostolicall sea before the sentence diffinite do proceede from the foresayd sea c. And it followeth after and therefore sayth he let no Byshop of what crime soeuer he be attached come to hys accusation or be heard but in hys owne ordinary Synode at hys conuenient time the regular and Apostolicalll authoritie beyng ioyned withall Moreouer in the sayd Epistle writing to Maxentius hee decreeth that no lay men or any suspected Byshop ought to accuse Prelates of the Church so that if they be either laye men or men of euill conuersation or proued manyfest enimies or incensed with anye hatred their accusations against any Byshops ought not to stande Wyth other such matters moe concerning the disposition of iudiciall court Which matter if Pope Gregory the seuenth had written to Henrye the third Emperour or if Pope Alexander the third had written to the Emperour Predericus the first it might haue stand with some reason and opportunity of time But nowe for Marcellus to write these decrees in such persecution of the Churche to Maxentius the Heathen and most cruell Emperour howe vnlyke it is to bee true and howe it serued then to purpose the Reader may soone discerne And yet these be the epistles and constitutions decretal whereby vnder the pretensed title of the fathers al churches of late time al ecclesiastical causes haue beene yet are in this realme of england to this day gouerned directed and disposed The like discussion examination I might also make of the other epistles that followe of Eusebius and Miltiades which al tende to the same scope
be expressed As touching the course and proceedings of the Romish Bishoppes there where I last entered mention of them pag. 139. I ended wyth Pope Stephen the fifth After hys time was much broyle in the election of the Byshops of Rome one contending against an other in so much that wythin the space of ix yeares were ix Byshops Of the which first was Formosus who succeeded next vnto the forenamed Stephen 5. being made pope against the mind of certaine in Rome that wold rather Sergius then deacon of the church of Rome to haue bene Pope Notwythstanding Mars and money preuailed on Formosus part This Formosus of whome partly also is mentioned in other places of this Ecclesiastical historie being before bishop of Portuake had in time past I knowe not vpon what causes offended Pope Iohn the viij of that name By reason whereof for teare of the Pope he voided away and left his Bishopprike And because hee being sent for againe by the Pope woulde not returne therefore was excommunicated At length comming into France to make there his satisfaction vnto the Pope was degraded from a Byshop into a secular mans habite swearing to the Pope that he would no more reenter into the City of Rome nor claime his Bishoprike againe subscribing moreouer with his owne hand to continue from that time in the state of a secular person But then Pope Martin the next Pope after Iohn released the saide Formosus of his othe and restored him againe vnto his Bishoprike Whereby Formosus entred not onely into Rome againe but also obtained shortly after the papacie Thus he being placed in the popedome arose a great doubt or controuersie among the Diuines of his consecration whether it was lawfull or not some holding against him that for so much as he was solemnly deposed degraded vnpriested and also sworne not to reiterate the state Ecclesiastical therefore he ought to be taken no otherwise then for a seculare man Other alledged againe that whatsoeuer Formosus was yet for the dignitie of that order and for the credite of them whom he ordered all his consecrations ought to stand in force especially seeing the sayd Formosus was afterwarde receiued and absolued by Pope Martin from that his periury and degradation c. In the meane time as witnesseth Sigebertus this Formosus sendeth for King Arnulphus for aide against his aduersaries Who then marching toward Rome was there resisted by the Romaines from entring But in the siege sayeth the author the Romaines within so playd the Lyons that a poore Hare or such a like thing comming towarde the Citie the hoste of Arnulphus followed after with such a maine crie that the valiaunt Romaines vpon the walles for very feare where there was no hurt cast themselues desperately ouer the walles so that Arnulphus with little laboure scaled the walles and gate the Citie Thus Arnulphus obtaining the Citie of Rome rescueth Pope Formosus and beheadeth hys aduersaries whome the Pope to gratifie wyth like recompence againe blesseth and crowneth him for Emperoure Thus Formosus sitting fast about the space of 4. or 5. yeres followed his predecessours after whose time as I sayde within the space of ix yeares were ix Bishops as followeth But in the meane time concerning the storie of thys Formosus declared by Sigebert and many other Chroniclers this thing woulde I gladly aske and more gladly learne of some indifferent good Catholike person whyche not of obstinacie but of simple errour being a papist wold aunswere his conscience Whether doth he thinke the holy order of Priesthoode which hee taketh for one of the seuen Sacramentes to be Character indelebilis or not If it be not indelebilis that is if it be such a thing as may be put of why then doeth the Popes doctrine so call and so hold the contrary pretending it to be indelebile vnremoueable If it be in deede so as they teach and affirme indelebilis character why then did Pope Iohn or could Pope Iohn adnichilate cuacuate one of his vij Popeholy Sacraments making of a Priest a non Priest or a layman vncharactering hys owne order which is as he sayeth a Character which in no wise may be blotted out or remoued Againe how soeuer Pope Iohn is to be iudged in this matter to do either wel or not wel this wold I know if he did well in so dispriesting and discharactering Formosus for suche priuate offences If yea how then stādeth his doing wyth his owne doctrine which teacheth the contrary If he did not well how then standeth his doctrine with his doings to be true which teacheth that the Pope with his Synode of Cardinals can not erre Moreouer if this Pope Iohn did not erre in his disordering Formosus howe then did Martinus hys successoure not erre in repealing the sayd doing of hys predecessour Or how did not Pope Formosus erre hymselfe who beyng vnpriested by Pope Iohn afterwarde wythout reiterating the Character or order of Priesthoode tooke vppon hym to be Pope and made actes and lawes in the Churche Againe if Formosus nowe Pope did not erre how then did Pope Stephen hys successoure afterwarde not erre who did annihilate the consecration and all other actes of the said Formosus as erroneous Or againe if we say that this Stephen with his Synode of Cardinalles did right then howe could it be that Pope Theodore Pope Iohn the tenth which came after the foresayde Stephen did not plainely erre Who approuing the consecration of Formosus did condemne and burne the acts Synodale of Stephen and his Cardinals which before had condemned Formosus according as in storie here consequently may appeare After Formosus had gouerned the Sea of Rome fiue yeres succeded first Bonifacius the vj. who continued but 25. dayes then came Stephen the vj. which so enuyed the name of his predecessor Formosus that he abrogated and dissolued his decrees And taking vp his bodye after it was buried cut two fingers of his right hande and commanded them to be cast into Tiber then buried the body in a priuate or laymans sepulchre Thus Stephen after he had sat in the chaire of pestilēce one yeare succeeded in the same chaire Pope Rhomanus and sate iij. monthes repealing the actes decreed by Stephen his predecessor against Formosus Next to whome came Theodorus 2. who likewise taking parte with Formosus against the foresaid Stephē reigned but 20. dayes Then sate Pope Iohn the 10. who did fight and repugne against the Romanes And to confirme the cause of Formosus more surely did holde a Sinode at Rauenna of 74. Bishops with the French king Endo and his Archbishops being present at the same At the which councel were ratified all the decrees and doings of Formosus and the contrary acts of the Synode of Stephen the vj. were burned This Pope liued not Pope fully two yeares after whom succeeded Benedictus the 4. which kept the chaire three yeares After
perswaded perchance by Harding and afterward in the yere of our Lord 1135. it was brought into England by a certaine man called Espek which builded an Abbey of the same order called Merinale In this order the monks did liue by the labour of their hands They paid no tithes nor offrings they weare no furre nor lyning they weare red shoes their coules white and coate blacke all shorne saue a little circle they eate no flesh but only in their iourney Of this order was Bernardus c. This Urbanus held diuers Councels one at Rome where he excommunicated all such lay persons as gaue inuestiture of any Ecclesiasticall benefice Also all such of the Clergy as abiected themselues to be vnderlings or seruants to lay persons for Ecclesiasticall benefices c. An other Councell he held at Cleremount in France Where among other things the bishop made an Oration to the Lords being there present concerning the voiage recouering of the holy land from the Turkes and Sarazens The cause of which voiage first sprang by one Peter a monke or Hermite who being in Ierusalem seing the great misery of the Christians vnder the Paganes made therof declaration to Pope Urbane was therin a great sollicitor to all christian Princes By reason whereof after the foresaid Oration of pope Urbane 30000. men takyng on them the signe of the crosse for their cognisaunce made preparation for that voiage whose Captains were Godfrey Duke of Loraine with his two brethren Eustace and Baldwine the bishop of Pody Bohemund duke of Puell and his nephew Tancredus Raymund Erle of S. Egidius Robert Erle of Flaunders and Hugh le Graund brother of Phillip the French king To whome also was ioyned Robert Courthoyle duke of Normandy with diuers other noble men with the foresayd Peter the Deremite who was the chiefe causer of that voiage At that tyme many of the sayd Noble men layed theyr lands lordships to morgage for to prouide for the forenamed voiage as Godfrey duke of Lorayne who sold the Dukedome of Boloine to the Bishop of Eburone for a great sumine of money Also Robert Courthoyse Duke of Normandy layd his Dukedome to pledge to his brother William king of England for x. thousand pounds c. Thus the Christians which passed first ouer Bosphorus hauing to their captaine Peter the Heremite a man perchance more deuout then expert to guide an army beyng trapped of their enemies were slaine murthered in great number among the Bulgars and nere to the towne called Ciuitus When the nobles and the whole army met together at Constantinople where Alexius was Emperour passing ouer by Hellespontus goyng to Ierusalem they tooke the cities of Nicea Eraclea Tarsis and subdued the country of Cicilia appointing the possession thereof to certayne of their Captaines Antioch was besieged and in the ix month of the siege it was yelded to the Christians by one Pyrrhus about which season were sought many strong battayles to the great slaughter and desolation of the Sarazens and not without losse of man◠Christian men The gouernance of this Citie was committed to Boamund Duke of Pucil whose martiall knighthood was often prooued in tyme of the siege thereof And not long after Corbona maister of the Persians Chiualry was vanquished and slayne with an hundreth thousand Infidels In which discomfiture were taken 15000. camels Ierusalem the 39. day of the siege was conquered by the Christians Robert Duke of Normandy was elect to be king therof But he refused hearing of the death of king William of Eng. wherfore he neuer sped in all his affaires well after the same Then Godfrey captaine of the christian army was proclaimed the first king of Ierusalem At the taking of the City was such a murder of men that bloud was congeled in the streete the thicknes of a foote Then after Godfrey raigned Baldwine his brother After hym Baldwine the second nephew Then Gaufridus duke of Gaunt and after him Gaufridus his sonne by whom many great battails there were fought against the Sarazens and all the countrey thereabout subdued saue Ascalon c. And thus much hetherto touching the voyage to the holy land Now to our owne land agayne About this tyme as Mathaeus Parisiensis writeth the kinge of England fauoured not much the sea of Rome because of their impudent and vnsatiable exactiōs which they required neither would he suffer any of his subiectes to go to Rome alleaging these wordes in the author thus expressed Quòd Petri non inhaerent vestigijs praemijs inhiantes non eius potestatem retinent cuius sanctitatem probantur non imitari that is because they follow not the steppes of Peter hunting for rewardes neither haue they the power and authoritie of him whose holinesse they declare themselues not to follow c. By the same Urbanus the seuen Houres whiche we call septem horas Canonicas were first instituted in the Church Item by this pope was decreed no bishop to be made but vnder the name and title of some certaine place Item that Martins and Houres of the day should euery day be sayd Also euery Saterday to be sayd the Masse of our Lady and all the Iewes Sabboth to be turned to the seruice of our Lady as in the Councell of Turon to the which seruice was appointed the Antheme Ora pro populo interueni pro clero intercede pro deuoto foemineo sexu Item all such of the clergy as had wyues to be depriued of their order Item to be lawfull for subiectes to breake theyr othe of allegeaunce with all such as were by the Pope excommunicate Item not to be lawfull both for husband and wyfe to christen one child both together with matters many moe By the same Pope thus many chapters stand written in the Canon law Dist. 7. Sanctorum dist 31. Eos qui 1. q. 1. Si qui dist 56 praesbyterorum 11. q. 3. quibus 15. q. 6. Iuratos 16. q. 7. congregatio 19 q. 2. Statuimus 23. q. 8. Tributum 30. q. 4. quod autem c. In the 6. yere of this kings raigne Malcoline king of Scots which foure times before had made great slaughter of old yong in the North partes as is before shewed braste into Northumberland with all the power he could make and there by the right iudgement of God was slain with his sonne Edward and also Margaret his wife sister to Edgar Adeling aboue mynded a vertuous and deuout Lady within 3. dayes after The same yeare he gaue the Archbishoprike of Caunterbury after that he had detayned the same in hys owne bandes 4. yeares to Anselmus Abbot of Becke in Normandie This Anselme was an Italian in the Citie of Augusta borne and brought vp in the Abbey of Becke in Normandy where he was so straight a folower of vertue that as the story recordeth he wished rather to bee without
Aquitania and afterward a Frier This Hadrianus walking with his cardinals abroad to a place called Anagnia or Arignanum as Volateran calleth it chaunced to be choked with a flie getting into his throte and so was strangled who in the latter tyme of his papacie was woont to say that there is no more miserable kynd of lyfe in the earth then to bee a Pope and to come to the papacie by bloud that is said he not to succeed Peter but rather Romulus who to raigne alone did slay his brother Although this Adrian was bad enough yet came the next much worse one Alexander the 3. of that name Who yet was not elected alone for beside him the Emperor with 9. Cardinals albeit Sabellicus saith but with 3. did set vp another Pope named Victor the 4. Betwene these two Popes rose a soule schisme and great discord and long cōtinued In so much that the Emperour being required to take vp the matter sent for them both to appeare before him that in hearing them both he might iudge theyr cause the better Victor came but Alexander disdaming that his matter should come in controuersie refused to appeare Whereupon the Emperour with a full consent of his Bishops and clergy about him assigned and ratified the election of Victor to stand and so brought him into the Citie there to be receiued placed Alexander flying into Frāce accused them both sending his letters to all christendom against them as men to be auoided and cast out of all christian company Also to get him frendes at Rome by flattery and mony got on his side the greatest part of the Citie both to the fauouring of him and to the setting vp of such Consuls as were for his purpose After this Alexander comming from France to Sicile and frō thence to Rome was there receiued with much fauour thorough the helpe of Phillip the French king The Emperour hearing this rebellion and conspiracie in Rome remooued with great power into Italy where he had destroyed diuers great cities Comming at length to Rome he required the Citizens that the cause betwixt the two Popes might bee decided and that he which had the best right might be takē If they would so do he would restore agayne that which he tooke from them before Alexander mistrusting his part and doubtyng the willes of the Citizens hauing shippes ready prepared for hym from William Duke of Apulia fetcht a course about to Venice To declare here the difference in histories betweene Blondus Sabellicus and the Venetian chronicles with other writers concerning the order of this matter I will ouerpasse In this most do agree that the Pope beyng at Venice and required to be sent of the Venetians to the Emperour they would not send him Wherupon Fridericus the Emperour sent thither his sonne Otho with men and ships well apointed charging him not to attēpt any thing before his comming The yong man more hardy then circumspect ioyning with the Venetians was ouercome so taken was brought into the city Hereby the Pope toke no small occasion to worke his feates The father to helpe the captiuitie and miserye of hys sonne was compelled to submit hymselfe to the Pope and to intreat for peace So the Emperour commyng to Venice at S. Markes Church where the bishop was there to take hys absolution was bidde to kneele downe at the Popes feete Pope Alexander treading on the necke of Fredericke the Emperour Here as I note in diuers writers a great diuersitie and varietie touching the order of this matter of whome some say that the Emperour campt in Palestina before he came to Venice some say after so I meruell to see in Volaterane so great a fauourer of the pope such a contradiction who in his 22. book saith the Otto the Emperours sonne was taken in this conflict which was the cause of the peace betweene his father and the pope And in his 23. booke agayne saith that the Emperour himselfe was taken prisoner in the same battayle so afterward peace concluded tooke his iorney to Alia Palestina This P. in the time of his papacie whiche continued 21. yeares kept sundry councels both at Turo at Lateran where he confirmed the wicked proceedings of Hildebrand and other his predecessors As to binde all orders of the clergy to the vowe of chastitie which were not greatly to be reprehended if they would define chastitie aright For who so liueth not a chaste lyfe sayth he is no fit person to be a minister But herein lyeth an error full of much blindnes and also peril to thinke that matrimony immaculate as S. Paul calleth it is not chastitie but onely a single life that they esteeme to be a chaste life Now forasmuch as our english pope holy martyr called Thomas Becket happened also in the same tyme of this pope Alexander let vs somewhat also story of him so far as the matter shall seeme worthy of knowledge and to stand with truth To the end that the truth thereof being sifted from all flattery and lyes of such popishe writers as paynt out his story men may the better iudge both of hym what he was and also of hys cause The life and history of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury IF the cause make a Martyr as is sayd I see not why we should esteeme Tho. Becket to dye a martyr more then any other whome the Princes sword doth here temporally punish for their temporall desertes To dye for the Church I graunt is a glorious matter But the Church as it is a spirituall and not a temporal Church so it standeth vpon causes spirituall and vpon an heauenly foundation as vpon sayth religion true doctrine sincere discipline obedience to Gods cōmandements And not vpō things pertaining to this world as possessions liberties exemptions priuileges dignities patrimonies and superiorities If these be geuen to the Churche I pray God churchmen may vse them wel but if they be not geuen the church cannot clayme thē or if they be takē away that stadeth in the princes power To contend to Princes for the same it is no matter in my minde materiall to make a martyr but rather a rebellion agaynst them to whom we owe subiection Therfore as I suppose Tho. Becket to be far frō the cause and title of a Martyr neyther can he be excused from a playne rebell against his prince so yet would I haue wished agayne the lawe rather publikely to haue found out his fault then the swords of men not biddē not sent to haue smitten him hauing no speciall commandement neyther of the prince nor of the lawe so to doe For though the indignation of the Prince as the wise Prince sayth is death yet it is not for euery priuate persō straghtwayes to reuenge the secret indignation of his Prince except he be publikely authorised thereunto And thus had bene as I suppose the better way the lawes first to haue executed
was so sodenly discharged of the Chancellorship which he had borne fiue yeares In the 44. yeare of hys age on the Saterday in the Whitson-weeke he was made priest and the next day consecrated Byshop As touching the priesthoode of this man I finde the histories to vary in theÌ„selues for if he were beneficed and chaplaine to Theobald afterward archdeacon as some say it is no other like but that he was priest before not as our most English storyes say made priest in one day and archbishop the next But howsoeuer this matter passeth here is in the meane tyme to be seene what great benefites the K. had done for him and what great loue had bene betweene them both Now after that Becket was thus promoted what variaunce and discord happened betweene them remayneth to be shewed The causes of which variaunce were diuers and sondry As first when according to the custome the Kinges officers gathered of euery one hyde mony through the Realme for the defence of their owne country the Kyng would haue taken it to hys cofers But the Byshop sayd that which euery man gaue willingly he should not coâ—â—t as his proper rent An other cause was that where a Priest was accused of murther and the kinges officers and the friendes of the dead accused the priest earnestly afore the bishop of Salisbury his Diocesan to whoÌ„ he was sent desiring iustice to be done on him the priest was put to his purgation But when he was not able to defend himselfe the Byshop sent to the archbishop to aske what he should do The Archb. commaunded he should be depriued of all ecclesiastical benefices shut vp in an abbey to doe perpetuall penance After the same sort were diuers other handled for like causes but none put to death nor lost ioynt nor burned in the hand or the like payne The third cause was that where a Chanon of Bruis did reuile the kinges iustices the king was offended with the whole clergy For these and such lyke the Archbishop to pacifie the kinges anger commaunded the Chanon to be whipped depriued of his benefices for certain yeares But the king was not content with this gentic punishement because it rather increased their boldnes and therfore he called the Archbishop bishops and all the clergy to assemble at Westminster WheÌ„ they were assembled together the king earnestly commaunded that suche wicked Clerkes should haue no priuilege of their Clergy but he deliuered to the Iaylers because they passed so little of the spiriturll correction and this he sayd also their own Canons and lawes had decreed The Archbishop counsailing w e his bishops and learned men answered probably and in the end he desired hartely the kinges gentlenes so the quietnes of himselfe and his realme that vnder Christ our new king and vnder the new law of Christ he would bring in no new kind of punishment into his Realm vpon the new chosen people of the Lord agaynst the old decrecs of the holy fathers And oft he sayd that he neyther ought nor could suffer it The king moued therwith and not without cause alledgeth agayne and exacteth the olde lawes and customes of his grandfather obserued and agreed vpoÌ„ by archbishops bishops prelates other priuileged persons inquiring likewise of hym whether hee would agree to the same or els now in his raigne would condeÌ„ne that which in the raigne of his grauÌ„dfather was well allowed To which lawes customes the said Thomas did partly graunt and partly not graunt The copy of the which foresayd lawes are contayned in the number of xxviii or xxix whereof I thought here to recite certain not vnworthy to be knowne The copy of the old lawes and customes wherunto Thomas Becket did graunt 1. That no order should be geuen to husbande mennes children and bondmens ChildreÌ„ without the assent or testimoniall of them which be the Lordes of the country where they were borne and brought vp if their sonnes become Clerkes they shall not receaue the order of priesthoode without licence of their Lordes 2. And if a man of holy Churche hold any lay fee in hys hand he shall do therefore the king the seruice that belonlongeth therto as vpon iuries assise of landes and iudgementes sauing onely at execution doing of death 3. If any man were the kinges traytour and had taken the Church that it should be lawfull to the king and hys officers to take him out 4. Also if any felons goods were brought to holy church that there should none such keepe there for euery fellons goodes bene the kinges 5. That no land should be geuen to the Church or to any house of religion without the kinges license These articles folowing Thomas agreed not vnto 1. IF that betweene a clerke and a lay man were anye striuing for Church goodes they would the ple should he done in the kinges court 2. That there should neyther bishop nor clerke go out of the land without the kinges licence And then hee shoulde sweare vpon a booke he should procure no hurt agaynst the king nor none of his 3. If any man were denounced accursed and were come agayn to amendment the king would not that he should be sworne but onely finde sureties to stand to that the holy Church should award 4. The fourth that no man that held of the king in chiefe or in seruice should be accursed without the kings licence 5. That all the Bishopprickes Abbayes that were vacant should be in the kings handes vntill suche time that he should chuse a prelate thereto and he should be chosen out of the kinges chappels and first before he were confirmed he should doe his homage to the king 6. If any ple were to consistory brought they should appeale from thence to the archdeacon and from thence to the Byshops court and from the Byshops court to the archbyshops and from thence to the king and no further So that in conclusion the complayntes of holy Church must come before the king and not the pope 7. That all debtes that were owing through trouthplyght should not be pleaded in spiritual but in temporal Court 8. That the Peter pence which to the Pope were gathered should be taken to the king 9. If any clerke for felony were taken and so proued he should be first disgraded and then through iudgement to be hanged or if he were a traytour to be drawne Other lawes and constitutions made at Claredoun in Normandy and sent to England wherunto Becket and the Pope would not agree He being then fled out of the Realme 1. IF any person shall be found to bring from the Pope or from the Archbish. of Canterb any writing conteining any indicte or cursse agaynst the realme of England the same man to be apprehended without delay for a traytour and execution to be done vpon the same 2. That no monke nor any Clerke shall be permitted to passe ouer into England without a passport
