accounted Abrahams faith St. James 2. 23. That he would have offered up Isaac though by the law of nature Abraham should have preserved his sonne and so God ceased the motion of the Sun and Moon upon Joshua's prayer Jos 10. 12. And caused the same to go retrogade ten degrees upon the prayer of Hezekias and Isaiah 2 Kings 20. 11. It is true that nothing less then that power which made a Law can alter it the Laws therefore of God whether positive or natural have an eternal and immutable obligation upon all the men in the world but whatsoever power may make a Law that power may alter it Divine Laws therefore whether positive or natural cannot have any obligation upon God but he may alter them when he pleases CHAP. VI. The Obligation of Divine and Humane Laws upon the Consciences and Persons of Men. 1. COnscience comes of con and scio to know together with reason Conscience or some law Conscientia est animi quaedam ratio lex quâ de recte factis secus admonemur Conscience is a certain reason or law of the Mind whereby we are well or ill advised of our deeds The laws therefore of Man may not only be violated by doing contrary to them but by consenting to them As he which does contrary to that he thinks though the doing of the thing be just yet 't is unjustly done by him for whatsoever is not of faith is sin Rom. 14. 23. 2. The affirmative precepts of God they do semper obligare yet they The obligation of the laws of God do not oblige ad semper As when he commands us to pray continually it is not to be expected a man should be always in the act of prayer but so to live as he does nothing which may indispose him from praying But Gods negative precepts do not only always oblige but oblige ad semper too for there is no time at all wherein it is lawful for a man to kill to steal to commit adultery c. Deut. 5. 17 18 19 20 21. negative in all instances 3. Ecclesiastical laws do oblige in Conscience If thy brother shall neglect Ecclesiastical laws oblige in conscience to hear thee tell it to the Church but if he neglect to hear the Church let him be to thee as a heathen man or Publican Mat. 18. 17. And the Scribes and Pharises sit in Moses chair all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe and do but do not after their works for they say and do not Mat. 23. 2 3. If then by the law of our Saviour the Jews were to observe and do whatsoever the Scribes and Pharises commanded them because they sate in Moses seat sure with as much or much more reason ought Christians to observe and do whatsoever the Church which our Saviour Christ himself hath planted doth command them 4. My kingdom is not of this world Joh. 18. 36. God sent not his Son In conscience only into the world to judge the world but that by him he might save the world Joh. 3. 17. And O man who has made me a Judge or divider amongst you If then our Saviours kingdom were not of this world if God sent not his Son to judge the world and if our Saviour were not a Judge among men then cannot the Church of Christ have any power from Christ in the kingdoms of the world nor to judge the world nor to be a Judge or divider among men 5. Ecclesiastical laws according to the usage and custom of England To what things Ecclesiastical laws have reference relate to Blasphemy Apostacie from Christianity Heresies Schisms Holy Orders Admissions Institution of Clerks Celebration of Divine Service Rights of Matrimony Divorces general Bastardy Subtraction and Right of Tythes Oblations Obventions Dilapidations Excommunication Reparation of Churches Probate of Testaments Administrations and Accounts upon the same Simony Incests Fornications Adulteries Sollicitation of Chastity Pensions Procurations Appeals in Ecclesiastical cases Commutation of Penance which are determined by Ecclesiastical Judges 6. So that there is a mixt Conusance in the Ecclesiastical Judicature All things determinable by Ecclesiastical Judges are not meerly spiritual viz. of things meerly Spiritual by which they are impowered to judge and take conusance of and that by no humane power but only as they are impowered and sent by our Saviour and are only his Ministers viz. the taking conusance of Blasphemy Excommunication Heresie Holy Orders Celebration of Divine Service c. And this Ghostly power the Church and Ecclesiastical persons had before ever Temporal powers received the Gospel of Christ or were converted to Christianity And also after it pleased God that Nations and Kingdoms were converted to Christianity and that Kings did become nursing fathers and Queens nursing mothers Isa 49. 23. to Gods Church then did Kings cherish and defend Gods Church and endued it with many Priviledges and Immunities which ere while was persecuted by them or other Powers but yet could not these Immunities or Priviledges divest them of that Ghostly power which our Saviour by divine institution gave his Church It is true no question but that originally not only all Bishopricks and their bounds and the division of all Parishes and the conusance the Church hath of Tythes of Probate of Wills of granting of Letters of Administration and Accounts upon the same the right of Institution and Induction and the erection of all Ecclesiastical Courts c. were all originally of the Kings foundation and donation and that to him only by all divine and humane laws belongs the care and preservation of all his Subjects none excepted in all causes And therefore not only all those things which relate to the extern peace and quiet of the Church although exercised by Ecclesiastical persons but all those priviledges and immunities which the Church or Churchmen have in a Church planted which the Primitive Christians and Apostles had not in the persecution of the Church when planting are originally Grants of Kings and Supreme Powers and so Temporal or Secular Laws but in regard they accidentally have reference to the Church and are exercised by Ecclesiastical persons they are not improperly called the Kings Ecclesiastical Laws And sure either ignorance of this or faction hath made men run into two contrary extremes one That Kings have no right to their Crowns but in ordine ad bonum spirituale and so cannot be Kings or That all power and jurisdiction in all causes is from the King and so cannot there be any such thing as Christian faith Religion or any Ghostly power left by our Saviour with his Church to continue to the end of the world which every Christian man de fide ought to believe and submit to before any Temporal Law or Power in the world Object But beeause Ecclesiastical laws have not infallibility affixed to them if they command any thing repugnant to Divine laws do they then oblige Answer No for God
often gone out of the Church and Priests houses having restored the thing taken away let him abjure the Province and not return and if by chance he shall return let no man presume to entertain him unless he have leave from the King Of breaking the Peace of the Church If any one shall violently infringe the Peace of the Church the Justice Cap. 7. belongs to the Bishops but if one guilty in avoiding their Judgement or arrogantly contemning it shall despise it let the complaint thereof be brought to the King within forty days and let the Kings Justice make him give Security and Pledges if he can get them until he first give God afterward the Church satisfaction But if within one and thirty days either by his friends or acquaintance or by the Justice of the King he cannot be found out the King shall Outlaw him by the word of his own mouth i. e. he shall be excluded out of all protection of the King But if after he shall be found and can be retained let him be restored alive to the King or his head if he shall defend himself Lupinum enim gerit caput which in English is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This is the common and general Law concerning all men Outlawed Of the Tithes to be restored to the Church of Sheep and Hoggs 8. The tenth sheaf of all kinde of corn is due to God and therefore to be restored to God And if any one hath a company of Mares let him restore the tenth colt to God he who hath but one or two for every single colt one single peny In like maner who hath many Cowes the tenth calf who hath but one or two for every calf one single halfpeny and who make Cheese give to God the tenth but if he make none milk the tenth day In like maner the tenth Lamb the tenth Fleece the tenth Cheese the tenth Butter and the tenth Hogg Of Bees In like maner the tenth of the profit of Bees as also of under-Wood In some these two Chapters are joyned of Meadow and Waters and Mills Parks Warrens Fishponds tender Sprouts and Gardens and Merchandize and all other things which God shall give the tenth part is to be restored to him who gave the nine parts together with the tenth who shall have detained it let him be compelled to restitution by the Justice of the Bishop and King if need be For these things St. Augustine hath Preached and are granted by the King Barons and People but afterwards by the instinct of the Devil many have detained it and Priests careless of growing rich did not care to take pains to get them because they had sufficient means of living For in many places now there are three or four Churches where then there was but onely one and so they began to be diminished Of them who are judged to be brought to Judgment or Water by the Cap. 9. Justice of the King In that day wherein Judgment ought to be done let the Minister of the Bishop and his Clerks come thither and in like manner the Justice of the King with Legal men of that Province who may see and hear that all things be rightly done and whom the Lord by his mercy will save let them be quit and freely depart and whom the iniquity of the fault the Lord shall not condemn let the Justice of the King do justice upon them But the Barons who have their jurisdiction of their men let them see that they do so concerning them as they incur not displeasure with God and offend not the King And if a Suit does arise concerning men of other Baronies in their Courts let the Justice of the King be present because without it the Suit cannot be determined If any of the Barons hath not Justice in the Hundred where the Plea shall be holden it shall be determined at the next Church where the Judgment of the King shall be saving the Right of those Barons Of Romescot 10. Every one who shall have Thirty pence of current money in his house of his own property by the Law of England shall pay a Peter penny and by the Law of the Danes half a Mark But that penny ought to be summoned upon the Feasts of the Apostles Peter and Paul and collected at the Feast which is called To the Bonds so that it be not detained beyond that day If any one shall longer detain it let complaint be brought to the justice of the King because this penny is the Alms of the King and it is justice he cause this penny to be restored and the forfeiture of the Bishop and King But if a man hath more houses let him restore the Peter-penny for that wherein he resides upon the feast of Peter and Paul the Apostles Of the Office of the King and of the Right and Appendixes of the 17. Crown of the Kingdom of Britain And the King because he is the Vicar of the highest King and to this purpose ordained that he may both govern and rule the terrene kingdom and people of the Lord and above all things the holy Church and that he defend the same from wrong-doers and destroy and root out workers of mischief Besides these Sir Ed. Coke in Cawdries Case instances in King Kenulph for that King Kenulph by his Letters Patents with the consent and councel of his Bishops and Senators of his Kingdom did give to the Monastery of Abingdon in the County of Berks and to one Ruchnius then Abbot of the said Monastery c. a certain portion of his Country c. and that the said Ruchnius c. should be ever free from Ecclesiastical right or jurisdiction and that the Inhabiters of it from thenceforth be kept under the yoke of no Bishop or their Officials but in all events of things and discussions of causes they be subject to the Decree of the Abbot of the Monastery aforesaid And that this Charter was above * * Counting to the time Sir Ed. Coke wrote 850 years since which was in the year 755. and after confirmed by Edwin of Britain King and Monarch of Englishmen and this Grant did continue until the dissolution of the Abby by Henry the 8. So that the Kings of this Nation have not only of antient time been Nursing fathers to Gods Church and have exercised their Regal power over the persons of all their Subjects in all cases but have even dispensed with and conferred Episcopal jurisdiction But this was only matter of fact and done but only in one place nor was it ever established by a Law before the Statute of Lollard and by Henry the Eight and the First of Eliz. Yet it was afterward as shall appear in the next Chap. used by divers Kings and often adjudged by the Judges before Henry the Eighth CHAP. III. Ecclesiastical Laws made by William the First who began to reign in the year of Christ 1067. THat Nations and Kingdoms