the bishops and of the clergie which I maintaine be right why be they set against me Why do they reprehēd me For if that I appealed to him before whome either it was not lawfull or els not expedient for me to do what seeme they by this but either to blame me causelesse or els to distrust your equity For me to be conuicted before your holinesse it had bene a double confusion Or wherein haue I deserued to be persecuted of them for whose cause I haue set my selfe to stande in their behalfe And if they had willed I had preuailed but it is ill with the head when he is left of his members and forsaken as if the eyes shoulde take the toung to speake against the head If they had had eyes to haue foresene the matter they might vnderstand themselues to speake their owne destruction and that the Princes did vse their helpe but to their owne seruitude And what so great cause of hatred had they against me to procure their owne vndoing in vndoing of me So while they neglected spirituall things in steade of temporall they haue lost them both What shoulde I speake more of this that I repugning them and appealing to your audience yet notwithstanding they durst presume to stand in iudgement and condemnation against me as children against their father Yea and not against me onely but against the vniuersall Church of God conspiring together with the Prince being with me offended And this suspection might also as well pertaine to you holy father But to this they will say that they owe their duety and seruice vnto the king as their Lord to whom they are bound vpon their allegeance To whom I answer that to him they stand bound bodely to me spiritually But to whom ought they rather to stand bound then to themselues And were it not better to sustaine the losse of corporall then of spirituall things But here they wil say againe at this time the Prince was not to be prouoked Howe subtily do these men dispute for their owne bondage Yea they themselues prouoke him by their owne excesse ministring wings vnto him to fight against them for he woulde haue rested if they had resisted And when is constancie more to be required then in persecution Be not a mans chiefe frendes most tried in persecution If they geue ouer still how shall they obtaine the victorie Sometime they must needes resist Condescend therefore holy father to my exile and persecution And remember that I also once was a great man in the time when it was and now for your sake thus iniuriously I am intreated Vse your rigour and restraine them by whose instigation the name of this persecution began And let none of these things be imputed to the king who rather is to be counted the repairer then the author of this businesse Besides this Epistle sent vnto the Pope he wryteth also an other letter sent to the King in Latine the tenour whereof he that is disposed to read may peruse in our former edition with the notes adioyned withall Besides which Epistle to the king in Latin he sent also one or two mo to the said king Henry the second much after the like rate sort The one thus beginning Loqui de Deo liberae mentis est valdè quietae Indè est quòd loquar ad Dominum meum vtinam ad omnes pacificum c. which Epistle for that I woulde not ouercharge the volume of these Hystories with too much matter superfluous I thought hore to omit The other he sent afterward wherof the wordes be these ¶ An other letter of Becket Archbishop of Canterburie sent to the king TO his Lorde and frende Henry by the grace of God king of England Duke of Normandy Aquitane Earle of Angeow Thomas by the same grace humble minister of the church of Cāterburie sometime his temporally but now more his in the Lord health and true repentaunce with amendement I haue long looked for that the Lord would looke vpon you and that you would conuert and repent departing from your peruerse way and cutte off from you your wicked and peruerse counsellours by whose instinction as it is thought you are fallen into that deepe wherof the Psalme speaketh A sinner when he commeth to the depth of mischiefes is without all care or feare And albeit we haue hetherto quietly suffred and borne considering and earnestly looking if there woulde any messenger come that woulde say Your soueraigne Lorde the king which nowe a long time hath erred and ben deceiued and led euen to the destruction of the church through Gods mercy with aboundant humility doth now againe make speede for the deliueraunce of the Church and to make satisfaction and amendement Yet notwithstanding we cease not day by day continually to call vpon almightie God with most humble deuotion that that which we haue long desired for you and by you we may speedely obtaine with aboundant effect And this is one poynte that the care of the Church of Canterburie whereunto God hath presently appoynted vs albeit vnworthy you being K. doeth specially constraine me in that as yet we are deteined in exile to write vnto your maiestie letters commonitorie exhortatorie and of correction But I woulde to God they were fully able to correct least that I be to great a cloker of your outragies if there be any as in deede there are for the which we are not a litle sorie I meane specially of them which are done by you in euery place about the Church of God and the Ecclesiasticall persons without any reuerence either of dignitie or person and least also that I appeare negligent to the great danger of my soule for without doubt hee beareth the offence of him which doth commit any offence who neglecteth to correct that which an other ought to amend For it is written not onely they which doe commit euill but also they which consent therunto are coūted partakers of the same For they verely do cōsent which when they both might and ought doe not resist or at the least reproue For the errour which is not resisted is alowed and the truth whē it is not defended is oppressed neither doth it lacke a priuie note of society in him which ceaseth to withstand a manifest mischief 2 For like as most noble Prince a small Citie doeth not diminish the prerogatiue of so mighty a kingdome as your is so your royal power ought not to oppresse or chaunge the measure of the religious dispensatiō For it is prouided alwaies by the lawes that al iudgemēts agaynst Priests should proceede by the determination of Priestes For whatsoeuer Byshoppes they are albeit that they do erre as other men do not exceeding in any poynt contrary to the religion of faith they 3 ought not nor can in any case be iudged of the seculare power Truely it is the parte of a good and religious Prince to repaire the ruinous Churches to builde
Minimi other of the Gospell other de Caputio They all differ in many things but accord in superstitiō hipocrisie And for somuch as we haue here entered into the matter of these 2. orders of Friers by the occasion hereof I thought a little by the waye to digresse from our story in reciting the whole catologue or rablement of Monkes Fryers and Nunnes of al sectes rules and orders set vp and confirmed by the Pope The names of whome here in order of the Alphabet followe vnder written The rablement of religious orders AVstinians the first order  Ambrosians two sortes 490 Antonies heremites 324 Austines heremetes 498. Austines obseruauntes 490 Armenians sect  Ammonites and Moabites  Basilius order 384 Benets order 524 Bernardus order 1120 Barefooted Friers 1222 Brigits order 1370 Beghartes or white spirites 1399 Brethren of Ierusalem 1103 Brethren of S. Iohn De Ciuitate blacke Frier 1220 Brethren of wilfull pouertie  Cluniacensis order 913 Canons of S. Augustine 1080 Charterhouse order 1086 Cisterciensis order 1098 Cros bearers or crossed Friers 1216 Carmelites or white Friers 1212 Clares order 1225 Celestines order 1297 Camaldulensis order 950 Crosse starred brethren  Constantino politanish order  Crosse bearers  Chapter monkes  Dutch order 2216 Dominicke blacke Friers 1220 Franciscanes 1224 Graundmontensis order 1076 Gregorian order 594 Georges order 1407 Guilhelmites 1246 Gerundinensish order  Galilei or Galileans  Heremites  Helenes brethren Humiliati 1166 Hospitall brethren  Holy Ghost order  Ieromes orders two sortes 1412. Iohns Hermites  Iustines order 1432. Iohns order Ioannites 380 otherwise knightes of the Rodes 1308 Iniesuati 1365 Ieromes heremites 490 Iosephes order  Iacobites sect  Iames brethrens order  Iames brethren with the sword  Indians order  Katherine of Senes order 1455 Keyed Monkes knightes of rhodes  Lazarites or Mary Magdalens our Lady brethren 1034 Lordes of Vngary Minorites which be deuided into Conuentuales Obseruauntes Reformate Collectane De Caputio De Euangelio Amedes Clarini and other  Minors or Minorites 1224 Maries seruaunts 1304 Monkes of mount Oliuete 1046 Marouinies sect  Moronites sect  Monachie and Monache  Morbonei and Merestei  Menelaysh and Iasonish sect  New Chanons of S. Austen 1430 Nestorini  Nalharte brethren  New order of our Lady  Nazarei  Paules Hermites 345 Premonstratensis order 1119 Preacher order or blacke Friers  Peter the Apostles order 1409 Purgatory bethren  Rechabites  Sarrabaites  Sambonites 1199 Scourgers the first sect 1266 Souldiours of Iesus Christ. 1323 Scopenites or Sainct Saluators order 1367 Specularij or the glasse order  Sepulchers order  Sheere order  Swerdes order  Starred Monkes  Starred Fryers  Sclauony order  Scourgers the second sect called Niniuites  Stoole brethren  Scotland brethren order  Sicarij  Sainct Sophis order  Templar Lordes 1110 Templar knightes 1120 The vale of Iosophat hys order  Vallis vmbrose 1400 Waldensis sect  Wentzelaus order  Wilhelmer order  White Monks of mount Oliuet 1406 Zelotes order  Thus hast thou if thou please gentle reader to know what orders and what sectes of religion haue bene set vp by the pope the catalogue and number of them all so far as we could search them out not onely in bookes printed of late in Germany namely by the reuerend father Martine Luther but also conferred with an other english book which came to our handes containing the same like notes of auncient antiquitie the number of whiche rablement of religious persons came to 101. Now as I haue reckoned vp the names and varieties of these prodigious sectes it commeth to minde consequently to inferre the prophecie of Hildegardis as well agaynst the whole route of Romish prelates and the fall of that Church as especially agaynst the begging Fryers and suche other vnprofitable bellyes of the Church Thus Hildegardis is holden of the papistes themselues to be a great Prophetisse whose prophecie proceedeth in this maner first agaynst the Priestes and prelates of the Romishe Church as followeth The prophecie of Hildegardis of the ruine of Rome and agaynst the begging Friers HIldegardis a Nonne and as many iudged a prophetisse liued in the yeare 1146. In her prophecies she doth most greeuously reprehend not only the wicked and abhominable lyfe of the spirituall papistes but also the cōtempt of ecclesiasticall office also the horrible destruction of the church of Rome In a certayne place shee hath these wordes And now is the law neglected among the spirituall people which neglecte to teach and doe good things The mayster lykewise and the prelates do sleep despising iustice laying it aside In a certayne vision the Churche appeared to her in the shape of a woman complayning that the priestes had berayed her face with dust rent her coat c. and that they did not shyne ouer the people neyther in doctrine neyther in exāple of lyfe but rather contrariwise that they haue driuen the innocent lambe from them She sayd moreouer that all ecclesiasticall order did euery daye become worse and worse and that priestes did not teache but destroy the law of God And for these horrible crimes and impieties she threatneth and prophecieth vnto them Gods most heauy wrath and displeasure and dolefull punishmentes There is no cause why the spirituall papists should flatter themselues vpon this that she promised agayne to the ministers of the Church those good things to follow lyke as Ioannes de Rupe scissa doth and other suche like prophetes for they say it will come to passe that they must repent before the tymes be amēded By which thing vndoubtedly they meane the godly ministers in the reformed Churches which for the most part were of the spirituall nūber and yet did forsake the dishonest lyfe those wicked idolatries Now where as the priestes monks that is the whole rable and spiritualtie doe account Hildegard for a true prophetisse howe they ought to consider that by her they are more seuerely accused not as by a woman but as by God hymself And I pray you what abhomination impiety and idolatry hath bene committed since that tyme by the spiritualitie I wil note heare a certaine prophecy of hers taken out of the common places of Henry Token because we see it manifestly fulfilled in our time She prophecieth of the reformation of religion and sayth that it shall be most godly Then shall the crowne of Apostolicall honour be deuided because there shal be found no religion among the Apostolicall order for that cause shall they despise the dignitie of that name and shal set ouer them other men and other Archbish. In so much that the Apostolike sea of that tyme by the diminution of hys honour shall haue scarse Rome and a fewe other Countryes thereabout vnder hys crowne And these thinges shall partly come to passe by incursion of warres and
partes whilest that the tyranny of the heretickes indured made their concourse to vs and were recaiued and part fled vnto you that is olde Rome as to a strong tower of refuge and so receiued they cōfort in both places and one brother was thus receiued into the bosome of an other by mutuall loue for their defence Then after when Rome had bene often distressed by the barbarous and heathen nations the Grecians were euer ready to rescue and deliuer them Did not Agapitus and Vigilius flye vnto Constantinople by reason of the dissentions then at Rome and being honourablye receiued were here desended vnder our protection ' although the like kindenes was neuer yet shewed of your part to vs agayne in our like necesities Notwithstanding wee ought to do good to them also that be vngrateful for so doth the Sea participate her sinoth and calme tides euen vnto the Pirats And so God causeth the sunne to shine vpon the lust and vniust But alas for sorow what bitter diuision is this that hath thus sequestred vs a sonder One of vs detracteth an other shonning the company one of an other as the damnation of his soule What a mortall hatred is this come amongest vs if you thinke we are fallen then do you help to lift vs vp and be not to vs as a stombling blocke to our bodely ruine but helpers vnto the spirituall resuvrection of our soules So shall we acknowledge our selues boūd vnto you to geue you condigne thankes accordingly But if the blame and first origine of all this offence proceedeth from Rome and the successours of Peter the Apostle then read you the wordes of S. Paule to the Galathians saying When Peter came vnto Antioche I withstood him in the face because he was to be rebuked c. Howbeit this resistaunce was no cause of any discord or breach betweene them but the cause rather of further search and profounder disputations prouoking temporall agrement For they were fast ioyned together in the bond of charity in Christ agreeing in faith and conformity of doctrine separated by no ambition or auarice In which poyntes would God we also were like vnto them This to vs in our mindes gendreth a great offence that your gaping so greedyly after terrene possessions scrape together all that you can scratch and rake You heap vp gold and siluer and yet pretend that you be the Disciples of him which sayd gold and siluer I haue none c. You make whole kingdomes tributary to you and kings and princes your vassals You augment your mony by vsury by feates of marchaundise You vnteache by your deedes that whiche you teach in wordes Moderate your selues therefore with more temperaunce that you may be an example to vs and to all the world You see how good a thing it is one brother to helpe an other Onely God alone needeth no helpe or counsell but men neede one to be holpen one of another And were it not that I doe reuerence the blessed Apostle Peter the chiefe of Christes Apostles the rocke of our fayth I would here put you in remembraunce how greatly this rocke was shaken and remooued from the foundation at the sight of a seely woman and Christ of his secret purpose permitted the same which by the crowing of the cock brought him agayne to remembraunce of that which was foretolde him and raysed him from the slumber of desperation Then he being thus waked washed his face with teares confessing himselfe before God and all the world to be a true paterne of repentance which before bare the keyes of the kyngdome as saying thus vnto vs May not he which falleth rise agayne Oh you whiche are fallen rise vp beholde me harken vnto me trauelling toward Paradise The gates wherof to open I haue receiued power And thus do I write vnto you not for any instruction but onely to put you in remēbraunce for I know how God hath endued you with all wisedome and knowledge As Salomon sayth Geue onely occasion to the wise and he will learne wisedome Teach the iust man and he will be glad to take instruction This one thing more I will say and so make an end There be great and mighty nations that are of like mind and opinion with vs. First the Ethiopians that inhabite the chiefest part of the East After that the Sirians and other moe of greater number thē they and more disposed to vertūe as the Hyberi Alonà Gothi Chaiari with innumerable people of Russia and the kingdome of great victory of the Vulgarians And all these are obedient vnto vs as their mother Church persisting hetherto constantly in the auncient and true orthodoxasticall fayth immouáble The God of all holynes which for our sakes became man and which onely is the head of his Church and congregation vouchsafe to gather vs agayne together in vnity and graunt that the Grecian church together with her sister church of old Rome may glorify the same Christ the prince of peace by he vnitye of faith to the restitutiō of soūd wholsom doctrine wherein many yeres agone they haue agreed and were vnited God graunt vnto you brotherlike charity and the hand of the most mighty God gouern you all holy Cardinals till that ioyfully ye arriue in the heauen of euerlasting trāquility The grace of God be with you all Amē Ex Math. Parisiens fol. 111. Shortly after the sending of these letters Pope Gregory prepared to send men of warre signed with the crosse to fight agaynst the Grecians Wherupon the Archbishop of Antioch with the said Germanus solemnly excommunicated the Pope after he first had excommunicated them Par. fol. 118. In the meane time by the tenour of these letters of the Patriarch sent to the Pope and to the Cardinals it is euident to all men that haue eies in their heads to see first how the whole vniuersall church of Christ frō the east partes to the west in auncient times were altogether vnited in one cōsent of doctrine lincked together in brotherly charity one Church brotherly to helpe an other both with temporall ayd spirituall councell as case required Neither was then any one mother Church aboue other Churches but the whole vniuersall Churche was the mother Church and spouse of the Lord to euery faythfull beleuer Under which vniuersall Church in generall were comprehended all other particular Churches in speciall as sister churches together not one greater thē an other but all in like equality as God gaue his giftes so seruing one another euer holding together the vnity of fayth and Sisterly loue And so long was it and rightlye might so be called the catholicke church hauing in it true vnity uniuersality and free consent Unity in doctrine vniuersality in cōmunicating and ioyning together of voyces cōsent in spirit and iudgement For what soeuer was caught at Rome touching fayth and saluation it was no other then was taught at Antioch
presēted or els themselues to place fit men in their churches as neede required So did the Emperours of Constantinople receiuing the order and maner from Constantine the great vse and geue the right of Ecclesiasticall function with the consent both of the people and ecclesiastical persons long so retayned they the same As Honorious the Emperor vnto Boniface canon 8. dist 79. canon 2. dist 97. Also of Pelagius and Gregorius Magnus of the whiche one in the raigne of Justinian the Emperour and Totila gouerning Italy the other in the tyme of Mauritius the Emperour when the Lombardes possessed Italy were appoynted Byshops to the Church of Rome can 15.21 24. And where as Bratianus in the beginning of the 96. and 97. distinction doth declare that the rescript of Honorius the Emperour is voyde and of none effect for that he determined the election of the bishop of Rome cōtrary to the authoritie of the holy canons when as yet neither to that ciuill magistrate nor to any of the ecclesiasticall order cābe read of any licence geuen them for to dispence withal each man may playnly see and discerne his great foly and want of vnderstanding As though at that tyme any decrees were made which shoulde debarre Emperours for the consritituring of that ecclesiasticall ministers Or that it were doubtfull whether the Emperours at that time had past any cōstitutions touching the causes of Ecclesiasticall discipline and the same lawes then put in vre when that contrary most manifestly both by the lawes histories of that age and time as well of the church as of the Empire may appeare And that we need not seek farre for the matter this thing is sufficiently proued by these titles De sacrosanctis Ecclesijs Episcopis Clericis besides other eccclesiasticall chapters matters touching religion All which are to be seene in the bookes of the principall and chiefest constitutions collected and set forth by Iustinian Amongst the whiche many of the chapiters are said to be accepted and allowed of Honorius Theodosius So in like case the 21. can in the 63. distinction doth declare that the Grecian Emperours that next insued after Iustinian did obserue that maner of ordeining and election of the Bishop of Rome although thē at that tyme interpellatum erat it was somewhat sporned at Amongst whom mention is made of Constantinus the fourth which was surnamed Pogonatus Carolus Magnus in like maner followed theyr steps and maner in the same as in the 22. canon and the same distinctiō is declared And farther it was at a Synodal coūcell in Laterane Adrian beyng hygh Bishop where were conuented and assembled 153. other Bishops decreed that the power and authoritie of creating the bishop of Rome and ordayning of all other prelates ecclesiasticall orders should be in the power and will of Carolus Magnus as well in Italy as other his dominions and prouinces and that whosoeuer was not promoted allowed by him should not be consecrated of any And that those which repugned and disobeyed this decree should incurre the most sharpe paine of proscription and publication of law The worthy example hereof is extāt in the 18. can and 18. title Yet notwithstanding Stephanus the 4. author of this rescript agaynst the sayd decree and wtout the Emperours consent was made Bishop of Rome who to the intent he might delude the decreed solemnised penalty therby to excuse himselfe went into Fraunce to Ludouicus Pius the sonne of Carolus Magnus at Rheimis crowned he him with the Imperiall diademe Neither could this Byshop here stay himselfe but spying the great lenitie of the Emperour assayed to make frustrate the foresayd constitution For hys purpose was so brought it to passe as in the 27. canon and the lame distinction appeareth that it might be lawful for the Ecclesiasticall order with the people and senate of Rome without the authoritie of the Emperour to chuse the Byshop of Rome reseruing that he shoulde not be consecrated without the will and consent of the Emperour Thus is it manifest that the Byshops of Rome themselues not regarding but despising the straite penalty and sanction of the foresayd decree of the Laterane Councell were not onely the first that brake the same but also by contrary rescriptes and constitutions laboured endeuoured to extoll set vp themselues aboue al other Whereupon Lotharius afterward being Emperor and nephew to Carolus Magnus comming into Italy there to dissolue the cōspiracy and confederacy of Leo the fourth about the translation of the Empire renewed stablished agayne the Synodal decree of Laterane touching the iurisdiction of the Emperour for the election of the Byshop of Rome and other ecclesiasticall persons And hereof it came that those Epistles were written of Leo in the 16. 17. canon and the same distinction which also as in the 9. canon and x. distinction made a profession that the same Imperiall preceptes should be kept in all ages This Leo when he was reproued of treason and other euils pleaded his cause before Ludouicus the 2. Emperoure of Rome and sonne of Lotharius aboue recited 2. q. 7. canon 40. But after this as tyme grew on the bishops of Rome nothing relinquishing their ambitious desires Otho the first Emperour of that name depriued and put from the sea of Rome that most filthy and wicked Bishop Iohn the xiij both for diuers and sundry wicked and haynous acts by him committed as also for his great treasons conspiracies agaynst his royall person and did substitute in hys place Leo. the 5. who calling a Synode at Laterane in the same temple and place where the other before was kept◠did promulgate a new constitution with consent of the Senate people of Rome concerning the Emperours iurisdiction in the foresayd election whiche in the 23. canon is contained and 63. distinction Whereby the old right and power of the Emperour in the election of the Byshop of Rome and other ecclesiasticall prelates was agayne with more sharper and straighter sanctiō confirmed ratified Agayn Iohn the 18 whō Cressentius the Romayn vsurping that Imperiall crowne had made bishop by the consēt of the people of Rome the Ecclesiasticall order hauing his nose cut off hys eyes put out so thrust out of the capitoll was agayn of Otho 3. established and made Byshop But when as yet notwithstanding the Byshops of Rome would not alter their olde accustomed disposition but with all their industry indeuoured to abrogate that iurisdiction of the Emperor ouer the bishop of Rome as people loth to be vnder subiection Henry the 3. then Leo the 9 beyng constituted byshop did once agayne ratifie that same and caused the byshop which extolled himself before al his fellow bishops to stoup and geue place to Moguntinus So after the death of Henry the 3. Emperor Nicholas the 2. although in hys decree whiche in the first canon and
gathered out of good probable authors But as touching the haynous artes and flagirious verdes which the Pope burdeneth him withall and in his sentence agaynst hym maketh mention of Fredericus not onely purgeth himselfe therof but also diuers historicians as well Germain writers as Italiās affirme the same to be false and of the Popes owne braynes to do him skare teene withall inuēted Of which matter those things which Pandolphus touching the commendation or disprayse of Fredericus writeth I thought good out of Italian to translate whose wordes be these Albeit the Emperor Fredericus was indued with many goodly giftes and vertues yet notwithstanding was he accounted an enemy of the church and a persecutor of the same of which both Innocentius the 4. in his sentence hath pronoūced him guilty the same sentence haue other Popes registred in theyr sixe books of Decretals and stablished the same for a lawe howe that hee ought to be taken for no lesse Therefore peraduenture it should not become me to falsifye or call in question that whiche other haue confirmed or els to dispute and argue much of that matter Yet notwithstanding as much as his actes dedes in writing declare the books of the chiefest authors affirme as also his own Epistles do testify I cannot precisely say whether the bishops of Rome so call him and iudge him therfore Or els for that he was somewhat to bold in speaking and telling them but the truth and reprouing the ecclesiasticall order of their great abuses Or els whether for that he would haue had them gone somewhat more neare the conditions liues of the auncient fathers of the primitiue Church and disciples of Christ Or whether for that he defēded and stood with them for the prerogatiue and dignities belōging to the empire or not Or els whether they stood in feare awe of the great power he was of in Italy which thing in deede Gregory the 9 in a certain Epistle of his confesseth But of these things let them iudge and discerne that shall read the monumēts and histories of Frederick Truely sayth he when I consider with my selfe that Christ whose vicar the Romaine Bishops boast thēselues to be sayd vnto his disciples that they should follow him and also intimate his example as of their maister and teacher and commaunded them farthermore how they should not draw the sword but put vp the same into the skaberd and farther gaue thē in precept that they should not onely forgeue iniuries seuē times but 70. times seuen times to those that offended them And when I now compare the liues of the Bishops of Rome how neare they follow him whose vicar they say they be And consider so manye and greet conspiracies treasons rebellions disloyaltyes lyinges in wayt and treacherous deuises So many Legates of the Popes being Ecclesiasticall persons which will needes be called the shepheardes of Christes flocke to be suche warriours and Captaynes of Souldiours in all the partes of Italy Campania Apulia Calabria being the Emperours dominions in Picenum Aemilia Flamminia and Lumbardy to be sent out against him And also when with my selfe I meditate the destruction of so many great and famous Cities the subuersion of such common weales the slaughter of so many men and the effusion of so much Christian bloud And lastly when I beholde so victorious prosperous and fortunate Emperours to be and so many miserable vnfortunate and vanquished Popes put to flight Am perswaded with my selfe to thinke and beleue that the iudgements of God are secret and maruellous and that to be true which Aeneas Siluius in his history of Austria writeth That there is no great and maruellous slaughter no notorious and special calamity that hath happened either to the publick weale or els to the church of God of the which the Bishops of Rome haue not bene the authors Nicolaus Machiauellus also sayth that all the ruinous calamities and miserable chaunces that the whole christian common weale and also Italy hath suffered hath bene brought in by the Popes and bishops of Rome Many Epistles of Fredericus there be which he wrote vnto the Bishops of Rome to the Cardinals and to diuers other Christian Princes all which I haue read and in them is to be seene nothing contrary vnto Christian doctrine nothing wicked and vngodly nothing iniurious to the Church of God nothing contumelious or arrogantly written of Frederick But in deede I denye not the same to be fraught and full of pitifull complayntes and lamētatiōs touching the auaritious ambitiō of the Ecclesiastical persōs and pertinacy of the Bishops of Rome and that he would receiue and take no satifactiō nor yet excuse in the defence of the right and priuiledge of the Empire which he maintained also of their manifold and infinite cōspiracies which they practised both secretly and openly agaynst him And of the often admonitions which he gaue to the whole multitude and order Ecclesiasticall to attend vpon and discharge their functions and charges And who that farther is desirous to know and vnderstand the trueth and coueteth to search out the renowmed vertues of magnificēt Princes let them read the Epistle of Fredericke dated to all Christian Princes which thus beginneth Collegerunt principes pontifices Pharisaei concilium and an other wherin he perswadeth the Colledge of Cardinalles to take vp the dissention betweene the Emperor and the pope which beginneth In exordio nascentis mundi and also an other which thus beginneth Infallibilis veritatis testem besides yet an other Ad Reges principes orbis Christiani with diuers other moe wherein may well be seene the princely vertues of this so worthy a piere all which Epistles collected together in the Latin tongue the lerned sort I wish to read whereout they may picke no litle benefit and commodity to thēselues In his Epistle last recited these are his wordes Non existimetis id me a vobis ideò contendere ac si ex sententia pontificia priuationis maiestas nostra sit perculsa Cum enim nobis sit rectae voluntatis conscientia cumquedeum nobiscum habeamus eundē testem inuocamus id nos spectasse cum totum ordinem Ecclesiasticum tum praesertim primores neruis potētiae dominationisque eorum succisis extirpatisque tyrannidis radicibus ad primitiue Ecclesie conditionem statum reuocaremus That is Thinke ye not that we so earnestly desire or craue this peace at your hand as though our maiesty were terrified with the Popes sentence of depriuation When as God vpon whom we trust and inuocate is our witnesse and iudge of our conscience that when we went about to reforme the Ecclesiasticall state but especially the ringleaders of the same and should restrayne theyr power and extirpate theyr great tiranny and reduce the same to the state and cōdition of the primatiue Church we looked for no lesse at theyr handes For these causes peraduenture those which had the gouernement
eaten any mans bread for nought or of free cost Glossa Then those false Prophetes ought much more to liue by theyr labour which haue not that authoritye which we ought to haue that is to say to liue by the Gospell And S. Augustine speaketh of this more expressely in his booke De opere monachorum by these words Those our brethren do clayme to themselues very rashly as me thinketh that they haue any such authority to liue by the Gospell If they be preachers of the Gospel I graunt that in deed they haue such authority if they be ministers of the aultar if they be disposers of the Sacraments they cannot well but take to thēselues this authority as also manifestly to chalenge the same if at the least they haue not where with all to sustayne this present life without labour of their handes c. As though he woulde haue sayd if they be not such maner of men then haue they no authority to liue by the Gospell Therefore those preachers which haue not authority to line by the Gospell or els minister the Sacraments because they haue no cōgregation wherby to take charge of soules yet for al that wil needs liue vpon the Gospell they be no true Apostles but false Prophets The 10. signe is that false teachers reioyce more to be commēded themselues then the word of God to haue the commendation prayse But they that are true preachers and Apostles are farre otherwise minded as to the Thess. 2. not seeking the prayse of men c. And herin he toucheth those false Prophets which desire rather to be commēded themselues then that the word of God which they preach should haue the commendatiō but he is an Apostle which not seeking the glory of this present world but for the glory to come doth abase himself to the intēt that the preaching and word of God might be commended and exalted They therfore which desire to haue prayse to be commended of others rather then that the word of God should haue the prayse to be no true Apostles but false Prophets The 11. signe is that true Apostles do preach onely for Gods cause and for the health of soules and for no tēporal gayne as in the 2. Cor. 4. saying we preach not our selues c. Glose Our preaching tendeth not to our glory and gayne but onely to the glory of Christ. But the preaching of Christ by those that are false Prophets tendeth to the contrary Wherupon in the Phil. 1. is sayd whether it be vpon occasion geuē or els for the verities sake let christ be preached c. Glose False prophets doe preach the Gospell vpon some occasion as either by seeking some commodity at the hands of mē or els because of getting goodes honor or prayse among men Which notwithstanding that they be ready and willing as it should seeme to beare and sustaine iniuryes yet they seek not so much the health of him to whom they preach as in very deed they do their owne commodity and gaine Whereupon 2. Cor. 12. Glosse Because I seeke not the thinges that be yours that is to say not your treasure as gold siluer but onely you your selues Glosse For other wayes it could by no meanes be gathered that they should vnderstand him to speake or meane of theyr substaunce because he more estemeth them then theyr mony to the intent that they might vnderstand his great good will toward them Therfore these euill and naughty preachers which preach for worldly gayn or honor or els for the prayse cōmendation of men be no true Apostles but false Prophetes But it may be asked how shall men vnderstand when these good fellowes preach for their owne vayne glory sake It may be aunswered thus when they preach before they be called as in the 2. Cor. 11. whosoeuer boasteth let him boast and reioyce in the Lord. Glosse Which thing to doe cannot he by any meanes that hath not his authority from God For if any such Prophet preach he seeketh his owne glory and that may easely be perceiued Because he is not called of God he hath no such authority of him that is to say of his Church or congregation as to the Heb. 7. No man taketh to himselfe anye dignity but he that is called of God as Aaron was The Glosse He is called of God that it is lawfully chosen of the congregation The 12. signe is or token of a false prophet is Because such Prophets do counterfait themselues to haue greater care and loue to mens soules then those that be theyr very gouernors pastors haue although they haue no charge at all of them agaynst whom the Glose speaketh and the 1. Thess. 2. We are become meek and louing towardes you euen as the nurse which geueth her child sucke Glosse A woman nurseth other mens children for wages not for loue alone but she geueth her own suck of very loue with out respect of mony Therfore those preachers which faine themselues to haue a greater loue affection to the soules of men then they that haue the charge ouer them seeme not to be true Apostles The Apostles studye not for eloquēce nor for the curious placing of their words but false Prophets do them both As in the 2. Cor. 11. If the simple and vncloquēt man c. Glosse The Apostles were not eloquent but false Prophets are ful of curious eloquence Also vpon the same an other Glosse The Corinthiās were led away from the Gospell by ouer nice eloquence the 2. Cor. 7. Let vs shew our selues before all men as the ministers of God Glosse The ministers of God do not flatter as false Prophets do And for this occasion those that be true Apostles haue not theyr abiding in princes Courtes and noble mens houses knowing this saying of Christ in S. Mathewes Gospel Behold those that are clothed with silkes dwell in kinges Courtes And therefore true Apostles are not conuersaunt in Princes Courtes and noble mens houses Glosse Hard strait life with the preaching of the Gospel loueth not to come neare Princes pallaces and noble mens houses Often times it commeth to passe that Courtiers are found great flatterers Therfore those preachers that haue their abode in Courtes or that in any other place do vse to flatter are no true Apostles but false Prophets The 13. signe is that true Apostles or messengers doe not circumuent or subtlely goe about to deceiue men that they should geue vnto them their goods either in their life time or els at the time of theyr death as in the 2. Cor. 7. We haue falsly deceiued no man Glosse By the subtle and deceitfull getting away of your substaūce as false Prophets do which get away from you those things that be yours vnder pretence of great frēdship Also Mat. 22. Wo be vnto you Scribes Phariseis you hipocrites which spoile widowes houses by your long prayers which mean nothing els by your
38. Item the foresayd Officials call by Citation afore thē the honest wedded aswell man as woman charging thē that they haue committed adultery to the perpetuall infamy of theyr husbands and wiues And for nothing els but by extortion to wring mony from them 39. Item mention must be made of the multitude number of Proctors which eate and deuoure vp all the world with their citations catching vp clientes and keeping abroad in the countryes courts and Assises who for mony returne not the citations which by extortion they receiue of them which are cited 40. Item there be many other griefes and enormityes which the Chapiters Abbotes Priors Prouostes and other ecclesiasticall persons in the Realme of Fraunce practise agaynst the people As whē they cause to be cited before them many of the kinges burgesies other in diuers places being priuiledged that is to say Baiocēses Manmectans in Britaine Lugdons Masticous with other more But specially the Prouos of hospitals vse more cōmonly this trick then any other do wherby the people is much endamaged and wil be euery day more and more if remedy be not had therein 41. Item ecclesiasticall magistrates labor to haue cognition of causes of iniury in whatsoeuer cause it be whether the iniury be committed by word or fact Likewise they take vpon them to heare the causes of maried clerkes and of their wiues although they both vse marchaundise And if at any time such couples be taken by the secular Magistrates the Officiall causeth a suspension to be denounced in that Parish by force of the councell Siluanecten 42. Item they chalenge to haue cognition concerning widowes goods both moueable and vnmoueable And if it happeneth at any time that a Marchaunt widow in any the kings peculiars by way of rest procureth any temporall man to be conuented before the secular iudge and the matter so farre trauised that he should haue bene condemned by the sentence of the secular iudge then come to the eare of the ecclesiasticall magistrates how before whom the widow did conuēt him The sayd temporal iudge shal be constrayned to withdraw the same And by their monitions and censures to correct the same and this oftē times happeneth 43. Item many of the tenaunts inhabitours of the Bishops landes calleth one an other to the court of the Officials by a kinde of appellation By vertue wherof the Officials take vpon them to proceede in the same and to haue cognition thereof to the preiudice of the temporall iurisdiction of our soueraigne Lord the king 44. Item if any man be apprehended by secular iustice in shedding of bloud by thē if he be Lay he is to be ordered If he be a Clerke he is to be restored to the Ecclesiasticall iudge But whether he be a temporall man or clerke that is so takē and appealeth to the Officials court They will be so bold to haue cognition therof requiring herewith amends of the secular court which enterprised the foresayd apprehension If this be suffered the malefactor shal neuer be punished For by and by they will appeale and immediatly after the appellation flye and auoyde away 45. Item when they cause many of Office to be cited before them they will admit them to haue no Proctors To whom when they come at the day of appearance they obiect the crime of vsury And except they answer as the promotors wil thēselues they are trodē vnder feet although they be mere lay and shall not be dismissed before they fine euen as the Officials list themselues although they be no vsurers But if any be vsurers they take of them satisfaction and bribes and so be permitted to vse their vsury no lesse then before So that they may haue their olde fees and bribes 46. Item they procure theyr officers to apprehend clerks in whatsoeuer soile they be foūd albeit by iustice they may appeal therefro But if by any they be let of their will here in they do forthwith by sentence of excommunicatiō cause them to desist therfore 47. Item as often times as any temporall Magistrate doth apprehēd any person which afterward being required of the clergy is quietly deliuered vnto them yet for all that the Officials causeth those Magistrats to be denoūced excommunicate by law 48. Item the Prelates geue order of Tonsures aswell to men of 30. yeares as vpward as also to maried men whē they come vnto them for feare of imprisonment punishment due vnto them for their criminal offences before cōmitted And this is often times put in practise 49. Item if it happen any of the kings seruants or any other to be excommunicate would fayne be absolued being glad to pay reasonably for the same The Clergy will not receiue but such satisfaction as shall please thē wherby many of them remayne still excommunicate 50. Item when two persons haue bene at strife and law together for the possessiō of land and the matter contentious be put into the handes of the king by some seruant or officer of the king for the taking vp of the matter then do the Prelates admonish the one part not to trouble the other which is in possession Otherwise if he do they do excommunicate him 51. Item the foresayd Prelates Deanes Chaplens and other the rout of the Clergy putteth the kinges officers to so much trauaile and expenses in trying out the kinges vsurped iurisdictiō as they terme it that often times many of them spend and consume in the trauaell of the right and title thereof all that they haue and more to 52. Item if any secular iusticer in a true and iust cause at the request of the party putteth in his helping hand cōcerning the inheritaunce of Clerkes the Ecclesiasticall Iudges and their Ministers sendeth out monitiōs in writing agaynst the sayd Iusticer yea vnder payne of excōmunication forfeiture to take away his hand and leaue of Enioyning him further to suffer the other party quietly to enioy the sayd things Otherwise they denounce him excommunicate shall not be absolued before he haue well paid for it euen as pleaseth maister Officiall to the high preiudice of the authority of our soueraigne Lord the king 53. Item the Ecclesiasticall magistrates so soone as they heare any rich or fat Cob to dye or thinke that he will not liue long send out forthwith letters vnder seale to theyr chaplain commaūding him in any wise not to presume to bury him although he made his Testament and receiued the rites of the Church And when afterward the frendes and kinsfolkes of the dead resort vnto them to know the cause of their inhibition they declare vnto thē that he was an vsurer and that he kept not the commaundementes of holy Church And so long keep they the corpes of the dead vnburyed while the frendes of him buy it out with good store of mony heaping hording by these meanes aboūdance of riches 54. Item if there be any