Item Whereas Commissions be newly made to divers Justices that 6. they shall make enquiries upon Judges of the holy Church whether they made just proces or excessive in Causes Testimentary or other which notoriously pertaineth to the cognizance of holy Church the said Justices have enquired and caused to be Indicted Judges of the holy Church in blemishing of the Franchise of the holy Church That such Commissions be repealed and from henceforth defended saving the Article in Eyre such as ought to be No Scire facias shall be awarded against a Clerk for Tythes Item Whereas Writs of Scire facias have been granted to warn Prelates 7. Religious and other Clerks to answer Dismes in our Chancery and to shew if they have any thing or can any thing say wherefore such Dismes ought not to be restored to the said Demandants and to answer as well to us as to the party to such Dismes That such Writs from henceforth be not granted and that the proces hanging upon such Writs be annulled and repealed and that the parties be dismissed from the Secular Judges of such manner of Pleas saving to us our right such as we and our ancestors have had and were wont to have of reason In witness whereof at the request of the said Prelates to these present Letters we have set our Seal Dated at London this 8th of July the year of our Reign of England 18. of France the 5th In the Reign of Ed. 3. 16 Ed. 3. tit Excom 4. An Excommunication by the Archbishop albeit it be disannulled by the Pope or his Legats is to be allowed neither ought the Judges to give any allowance of any such sentence of the Pope or his Legat. It is often resolved that all the Bishopricks within England were founded In the Reign of Ed. 3. by the Kings Progenitors and therefore the Advousons of them all belong to the King and at first they were Donative and if that any incumbent of any Church with cure die if the Patron present not within six moneths the Bishop of that Dioces ought to collate to the end the Cure may not be destitute of a Pastor if he be negligent by the space of six moneths the Metropolitan of that Dioces shall confer one to that Church and if he also leave the Church destitute by the space of six moneths then the common Law gives to the King as Supream within his own Kingdom and not to the Bishop of Rome power to provide a competent Pastor for that Church The King may not onely exempt any Ecclesiastical person from the Jurisdiction 17 Ed. 3. 23. of the Ordinary but may grant him Episcopal Jurisdiction And thus it appears there the King had done of antient time to the Arch-Deacon of Richmond This resolution is not grounded upon any Custom or Law but onely upon a particular fact of a King à facto ad jus non valet argumentum All Religious or Ecclesiastical Houses whereof the King was Founder are by the King exempt from Ordinary Jurisdiction and onely visitable and 20 E. 3. Excom 9. 19. Ed. 3. corrigible by the Kings Ecclesiastical Commission This resolution too is onely grounded upon matter of Fact and what man will warrant all the Facts of Kings not to be repugnant to the Laws of God and man Yet shall not these men in other things of much less moment allow the Kings Proclamations to be Legal nor any thing less then the Commons Law or Acts of Parliament The Abbot of Bury was exempted from Episcopal jurisdiction by the Kings Charter This is nothing neither but matter of Fact 20 Ed. 3. tit Excom 6. The King presenteth to a Benefice and his presentee was disturbed by one who had obtained Bulls from Rome for which offence he was condemned 21 Ed. 3. 40. fol. 40. to perpetual imprisonment c. Tythes arising out of any parish the King shall have for that he having the Supream Ecclesiastical jurisdiction is bound to provide a sufficient Pastor 22 Ed. 3. l. 1. Ass pl. 75. that shall have the cure of souls of that place which is not within any parish And by the common Laws of England it is evident that no man unless he be Ecclesiastical or have Ecclesiastical jurisdiction can have inheritance of Tithes The King shall present to his free chappels in default of the Dean by 27 Ed. 3. fol. 84. lapsin respect of his supream Ecclesiastical jurisdiction And Fitz Herbert saith that the King in that case does present by laps as Ordinary Fitz nat Br. 34. Au Excommunication under the Popes Bull is of no force to disable any man within England and no suit for any cause though spiritually rising in 30 Ed. 3. lib. Ass pl. 19 c. this Realm ought to be determined in the court of Rome In an Attachment upon a Prohibition the Popes Bull of Excommunication of the plaintiff was adjudged insufficient 21 Ed. 3. tit Excom 6. 33 Ed. 3. tit Agel de Roy. 38 Ass pl. 20. Reges sacro Oleo uncti sunt Spiritualis jurisdictionis capaces A Prior which is the Kings Debtor and ought to have Tithes of another spiritual person may chuse either to sue for substraction of his Tithes in the Ecclesiastical court or in the Exchequer Fitz Herbert in his N. B. fol. 30. holceth that before the St. 18 Ed. 3. Cap. 7. the right of Tithes were determinable at the temporal courts at the election of the party And the courts of divers Manors of the Kings and other Lords in antient times had the probate of last Wills and Testaments and it appeareth by 11 H. 7. fol. 12. That the probate of Wills and Testaments did not appertain to the Ecclesiastical courts but that of late time they were determinable there The King by his Charter did translate Canons secular into regular and 38 Lib. Ass pl. 22. 46 Ed. 3. Proem 6. religious persons Nicholas Moris elected Abbot of Waltham which was exempt from ordinary Jurisdiction sent to Rome to be confirmed by the Pope who not having regard to the said Election gave to the said Nicholas the said Abby with all the said Spiritualities and Temporalities the Bull was adjudged against the Laws of England and the Abbot for obtaining the same was fallen into the Kings mercy whereupon all his Possessions were seised into the Kings hands Where the Abbot of Westminster had a Prior and Covent who were Regular 49 Ed. 3. lib. ass pl. 8. and mort in Law yet the King by his Charter did divide that Corporation and made the Prior and Covent a distinct and capable body to sue and be sued by themselves It was Enacted by the whole Parliament That as well they who obtained St. de 25 Ed. 3. de Provisoribus provisions from Rome as they that put them in execution should be out of the Kings Protection and that a man might do with them as enemies to the King c.