and Emperor especially constituted the said lawe And likewise to speake of custome it hath bene known frō time out of mind the same to haue belonged to the church of Fraunce He therefore which shal go about to violate this lawe committeth sacrilege 11. q. 1. ca. 1. 2. And let not the kings maiestie maruell if that in this most noble Realme of Fraunce thys prerogatiue be due vnto the Churche As when hereby his power and nobilitie is beutified Anth. vt iud sine quoquo suffra fi in principio Col 2. Besides this our soueraigne Lorde and King at what time hee was crowned was sworne by the Euangelists to keepe and obserue thys Canonicall priuiledge of the Churche Further the Barons who in a manner are all sworne to the Churche swore fidelity to the same by which oth of fidelity they are bound to keepe these liberties and rights of the Churche When therfore euery oth which tendeth not to the perdition of the soule is to be kept a fortiori that oth which is taken in the fauor of the church is much more to be obserued c. Si vero extra de iure iurando 22. quaest 4. c vlt. Besides thys blessed Ludouicke Phillip of Arragon Phillip the faire Ludouicke Carolus the great Phillip confirmed these priuiledges customes and liberties of the Church which all were sworne at their coronations as before c. These things considered who can aduise the kings maiesty with out damning of his owne soule contrary to these liberties graunted and so confirmed to the Church To whom belōgeth great reward whosoeuer bestoweth any thing vpon the Churche Antho. de non alie at permut re ecc § si minis col 3. neyther maketh it against vs where it is sayde that there are two swordes c. Neyther yet the distinction betwene the Byshoppricke and kingdome Because it is true that there are two swordes the power wherof is left to the churches hand although the execution of the material sword is committed to the temporal and secular men Matth. 26. where Christ saith to Peter conuert and put vp thy sword into the place But as touching the distinction betwixt the Byshopricke and kingdom in deede it is true asmuch as appertaineth to the end to the execution of bloud but not concerning the beginning subiect for that in one subiect both the powers are may be and ought to be as is before prooued To that poynt where it is said that Christ payed tribute it is answered that not therfore he payd it because he ought or was bounde thereunto because it is certainly true that the sonnes of the king as hee was ought not to pay but this he did to auoide offence yea also the Clergy is not boūd hereunto Esdrae 1. vlt. Wherfore such things do not inferre a consequence Neither yet maketh that against vs where it is sayd that the king our soueraigne Lord maister can not abdicate from himselfe this right especially for that he was sworne thereunto at the time of his coronation c. for it is aunswered that he may wel abdicate the same And howe doth he abdicate the same from hymselfe which be geueth and bestoweth to God the Church The land is the Lords And doubtles to geue is nothing els but to tender to God and the church their owne for then by that reason the gift giuē to the church by Cōstantine is naught and nothing woorth which is false and this is proued xvi dist ca. Const. Wherby it appeareth that an Emperour and king may alienate things of the empire ff de legatis i. l. apud Iulianum § vlt. nor yet heereby the Empire or kingdome is damaged for that the thing returneth to the pristinat state ff de pactis l. vnus § pactus 35. dist ab exordio Furthermore by this reason propounded all the kings of France which euer were and especially blessed Ludouike shuld be spotted for if that were true as God forbid then al they were persured and died in mortal sinne which is to too absurde Last of all it hurteth not where it is sayd that such things are inprescriptible It is true in deede they cannot of subiects or otherwise then of the Church be prescribed but in this cause we talke not of subiects Also seeing they may be alieuated they may be prescribed especially the kinges thus consenting who confirmed the same so long a time which excludeth all right both fiscal and ecclesiastical The prelates therefore al with one consent agreeth affirmeth to the same as a verity to be maintained and defended Beseeching the kings maiestie their Lorde both for hys soule health and peace of the Church to maintaine the same and keeping the liberties of the Church Desiring hym to consider what commoditie daily he receiueth by the Churche and that hys Churche neuer failed him yet when hee had neede of the laitie shewing the daungers and examples of them who did to the contrary Further hee beseeched hys highnesse to way howe entierly hys Lord the Pope doeth and hath loued his person and realme Affirming that neuer any placed in the seat of Peter loued better his realme then he doth Alledging the text of Eccl. 6. where it is sayd Stande in the multitude of the Priests and beleeue them with thy heart After this in the sayd Session The foresayde Byshop of Eduen prolocutour inferred many things beside answered particularly to the articles aboue specified and exhibited by the Lord Peter in wryting to the king and parliament Which because they touch more the subtiltie of the law and stiles of the courtes then are necessary to this our history and because we would not burdē the volume with all conteining no great profite in them we haue heere of purpose for breuities sake omitted them passing to the next sitting which was the next friday next after following the same as ensueth The next Friday after thys the Prelates assembled at Uicenas before the Kyng to heare theyr answere where the foresaid Lorde Peter of Lugner being prolocutour for the king spake on this wise taking for hys theame I am peace vnto you do not feare c. which he prosecuted monished that they shoulde not be troubled in any thyng that there had bene spoken For that the intent and minde of the soueraigne Lorde their king was to keepe the rites of the Church and Prelates which they had by law and by good and reasonable custome Where betweene the first and second conclusion he went about to prooue that the cognition of ciuill causes ought not to appertaine to the Church For that such things were temporal and ought to pertaine to the temporaltie as spirituall things to the spiritualtie And besides his other reasons hee alleaged the 86 dist declaring for a truth that for this intent first the clarks crowns were shauen in signe that they shuld be free frō all worldlinesse and forsake
I suppose will and ought sooner runne and the word of Christ will sooner driue vs to our father then to the Priests Corban Marc. 7. So that this distinction here may haue place that as the one standeth vpon merite of vertue so the other standeth vpon mere duety of necessitie Pag. 362. col 1. These iurisdictions temporall and spiritual are compatible in one persone Aunswere I graunt pro ratione subiects That is in the subiect it selfe there is no cause to the contrary but these vocations may be exercised both of one persone as they haue beene of the Pope one after the other and so may contrary formes also and yet the Popes persone hath bene able to sustaine them both But now here is to be considered not what the nature of the subiecte is able to beare by Logicke but what order is taken heerein by the will of God whose order is thys That they which with Peter are called to the feeding of the flock shoulde leaue their fishing nettes and fishe for men and that they which labour in the warfare of the Lord should not intangle theÌ„selues with the busines of this life wherby they may be more free to please him whose souldiours they are Tit. 2 c. Pag. 362. col 1. The iurisdictions temporall and spirituall are so distincted that they are not contrary c. Aunswer And what let is there then but our Queene nowe and other kings heereafter may haue the gouernement of both states as well Ecclesiasticall as temporall Seeing both the formes being compatible may concurre both in one subiect why not as well in the persone of the King within the Realme as in the person of the Pope without the Realme Pag. 363 col 1. God after the creation of the world c. vnto Noes time c. Aunswere If God vnto Noes time gouerning the worlde as king gaue sentence himselfe against Caine as yee say howe then did he that by the ministerie of aungels If he did it by the aungels his ministers Whether is more like then that to make for the Pope or rather for kings and princes whom the Scripture thrise in one chapter calleth the ministers of God to execute punishment to him that doth euill Rom. 13. Pag. 363. Noe also which offered c. Aunswere If offering of burnt sacrifices to God doe make a priest then was Caine also Abell Abraham Isaac and all Patriarches priests If hee had both temporall and spirituall iurisdiction vppon them which were in his Arke I maruell why hee did not curse â—hen the disobedyent crowe that returned not to him againe Pag. 363. col 1 Melchisedech likewise c. Answere Melchisedech properly did beare a figure of Christ both king and priest and of none other Pag. 363. col 2. A. I haue geuen to me c. Aunswere That Christ hath all power geuen him no man doubteth but yet the same Christ sayth that his kingdome is not of this world Neither would he be made a king in this worlde c. Non eripit mortalia qui regna dat caelestia hym Pag. 363. col 1. B. Whom Christ made his vicar c. Answere Here in one line bee two lies For neither had Peter the very same power in heauen and earth as Christ had neyther was hee the vicar of Christ. Pag. 363. col 1. C. As the offence of Ananias and Saphira was not temporall but spirituall so did Peter kill them not iudicially that is as a temporall iudge but spiritually that is by the power of the spirite which spirite wrought by him not as by a iudge but as a minister And although this acte of Peter was extraordinarie for a singular example yet notwithstanding let any prelate with the like power of spirit so do none wil blame him Pag 363 col 1. D. And so likewise the condemnation of Paule against the Corinthian was onely spirituall and not temporall Pag. 363. 1. E. must be referred to the order c. Aunswere Christ woulde these causes to be referred to the hearing of the Churche for spirituall admonition but not for temporall iurisdiction of the prelates Pag 363. col 1. F. All things that the true Church doth truely binde are bound I graunt but first let the Pope proue his Church to be the true Church and himselfe to be the vniuersal head therof and then let him claime the keies Ibid. The two swords do as much signifie the two regiments as doe the two fishes wherewith Christ did feede foure thousande persones Ibid. Christ bad Peter put vp his sword and not to cast it away Ergo the Church may haue the temporall sworde Answere God geue you good morowe I haue brought you a capon Pag. 364. col 1. I. Know ye not the Saintes c. Aunswere S. Paule heere willing the Corinthians to pleade their matters not before the heathen but before the Saints meaneth the faithfull of the congregation not onely prelates K. In them was not the like reason c. Aunswere I graunt for Christ and true Christians is one thing Antechrist and hys Church is an other thing Ibid. As ye say the Apostles had no laisure to take lands and possessions for preaching but nowe for Lordly loytering you haue laisure inough Pag. 364. col 1. M. They are most fittest to beare temporal rule which followe neerest to God Prelates of the cleargie followe nearest to God Ergo Prelates of the Clergie are more meetest to beare temporall rule Resp. If God heere be taken for that God which is called the belly I graunt they seeme to followe nearer But if it be taken for the true God not I but their owne fruites life and doctrine and Esay also would denie their minor and say that this people draweth neare to me with their lips but their heart is farre from me Pag. 364. col 1. You are a chosen generation a royal Priesthode c. Aunswere This place of Peter was written not onely to persones Ecclesiasticall but to the whole congregation of the Saintes disparsed as the wordes following may declare Qui eratis quondam non populus c. And thus much concerning French matters which because they be Ecclesiasticall and beare wyth them some vtilitie to the diligeÌ„t reader such as list to search note and obserue the actes of men and course of religion I thought therfore here to place and adioyne next after the other contention before proceding betwene Philip the French king and Pope Boniface Albeit as touching the perfect keeping of yeres and time I am not ignorant that thys foresaid Parliament thus summoned and commenced against the French prelates falling in the yeare of our Lorde 1329. was to be referred rather to yâ— raigne of king Edward the iâ— Of whom now remaineth by the grace of Christ in order of historie to prosecute declaring first the instructions and informations of his father geuen to him in the time of his departing
by the statute of the Londiners geuē forth commaundement through all his land that no corne shoulde at that tyme be turned to the making of drinke Such a Lord is God thus able to do where he is disposed to strike And yet we miserable creatures in our wealth and aboundaunce will not surcease dayly to prouoke hys terrible maiesty But let vs returne to the order agayne of our story After the Scottes had thus plagued miserably as ye haue heard the Realme of England they inuaded also Ireland where they kept and cōtinued warre the space of 4. yeares But in fine the Irishmen by ayd sent to them from England quitte themselues so well that they banquished the Scottes and slew Edward Bruys and many of the Nobles of Scotland with many other and droue the residue out of the country The king about the 12. yeare of his raigne assembled a new host and went into Scotland where he layd siege to Barwike But in the meane time the Scottes by an other way inuaded the marches of Yorkeshyre robbing and harieng the countrey that they slew much people Wherfore the Archbishop of of Yorke and other Abbottes Pryors Clerkes with husbandmen assembled a great company and gaue them battell at a place called Mytton where the Englishmen were discomfited and many of them slayne but the Archbishop and the Abbot of Selby and diuers other there escaped But because there were so many spirituall men there slayne it was called therefore the whyte battayle By reason whereof the king hearing of this and partly because wynter did approche was constrayned to breake vp his siege and so returned not without great daunger At this tyme the two Spensers Syr Hugh Spenser the father and Hugh Spenser the sonne were of great power in England and by the fauour of the King practised such cruelty and bare themselues so haughtely and proud that no Lord of this land might gainsay them in any thing that they thought good wherby they were in great hatred and indignation both with the nobles and the commons no lesse then Peter Gaueston was before Soone vppon this came two Legates from Rome sent by pope Iohn the 22. vnder the pretence to set agreement betwene England and Scotlād who for theyr charges and expences required of euery spiritual person iiij d in euery marke But all theyr labour nothing auailed For the Legates as they were in the North parts about Derlinghton with theyr whole family and trayne were robbed and dispoyled of theyr horses treasure apparell and what elles they had and with an euill fauoured handling retired backe agayne to Duresine where they said a while wayting for an answere from the Scots But when neyther the popes Legacy nor his curse would take any place with the Scottes they returned agayn to London where they first excommunicated and cursed as blacke a s soote al those arrogant and presumptuous robbars of Northumberland Secondly for supplying of the losses receaued they exacted of the Clergy to be geuen and paid vnto them viij d in euery marke But the Clergye thereunto woulde not agree seeing it was theyr owne couetouines as they say that made them venture farther then they needed Only they were contēted to relieue them after iiij d in a mark as they promised before further they woulde not graunt whereof the king being aduertized and taking part wyth his clergy directeth his letters to the said Legates in form as followeth Rex Magistro Rigando c. REX Magistro rigando de Asterio canonico Aurelian Salutem c. In Englishe thus The king to maister Rigand of Asserio Canon of Aurelia greeting We haue taken notice of the clamours and lamentable petitions of the subiectes of our Realme perceauing by the same that you practise many and sondry inconueniences very straunge neuer heretofore accustomed nor heard of in this our realme aswell agaynst the Clergy and ecclesiasticall persons as agaynst the layrie euen to the vtter oppression and empouerishing of many our liege people which if should be wincked at as God forbid may in processe of time be occasion of greater perills to ensue whereat we are not without cause moued and not a litle grieued We forbid you therefore that from henceforth you practise not ne presume in anye case to attempt any thinge within this our Realme either agaynst our Clergy or laytie that may any maner of way tend to the preiudice of our Royall person or of our Crowne and dignitie Regall witness the king at wyndsoure the vi day of February in the xi yeare of his raigne Per Concilium Likewise in the same yeare the sayd king writeth to the same effect to the Archbishop of Caunterbury as followeth Rex venerabili in Christo Patri W. eadem gra Archiepiscopo Cant. In English thus The king to the reuerend father in God W. by the same grace Archbishop of Canterbury 1. primate of Englande greeting We are credibly enformed by many our subiectes that certayne straunge imposicions neuer heard of before within any our dominions vpō lands tenemēts goods and cattels concerning testaments and cases of matrimony are brought into our Realme to be executed vppon our subiectes by you or some others which if should proceede to execution would manifestly tend to the disherisō of our Crowne impeachment of our Crowne and dignitie Regall and the intollerable damage of the subiectes of our realme and to the dew preseruation of the whiche you are bound by solemne othe of alleageance we therefore commaund and straitly charge you that you proceede not in any case to the execution of anye suche letters either in your owne person nor by anye other nor yet presume by colour of the same to attempte any thinge that may be preiudiciall or hurtfull to our Crowne or dignitie Regall And if you or any other in your name haue done or attempted anye thing by colour of the same that ye call back and reuoke the same foorthwith without delaye Witnesse the King at Shene the xvii of February the xi yeare of hys raigne Peripsum Regem The like letters in effect were directed to the Archbyshop of Yorke and to euery other Byshop through England By force of whiche letters the greedy Legates beyng restrayned of theyr rauening purpose taking what they could get and setting a peace such as it was betwene the king and the Earle of Lancaster were fayne to pack Besides the restraynt aboue mentioned for strange imposicions there followeth moreouer the same yeare the kings prohibitiō for the gathering of Peter Pence directed to the foresayd Legate the Tenor whereof followeth A prohibition of Peter Pence Rex magistro Rigando c. In English thus The king to mayster Rigand of Asserio Canon of Aurelia greeting We are geuen to vnderstād that you doe demand and purpose to leuye the Peter Peny within our Realme otherwise then the sayd Peter Peny hath bene heretofore accustomed to be leuyed in the time of
Antechrist alledgeth the sayinges and writinges of the Uniuersity of Paris also the writings of Guilielmus de sacto amore and of Militzius afore noted About the same time or shortly after an 1384. we read also of Ioannes of Mountziger Rector of the Uniuersity of Ulme who opēly in the scholes in his Oratiō propoūded that the body of Christ was not God and therfore not to be worshipped as God with that kinde of worship called Latria as the Sophister termeth it meaning thereby the Sacrament not to be adored which afterward he also defended by writing affirming also that Christ in his resurrection tooke to him agayne all his bloud which in hys passion he had shed Meaning thereby to inferre that the bloud of Christ which in many places is worshipped neither can be called the bloud of Christ neither ought to be worshipped But by and by he was resisted and withstood by the Monks and friers who by this kinde of Idolatry were greatly enriched till at length the Senate councell of the city was fayne to take vp the matter betwene them Nilus was Archbishop of Thessalonica liued much about this time He wrote a long worke agaynst the Latins that is agaynst such as tooke part and held with the Church of Rome His first book being written in Greeke was after translated into latin lately now into english in this our time In the first chap. of his book he layeth all the blame and fault of the dissention schisme betwene the East and the West Church vpon the Pope He affirmed that the Pope onely would commaund what him listed were it neuer so contrary to all the olde auncient canōs That he would heare and folow no mans aduise that he would not permit any free coūcels to be assēbled c. And that therfore it was not possible that the cōtrouersies betwene the Greeke Church and Latine Church should be decided and determined In the second chap. of his book he purposedly maketh a very learned disputation For first he declareth that he no whit at all by Gods commaūdement but onely by humain law hath any dignity more thē hath other bishops which dignity the Councels the fathers the Emperors haue graunted vnto him Neither did they graūt the same for any other consideration more or greater ordinaunce then for that the same City then had the Impery of all the whole world and not at all for that that Peter euer was there or not there Secondarily he declareth that the same premacy or prerogatiue is not such and so great as he and his Sicophāts do vsurpe vnto thēselues Also he refuteth the chiefest propositions of the Papistes one after an other He declareth that the Pope hath no dominion more thē other Patriarches haue and that he himselfe may erre as well as other mortall men and that he is subiect both to lawes councels as well as other Bishops That it belonged not to him but to the Emperor to call generall councels that in Ecclesiasticall causes he could establish and ordeine no more then all other Bishops might And lastly that he getteth no more by Peters succession then that he is a Byshop as all other Bishops after the Apostles be c. I can not among other folowing here the occasion of this matter offered leaue out the memory of Iacobus Misnensis who also wrote of the comming of Antechrist In y◠same he maketh mentiō of a certayn learned man whose name was Militzius which Militzius sayth he was a famous and worthy preacher in Parga He liued about the yere 1366. long before Husse and before Wickliffe also In the same his writings he declareth how y◠same good man Militzius was by the holy spirit of God incited and vehemently moued to search out of the holy Scriptures the maner and comming of Antechrist and found that now in his time he was all ready come And the same Iacobus sayth that the sayd Militzius was constrayned by the spirite of God to go vp to Rome there publickely to preach And that afterward before the Inquisitour he affirmed the same That the same mighty and great Antechrist the which the Scriptures made mention of was already comen He affirmed also that the Church by the negligence of the Pastors should become desolate and that iniquitye should abound that is by reason of Mammon master of iniquitie Also he sayde that there were in the Church of Christ idols which shoulde destroy Ierusalem and make the tēple desolate but were cloked by hypocrisy Further that there be many whych deny Christ for that they keepe silence neither do they heare Christ whome all the world should know and cōfesse his verity before men which also wittingly do detaine the verity and iustice of God There is also a certaine Bull of Pope Gregory 11. to the Archbishop of Praga wherin he is commanded to excommunicate and persecute Militzius and his auditours The same Bull declareth that he was once a Chanon of Praga but afterward he renounced his Canonship began to preache who also for that he so manifestly preached of Antichrist to be already come was of Iohn Archbishop of Praga put in prison declaring what hys errour was To wit howe he had his company or cōgregation to whō he preached and that amongst the same were certain conuerted harlots which had forsaken their euill life and did liue godly and well whych harlots he accustomed in hys sermons to preferre before all the blessed virgins that neuer offended He taught also openly that in the Pope cardinals Bishops prelates priests other religious men was no truth neither that they taught the way of truth but that onely he such as held with him taught the true way of saluation His Postill in some places is yet to be sene They alledge vnto him certaine other inconuenient articles which notwtstanding I thinke the aduersaries to depraue him with all haue slanderously inuented against hym He had as appeared by the foresaid Bull very many of euery state and condition as wel rich as pore that cleaued vnto him About the yeare of our Lord. 1371. liued Henricus de Iota whom Gerson doth much commend and also his companiō Henricus de Hassia an excellent learned and famous man An Epistle of this Henricus de Hassia which he wrote to the Bishoppe of Normacia Iacobus Cartsiensis inserted in his booke De erroribus Christianorum In the same Epistle the author doth greatly accuse the spirituall men of euery order yea and the most holyest of all other the Pope himselfe of many and great vices He sayd that the Ecclesiasticall gouernors in the primitiue Church were compared to the sunne shining in the day time and the politicall gouernors to the Moone shyning in the night But the spirituall men he said that now are do neuer shine in the day time nor yet in the night time but rather with theyr darcknes do obscure both the day
consequently absolue any man confessing hys faulte being contrite and penitent for the same 16. It is lawfull for kinges in causes licenced by the lawe to take away the temporalties from the spiritualty sinning habitualiter that is which continue in the custome of sinne and will not amend 17. Whether they be temporall Lordes or any other men whatsoeuer they be which haue endowed any Churche with temporalties It is lawfull for them to take away the same temporalties as it were by way of medicine for to auoyd sinne notwithstanding any excommunication or other ecclesiasticall censure for so much as they are not geuen but vnder a condition 18. An ecclesiasticall minister and also the Byshop of Rome may lawfully be rebuked of his subiectes and for the profite of the Church be accused eyther of the Clergy or of the Laitie These letters with the articles inclosed being thus receiued from the pope the bishops tooke no litle hart thinking and fully determining with themselues and that in open profession before their prouinciall Councell that all maner respectes offeare or fauour set apart no person neither high nor low should let them neither woulde they be seduced by the intreaty of any mā nor by any threatnings or rewards but that in this cause they would execute most surely vpright iustice and equitie yea albeit presēt danger of life should follow therupon But these so fierce brags stout promise with the subtile practises of these Byshops which thought them so sure before the Lord against whō no determination of mans counsaile can prenayle by a small occasion did lightly confound ouerthrowe For the day of examination being come a certayn personage of the princes court yet of no great noble byrth named Lewes Clifford entring in among the Byshops commaunded them that they shold not proceed with any diffinitiue sentence against Iohn Wickliffe With which wordes all they were so amased and their combes so cut that as in the story is mentioned they became so mute and speachlesse as men hauing not one word in their month to answere And thus by the wonderous worke of God his prouidence escaped Iohn Wickliffe the second time out of the Byshops hands and was by them clearely dismissed vppon his declaration made of his articles as anone shall follow Moreouer here is not to be passed ouer how at the same tyme and in the sayd Chappell of the Archb. at Lamheth where the byshops were sitting vpon Iohn Wickliffe the story writing of the doing therof addeth these wordes saying Non dico ciues tantùm Londinenses sed viles ipsius ciuitatis se impudenter ingerere praesumpserunt in eandem capellam verba facere pro eodem istud negotium impedire confisi vt reor de ipsorum praemissa negligentia praelatorum c. That is I say not onely that the Citizens of London but also the vile abiectes of the Citty presumed to be so bold in that same Chappell at Lamheth where the Byshops were sitting vppon Iohn Wickliffe both to entreat for him and also to let and stoppe the same matter trusting as I suppose vpon the negligence which they sawe before in the Byshops c. Ouer and beside here is not to be forgotten how the sayd Iohn Wickliffe the same time of his examination offered and exhibited vnto the Bishops in writing a protestation with a declaration or exposition of his owne minde vpon the sayd his articles the effect whereof here followeth The protestation of Iohn Wickliffe FIrst I protest as I haue often before done that I doe minde and intend with my whole hart by the grace of God to be a true Christian and as long as breath shal remayne in me to professe and defend the law of Christ. And if it shall happen that through ignoraunce or otherwise I shall fayle therein I desire my Lord God of pardon forgeuenes And now againe as before also I do reuoke and make retractation most hūbly submitting my selfe vnder the correction of our holy mother the church And for somuch as the sentence of my fayth whiche I haue holden in the scholes and els where is reported euen by children more ouer it is caried by children euen vnto Rome Therefore left my deare beloued brethren should take any offence by me I wil set forth in writing the sentēce and Articles for the which I am nowe accused and impeached the whiche also euen vnto the death I will defend As I beleeue all Christians ought to doe and specially the Bysh. of Rome and all other priestes and ministers of the Church For I do vnderstand the conclusions after the sense and maner of speaking of the scriptures and holy doctours the whiche I am ready to expound And if they shall be found contrary vnto the faith I am ready to reuoke and speedily to call them backe agayne An exposition vpon the conclusions of Iohn Wickliffe exhibited by him to the Byshop ALl the race of mankinde here in earth beside Christ hath no power simply to ordayne that Peter c. This conclusion of it selfe is euident for as much as it is not in mans power to stop the cōming of Christ to hys finall iudgement but he must needes come according to the article of our Creede to iudge both the quick and the dead And then as the scripture teacheth shall surcease all ciuill and politicke rule here I vnderstand the temporall and secular dominion pertaining to men here dwelling in this mortall life For so doe the Philosophers speake of ciuill dominion And although the thing which is terminable hath an end is called sometimes perpetuall yet because in holy scripture and in vse of the Church and in the bookes of Philosophers most commonly that is takē to be perpetuall which hath no ende of tyme hereafter to come according to the which sense the Church singeth Gloria Patri c. nunc perpetuum I also after the same signification do take here this woorde perpetually and so is this conclusion consonant to the principles of the Scripture that it is not in mans power to ordayne the course and voyage of the Church here perpetually to last 2. God can not geue to any man c. ¶ To the second conclusion I aunswere vnderstanding ciuil dominion as in the conclusion before And so I hold that God first by his ordinate power cannot geue to any person ciuil dominion here for euer Secondly by his absolute power it is not probable for hym so to doe For so much as he cānot euer detaine his spouse in perpetual prison of thys life nor alwayes deferre the finall beatitude of hys Church 3. To the third conclusion Many wrytings or chartes inuented by men as touching perpetual hereditage ciuile be vnpossible The verity of this conclusion is incident For we must not canonize all maner of Charts what soeuer as Catholicke or vniuersal for then it were not lawful by any meanes to take away
or sequester thyngs geuen by Charte or charter when any doth vniustly occupye the same And so if that stand confirmed and ratified by the fayth of the Churche great occasion thereby should be ministred to men so chartered to trust to their temporall chartes and so might grow thereby much libertie and licence to sinne For like as by what supposition euery truth is necessary so by the same supposition euery false thyng is possible as it is playne by the testimony of Scripture of holy Doctours speakyng of necessitie of thynges to come 4. Euery man beyng in grace iustifying finally hath not onely right vnto the thyng but also for his tyme hath right in deede ouer all the good thynges of God The veritie hereof is euidēt by holy Scripture Math. 24. Where veritie promiseth to euery mā entryng into his ioy verely sayth he I tell you he shall set place him ouer all the goodes he hath For the right and title belōgyng to the cōmunion of Saintes in their countrey he meaneth in the kingdome of heauen Fundatur obiectiuè super vniuersitatem bonorum Dei That is Hath his relation as vnto his obiect to all the goodes and possession of God 5. A man can but onely ministratoriously geue any temporall dominion or gift perpetuall as well to his owne naturall sonne as to his sonne by imitation It is euidēt For euery mā ought to recognise himselfe in all his workes and doyngs as an humble seruaunt and minister of God As the wordes of Scripture doth teach vs. Let a man so esteeme of vs as the ministers of Christ. Yea so Christ himselfe did teach his chief Apostles to minister but in their countrey the Saints shall geue vnto their felow brethren the dominion of their goodes vt pater de suis corporibus bonis eis inferioribus in natura accordyng to the wordes of Luke 6. They shall geue you and put into your bosomes a good measure and perfect well filled and heaped vp and runnyng ouer 6. If God be temporall Lordes may lawfully and meritoriously take away the goodes of fortune from the Church when they do offend habitualiter This conclusion is correlatiue with the first Article of our fayth I beleue in God the father almighty c. Where I vnderstand this word may in this conclusion after the maner of autentique Scripture which sayth graunteth that God is able of these stones to rayse vp children to Abraham for otherwise all Christian Princes were heretiques For this conclusiō thus stādeth the reason If God be he is omnipotēt if he be almighty he is able to commaunde the Lordes temporall so to do if he way so commaunde thē may they lawfully so take away such goods c. And so by the vertue of the same principle Christian Princes haue practised the sayd sentence vpon the Church mē heretofore as did William Rufus c. But God forbid that any should beleue hereby my intention to haue bene that secular Lords may lawfully take away what goodes soeuer and by what meanes soeuer by their owne naked authority at theyr pleasure but only by the authority of the church may so do in cases and forme limited by the law 7. We know that it is not possible that the vicare of Christ is able by his pure Bulles c. This is manifest by the Catholique faith for asmuch as the Church doth fully beleue that the abling of any mā ought first to procede and come of God wherfore no man being Christ his vicar hath any power in this matter but onely as vicar in the name of the Lord so far forth as he is enabled of the Lord to notify vnto the church whom God hath enabled Wherfore if any mā do any thing not as vicar in the name of the Lord whom he ought to forethinke to be his author and head It is a presumption of Lucifer for so much as Christ by his Apostle sayth 1. Cor. 3. all our hability or sufficiency cōmeth of God And so consequently it commeth not purely by the ministerie of hys Uicarship that he is inabled but the ablenesse or vnablenesse of him being the Uicar of Christ commeth to hym an other way from aboue 8. A man can not be excommunicate to his hurt or vndoing except he be excommunicate first and principally of himselfe It is euident forasmuch as all such excommunication ought to procede begin originally of his owne sin which is damnified wherupon Augustine sayth De verbis Domini Sermone 51. Doe not thou conculcate thy selfe and man ouercōmeth thee not And moreouer the faith of the church doth teach quòd nulla ei nocebit aduersitas si nulla dominetur iniquitas that is to say No aduersitie shall hurt if no miquitie haue the vpper hand And yet notwithstanding euery excommunication for many causes is also to be reared although that the excommunication of the Churche to the humble man being excommunicated be not damnable but wholesome 9. No man ought but in Gods cause alone to excommunicate suspende c It is cleare for asmuch as euery iust cause is the cause of God whose respect ought chiefly to be wayed and pondered Yea the loue of the person excommunicate ought to surmount the zeale of reuengement and the desire of all temporall goodes whatsoeuer for otherwise he that doeth excommunicate doth damnify himselfe To this 9. conclusion notwithstanding it is congruent that a Prelate may excommunicate in the cause also of man so that his principal respect in so doing be had to y◠iniury done to his God as appeareth 13. quaest 4 Inter querelas 10. No curse or excommunication can binde simply but in case it be geuen out against the aduersary of Christes lawe And it appeareth thus because that God doth bynde simply euery one that is bound who cannot excommunicate but onely for trāsgression of his law Whereunto it is consonant notwithstanding that the censure of the Church doth not binde simply but secondarely in that case and respect as it is denounced against the aduersary of the members of the Church 11. There is no example of Christ which geueth power to hys disciples to excommunicate any subiecte especially for denying of any temporalties but contrary Which is thus declared by the fayth whereby we beleue that God is to be beloued aboue all thynges and our neighbour and enemy are to be beloued aboue all tēporall goodes of this world necessaryly for the law of God cannot be contrary vnto it selfe 12. The disciples of Christ haue no power by any ciuill coaction to exact temporall things by their censures This appeareth by the fayth of the Scripture Luke 23. Where Christ did forbid hys Apostles ciuilly to raigne or to beare any lordship The kings sayth he of the Gentiles beare rule ouer them but you not so And after thys sense it is expounded of S. Bernarde of S. Chrysostome and other holy men which conclusion notwithstanding yet may they exact
if that you shall apprehend by personall citation the sayd Nicholas and Phillip or either of them or whither they shall be absent and hide themselues as of euery thing els which in this behalfe you shall thinke meete to be done that betweene this and the feast of S Laurence you clerely certifie vs by your letters patentes contayning the effect of these thinges Fare ye well At our Manour of Lambeth the 13. day of Iuly the yeare of our Lord. 1382. and first yeare of our translation * The names of the Doctours and Fryers assistentes at this sitting Seculars M. William Blankpayne M. Wil. Barton Friers Carmelits Robert Euery prior Iohn Reningham prior and Iohn Lunne Friors Minors William Barnwel Iohn Ryddin and William Brunscombe Friers Augustines Iohn Court Patrington Tomson and Reepes Against this blind excommunication of the said archb the parties excommunicate commēced and exhibited their appeale vnto the bishop of Rome Which appeale of theirs as insufficient or rather to him vnpleasaunt the said archbishop vtterly reiected as might oftētimes ouercommeth right proceeding in his preconceaued excommunication against thē and writing moreouer his letters to hym that should preach next at Paules crosse as is aforesaid to denounce and to publishe openly the said Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repington to be excommunicate for that not appearing and theyr terme assigned Which was in the 13. day of the month of Iuly Which archbishop moreouer the said yeare month and day aforesaid sent also an other letter to M. Rigge Commissary of Oxford straightly enioyning and charging him not onely to denounce the sayd sentence of excommunication and to geue out publique citation against them but also to make dilligent search and inquisition through all Oxford for them to haue them apprehended and sent vp to him personally before him to appeare at a certain day prescribed for the same Wherby may appeare howe busie this Bish. was in disquieting persecuting these poremē whō rather he should haue nourished and cherished vs his brethren But as his labour is past so his reward will follow at what day the great Archbishop of our soules shall iudicially appeare in his tribunall seat to iudge both the quick and the dead The archb yet not contented with this doth moreouer by all meanes possible sollicite the king to ioyne withall the power of his temporall sword for that he well perceaued that hitherto as yet the popishe Clergy had no authoritie sufficient by any publique law or Statute of thys land to proceede vnto death against anye person whatsoeuer in case of Religion but onely by the vsurped tyranny and example of the court of Rome Where note gentle reader for thy better vnderstanding the practise of the romish prelates in seeking the kinges help to further their bloudy purpose against the good saintes of God Which king being but young and vnder yeares of ripe iudgement partly enduced or rather seduced by importune suite of the foresayd Archbishop partly also eyther for feare of the Bishoppes for kings cannot alwayes doe in their realmes what they will or els perhaps entised by some hope of subsidie to be gathered by the Clergy was contented to adioyne his priuate assent such as it was to the setting downe of an ordinaunce which was in deede the very first lawe that is to be found made against Religion and the professors thereof bearing the name of an Acre made in the Parliament holden at Westminster Anno. 5. Rich. 2. where among sundry other Statutes then published and yet remayning in the printed bookes of Statutes this supposed Statute is to be found Cap. 5. vltimo as followeth Item forasmuch as it is openly knowne that there be diuerse euill persons within the realme going from county to countie and from Towne to Towne in certayne habites vnder dissimulation of great holinesse and without the licence of the ordinaries of the places or other sufficient authoritie preaching dayly not onely in Churches churchyardes but also in markets fayres and other open places where a great congregation of people is diuers sermons contayning heresies and notorious errours to the great emblemishing of Christen fayth and destruction of the lawes and of the estate of holy Churche to the great perill of the soules of the people and of all the realme of England as more plainly is found and sufficiently proued before the reuerend father in God the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the bishops and other prelates maisters of Diuinitie and doctors of Canon of ciuil law and a great part of the clergy of the said Realme specially assembled for this great cause which persons do also preach diuers matters of slander to engender discorde and discention betwixt diuers estates of the said realme as well spirituall as temporall in exciting of the people to the great perill of all the Realme which preachers cited or summoned before the ordinaries of the places thereto aunswere of that whereof they be impeached they will not obey to their sommons commandementes nor care not for their monitions nor censures of the holy Church but expressely despise them And moreouer by their subtile and ingenious wordes doe drawe the people to heare theire Sermons and doe mayntayne them in their errours by strong hand and by great rowtes It is ordayned assented in this present parliament that the kinges commissions be made and directed to the Sheriffes and other ministers of our soueraigne Lord the king or other sufficiēt persons learned and according to the certifications of the prelates therof to be made in the Chauncery from time to time to arest all such preachers and also their fautours mayntaynours and abbertours and doe hold them in arrest and strong prison till they wil iustify to them according to the law and reason of holy Church And the king will and commaund that the Chauncellour make such commissions at all times that he by the Prelates or any of them shal bee certified and thereof required as is aforesaid An examination of the foresayd supposed Statute and of the inualiditie therof WHich supposed statute for as muche as it was the principall ground whereuppon proceeded all the persecution of that time it is therefore not impertinent to examine the same more perticularly wherby shall appeare that as the same was fraudulently and vnduly deuised by the Prelates onely so was it in like maner most iniuriously and vnorderly executed by them For immediately vpon the publishing of this lawe without further warrant eyther from the king or his councell commissions vnder the great seale of England were made in this forme Richard by the grace of God c. vt patet act pag. 541. Witnesse my self at Westminster the 26. day of Iune in the sixt yeare of our raigne Without more wordes of warrant vnder written such as in like cases are both vsuall and requisite Viz. per ipsum Regem per Regem Concilium or per breue de priuato
wryteth thus When we were amongst you wee declared this vnto you that he that would not worke should not eate Wherefore the law of nature doth licence al such as haue the gouernance of kingdoms to correct the abuse of the temporalities which wold be the chief cause of the destruction of their kingdoms whether the tēporall Lords or any other had endowed the Church with those temporalities or not It is lawful for them in some case to take away the temporalities as it were by way of phisicke to withstand sinne notwithstanding any excommunication or other Ecclesiasticall censure For so much as they are not endowed but only with cōditiō therunto anexed Heereby it appeareth that the condition annexed to the endowing or enriching of any church is that God shuld be honoured the which condition if it once fail the contrary taking place the title of the gift is lost and consequently the Lord which gaue the almes ought to correct the offence Excommunication ought not to let the fulfilling of iustice Secondly according to the Canon lawe 16. quest 7. This sentence is noted where it is thus spoken as touching the children neuewes and the most honest of the kindred of him which hath builded or endowed any church That it is lawful for them to be thus circumspect that if they perceiue the priest doe defraude any part of that which is bestowed they should either gently admonish or warne him or els complaine on him to the bishop that he may be corrected But if the bishop him selfe attempt to do the like let them complaine of him to his Metropolitane and if the Metropolitane do the like let them not defer the time to report it in the eares of the king For so saith the canon Let them not deferre to report it in the eares of the king To what ende I pray you but that he shuld do correction neither is it to bee douted but that correction doeth more appertaine vnto he king in this poynt for their goods wherof he is chiefe Lord by a substraction proportional according to the fault or offence Item it is thus proued It is lawful for the seculer Lords by their power to do correction vpon the clergy by some kind of fearfull discipline appertaining to their seculer power Ergo by like reason it is lawful for them by their power to do such correction by all kind of fearful discipline pertaining vnto their seculer power For so much then as the taking of their temporalities is in kinde of fearful discipline pertaining vnto the seculer power It foloweth that it is lawfull for them therby to doe such correction And consequently it followeth that the truthe is thus to be prooued The consequent is euident and the antecedent is proued by Isidore 23 quest 5. Principes Where it is thus wrytten There shuld be no seculer powers within the church but onely for thys purpose that whatsoeuer thing the priests or ministers cannot bring to passe by preaching or teachings the seculer powers may command the same by the terror and feare of discipline For oftētimes the heauēly kingdom is profited and holpen by the earthly kingdom that they which are in the church and do any thing contrary vnto faith and discipline by the rigour of the princes may be troden downe And that the power of the rulers may lay that discipline vpon the neckes of the proude and stifnecked which the vtility and profit of the church can not exercise or vse Item all things that by power ought to worke or bring to any perfect ende by the reasonable measuring of the meane thereto it may lawfully vse by power the substraction or taking away of the excesse and the addition of the want of the meanes according as shall be conuenient or meete for the measure to be made For so much then as the seculer Lordes ought by their power to prouide for the necessary sustentation of the Christian clergie by the reasonable measuring of their temporalties whych they are bounden to bestow vpon the Christian cleargie it followeth that they may lawfully by their power vse the taking away or putting vnto of those temporallities according as shall be conuenient for the performance of that reasonable matter Item it is lawfull for the clergie by their power to take away the sacramentes of the Church from the laitie customably offending forsomuch as it doeth pertaine to the office of the Christian ministers by their power to minister the same vnto the lay people Wherefore for so much as it doeth pertaine vnto the office of the laitie according vnto their power to minister and geue temporallities to the clergie of Christ as the Apostle sayeth 1. Cor 9. It followeth that it is also lawfull for them by their power to take away the temporallities from the clergie when they do customably sinne and offend Item by like power may he which geueth a stipende or exhibition withdraw and take away the same from the vnworthy labourers as hee hath power to geue the same vnto the worthy labourers for so much then as temporallities of the clergie are the stipendes of the laitie it followeth that the lay people may by as good authority take away the same again from the clergy which will not worthely labour as they might by their power bestowe the same vpon those which would worthely labour according to the saying of the Gospel Mat. 21 The kingdome shal be taken away from you and geuen vnto a people which shall bring foorth the frutes thereof Item it is also lawfull for the secular Lordes by their power to chastice and punish the lay people when they do offend by taking away of their temporalties according to the exigēt of their offence forsomuch as the lay people are subiect vnder their dominion Wherefore the clergy being also subiect vnder the dominion of the seculer Lordes as appeareth Rom. 13. and many other places it is euident that it is lawfull by their power to punish the cleargie by taking away of their temporalities if their offence do so deserue Item the true and easie direction of the cleargie vnto the life of Christ and the Apostles and most profitable vnto the laity that the cleargie shuld not liue contrary vnto Christes institution semeth to be the taking away of their alms and those things which they had bestowed vppon them And it is thus proued that medicine is most apt to be laide vnto the sore whereby the infirmitie might soonest be holpen and were most agreeable vnto the pacient Such is the taking away of the temporallities Ergo this article is true The minor is thus proued for so much as by the aboūdance of temporallities the worme or serpent of pride is spronge vp where vppon vnsaciable desire and lust is inflamed and thereby proceedeth all kinde of gluttonie and lecherie It is euident in this poynt for so much as the Temporallities being once taken away euery one of those sinnes is either vtterly taken away or