Democracy of Sedition and the causes of it Of the Fathers Husbands Masters and Ecclesiastical Power The Third Book treats of Subjection Succession and the Municipal Laws of this Nation The Fourth Book treats of Justice Obedience Judgment and Equity The Fifth Book treats of the first Planting of Christianity under the British and Saxon Kings and of the Freedom of the British and English Churches before the Conquest and how far the Kings of England had exercised their Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and how both British and Saxon Kings had been Nursing-Fathers to the Church of Christ and how far since the Conquest the Kings of England had exercised their Jurisdiction in the Assertion of their Regal Power in defence of the Church until Henry the 8th and of the Reformation made by Hen. 8. Edw. 6. Queen Elizabeth and of the Ecclesiastical Laws made by them Queen Mary King James and King Charls A more particular Survey of the Contents of the First Book Chap. I. THe First Chapter not onely treats of those Rights which must necessarily precede all Humane and Ecclesiastical Laws but also of those Rights which are created by Humane Laws Chap. II. Treats of Divine Humane Ecclesiastical and Despotical Laws and from whence they are derived Chap. III. Shews what Virtue is and the causes of all Theological Moral Humane Prudential and Personal Virtues Chap. IV. Treats of Particular Moral Virtues and Chap. V. Proves them to be commanded by God in the old and New Testament Chap. VI. Demonstrates the Obligation of Divine and Humane Laws upon the Persons and Consciences of Men. Chap. VII Is of Promises Vows Leagues Pacts or Contracts and Gifts and from whence Men become obliged to them and does demonstrate that it is impossible that any Law or Legislative Right can arise from the Pacts or Contracts of Men which concludes the First Book DEFINITIONS JUs is a Right Due or Property in God principally and absolutely or in some Jus quid Man or Men by some Divine or Humane Law excluding all others but him or them from whom it is derived First All Right is either Jus Divinum or Naturale and this Right is The Specifications of it onely primely and absolutely in God and incommunicable to any Creature Or Secondly Jus Humanum is a Right which Men have from the Law of Nature Or Thirdly Jus Ecclesiasticum a Right by which the Tribe of Levi did under the Old Law exercise their Priestly Office and Function and a Right by which Bishops Priests and Deacons among Christians do execute their Office and Functions Or Fourthly Jus Legale a Right which all Subjects have in their Estates and Goods And this Right is either Jus Proprietatis or Jus Usufructuarium 2. Nature is either that eternal Being which ever was in God which Men What is Nature call Natura Naturans Or that first Being which is in any Creature superior to the Will of any Creature and created onely by God and this Nature Men call Natura Naturaliter the depraved sinful Nature of Man was not originally created by God but afterward made by Man 3. Jus Naturae Naturantis is that Right which must necessarily precede What is Jus Naturae Naturantis What is Jus Naturae Naturaliter and create Lex Naturae 4. Jus Naturae Naturaliter is that Right which is created by the Law of Nature but because this Right is proper to Man onely we will call this Right a Humane Right As also that Power which is created by the Law of Nature although it be Natural Naturaliter yet being proper to Man we call it Humane Power 5. A Law is the declared Will of him who by right commands forbids or What is a Law permits athing together with a penalty annext for not observance Lex dicitur à ligando quia obligat says Isidore rightly Etymologie of Lex Common Notions or Axioms 1. ALL Right which any Man or company of Men have is derived either from the Law of Nature or some Divine Positive Law declared in the Scriptures or from some Humane Law or particular Custom which is always presumed to be created or permitted by Humane Laws 2. Humane Laws and Customs refer to some particular place or Countrey as they are permitted or imposed by the supream Power of that place or Countrey viz. By them who have right to impose or permit them 3. The Laws of Nature oblige all Men of all conditions alike without exception and are eternal and immutable by Man and are and always were connatural with all Men. 4. No Being can precede or be superior to the cause of its Being 5. All Causes are superior and precede their Effects THE FIRST BOOK CHAP. I. De Juribus 1. LEx Humana lata has by the second Notion no being Jus Humanum Legislativum is not from any Humane Law but as it is caused or created by him who has the Jus Legislativum Lex Humana lata therefore cannot by the Fifth Notion create Jus Legislativum 2. If Jus Humanum Legislativum were from Jus Humanum Legislativum is not created by Divine positive institution Divine positive institution then by the Fifth Notion must the Scriptures precede all Legislative Right but this is evidently repugnant not only to the Scriptures themselves who testifie not only the Right which Fathers and Husband have over their Children and Kings over their Subjects long before God revealed them by Moses but also this Lawgiving Right is in every place of the world whether the Scriptures be received or beleeved or not It is evident therefore that this Law-giving Right is not created from Gods positive Laws in the Scriptures 3. Jus Humanum Legislativum is not by the first Proposition from Jus Humanum Legislativum is from the Law of nature immediately any Humane Law by the second Proposition Jus Humanum Legislativum is not from Divine positive Laws Therefore by the first Notion Jus Humanum Legislativum is from the Law of Nature 4. By the third Notion the Laws of Nature are and alwaies were connatural Jus Ecclesiasticum is not from the Law of nature with Men but the Right which God gave the Priests under the old Law and to Bishops Priests and Deacons under the new Law hapned long since Men were borne in the world and therefore the Ecclesiastical Right of Bishops and Priests is not from the Law of Nature 5. If Humane Laws could create the Right of Ecclesiasticks then by Nor from any humane law the 2. Notion he who may by right create Humane laws might also create this Ecclesiastical right But this is evidently false for all Kings Fathers and Husbands have a right of creating Humane laws but none have the right of creating the Ghostly right by which Ecclesiasticks exercise their function or office This right therefore is not created by any Humane law 6. By the 4. Propos Ecclesiastical right is not from the