except he doe looke for the duetie of recompence by the law of conscience Item all temporall goods bestowed vppon the clergie by the lay people vnder condition as the goodes of the churche are the almes of them which geue it it is prooued thus for so much as all those goods are the goods of the poore as it appeareth by many sayings of holy men and by the lawes But they were not the goods of the pore after they were mere seculer goodes but onely by the meane of the woorke of mercie wherby they were bestowed vpon the pore Ergo they were pure almes The cōsequent dependeth vpō the definitiō of pure almes Item all things changed to the vse and power of an other either by ciuil exchange or Euangelical is changed But the church goods are so changed by one of these ministries But the Euangelical exchange is not to be fained because it is not done neyther by bying or selling or any other ciuill exchange Therefore there doth not remaine but only a pure gift for hope of a heauenly reward the which is mercy and so pure almes And it semeth to followe consequently that all the Clergie receiuing such almes are not onely in respect of God as all other menne But in respect of men beggers For they wold not so instantly require those almes except they had neede of them neither ought we to be ashamed therof or to be proud beggers for so much as Christ touching his humanitie became a begger for vs because hee declared his need vnto his Father saying c. Item when any Kyng Prince Knight Citizen or anye other man doth geue vnto the clergy or to anye priest for his stipend he geueth the same vnto the Churche of God and to the priuate party as a perpetuall almes that he should attend to his vocation preaching praying and studying But this kinde of geuing doth not suffice to ground any seculer dominion amongst the clergye it followeth that the bare vse remayneth in them or the seculer vse without any seculer power The maior appeareth hereby forsomuch as otherwise almes should not be a worke of mercy Whereby it may also appeare that tenths are pure alms geuen to the church to the vse of the pore And hereupon the holy men doe say that tenthes are the tributes of the needy soules Whereupon S. Augustine in a sermon made vpon the restoring of tithes sayth The geuing of Tithes most deare brethren are the tributes of the poore soules therefore pay your tribute vnto the poore And by and by after he sayth therefore who desireth eyther to get any rewarde or to haue anye remission of sinnes by geuing of his tenthes let him study to geue almes euen of the ninth part so that what soeuer shall remayne more then a competent liuing and decent clothing that it be not reserued for riot but that it be layd vp in the heauenly treasure by geuing it in almes to the poore For what so euer God doth geue vnto vs more then we haue neede of he doth not geue it vs specially for our selues but doth send it vs to be bestowed vpon others by our handes if wee doe not geue it we inuade an other mans possessions Thus much wryteth S. Augustine and is repeted in the xvi question 1. Decime Also S. Ierome in an Epistle and it is put in the 16. question and 2. chap Quicquid What soeuer the clergy hath it is the goods of the poore Also S. Augustine in his 33. Epistle vnto Boniface and it is aleaged in the 1. question and 12. Also in the 23. question 7. If we doe possesse any thinge priuately the which doth suffise vs they are not oures but the goods of the poore whose stewardes we are except we doe challenge to ourselues a property by some damnable vsurpatiō The glose vpon that part of the 23. question 7. sayth The Prelates are but onely the stewardes of the church goodes and not Lordes thereof S. Ambrose also vpon this saying of the Gospell Luke the 16. Geue accompt of your bailiship or stewardship Hereby then doe we learne that they are not Lordes but rather stewardes and baliffes of other mens substaunce And S. Ierome writing to Nepotianus saieth howe can they be of the clergye which are commaunded to contemne and dispise their owne substaunce and to take away from a frend it is theft to deceiue the Churche it is sacriledge and to take awaye that which should be geuen vnto the poore ¶ The order and maner of taking vp the body of Iohn Wickliffe and burning his bones 41. yeares after his death And S. Bernard in his sermon vppon these wordes Symon Peter sayd vnto Iesus chap. 17 sayd Truely the goodes of the Church are the patrimony of the poore And whatsoeuer thyng the ministers and stewardes of the same not Lordes or possessours do take vnto themselues more then sufficient for a competent liuing the same is taken away from the poore by a sacrilegious crueltie And Eusebius in his treatise vpon the pilgrimage of S. Ierom writeth thus if thou doest possesse a garment or anye other thing more then extreme necessitie doth require and dost not help the needy thou art a theef a robber Wherfore dearly beloued children let vs be stewards of our temporallities and not possessors And Isidore in his treatise De summo Bono chap. 42. sayth Let the byshop know that he is the seruaunt of the people and not Lord ouer them Also in the 5. booke of decretals extra de donationibus sub authoritate Alexandri tertij Episcopi paristensis He sayth we beleue that it is not vnknowne vnto your brotherhoode that a Byshop and euery other Prelate is but a steward of the Churche goodes and not Lord thereof By these sayinges of these holy men it is euidently declared that not only tithes but also al other substaunce which the clergy hath by gift of worke of mercy are pure almes which after the necessitie of the clergy once satisfied ought to be transported vnto the poore Secondly it is declared how that the Clergye are not Lordes and possessours of those goods but ministers stewardes therof Thirdly it is shewed that if the Clergye doe abuse the same they are theeues robbers and sacrilegious persons and except they doe repent by the iust iudgement of God they are to be condempned ANd thus hetherto I may peraduenture seeme to haue made sufficient long resitall out of Ihon Dus but so notwithstanding that the commoditie of those thinges maye aboundantly recompence the prolixitie thereof Wherfore if I shall seeme vnto any man in the rehearsall of this disputation to haue passed very farre the boundes of the history let him thinke thus of me that at what tyme I tooke in hand to wryte of these Ecclesiasticall matters I could not omit these thinges whiche were so straightly ioyned with the cause of the Church Neither that I did make more accompt of the historye which I
the obedience of Christs true vicare yet peraduentuâ—e if euery man were left to his owne libertie he would doubt of the preferring of your dignity or that is worse woulde vtterly refuse it by such doubtfull euidence alleaged on both sides and thys is the subtil craft of the croked Serpent that is to say vnder the pretense of vnitie to procure schismes as the spider of a wholesome flower gathers poyson and Iudas lerned of peace to make warre Wherefore it is liuely beleeued of wise men that except this pestilent schisme be withstand by and by the keyes of the Churche will be despised and they shall binde the consciences but of a few and when either none dare be bolde to correct this fault or to reforme things contrary to Gods lawe so by this meanes at length temporall Lordes will take away the liberties of the Church and peraduenture the Romanes will come and take away their place people and landes they wil spoile their possessions and bring the men of the Churche into bondage and they shall be contemned reuiled and despised because the obedience of the people and deuotions towardes them will almoste bee taken away when the greater part of the Church left to their owne libertye shall waxe prouder than they be wont leauing a wicked example to them that doe see it For when they see the Prelates studie more for couetousnesse than they were wont to pursse vp money to oppresse the subiectes in their punishings to seeke for gaine to confounde lawes to stirre vp strife to suppresse truth to vexe poore subiects with wrong corrections in meat and drinke intemperate in feastings past shame what maruell is it if the people despise them as the foulest forsakers of Gods lawe but all these things doe folowe if the Church shoulde be left long in this doubtfulnesse of a schisme and than shoulde that olde sâ—ying be verified in those dayes there was no king in Israel but euery one did that that seemed right and straighte to himselfe Micheas did see the people of the Lord scattered in the mountaines as they had bene shepe without a shephearde for when the shepheard is smitten the sheepe of the flocke shal be scattered the great stroke of the shepheard is the minishing of his iurisdiction by which the subiects are drawen from his obedience When Iason had the office of the highest Priest hee chaÌ„ged the ordinance of God and brought in the customes of the heathen the priests leauing the seruice of the holy altar applying themselues to wrasting other exercises of the Grecians despising those things that beloÌ„ged to the priests did labor with all their might to learne suche thinges of the Grecians and by that meanes the place people and holy oynting of Priestes whych in time past were hadde in greate reuerence of kynges were troden vnder foote of all men and robbed by the kinges power and was prophaned by thrusting in for money Therefore let the hyghest vicare of Christe looke vnto this with a diligent eye and let hym be the follower of him by whom he hath gotten authoritie aboue others If you mark well most holy father you shal find that Christ rebuked sharpely two brethren coueting the fease of honour hee taught them not to play the Lordes ouer the people but the more grace they were preueÌ„ted with to be so much more humble then other and more lowly to serue their brethren To hym that asked hys coate to geue the cloake to him that smote him on the one cheeke to tourne the other to him For the sheepe that are geuen to hys keeping hee must forsake all earthly thyngs and to shedde his owne bloud yea and if neede required to die These things I say be those that adorne the highest Byshop if they be in him not purple not hys white horse nor his Imperiall crowne because hee among all men is most bounde to all the sheepe of Christ. For the feare of GOD therefore and for the loue of the flocke which yee guide consider these things diligently and doe them wisely and suffer vs no longer to wauer betwixte two although not for your owne cause to whom peraduenture the fulnes of your owne power is knowen yet in pitying our weakenes if thou be he tell vs openly and shew thy self to the world that al we may follow one Be not to vs a bloudy bishop least by your occasion mans bloud be shed least hel swalow such a nomber of soules least the name of Christ be euill spoken of by Infidels thorough suche a worthy personage But peraduenture yee will say for our righteousnes it is manifest inough and we will not put it to other mens disputations If this bald aunswer should be admitted the schisme should continue still seeing neither part is willing to agree to the other and where the world is as it were equally deuided betwixt them neither part can be compelled to geue place to the other without much bloudshed The incarnation of Christ and his resurrection was well inough knowen to himselfe and his disciples yet hee asked of his father to be made knowen to the world Hee made also the Gospel to be wrytten and the doctrine of the Apostles sent his Apostles into all the world to do the office of preaching that the same thing might be knowen to all men The foresayde reason is the subtelty of Mahomet the which knowing himselfe guilty of his sect vtterly forbad disputations If ye haue so ful trust of your righteousnesse put it to the examination of worthy persones in a generall councel to the which it beloÌ„geth by right to define such doubts or els commit it vnto able persons and geue them ful power to determine all things concerning that matter or at the lest by forsaking the office on both parties leaue the Churche of God free speedily to prouide for a new shepheard We finde kings haue forsaken their temporal kingdomes vpon onely respect of deuotion and haue taken the apparel of Monkes profession Therefore let Christes Vicar being a professour of most high holinesse be ashamed to continue in his seat of honor to the offence of all people and the preiudice and hurt of the Romish church and the deuotion of it and cutting away kingdomes from it But if you say it is not requisite that the cause of Goddes church should he called in controuersie and therefore we cannot so easily goe from it seeing our conscience gainesayeth it To the which we answer if it be the cause of God and the church let the general councel iudge of it but if it be a personal cause as almost all the world probably thinketh if ye were the follower of Christ ye would rather chose a temporall death then to suffer such a wauering I say not to the hurt of so many but the endles destruction of soules to the offence of the whole world and to an euerlasting shame of the Apostolical dignitie Did
in person saith Cope but with his mind and with his counsell he was present and addeth this reason saying And therfore he being brought agayn after his escape was conuice both of treason and heresye therfore susteining a double punishmēt was both hanged and burnt for the same c. And how is al this proued By Robert Fabian he sayth whereunto briefly I aunswere that Rob. Fabian in that place maketh no such mention of the Lord Cobham assisting or consenting to them either in mind or in counsell His wordes be these That certaine adherentes of Sir Iohn Oldcastle assembled in the fielde neare to S. Biles in great number of whom was sir Roger Acton sir Iohn Browne and Iohn Beuerley The which with 36. mo in number were after conuict of heresy and treason and for the same were hanged and burnt wein the sayd field of S. Byles c. Thus much in Fabian touching the commotion condemnation of these mē but that the Lorde Cobham was there present with thē inany parte either of consent or counsell as Alanus Copus Anglus pretendeth that is not found in Fabian but is added of his liberall cornu copiae wherof he is so copious and plentifull that he may keep an open shop of such vnwrittē vntruethes whiche he maye aforde verye good cheape I thinke being such a plentifull artificer But here will bee obiected agaynst mee the wordes of the statute made the seconde yeare of king Henry the fifte wherupon this aduersary triumphing with no litle glory 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thinketh himselfe to haue double vauntage against me first in prouinge these foresayd complices adherents of the Lord Cobham to haue made insurrection agaynst the king and so to be traytors Secondly in conuicting that to be vntrue where as in my former booke of Actes and Monumentes I doe reporte how that after the death of sir Roger Acton of Browne Beuerley a Parliament was holden at Leicester where a statute was made to this effect that all and singular suche as wer of Wickliffes learning if they would not geue ouer as in case of felony and other trespasses loosing all theyr goodes to the king shoulde suffer death in two manner of kinds that is they should first be hanged for treasō against the king and then be burned for heresy agaynst God c. Wherupon remaineth now in examining this obiectiō and aunswering to the same that I purge both them of treason and my selfe of vntruth so farre as truth and fidelity in Gods cause shal assist me herin Albeit in beginning first my history of Ecclesiastical matters wherin I hauing nothing to do with abatement of causes iudiciall but onely folowing the simple narration of things done and executed neuer suspected that euer any would be so captious with me or so nise nosed as to presse me with such narrow points of the law in trying and discussing euery cause and matter so exactly straining as ye woulde say the bowels of the statute lawe so rigorously agaynst me Yet for so much as I am therunto constrained now by this aduersary I wil first lay open all the whole statute made the second yeare of this foresayd Henry the fift after the death of the foresayd sir Roger Acton and his fellowes at the Parliament holden at Leycester an 1415. That done I will note vpon the words therof so as by the circumstaunces of the same may appeare what is to be cōcluded either for the defence of theyr innocencye or for the accusation of this aduersary The tenour and purport of the statute here vnder ensueth ¶ The wordes and contentes of the statute made an 2. Henrici 5. cap. 7. FOrasmuch as great rumors congregations and insurrections here in England by diuers of that king his maiesties seege people haue bene made here of late as well by those which were of the sect of heresy called Lolardy as by others of their cōfederatiō excitatiōs abetmēt to the intēt to adnulle subuert the christian fayth the law of God within the same Realme as also to destroy our soueraigne Lord the king himselfe and all maner of estates of the same his Realme as well spirituall as temporall and also all maner pollicy the lawes of the land Finally the same our Lord the king to the honor of God in conseruation and fortification of the Christian fayth also in saluation of his royall estate of the estate of all his realme willing to prouide a more open more due punishmēt agaynst the malice of such heretickes Lolardes then hath bene had or vsed in that case heretofore so that for the feare of the same lawes and punishment such heresyes and Lolardies may the rather cause in time to come By the aduise and assēt aforesayd at the prayer of the sayd commons hath ordeined established that especially the Chaūcellor the Treasurer the Iustices of the one bēch and of the other Iustices of Assise Iustices of peace Shiriffes Maiors and Bailiffes of Cityes and Townes and all other officers hauing the gouernement of people either now present or which for the time shal be do make an othe in taking of their charge and offices to extend their whole payne and diligence to put out to do to put out cease destroy all maner of heresyes and errors commonly called Lolardies within the places in which they exercise their charges and offices from time to time with all their power and that they assist fauor and maintaine the ordinaries and their commissaries so often as they or any of them shal be therunto required by the said ordinaries or their cōmissaryes So that the sayd officers and ministers when they trauell or ride to arest any Lolard or to make any assistēce at the instance and request of the ordinaries or their cōmissaryes by vertue of this statute that the same ordinaries commissaryes do pay for their costs reasonably And that the seruices of the king vnto whō the officers be first sworne be preferred before al other statutes for the liberty of holy Church the ministers of the same And especially for the correction and punishment of hereticks Lolards made before these dayes not repealed but being in theyr force And also that all persons conuict of heresy of whatsoeuer estate condition or degree they be by the sayd ordinaries or their cōmissaries left vnto the secular power according to the lawes of holy Church shall leese forfayte all theyr lands and tenements which they haue in fee simple in maner and forme as followeth That is to say that the king shall haue all the landes tenementes which the sayd conuictes haue in fee simple which be immediatlye holden of him as forfayted And that the other Lordes of whom the lands tenements of such conuictes be holden immediatly after that the king is therof seised answered of the yeare
the king Wenselaus who thē fauored that pope gaue cōmaundement that no man should attēpt any thing against the sayd Popes indulgēces But Hus with his folowers not able to abide the impiety of those pardōs began manifestly to speake agaynst them of the which cōpany were 3. certayn artificers who hearing the priest preaching of these iudulgences did opēly speak against them called the pope Antichrist which would set vp the crosse to fight agaynst his euenchristened Wherefore they were brought before the Senate and committed to warde But the people ioyning thēselues together in armes came to the magistrates requiring thē to be let loose The magistrates with gētle wordes and fayre promises satisfied the people so that euery man returning home to his own house the tumult was asswaged But the captiues being in prison not withstanding were there beheaded whose names were Iohn Martin and Stascon The death and martirdome of these three being knowne vuto the people they took the bodies of them that were slaine and with great solemnitye brought them vnto the church of Bethlem At whose funerall diuers priestes fauoring that side did sing in this wise These be the Sayntes whiche for the testament of God gaue their bodies c. And so their bodyes were sumptuously interred in the church of Bethlem I. Hus preaching at the same funerall much commending them for theyr constancye and blessing God the father of our Lord Iesus Christ whyche had hidde the way of his verity so from the prudent of this world and had reuealed it to the simple lay people and inferior priestes which chose rather to please God then men Thus this City of Prage was deuided The prelates with the greatest part of the clergy most of the Barons which had any thing to lose did hold with the pope especially Steuen Paletz being the chiefest doer on that side On the contrary part the commons with part of the clergy studentes of the vniuersity went with Iohn Hus. Wenslaus the king fearing least this would grow to a tumult being moued by the doctors and prelates and councell of his barons thought best to remoue Iohn Husse out of the Citty who had bene excommunicated before by the Pope And further to cease this dissention risen in the church committed the matter to the disposition of the doctors and the clergy They cōsulting together among thēselues did set forth a decree ratified and confirmed by the sentēce of the king contayning the summe of 18. articles for the maynteynance of the Pope and the see of Rome agaynst the doctrine of Wickeliffe and Iohn Husse The names of the Doctors of Diuinity were these Steuen Paletz Stanislaus de Znoyma Petrus de Ikoyma Ioannes Heliae Andreas Broda Iohannes Hildesen Mattheus Monachus Hermannus Heremita Georgius Bota Simon Wenda c. Iohn Hus thus departing out of Prage went to his coūtry where he being protected by the Lord of the Soile continued there preaching to whom resorted a great concourse of people neither yet was he so expelled out of Prage but that sometimes he resorted to his church of Bethleem and there also preached vnto the people Moreouer agaynst the sayde decree of the doctours I. Hus with his companye replied agayne and aunswered to their articles with cōtrary articles agayn as foloweth The obiections of Iohn Hus and of his part agaynst the decree of the Doctors FIrst the foūdation of the Doctors wherupon they foūd all their writings and counsels is false which foūdatiō is this where as they say that part of the clergy in the kingdome of Boheme is pestilent and erroneous and holdeth falsely of the Sacramentes 2. The Doctors hereby do defame the kingdome of Boheme and do rayse vp new discordes 3. Let them shew therefore those persons of the Clergye whom they call pestilent so let them verify theyr report binding themselues to suffer the like paine if they be not able to proue it 4. False it is that they say the Pope the cardinals to be the true manifest successors of Peter of the Apostles neyther that any other successors of Peter or the Apostles can be foūd vpon earth besides thē Whē as no man knoweth whether he be worthy of hatred or of fauour And all Byshops and priests be successors of Peter of the Apostles 5. Not the pope but Christ onely is the head and not the Cardinals but all Christes faythfull people be the body of the Catholick church as all holy Scripture and decrees of the holy fathers do testify and affirme 6. And as touching the pope if he be a reprobate it is plain that he is no head no nor member also of the holy Church of God but of the deuill and of his sinagogue 7. The clergy of the gospellers agreeing with the saying of S. Austen which they alledge and according to the sanctions of the fathers and determinations of the holy mother church do say and affirme laudably that the condēnation and prohibition of the 45. articles is vnlawful and vniust and rashly done for that not onely because the doctors but also all Bishops and Archbishops in suche great causes namely touching faith as these articles doe haue no authority at all as appeareth◠De baptismo et eius effectu cap. Maiores Et in Can. 17. dist cap. Hinc sedi c. 8. The second cause of the discord which they alledge also is most false seing the fayth of whole Christendome cōcerning the church of Rome is deuided in 3. parts by the reason of 3. popes which now together do raigne And the 4. part is newtrall Neither is it true that we ought to stand in all things to the determination of the pope of the cardinals but so farr forth as they do agree with the holy scripture of the old and new Testament from whence the sanctions of the fathers did first spring as is euident De accusationibus cap. qualiter c. 9. In the 4. Article they brast out into a certayne dotage are contrary to themselues By reason that they doitishly haue reprehēded the gospellers who in all their doings receiue the holy scripture whith is the law of God the way of trueth and life for their iudge and measure and afterward they themselues doe alleadge the scripture Deut. 17. where all iudges both popes and Cardinals are taught to iudge discern betwene leaper leaper in euery ecclesiasticall cause only after the rule of gods law And so are they cōtrary vnto their secōd article wherin they say that in euery catholicke matter we must runne to the pope which is cōtrary to the foolish condemnation of the Articles aforesaid 10 Consequently like idiots they doe most fasly alledge for their purpose the Canon vnder the name and authority of Ierome written 24. q. 1. Haec est fides papa c. where they do apply the wordes of Ierome most impertinentlye to the pope of Rome which he writeth to S.