Court in the conusance of Heresie but onely for the punishment of Heresie adjudged in the Ecclesiastical Court and all men know that it is the Temporal not Ecclesiastical power although it may be executed or pronounced by Ecclesiastical persons that punisheth men for Spiritual Crimes The Pope cannot alter the Laws of England The Judges say that the Statutes which restrain the Popes provisions 11 H. 4. 37. 11 H. 4. fol. 69. 76. to the Benefices of the Advowsons of Spiritual men were made for that the Spiritual durst not in their just Cause say against the Popes provisions so as those Statutes were made in affirmance of the common Law Excommunication made by the Pope is of no force in England and the same being certified by the Pope into any Court in England ought not to 14 H. 4. fol. 14 c. be allowed neither is any Certificate of any Excommunication available in Law but that which is made by some Bishop in England for the Bishops are by the common Laws the immediate Officers and Ministers of Justice to the Kings Court in Causes Ecclesiastical If any Bishop do Excommunicate any person for a cause that belongeth 14 H. 4. 14. not to him the King may write to the Bishop and command him to assoyl and absolve the party If any person of Religion obtain of the Bishop of Rome to be exempt St. 2. H. 4. Cap. 3. from obedience regular or ordinary he is in case of a Premunire which is an offence as hath been said contra Regem coronam dignitatem ejus Upon complaint of the Commons of the horrible mischiefs and damnable customs which there were introduced by the Church of Rome that no St 6. H. 4. Cap. 1. person Abbot or other should have any provisions of Archbishoprick or Bishoprick which should be void till he had compounded with the Popes Chamber to pay great and excessive sums of money as well for the first fruites of the same Archbishoprick or Bishoprick as for the other less services in the said Court and that the said sums or greater part thereof be paid beforehand which sums passed the double or treble of that that was accustomed of old time to be paid c. It was therefore Enacted That they and every of them that did pay greater sums then had of old time been accustomed to be paid into the said Chamber should incur the forfeiture of as much as they may forfeit to the King No person Religious or Secular of what estate or condition that he St 7. H. 4. Cap. 6. were by colour of any Bulls containing Priviledges to be discharged of Tythes appertaining to Parish-Churches Prebends Hospitals Vicaredges Purchased before the first year of King R. 2. or after not executed should put in execution anysuch Bills so Purchased or any such Bulls to be Purchased in time to come upon pain of a Premunire In the Reign of Hen. 5. In an Act of Parliament made in the third year of Henry 5. it is Declared 〈…〉 H. 5. â—â—â— 4. â— That whereas in the time of H. 4. father to the said King the seventh year of his Reign to eschew many discords and debates and divers other mischiefs which were like to arise and happen because of many provisions then made or to be made by the Pope and also of licence thereupon granted by the said King among other things it was Ordained and Established That no such Licence or Pardon so granted before the same Ordinance or afterwards to be granted shall be available to any Benefice full of any Incumbent at the day of the date of such Licence or Pardon granted Nevertheless divers persons having provisions of the Pope of divers Benefices in England and elsewhere and Licenses Royal to execute the same Provisions have by colour of the same Provisions Licenses and acceptations of the said Benefices subtilly excluded divers persons of their Benefies in which they had been incumbents by a long season of the collation of the very Patrons Spiritual to whom duely made to their intent to the final destruction and enervation of the Estates of the same Incumbents The King willing to avoid such mischiefs hath Ordained and Established That all the Incumbents of every benefice of Holy Church of the Patronage Collation or presentation of Spiritual Patrons may quietly and peaceably enjoy their said Benefices without being inquieted molested or any way grieved by any colour of such provisions licencies and acceptations and that all licences and pardons upon and by such provisions made in any manner should be void and of no valour and if any feel himself grieved molested or inquieted in any wise from henceforth by any by colour of such provisions licenses pardons or acceptations that the same molesters grievers or inquesters and every of them have and incur the pains and punishments contained in the Statutes of Provisors before that time H. 4. St. 2 H. 5. Cap. 7. Lollardy Was made for extirpation of Heresie and Lollardy whereby full power and authority was given to the Justices of Peace and Justices of Assize to enquire of those that hold Errors Heresies or Lollardry and of their maintainers c. and that the Sheriff or other Officer c. may Arrest and apprehend them A man should undertake a very hard task that goes about to maintain that all Humane Laws did never transgress their limits nor encroach upon things that were not properly in their conusance and this Law ill suits with the temper of these times The King by consent of Parliament giveth power to Ordinaries to enquire St. 2 H. 5. Cap. 1. of the Foundation Erection and Governance of Hospitals other then such as be of the Kings Foundation and thereupon to make correction and reformation according to the Ecclesiastical Law nor could any other Power grant such Ordinances In the Reign of Henry the sixth 8 H. 6. fol. 3. Excommunication made and certified by the Pope is of no force to disable any man within England and this is by the ancient Common Laws before any Statute was made concerning forein Jurisdiction The King onely may grant or licence to Found a Spiritual Corporation 9 H. 6. fol. 16. The Pope wrote Letters in derogation of the King and his Regality 1 H. 6. fol. 1â— and the Church-men durst not speak against them but Humfrey Duke of Glocester for their safe keeping put them into the fire In the Reign of Edward the fourth The Pope in the Reign of King Ed. 4. granted to the Prior of St. Johns H. 7. f. 20. to have Sanctuary within his Priory and this was pleaded and claimed by the Prior but it was resolved by the Judges that the Pope had no power to grant any Sanctuary within this Realm and therefore by Judgement of Law it ought to be disallowed There it appeareth that the opinion of the Kings Bench had been oftentimes Ed. 4. 3. that if one Spirital
12. twenty nine Abbots and Priors for so many then were Lords of Parliament It is declared That where by divers sundry old authentique Histories and Chronicles it was manifestly declared and expressed that this Realm of England is an Empire and has been so accounted in the world governed by one Supreme Head and King having the dignity and Royal estate of the Imperial crown of the same unto whom a Body Politique compact of all sorts and degrees of people divided in terms and by names of Spirituality and Temporality been bound and ought to bear next to God a natural and humble obedience He being also institute and furnished by the goodness of God with plenary whole and entire power preheminence authority prerogative and jurisdiction to render and yield justice and final determination to all manner of folk resiants or subjects within this his Realm in all causes matters debates and contentions happening to occur insurge or begin within the limits thereof without restraint or provocation to any Forein Princes or Potentates in the world The body Spiritual whereof having power when any cause of Law Divine happened to come in question or of Spiritual Learning that it was declared interpreted and shewed by that part of the said body Politique called the Spiritual body then being usually called the English Church which always hath been reputed and also found of that sort that both for knowledge integrity and sufficiency of number it has been always thought and was also at that houre sufficient and meet of it self without the intermedling of any exterior person or persons to declare and determine all such doubts and to administer all such offices and duties as to the the rooms Spiritual did appertain For the due administration whereof and to keep them from corruption and sinister affection the Kings noble Progenitors and Antecessors of the Nobles of this Realm have sufficiently endowed the said Church both with honor and possessions And the Laws Temporal for trial of Property of Lands and Goods and for the conservation of the people of this Realm in unity and peace without rapine and spoil was and yet is administred adjudged and executed by sundry Judges and Ministers of the other part of the said Body Politique called the Temporalty And both their Authorities and Jurisdictions do conjoin together in the due administration of Justice the one to help the other This Statute does moreover affirm that Ed. 1. Ed. 3. Rich. 2. H. 4. and other Kings did make divers Laws Ordinances Statutes c. for the entire and sure conservation of the prerogatives liberties and preheminences of the said Imperial Crown and of the Jurisdictions Spiritual and Temporal of the same to keep it from the annoyance as well from the See of Rome as from other Forein Potentates and does make all Causes determinable by any Spiritual jurisdiction to be adjudged within the Kings authority All First-fruits and all contributions to the See of Rome by any Bishop St. 25. H. 8 cap. 20. were forbidden upon pain of forfeiture of all the goods and cattals for ever and all the Temporal lands and possessions of every Archbishoprick or Bishoprick during the time that he or they who offend contrary to the said Act shall possess and enjoy the said Archbishoprick or Bishoprick And that if any presented to the See of Rome by the King to a Bishoprick and he be there delayed he may be consecrated by an Archbishop in England and that an Archbishop presented to the See of Rome to be there consecrated and there letted may be consecrated by two Bishops of England And because the Pope hereof informed did not redress and reform the said exactions nor give answer to the Kings mind therefore the said Statute did prohibit any man to be presented to the See of Rome for the dignity of an Archbishop or Bishop or that any Annates or First-fruits be paid to the Bishop of Rome and that upon the avoidance of any Archbishoprick or Bishoprick the King his heirs and successors may grant to the Prior and Covent or Dean and Chapiter of the Cathedral Churches or Monasteries where the See of such Archbishoprick or Bishoprick shall happen to be void a Licence under the Great seal as of old time hath been accustomed to proceed to Election of an Archbishop or Bishop of the See so being void with a Letter missive containing the name of the person which they shall elect and choose and for default of such Election the King by his Letters Patents may nominate an Archbishop or Bishop and that every Archbishop Bishop to whose hands any such presentment or nomination shall be directed shall with speed invest and consecrate the person nominated and presented by the King his heirs and successors And if any Archbishop or Bishop Prior and Covent Dean and Chapiter shall for the space of twenty days next after such Licence or Nomination come to their hands neglect or shall execute any Censures Excommunications Interdictions c. contrary to the execution of any thing contained in this Act that then they incur the penalty of a Praemunire An act concerning the exoneration of the Kings subjects from exactions St. 25. H. 8. cap. 21. and impositions before that time paid to the See of Rome and for having Licences and Dispensations within this Realm without suing further for the same The King shall be reputed Supreme Head of the Church of England St. 26. H. 8. cap. 1. and have authority to reform and redress all Errors Heresies and abuses in the same Every Archbishop and Bishop disposed to have a Suffragan may elect 26 H. 8. c. 14. discreet Spiritual persons being learned and of good conversation and present them under their seals to the King making humble request to his Majesty to give to one of the two such title name stile and dignity of Bishop of such of the Sees as the King shall think fit and that every such person to whom the King shall give any such stile and title of the Sees abovenamed viz. the Towns of Thetford Ipswich Colchester Dover Gilford Southampton Taunton Shaftsbury Molton Marlborough Bedford Leicester Glocester Shrewsbury Bristow Penrith Bridgwater Nottingham Grantham Hull Huntington Cambridge and the Towns of Perth and Barwick S. Germans in Cornwal and the Isle of Wight shall be called Bishop Suffragan of the same See whereunto he shall be named and that every Archbishop and Bishop for their own peculiar Diocese may and shall give to every such Bishop Suffragan such Commissions as have been accustomed for Suffragans heretofore to have or else such Commissions as by them shall be thought requisite reasonable and convenient And that no Suffragan shall use any ordinary jurisdiction or Episcopal power otherwise nor longer time then shall be limited by such Commission upon pain of the penalties mentioned in the Statute of Provisions made the 16. of Rich. 2. The King shall have authority to name Thirty two persons sixteen