gaue vnto that Archbishop desiring him that if he found any error or heresie in them that he would note and mark theÌ„ and I myselfe would publish them openly But the archbishop albeit that he shewed me no errour nor heresie in them burned my bookes together with those that were brought vnto him notwtstanding that he had no such commaundement from Pope Alexander the fifth of that name But notwithstanding by a certaine pollicie he obtayned a Bull from the sayd Pope by meanes of Iaroslaus Bishop of Sarepte of the order of Franciscanes that all Wickleffâ—s books for the manifold errours contayned in them wherof there was none named should be taken out of all mens handes The archb vsing the authoritie of this Bull thought he should bring to passe that the king of Boheme and the Nobles shold consent to the condemnation of Wickliffes bookes but therein he was deceiued Yet neuerthelesse he calling together certayn deuines gaue them in coÌ„missioÌ„ to sit vpon Wickliffes bookes and to proceede agaynst them by a diffinitiue sentence in the Canon law These men by a generall sentence iudged all those books worthy to be burned The which when the Doctors Maysters and Shollers of the vniuersitie heard report of they altogether with one consent accord none excepted but onely they which before were chosen by the Archbishop to sit in iudgement determined to make supplication vnto the king to stay the matter The king graunting their request sent by and by certain vnto the Archbishop to examine the matter There he denyed that he woulde decree anye thing as touchinge Wickleffes bookes contrary vnto the kinges will pleasure Wherupon albeit that he had determined to burn theÌ„ the next day after yet for feare of the king the matter was passed ouer In the meane tyme Pope Alexander the fifth beyng dead the Archbishop fearing least the Bull whiche he had receiued of the pope would be no longer of any force or effect priuily calling vnto him hys adherentes and shutting the gates of hys Court round about him being garded with a number of armed souldiors he consumed and burned all Wickliffes bookes Beside this great iniurie the Archbyshop by meanes of his Bull aforesayd committed an other lesse tollerable For he gaue out commaundement that no man after that time vnder payne of excoÌ„munication shold teach any more in Chappels Wherunto I did appeale vnto the Pope who being dead and the cause of my matter remayning vndetermined I appealed likewise vnto his successor Iohn 23. Before whom when as by the space of 2. yeres I could not be admitted by my aduocates to defend my cause I appealed vnto the high Iudge Christ. When I. Hus had spoken these wordes it was demaunded of hym whether he had receiued absolution of the pope or no he aunswered no. Then agayne whether it were lawfull for him to appeale vnto Christ or no. Whereunto Iohn Hus answered Uerely I doe affirme here afore you all that there is no more iust or effectuall appeale then that appeale which is made vnto Christ for asmuch as the law doth determine that to appeale is no other thinge then in a cause of griefe or wrong done by an inferior iudge to implore and require ayde and remedy at a higher Iudges hand Who is then an higher Iudge then Christ Who I say caÌ„ know or iudge the matter more iustly or with more equitie when as in him there is found no deceit neyther can he be deceiued or who can better helpe the miserable oppressed theÌ„ he While Iohn Hus with a deuout and sober countenaunce was speaking and pronouncing those words he was derided and mocked of all the whole councell Then was there rehearsed an other Article of his accusation in this maner that Iohn Hus for to confirme the heresie which he had taught the common and simple people out of Wickleffes bookes sayd openly these wordes that at what time a great number of Monkes and Friers and other learned men were gathered together in EnglaÌ„d in a certayne Church to dispute agaynst Iohn Wickliffe could by no meanes vanquishe him or geue him the foyle sodenly the church doore was broken open with lightning so that with much a doe Wickleffes enemies hardly scaped without hurt He added moreouer that he wished his soule to be in the same place where Iohn Wickleffes soule was Whereunto Iohn Hus answered that a douscine yeares before that any bookes of Diuinitie of Iohn Wickleffes were in Boheme he did see certayne workes of Philosophie of hys the which he sayd did merueilous delite and please hym And when he vnderstoode the good and godly life of the sayd Wickleffe he spake these wordes I trust sayde he that Wickleffe is saued and albeit that I doubt whether he be damned or no yet with a good hope I wish that my soule were in the same place where Iohn Wickleffes is Then agayne did all the company iest and laugh at hym It is also in hys accusation that Iohn Hus did counsaile the people according to the example of Moyses to resist with the sword agaynst all such as did gaynsay his doctrine And the next day after he had preached the same there were found openly in diuers places certaine intimations that euery man being armed with hys sword about him should stoutly proceede and that brother shoulde not spare brother neyther one neighbor an other Iohn Husse aunswered that all these thinges were falsly layd vnto hys charge by his aduersaries for he at all times when he preached did dilligently admonishe and warne the people that they should all arme themselues to defend the truth of the Gospell according to the saying of the Apostle with the helmet and sworde of saluation and that he neuer spake of any material sword but of that which is the word of God And as touching intimations or Moyses sword he neuer had nothing to doe withall It is moreouer affirmed in hys accusation and witnes that many offences are sprong vp by the doctrine of Hus. For first of all he sowed discord betweene the Ecclesiastical and the politick state whereupon folowed the persecution spoiling and robbery of the Clergie Bishops And more ouer that he through his dissention dissolued the vniuersitie of Prage Hereunto Iohn Hus briefly aunswered that these thinges had not happened by hys meanes or default For the first dissention that was betweene the Ecclesiasticall and politicke state sprang and grew vpon this cause that pope Gregory the 12. of that name promised at his election that at all times at the wil and pleasure of the Cardinals he would depart from and geue ouer hys seate agayne for vnder that condition he was electe and chosen This man contrary and against Winceslaus king of Boheme who was then also king of the Romaynes made Lewes Duke of Bauaria Emperour A few yeares after it happened that when as P. Gregory would not refuse and geue ouer
not onely left such articles and opinioÌ„s wherin he was defamed but also did abstaine from all company that were suspected of such opinions so that he should neither geue ayd helpe councell nor fauor vnto them And moreouer the sayd Iohn was asked by the sayde Archbishop whether he euer had in his house since his abiuration in his keeping any bookes written in Englishe Wherunto he confessed that he would not deny but that he had in his house and in his keeping many english bookes for he was arested by the Mayor of the city of London for such bookes as he had which bookes as he thought were in the Mayors keping Upon the which the Mayor did openly confesse that he had such bookes in his keping which in his iudgement were the worst and the moste peruerse that euer he did read or see and one booke that was well bound in red leather of parâ—chment written in a good english hand and among the other bookes found with the said Iohn Claydon the Mayor gaue vp the sayd booke afore the Archbishop Whereupon the sayde Iohn Claydon being asked of the Archbishop if he knewe that booke dyd openly confesse that he knew it very well because he caused it to be written of his owne costes and charges for he speÌ„t muche money thereupon since his abiuration Then was he asked who wrote it He did aunswere one called Iohn Grime And further being required what the said Iohn Grime was he aunswered he coulde not tell Agayne being demaunded whether he did euer read the same booke he dyd confesse that he could not read but he had heard the fourth part therof red of one Iohn Fullar And being asked whether he thought the contentes of that booke to be Catholicke profitable good and true he aunswered that many thinges which he had hearde in the same booke were both profitable good and healthful to his soule and as he sayde he had great affection to the sayd book for a Sermon preached at Horsaldowne that was written in the sayd booke And being futher asked whether since the tyme of hys sayd abiuration he did commune with one Richard Baker of the City aforesayd he did answere yea for the sayde Richard Baker did come often vnto his house to haue coÌ„munication with him And being asked whether he knew the said Richard to be suspected and defamed of heresy he did aunswere agayne that he knew well that the sayd Richard was suspected defamed of many men and women in the City of LondoÌ„ as one whom they thought to be an hereticke Which confession being made did cause the sayd bookes to be deliuered to maister Robert Gilbert Doctour of diuinity to William Lindewood Doctor of both lawes and other Clerkes to be examined and in the meane time Dauid Beard Alexander Philip and Balthasar Mero were taken for witnesses agaynst him and were committed to be examined to Maister Iohn Escourt generall examiner of Canterbury This done the Archbishop continued hys Session till Monday next in the same place Which Monday being come which was the xx of the sayd moneth the sayd Maister Escourt openly and publickely exhibited the witnesses being openly read before the Archbishop and other Bishops which being read then after that were read diuers tractations founde in the house of the sayde Iohn Claydon out of the which being examined diuers points were gathered and noted for heresies and errors and specially out of the booke aforesaid which booke the said Iohn Claydon confessed by his owne costes to be written and bound which booke was intituled the Lanterne of light In the which and in the other examined were these Articles vnder written conteyned 1. First vpon the text of the Gospell how the enemy dyd sowe the tares there is sayd thus that wicked Antichrist the Pope hath sowed among the lawes of Christ his popish and corrupt decrees which are of no authoritye strength nor valure 2. That the Archbishops and Bishops speaking indifferently are the seates of the beast Antichrist when he sitteth in theÌ„ and raigneth aboue other people in the darck caues of errors and heresyes 3. That the Bishops licence for a man to preach the word of God is the true caracter of the beast i. Antichrist therfore simple and faythfull Priestes may preache when they will agaynst the prohibition of that Antichrist and without licence 4. That the court of Rome is the chiefe head of Antichrist and the Bishops be the body the new sectes that is the monks canons and friers brought in not by Christ but damnably by the pope be the venimous pestiferous tail of Antichrist 5. That no reprobate is a member of the Church but only such as be elected and predestinate to saluation seing the church is no other thing but the congregation of faythfull soules which doe and will keepe their faith constantly as well in deed as in word 6. That Chryst did neuer plante priuate religions in the church but whilest he liued in this world he did root them out By which it appeareth that priuate religioÌ„s be vnprofitable branches in the church and to be rooted out 7. That the materiall churches should not be decked with golde siluer precious stone sumptuously but the folowers of the humility of Iesus Christ ought to worship their Lord God humbly in mean simple houses not in great buildings as the churches be now a dayes 8. That there be ij chiefe causes of the persecution of the christians one is the priestes vnlawfull keeping of teÌ„poral and superfluous goods the other is the vnsatiable begging of the friers with their hye buildings 9. That almes is not geuen vertuously nor lawfully except it be geuen with these 4. conditions first vnlesse it be geuen to the honor of God 2. vnlesse it be geuen of goodes iustly gotten 3. vnlesse it be geueÌ„ to such a person as the geuer therof knoweth to be in charity And 4. vnles it be geueÌ„ to such as haue need and do not dissemble 10. That the often singing in the church is not founded in the scripture and therefore it is not lawfull for priestes to occupy theÌ„selues with singing in the Church but with the study of the law of Christ and preaching his word 11. That Iudas did receiue the body of Christ in breade his bloud in wine In the which it doth playnly appeare that after consecration of breade and wine made the same bread and wine that was before doth truely remayne on the aultar 12. That all ecclesiasticall suffrages do profit all vertuous and godly persons indifferently 13. That the Popes and the Bishops indulgences be vnprofitable neither can they profite them to whom they be geuen by any meanes 14. That the laity is not bound to obey the prelates what so euer they commauÌ„d vnles the prelats do watch to geue God a iust account of the soules of them 15. That Images are not to be
may appeare that he neyther careth for GOD nor the health of the Churche Item that the preceptes and commaundementes of the pope and prelates be no otherwise but as the Councels and preceptes of Phisitions binding no further then they are founde to be holesome and standing with the trueth of the word Item that the Pope can commaunde no man vnder payne of deadly sinne except God commaund him before He sayth that the keyes of the Pope and of the prelates be not such wherwith they open the kingdome of heauen but rather shut it as the Phariseis did Concerning vowes he disputeth that such as be foolish and impossibile ought to be brokē that the hearers ought to discerne and iudge of the doctrine of their Prelates and not to receiue euery thing that they say without due examination He sheweth moreouer that the sentence or excommunication is of more force proceeding from a true godly honest simple and learned men then from the Pope as in the Councell of Constance Bernard was more esteemed then Eugenius Also if the pope with hys prelates gouern and rule naughtely that the inferiours be they neuer so base ought to resist him Writing moreouer of two Popes Pius the second and Sixtus the fourth he sayth that Pius the second dyd vsurpe vnto hymselfe all the kingdomes of the whole world that Sixtus the pope did dispense with al maner of othes in causes temporall not onely with suche othes as haue bene already but also with all suche as shal be made hereafter which was nothing els but to geue libertie and licence for men to forsweare themselues and deceiue one an other This Weselus beyng a Phrisian borne and now aged in yeares vpon a certayne time when a yong man called mayster Ioannes Oftendorpius came to hym sayd these wordes Well my childe thou shalt lyue to that day when thou shalt see the doctrine of these new and contentious diuines as Thomas and Bonauenture with others of the same sort shal be vtterly reiected and exploded from al true Christen deuines And thys which Oftendorpius then being young heard Weselus to speake he reported himselfe to Nouiomagus which wrote this story an 1520. heard it of the mouth of the sayd Weselus an 1490. Martij 18. Philippus Melanchton writing of the lyfe of Rodolphus Agricola sayth that Iosquinus Groningonsis an auncient and a godly man reported that when as he was young he was oftentimes present at the Sermons of Rodolphus and Weselus wherein they many times lamented the darckenes of the church and reprehended the abuses of the Masse and of the single life of priestes Item that they disputed oftentimes of the righteousnes of sayth why S. Paule so oftentimes did inculcate that men be iustified by faith and not by workes the same Iosquine also reported that they did openly reiecte and disproue the opinion of monks which say that men be iustified by their works Item concerning mens traditiōs their opinion was that all suche were deceiued whatsoeuer attribued vnto those traditions any opinion of Gods worship or that they could not be broken And thus much for the story of doctour Wesellianus and Wesilus By this it may be seene and noted how by the grace of God and gift of printing first came forth learning by learning came light to iudge and discerne the errors of the pope from the truth of Gods word as partly by these abouesaid may appeare partly by other that followe after by the grace of Christ shall better be seene About the very same tyme and season when as the Gospell began thus to braunch spring in Germanie the host of Christes church began also to muster to multiply likewise here in Englād as by these historyes here consequent may appeare For not long after the death of this Weselus in the yeare of our Lorde 1494. and in the 9. yeare of the reigne of K. Henry 7. the 28. of Aprill was burned a very old woman named Ioane Boughton widow and mother to the Lady Young which Ladye was also suspected to be of that opinion which her mother was Her mother was of foure score yeares of age or more held 8. of Wickleffes opinions which opiniōs my author doth not shew for the which she was burnt in Smithfield the day abouesayd My author sayth she was a Disciple of Wickleffe whome she accompted for a Sainct and helde so fast and firmly viij of his x. opinions that all the Doctours of Lōdon coulde not turne her from one of them and when it was told her that she shoulde be brent for her obstinacie false beliefe shee set nothing by theyr manacing wordes but defied them for the sayde she was so beloued of God and hys holy aungels that she passed not for the fire in the midst therof she cryed to God to take her soule into his holy handes The night following that she was burnt the most parte of her ashes were had awaye of suche as had a loue vnto the doctrine that she dyed for Shortly after the martyrdome of this godly aged mother in the yeare of our Lord 1497. and the 17. of Ianuary being Sonday two men the one called Richard Milderale and the other Iames Sturdy bare Fagots before the procession of Paules and after stoode before the preacher in the time of hys Sermon And vpon the sonday following stood other two men at Paules crosse all the sermon tyme the one garnished with paynted written papers the other hauing a Fagot on hys necke After that in Lent season vppon Passion Sonday one Hugh Glouer bare a Fagot before the procession of Paules after wyth the Fagot stoode before the preacher all the sermon while at Paules crosse And on the sonday next following foure men stoode and did there open penaunce at Paules as is aforesayd in the sermon time many of their bookes were burnt before them at the Crosse. FUrthermore the next yeare following whiche was the yeare of our Lord. 1498. in the beginning of Maye the king then being at Canterbury was a priest burnt which was so strong in his opinion that all the clerkes doctors then there beyng coulde not remoue him from his sayth whereof the king beyng enformed caused the sayd priest to be brought before hys presence who by hys perswasions caused him to reuoke and so he was burnt immediately The burning of Babram ABout which yere likewise or in the yere next folowing that xx day of Iuly was an old mā burnt in Smithfield IN the same yeare also which was of the Lord. 1499. fell the martyrdome and burning of Hieronimus Sauonarola a man no lesse godly in hart then constant in his profession Who being a Monke in Italy singularly well learned preached fore agaynst the euill lyfe liuing of the spiritualty and specially of hys own order compsayning fore vpō thē as the springes and authors of all mischieues wickednes
orders Dispensation agaynst a lawfull othe or vowe made Dispensation agaynst diuers irregularities as in crimes greater then adultery and in suche as be suspended for Symonie Dispensation in receiuing into orders hym that had two wiues Dispensing with suche as beeing within orders do that which is aboue theyr order as if a Deacon shoulde say masse beyng not yet Priest To receaue into orders such as be blemished or maymed in body Dispesation with murther or with suche as willingly cut of any member of mans body DispeÌ„sation to geue orders to such as haue bene vnder the sentence of the greater curse or excommunication Dispensation with suche as being vnlawfully borne to receiue orders or benefices Dispensation for pluralities of benefices Dispensation to make a man Byshop before he be thirty yeare olde Dispensation to geue orders vnder age The Pope onely hath power to make and call a generall Councell The Pope onely hath power to depriue an Ecclesiastical person and geue away his benefice being not vacant The Pope alone is able to absolue hym that is excommunicate by name The Pope onely is able to absolue him whome his Legate doth excommunicate The Pope both iudgeth in the causes of them that appeale vnto hym and where he iudgeth none may appeale from him Onely he hath authoritie to make Deacon and Priest whom he made subdeacon eyther vpon Sondayes or vpon other feastes Onely the Pope and none els at all times and in all places wheareth the passe The Pope onely dispenseth with a man eyther being not within orders or being vnworthy to be made Bishop He onely eyther confirmeth or deposeth the Emperour when he is chosen A man being excommunicate and his absolutioÌ„ referred to the Pope none may absolue that man but the pope alone The same hath authoritie in any electioÌ„ before it be made to pronounce it none wheÌ„ it is made He doth Canonise Saintes and none cls but he Dispensation to haue many dignities and personages in one Church and without charge and cure of soule belongeth onely to the Pope To make that effectuall whiche is of no effect and contrariwise belongeth onely to the Pope To plucke a monke out of his cloyster both against his owne will and the Abbattes pertaineth onely to the Pope His sentence maketh a law The same day in whiche the pope is consecrate he may geue orders He dispenseth in degrees of consanguinitie and affinitie He is able to abolishe lawes quoad vtrumque forum that is both Ciuill and Canon where daunger is of the soule It is in his dispensation to geue generall indulgences to certayne places or persons Item to legitimate what persons soeuer he please as touching spiritualties in all places as touchinge temporalties as honoures inheritaunce c. To erect new religions to approoue or reproue rules or ordinaunces and Ceremonies in the Church He is able to dispense with all the preceptes and statutes of the Church Item to dispense and to discharge any subiect from the bond of allegeance or oth made to any maner person No man may accuse hym of any crime vnlesse of heresie that neyther except he be incorrigible The same is also free from all lawes so that he cannot incurre into any sentence of excommunication suspension irregularitie or into the penaltie of any crime but into the note of crime he may well Finally he by hys dispensation may graunt yea to a simple priest to minister the sacrament of confirmation to infants also to geue lower orders and to hallow churches and virgines c. These be the cases wherein I onely haue power to dispeÌ„se and no man els neyther Byshop nor Metropolitane nor Legate without a licence from me ¶ After that I haue nowe sufficiently declared my power in earth in heauen and in purgatory howe great it is what is the fulnes thereof in binding loosing commanding permitting electing confirming deposing dispensing doyng and vndoing c. I will entreat now a litle of my riches likewise and great possessions that enerye man may see by my wealth and aboundaunce of all thynges rentes tythes tributes my silkes my purple Miters Crowns Golde Siluer Perles and Gemmes Landes and Lordships how God here prospereth and magnifieth hys Vicare in the earth For to me pertayneth first the Imperiall Cittie of Rome the Pallace of Laterane the kingdome of Cicile is proper to me Apulia Capua be myne Also the kingdome of England and Ireland be they not or ought to be tributaryes to me 214. To these I adioyne also besides other prouinces and countryes both in the Occident and Orient from the North to the South these dominions by name 215. as Surrianum MoÌ„tembordoÌ„ lunae in sulam Corficae regnum Paruam Mantuam Montenselete Insulam venetiarum Ducatum Ferrariae Canellum Caniodam Ducatum Histriae Dalmatiam Ex archatum Rauennae Fauentiam Cesenam Castrum Tiberiatus Roccam Mediolanum Castrum ceperianum Castrum Casianum Terram Cornulariam Ducatum Arimini Contam Montem ferretum Montem Capinie feu Olympicum Gastrum exforij Robin Eugubin Vrbin forum Sempronij Galli Senogalli Anconam Gosam Ducatum perusij Vrbenetam Tudertum Castrum Sinianum Ducatum Spoletanum TheanuÌ„ Calabriam Ducatum Neapolim DucatuÌ„ Beneuenti Selernum Sorrenti insulam Cardiniam insulam Anciae insulam Territorium Cutisan Territorium praenestinum Terram Silandis Terram Clusium Terram fundan Terram vegetan Terram Gland â—nam â—erram comisâ—â—n Terram Fabinensem Terram Siram Terram portuensem cuminsula Archis Terram Ostiensem cum maritimis Ciuitatem Aquinensem Ciuitatem lamentum Sufforariam Ciuitatem Falisenam Fidenam Feretrum Cliternam Neapolim Galiopolim with diuers other mo 216. which Constantinus the Emperour gaue vnto me not that they were not mine before he did geue them 217. For in that I tooke them of hym I tooke them not as a gifte as is afore mentioned but as a restitution And that I rendered them agayn to Otho I did it not for any duety to him but onely for peace sake What should I speak here of my dayly reuenues of my first fruites annates palles indulgences bulles confessionals indultes and rescriptes testameÌ„ts dispensatioÌ„s priuilegies elections prebends religious houses and such like which come to no small masse of money Insomuch that for one palle to the Archbishop of Mentz whiche was wont to be geuen for x. thousand 218. florence now it is growne to xxvij thousand florence which I receaued of Iacobus the Archbishop not long before Basill Councell Besides the fruites of other Bishoprickes in Germanye comming to the number of fiftie whereby what vauntage commeth to my coffers it may partly be coniectured But what should I speake of Germany 219. when the whole worlde is
he should be takeÌ„ for true Byshop whom the Clergy and people of Rome did chuse elect without any tarying for any authoritie of the Emperour of ConstaÌ„tinople or the Deputie of Italy so as the custome and fashion had euer bene before that day an 685. And here the Byshops began first to writhe out their elections and their neckes a litle from the Emperours subiection if it be so as the sayd Platina and Sabellicus after him reporteth But many coniectures there be not vnprobable rather to thinke this constitutioÌ„ of Constantine to be forged and vntrue First for that it is taken out of the Popes Bibliothecarie a suspected place and collected by the keeper and maister of the Popes Librarie a suspected author who whatsoeuer fayned writynges or Apocripha he could finde in the Popes chestes of Recordes makyng any thyng on his maisters side that he compiled together and therof both Platina Sabellicus Gratianus take most part of their reportes therefore may the more be suspected c. Secondly where Platina and Sabellicus say that Constantine moued with the holynes of Pope Benedict the first made that coÌ„stitutioÌ„ how seemeth that to staÌ„d with truth when both the Emperour was so farre of from him being at Constantinople also for that the sayd Pope raigned but x. monethes which was but a small tyme to make his holines knowen to the Emperour so farre of And giue he were so holy yet that holynes might rather be an occasioÌ„ for the Emperour so to confirme and maintaine the olde receaued maner of his institution then to alter it The third coniecture is this for that the sayd constitution was not obserued but shortly after by the sayd Benedict was broken in the election of Pope Conon And yet notwithstanding albeit the constitution were true yet the election there by was not takeÌ„ away from the people and limited to the Clergy onely and much lesse might be taken away froÌ„ the Clergie and be limited onely to the Cardinals without the consent of their Prince and ruler accordyng to their owne Rubrice in their Decrees where the Rubrice sayth De ordinatione Episcopi Nullus inuitis detur Episcopus cleri plebis ordinis consensus desiderium requiratur c. That is Let no Byshop be geuen to any people agaynst their wils but let the consent desire both of the Clergy and of the people and of the order be also required c. And in the same Dist. also cap. SacroruÌ„ we read the same libertie interest to be graunted by Carolus Magnus and Ludouicus his sonne not to a few Cardinals onely but to the order as well of the Clergy as of the people to chuse not onely the Bishop of Rome but any other Bishop within their owne Diocesse whatsoeuer and to the Monkes likewise to chuse their owne Abbot settyng aside all respect of persons and giftes onely for the worthynes of life and gift of wisedome so as might be most profitable for doctrine and exaÌ„ple vnto the flocke c. And this continued till the tyme of the foresayd Carolus Magnus and Ludouicus his sonne an 810. of the which two Carolus the father receaued expresly of Pope Adâ—â—â— â—he first full iurisdiction and power to elect ordeine the Bishop of Rome like as pope Leo the ix did also to Ottho â—he first Germain Emperour an 961. The other that is Ludouicus sonne to the foresayd Charles is sayd to renouÌ„ce agayne and surrender from him selfe and his successours vnto pope Paschalis and the Romaines the right and interest of chusing the Romane Bishop and moreouer to giue and graunt to the sayd Paschalis the full possession of the Citie of Rome the whole territorie to the same belongyng An. 821. as appeareth by the decree Ego Ludouicus Dist. 63. But admit that fayned decree to be vnfaynedly true as it may wel be suspected for many causes as proceedyng out of the same fouÌ„taine with the coÌ„stitution of Constantine afore mentioned that is from the maister of the Popes Library of whoÌ„ both Gratianus Volateran by their owne confession take their grounde yet the same decree doth not so geue away the freedome of that election that he limiteth it onely to the Cardinals but also requireth the whole coÌ„sent of the Romaines neither doth he simplely absolutely geue the same but with coÌ„ditioÌ„ so that Omnes Romani vno consilio vna concordia sine aliqua promissione ad pontificatus ordinem eligerent that is whoÌ„ as all the Romaines with one counsaile with one accord without any promise of their voyces grauÌ„ted before shall chuse to be Byshop of Rome And moreouer in the same Decree is required that at the consecration of the same Bishop messengers should be directed incoÌ„tinent to the FreÌ„ch kyng concernyng the same Furthermore neither yet did the same decree albeit it were true long continue For although Pope Stephen the fourth and pope Paschalis the first in Ludouicus time were impapaced thorough discord without election of the Emperour yet they were fayne by message to send their purgation to him of their election And after that in the tyme of Eugenius the ij which succceded next to Paschalis Lotharius sonne of Ludouicus and Emperour with his father came to Rome and there appointed lawes magistrates ouer the Citie Whereby may appeare the donation of Ludouike in geuyng away the Citie of Rome to the Pope to be fayned And after Eugenius pope Gregory the iiij who followyng within a yeare after Eugenius durst not take his election without the consent and confirmation of the sayd Emperour Ludouicus And so in like maner his successours pope Sergius the ij Pope Leo the iiij pope Nicolas the first and so orderly in a long tract of tyme from the foresayd Nicolas the first to Pope Nicolas the ij an 1061. which Nicolas in his Decree beginnyng In nomine Domini Dist. 23. ordained also the same so that in the election of the Bisâ—ops of Rome commonly the consent of the Emperour and the people with the Clergy of Rome was not lackyng After which Nicolas came Alexander the 2. and wicked HildebraÌ„d which Alexander being first elected without the Emperors will and consent afterward repenting the same openly in his preaching to the people declared that he would no longer sit in the Apostolique sea vnlesse he were by the emperor confirmed Wherfore he was greatly rebuked and cast into prison by Hildebrand and so deposed Then Hildebrand and his folowers so ordred the matter of this election that first the Emperor then the lay people after that the Clergie also began to be excluded And so the election by litle little was reduced into the handes of a few Cardinals coÌ„trary to all ancieÌ„t order where euer since it hath remained And like as in elections so also in power iudiciarie in deciding and determinyng of causes of fayth and of Ecclesiasticall discipline the state of the
Church of Rome now beyng hath no coÌ„formitie with the old Romane Churche heretofore For then Byshops debated all causes of fayth onely by the Scriptures and other questions of Ecclesiasticall discipline they determined by the CanoÌ„s not of the Pope but of the Church such as were decreed by the auncient Councels as writeth Greg. Turonensis in Francorum historia Where as now both the rule of scripture sanctions of the old Councels set aside all thynges for the most part are decided by certaine new decretall or rather extradecrâ—tall extrauagant constitutions in the Popes Canon law compiled and in his Consistories practised And where as the old ordinaunce and disposition as well of the common law as of the sacred CouÌ„cels and institution of auncient fathers haue geuen to Byshops other prelates also to patrons and donors of Ecclesiastical benefices euery one within his owne precinct and dominion also to cathedrall Churches and other to haue their free elections to prosecute the same in full effect ordryng and disposing promotions collatioÌ„s prouisions dispositions of prelacies dignities and all other Ecclesiasticall benefices whatsoeuer after their owne arbitremeÌ„t as appeareth by the first generall Councell of Fraunce 16. q 7. cap. Omnes Basilicae by the first generall Councell of Nice cap 6. Also by the generall Councell of Antioche cap. 9. and is to be seene in the Popes Decrees 9. q. 3. Per singulas And also beside these auncient decrees the same is confirmed agayne in more latter yeares by Ludouicus the ninth French kyng in his constitution called Pragmatica sanctio made and prouided by full Parliament agaynst the popes exactions An. 1228. in these wordes as folow Item exactionâ—s onera grauissima pecuniarum per curiam Romanam Ecclesiae regni nostri impositas vel imposita quibus regnum miserabiliter de pauperatum existit siue etiam imponendas vel imponenda leuari aut colligi nullatenus volumus nisi duntaxat pro rationabili pia vrgentissima causa vel ineuitabili necessitate ac etiam de expresso spontaneo iussu nostro ipsius Ecclesiae regni nostri c. that is Item all exactions importable burdens of money which the Court of Rome hath layd vpon the Church of our kingdome whereby the said our kingdome hath bene miserably hetherto impouerished or hereafter shall impose or lay vpon vs we vtterly discharge and forbyd to be leuied or collected hereafter for any maner of cause vnlesse there come some reasonable godly most vrgent ineuitable necessitie that also not to be done without the expresse voluntary commaundement of vs of the Church of the same our foresayd kingdome c. Now contrary and agaynst to these so manifest expresse decrementes of generall Councels constitutions Synodall this latter Church of Rome of late presuÌ„ption degeneratyng froÌ„ all the steppes of their elders haue taken vpon them a singular iurisdiction by them selues for their owne aduauntage to entermedle in disposing traÌ„sposing Churches Colledges Monasteries with the collations exemptions elections goodes landes to the same belongyng by reason and exaÌ„ple wherof haue come in these impropriations first fruites reseruations of benefices to the miserable dispoyling of Parishes horrible decay of Christen fayth which thynges amoÌ„g the old Romaine elders were neuer knoweÌ„ For so much then did it lacke that due necessities were pluckt froÌ„ the Church that Emperours Kyngs Princes plucking froÌ„ their owne rather did cumulate the Church with superfluities Agayne when such goodes were geuen to the Church by those auncetors they were neither so geuen nor yet taken to serue the priuate vse of certaine churchmen takyng no paynes therein but rather to serue the publique subueÌ„tioÌ„ of the needy as is coÌ„teined in the canonicall institutioÌ„s by the Emperour Ludouicus Pius set forth An. 830. The wordes be these Res Ecclesiae vota sunt fidelium pretia peccatorum patrimonia pauperum that is The goods of the church be the vowes and bequestes of the faythfull prices to raunsome such as be in captiuitie or prison and patrimonies to succour them with hospitalitie that be needy Wherunto agreeth also the testimony of Prosper whose wordes be these Viros sanctos ecclesiae non vendicasâ—e vt proprias sed vt commendatas pauperibus diuisisse that is good men tooke the goodes of the church not as their own but distributed theÌ„ as geueÌ„ bequeathed to the poore And sayth moreouer Quod habet Ecclesia cum omnibus nihil habentibus habet commune that is Whatsoeuer the church hath it hath it common with all such as haue nothyng c. Adde to these the worthy testimony of S. August ad Bonif Si autem priuatim quae nobis sufficiant possidemus noÌ„ sunt illa nostra sed pauperum quorum procurationem quodammodo gerimus non proprietatem nobis vsurpatione damnabili vendicamus c. Likewise vowsons and pluralities of benefices were thyngs then as much vnknowen as now they are pernitious to the church taking away all free election of ministers from the flocke of Christ. All which inconueniences as they first came and crept in chiefly by the pretensed authoritie iurisdiction abused in this latter church of Rome so it can not be denyed but the sayd latter church of Rome hath taken and attributed to it selfe much more theÌ„ either the limites of Gods word do geue or standeth with the example of the old Romane church in these three thynges especiall Whereof as mentioÌ„ is touched before so briefly I will recapitulate the same The first is in this that whatsoeuer the Scripture geueth and referreth either to the whole church vniuersally or to euery particular church seuerally this church now of Rome doth arrogate to it selfe absolutely and onely both doyng iniury to other churches also abusing the Scriptures of God For albeit the Scripture doth geue authoritie to binde and loose it limitteth it neither to person nor place that is neither to the Citie of Rome onely more theÌ„ to other Cities nor to the sea of Peter more theÌ„ to other Apostles but geueth it clearely to the Church wherof Peter did beare the figure so that where soeuer the true Church of Christ is there is annexed power to bynde loose geuen and taken meerly as from Christ and not mediatly by the Pope or Byshop of Peters sea The second poynt wherein this present Churche of Rome abuseth his iurisdiction contrary to Scripture and steps of the old Romane Church is this for that it extendeth his authoritie farther and more amply theÌ„ either the warrant of the word or example of time will giue For although the Churche of Rome hath as other particular churches haue authoritie to binde and absolue yet it hath no such authoritie to absolue subiectes froÌ„ their othe subiection and loyaltie to their rulers Magistrates to dispeÌ„se with periury to denounce
sought to by pilgrimages neither is it lawfull for Christians to bow theyr knees to them neither to kisse them nor to geue them any maner of reuerence For the which Articles the Archbishoppe with other Bishops and diuers learned commoning together first condemned the bookes as hereticall and burned them in fire and then because they thought the said Iohn Claydon to be forsworne and fallen into heresy the Archbishop did proceed to his definitiue sentence against the said Iohn personally appearing before him in iudgement his coÌ„fessions being read and deposed against him after this maner IN the name of God Amen We Henry by the grace of GOD Archbishop of Caunterbury primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke sea in a certayne cause of hereticall prauity of relapse into the same wherupon I. Claidon lay man of the prouince of Caunterbury was detected accused and denounced in the sayd our prouince of Caunterbury publickely defamed as by publick fame and common report notoriously to vs hath bene known first sitting in iudgement seat obseruing all things lawfully required in this behalfe do proceed to the pronouncing of the sentence definitiue in forme as followeth The name of Christ being inuocated onely set before our eies forasmuch as by the actes and thinges enacted producted exhibited and confessed before vs also by diuers signes euidences we haue found the said Iohn Claydon to haue bene and to be publickly and notoriously relapsed agayne into his former heresye heretofore by him abiured according to the merites and desertes of the sayd cause being of vs diligently searched weyed and pondered before to the inteÌ„t that the sayd I. Claidon shall not infect other with his scab by the consent and assent of our reuerend brethreÌ„ Richard Bishop of LoÌ„don Iohn Bishop of Couentry and Liechfield Steuen Bishop of S. Dauids and of other Doctors as well of diuinity as of both lawes and also of other discreet and learned men assisting vs in this behalfe do iudge pronounce and declare the sayd I. Claydon to be relapsed agayne into his heresy which he before did abiure finally and definitiuely appoynting him to be left vnto the secular iudgement and so do leaue him by these presentes Thus Iohn Claidon receiuing his iudgement condemnation of the Archbishop was committed to the secular power and by them vniustly vnlawfully was coÌ„mitted to the fire for that the teÌ„porall magistrate had no such law sufficient for them to burne any suche man for religion condeÌ„ned of the prelats as is aboue sufficiently proued declared pag. 523. But to be short Quo iurè quaque iniuria Iohn Cleydon notwithstanding by the temporall magystrats not loÌ„g aâ—ter was had to smithfield where meekely he was made a burnt offering vnto the Lord. an 1415. The burning of Iohn Claydon and Richard Turming Robert Fabian and other Chronologers which folow him adde also that Richard Turming Baker of whome mention is made before in the examination of Iohn Claydon was likewise the same time burned with him in smithfield Albeit in the Register I finde no sentence of condemnation geuen against the sayd Turming neither yet in the story of S. Albons is there any such metioÌ„ of his burning made but only of the burning of Iohn Claydon aforesaid wherfore the iudgement hereof I leaue free to the reader Notwithstanding concerning the sayd Turming thys is certaine that he was accused vnto the bishops no doubt was in their handes bands What afterward was done with him I refer it vnto the authors The next yeare after the burning of these two aforesaid and also of Iohn Hus being burnt at Constaunce whiche was an 1416. the Prelates of England seing the dayly increase of the Gospell and fearing the ruine of theyr papall kingdome were busily occupied with all theyr counsel and diligence to mayntayne the same Wherefore to make their state and kingdome sure by statutes lawes constitutions and terrour of punishment as Thomas Arundell and other Prelates had done before so the forenamed Henrye Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury in his conuocation holden at London maketh another constitutioÌ„ as though there had not enough bene made before agaynst the poore Lollardes the coppy and tenor wherof he sendeth abroad to the bishop of London and to other his Suffraganes by them to be put in straight execution conteyning in words as foloweth HEnry by the grace of God Archbishop of Canterbury Primate of all England and Legate of the chiefest seat to our reuereÌ„d brother in the Lord Richard by the grace of God bishop of London health brotherly loue with continuall increase Lately in our last conuocation in Sayncte Paules Church in London being kept by you and other our brethren and clergy of our prouince we do remember to haue made this order vnderwritten by your consentes When as among many other our cares this ought to be chiefe that by some meanes we take those heretickes whiche like foxes lurke hide theÌ„selues in the Lordes vineyard that the dust of negligeÌ„ce may be vtterly shakeÌ„ from our feete and from the feete of our fellow brethren In thys the sayd conuocation of the Prelats and clergy we haue ordeined and that our fellowe brethren our Suffraganes and Archdeacons of our prouince of Canterbury by theÌ„selues their Officials or Commissaryes in all their iurisdictioÌ„s euery of their charges in theyr country twise euery yere at the least do diligeÌ„tly enquire of such persons as are suspect of heresy And that in euery suche their Archdeaconries in euery parish wherin is reported any hereticks to inhabit they cause three or more of the honestest meÌ„ and best reported of to take their othe vpon the holy Euangelist that if they shall knowe or vnderstand any frequenting either in priuy conueÌ„ticles or els deferring in life or maners froÌ„ the common conuersation of other Catholick men or els that holde any either heresyes or errors or els that haue any suspected bookes in the English tong or that do receiue any such persons suspect of heresyes and errours into theyr houses or that be fauorers of them that are inhabitants in any such place or conuersant with them or els haue any recourse vnto them they make certificats of those persons in writing with all the circumstances wherewith they are suspect vnto the said our Suffraganes or Archdeacons or to theyr Commissaryes so soone with as much speede as possibly they can And that the sayd Archdeacon and euery of their Commissaryes aforesayd do declare the names of all such persons denounced together with all the circuÌ„staÌ„ces of theÌ„ the dioces places secretly vnder theyr seales do send ouer vnto vs the same And that the same diocessans effectually direct forth lawfull proces agaynst them as the quality of the cause requireth that with all diligence they discerne define and execute the same And if perhaps they leaue not such persons
coÌ„uict vnto the secular court yet notwithstanding let them commit theÌ„ vnto the perpetuall or temporall prisons as the quality of the cause shall require vntil the next conuocation of yâ— prelates and Clergy of our prouince of Canterbury there personally to remaine and that in the same prisons they cause theÌ„ to be kept according as the lawe requireth And that of all and singular the things aforesayd that is what iniquisition they haue made and what they haue found and how in the processe they haue behaued themselues and what persons so conuict they haue caused to be put in safe keeping with what diligence or negligence of the Commissaryes aforesayd with all and all maner of other circumstances premised and therunto in any wise apperteining and specially of the abiurations if in the meane time they shall chaunce to abiure any heresyes that then in the next coÌ„uocation of the Prelates and Clergy vnder the forme aforesayd they cause the same distinctly and apertly to be certified to vs and our successours And that they deliuer effectually to the Officiall of our Court the same processe to remain with them or els in the register of one court of Canterbury so that euery one to whom â—â—th things appertaineth for the further execution of the same proces may haue recourse vnto the same officiall with all effect We therefore commaund that as touching the constitution brought vnto your City Diocesan you cause the same in conuenieÌ„t place and time to be published and that in all pointes you both obserue the same your selues and cause it also of others to be diligently obserued CommauÌ„ding furthermore all and singular our felow brethren and Suffraganes that they in likewise cause the same to be published throughout all their Cities and Dioces both diligently obserue the same themselues and also cause al others to do the same and what thing soeuer you shall do in the premisses that you certify vs betwixt this and the feast of S. Peter ad vincula next comming that you duely certify vs of these thinges by your letters patentes contayning the same effect sealed with your seales Dated at our house in London the first day of Iuly an 1416. During the time of this conuocatioÌ„ in the yere aboue sayd two priestes were presented brought before the bishops noted and defamed for hereticks one named Iohn Barton vnto whom it was obiected by Philip Bishop of Lincolne that he had bene excommunicated about 6. or 7. yeares before vpon Articles concerning religion and yet neither would appeare being cited nor woulde seeke to be reconciled agayne vnto the Church Which thinges being so prooued agaynst him he was committed to the custody of the foresayd Philip Bishoppe of Lincolne and so to be holden in prison till he should heare further what should be done The other was Robert Chapel otherwise named Holbech Chaplain sometime to the Lord Cobham vnto whoÌ„ likewise it was obiected that he being vnder the sentence of excommunication about three or foure yeares yet notwithstanding to the contempt of the keyes did continue saying Masse and preaching sought not to be recoÌ„ciled Chapel denying that he did know any such excommunication geuen out agaynst him Then was the copy of his excommunicatioÌ„ first made by the bishop of Roff. afterward denouÌ„ced by the Bishop of LoÌ„don at Paules crosse brought and read before him so that done that Session brake vp for that time which was about the latter ende of May. an 1416. The xij day of the moneth of Iuly next following the sayd Chappell appeared agayn before the Archbishop and the Prelates To whom when it was obiected as before how he had preached without the Bishops licence in dyuers places as at Cobham at Cowling and at Shorne ac length he confessing and submitting himself desired pardoÌ„ Which although it was not at the first graunted vnto him yet at the last the Bishop of Roff. putting in his hands the decree of the canon law 1. q. 7. cap. Quoties c. and causing him to read the same made him to aviure all his former articles opinions as hereticall and schismaticall neuer to holde the same agayne according to the contentes of the foresayd Canon Wherupon the sayd Robert being absolued by the authority of the Archb. saue only that he should not intermeddle with saying Masse before he had bene dispensed from the Pope himselfe for his irregularity was enioyned by the Archb. himselfe for his penance standing at Paules to publish these articles folowing vnto the people in stead of his confession geuen him to be read In primis I confesse that Bishops Priestes and other Ecclesiasticall persons hauing no other profession to the contrary may lawfully haue receiue and reteyne landes and possessions temporall to dispense and dispose the same and the rentes thereof to the behoofe of themselues or of theyr Church where they dwell according as semeth good to them 2. Item I confesse that it were very vnlawfull yea rather vniust that temporal men vpon any occasion whatsoeuer it be should take away temporall landes and possessions from the church either vniuersal or particular to whoÌ„ they are geuen the consideration of the abuse of mortall prelates priest or other ministers in the Church conuersant which are mixt together good with bad abusing the same to the contrary notwithstanding 3. Item I confesse that peregrinations to the reliques of saintes and to holy places are not prohibited nor to be coÌ„temned of any Catholicke but are auayleable to remission of sinnes and approued of holy fathers and worthy to be commended 4. Item I confesse that to worship the images of Christ or of any other saynts being set vp in the church or in any other place is not forbiddeÌ„ neither is any cause inductiue of Idolatry being so vsed as the holy fathers do will them to be worshipped But rather such images do profit much to the health of Christians because they do put vs in remeÌ„brauÌ„ce of the merits of those sayntes whom they represent and the sight of them doth moone and stirre vp the people to prayers and deuotion 5. Item I confesse that auriculer confession vsed in the Churche is necessarye for a sinner to the saluation of hys soule and necessary to be done of such a priest as is ordeyned by the Church to heare the confession of the sinner to enioyne him penance for the same without which confession if it may be had there is no remission of sinnes to him that is in sinne mortall 6. Item I confesse and firmely do hold that although the Priest be in mortall sinne yet may he make the bodye of Christ and minister other Sacramentes and Sacramentals which neuerthelesse are profitable to all the faythfull whosoeuer receiueth them in fayth and in deuotion of the Church 7. Item I confesse that bishops in their own dioces may forbid decree ordayn vpoÌ„ reasonable causes that priests should not preach without theyr