with the Opinion of Learned men That the marriage with his Brothers wife was contrary to the Law of God and void The King not expecting the Popes sentence anno 1533. marries his beloved Anne but such love is usually too hot to hold for about two years after he cut off her head yet the King did not wholly renounce the Papacy but still expecting the Popes sentence The Pope for the reasons aforesaid not desiring to end the business The slow proceedings of the Pope but to expect advantage from time reduces the matter into several points or heads which he would have particularly disputed and at the time of the Kings marriage with Anne was not got further then the article of Attentates in which the Pope gave sentence against the King that it was not lawful for him to put away his wife by his own authority without the Ecclesiastical Judge For which cause the King in the beginning of 1534. denied the Pope his obedience commanding his Subjects not to pay any money to Rome nor to pay the ordinary Peter-pence This infinitely troubled the Court of Rome and they daily consulted of a remedy Some thought to proceed against the King with censures and to interdict all Christian nations all commerce with England But the moderate counsel pleased best to temporise with him and to mediate a composition by the French King K. Francis accepted the charge and sent the Bishop of Paris to Rome to negotiate a Pacification with the Pope where they still proceeded in the cause gently and with resolution not to come to censures if the Emperor did not proceed first or at the same time with his forces They had divided the cause into twenty three articles and then they handled whether Prince Arthur had had carnal conjunction with Queen Katherine in this they spent time till Midlent was past when the 19. of March news came that a Libel was published in England against the Pope and the whole Court of Rome and besides a Comedy had been made in presence of the King and Court to the great disgrace and shame of the Pope and every Cardinal in particular For which cause all being inflamed with choler ran headlong to give sentence which was pronounced in the Consistory the 24. of the same month That the marriage between Henry and Katherine was good that he was bound to take her to wife and that in case he did not he should be excommunicated But the Pope was soon displeased with this precipitation For six days His rash censure repented of after the French Kings letters came That the King was content to accept the sentence concerning Attentates and to render obedience upon condition that the Cardinals whom he mistrusted should not meddle in the business and that persons not suspected should be sent to Cambray to take information â—and and the King had sent his Proctors before to assist in the Cause at Rome Wherefore the Pope went about to devise some pretence to suspend the precipitate sentence and again to set the cause on its feet But the King so soon as he had seen it said It was no matter for the Utterly loses the obedience of England Pope should be Bishop of Rome and himself sole Lord of his Kingdom And that he would do according to the antient manner of the Eastern church not leaving to be a good Christian nor suffering the Lutheran Heresie or any other to be brought into his Kingdom From that time forward Henry the Eighth of a zealous Assertor of the No anger lost between the King Pope Papacy both by pen and purse became the first and greatest Opposer of it of all the Western Christian Princes for the Eastern Christian Princes except sometimes the Emperors of Greece and the Kings of Holy Land did seldom or never submit to the Papacy in her Spirituals yet did he afterwards seed to be reconciled to the Pope even by means of his Nephew Charls the Fifth Nor were the Popes much behind hand with him For besides Clement's petty Excommunication Paul the Third Anno 1538. thundred out such a terrible Excommunication against him as the like was never heard of which deprived him of his kingdom and his adherents of whatsoever they possessed commanding his Subjects to deny him obedience and Strangers to have no commerce in the kingdom and all to take arms against and persecute both him and his followers granting them their states and goods for their prey and their persons for slaves But the Popes anger ended in words whereas the Kings deeds took place against the Pope But what there was in all the Kings reign which might be called Reformation What was the Kings Reformation I do not understand For whatsoever the King took from the Pope except Peter-pence he ascribed to himself If the Pope would be Head of the Catholique Church the King would be Head of the Church of England If the Pope challenged Annates and First-fruits of the Bishops and Clergy the King would do no less If the Pope did give Abbots and Priors power being Ecclesiastical persons to make divers Impropriations to their benefit the King will take a power to take them all away and convert them into Lay-fees and incorporate them so into particular mens estates that they shall never return to the Church more Nor had he any love or desire of Reformation of the Church but only to the Church-lands for all the Rites Ceremonies and Religion of the Church of Rome was continued and that with such bloody cruelty that a Stranger going over Smithfield one day and seeing two men there executed one for denying the Kings Headship of the Church and another for subscribing to the Six Articles cryed out Bone Deus quomodo hic agunt vivi hic suspenduntur Papistae ibi comburuntur Antipapistae And so zealous did he continue herein that Pope Paul the Third after he had fulminated so dreadfully against him Hist Conc-Trid fol. 90 proposed him for an Example to be imitated by Charls the Fifth Although such was the temper of this Prince that he never spared man The exclusion of the Papai jurisdiction was an act of the King Kingdom and Church of England in his rage woman in his lust nor any thing which might be called sacred in his avarice yet so absolute was he that his Divorce was attested by both the Universities at home besides that at Paris abroad his freeing himself and the Nation from the jurisdiction of the Pope was not only assented to by a Synod and Convocation of all the Clergy of England but the English and Irish Nobility did make their submissions by an Indenture to Sir Anthony Sellinger then chief Governor of Ireland wherein they did acknowledge King Henry to be their lawful Soveraign and confessed the Kings Supremacy Bram. Vind. of the Church of England p. 43. in all causes and utterly renounced the Pope But Divorce banishing the Papal authority
School-master presuming to teach any thing contrary to this Act and being thereof lawfully convict shall be disabled to be a Teacher of Youth and shall suffer imprisonment without Bayl ot Mainprise for the space of a year No Ordinary or their Ministers shall take any thing for the allowance of any Schoole-master All offences aforesaid and all offences against the first Eliz. 1. 5 Eliz. 1. 13 Eliz. 2. c. are inquirable into by the Justices of peace and other Justices named in the said Act within a year and day after such offences committed Justices of Oyer and Terminer of Assiize of Goale-delivery in their limits Justices of Peace in their Quarter-sessions have power to hear and determine the offences aforesaid except Treason and Misprision of Treason Every person guilty of any offence against this Statute other then Treason Misprision of Treason which shall before he be indicted or at his Arraignment before Judgement submit and conform himself before the Bishop of the Diocess where he shall be resident and before the Justice of Peace where he shall be arraigned or tried having not before made like submission shall upon his recognition of such submission in open Assises or Sessions in the County where such person shall be resident be discharged of all the said offences The forfeitures of the moneys limited by this Act shall be divided into three equall parts whereof one third part to the Queen to her use another for the relief of the poor in the Parish where such offence is committed to be delivered by warrant of the principle Officers in the receipt of the Exchequer without further warrant from her Majesty the other third part to such person as will sue for the same in any court of Record in which no Essoin or Protection or Wager of Law shall be allowed He that shall forfeit such summes as are specified in this Act and be not able or shall not pay the same within 3. moneths after Judgement shall be committed to prison and there remain untill he have paid the said summes or conform himself to goe to Church He that usually on Sunday shall have in his house the Divine Service as it is established and be thereat usually present and not obstinately refuse to come to Church and shall at least four times in the year be present at the Divine Service in his Parish Church or in some open Church or Chappell of ease shall incur no damage nor danger by this Act. Every Grant Conveyance Bond Judgement and Execution of covetous purpose to defraud the Queen or any other person shall be holden utterly void Tryall of a Peer for any Treason or misprision of Treason by this Act shall be by his Peers This Act nor any thing contained therein is said not to extend to take away any or abridge the authority or jurisdiction of the Ecclesiasticall Censures for any cause or matter but that Arch-Bishops and Bishops and other Ecclesiasticall Judges may do and proceed as before the making of it All Jesuits made within or without the Realm since the Nativity of St. Stat. 27 Eliz. cap. 2. John the Baptist in the first year of the Queen shall within 40. dayes next after the Session of Parliament if they be not wind-bound depart out of England and other the Queens Dominions If any Jesuit Seminary Priest or other such Priest Deacon or Religious or Ecclesiasticall person whatsoever born within the Dominions of the Queen and made since the feast of the Nativity of St. John in the first year of the Queen or hereafter to be made by any Authority from the Church of Rome shall after the said forty dayes after the Session of Parliament other then in such speciall cases as in this Act is expressed be found in any of the Queens Dominions every such person shall be adjudged a Traitor All they which shall receive any such Jesuit or Priest after such time shall be adjudged a felon without benefit of Clergy If Any Subject of England then being or after shall be of or brought up in any Colledge of Jesuits or seminaries already erected or to be erected out of the Realm shall not within six moneths next after Proclamation in that behalf made in London under the broad Seal return into this Realm and within two dayes after before the Bishop of the Diocesse or two Justices of the peace of the County where he shall arrive submit himself to her Majesty and her Lawes and take the Oath set forth in the first year of her Reign That then every such person which shall otherwise return shall be taken and deemed as a Traitor Whosoever shall any wayes send relief to any Jesuit or seminary beyond the seas or give any maintenance to any Colledge of Jesuits or Seminaries shall incur the danger of a Premunire None during the Queens life shall send his or her Child or other person except Merchants or such only who serve in their Trade as Merchants or Mariners beyond the Seas without the Queens speciall licence or under four of the Councells hands upon the penalty of one hundred pounds Every offence committed against this Act may be heard and determined as well in the Kings Bench as also in any County within this Realm or any of the Queens Dominions where the offence shall be committed or where the offendor shall be apprehended This Act shall not extend to any Jesuit c. before mentioned as shall within the said 40. dayes or within 40. daies after he come into the Realm submit himself to some Arch-bishop or Bishop of this Realm or to some Justice of Peace within the County where he shall arrive and doe thereupon truly and sincerely before the Arch-bishop Bishop or Justice of Peace take the said Oath set forth the first of Eliz. and under his hand confesse afterward to continue in due obedience to the Queens Lawes made or to be made in causes of Religion Peers shall be tried by their Peers for any offence made Treason Felony or Premunire by this Act. Any person being a Subject of this Realm which shall after the said 40. daies know any such Jesuit or Priest c. and shall not discover the same to some Justice of Peace or Higher Officer within 12. dayes every such person shall be fined and imprisoned according to the Queens pleasure and every such Justice of Peace or higher Officer which shall not discover the same within 28. dayes to some of the Queens Councell or to the President or Vice-president of the Queens Councell established in the North or Marches of Wales then he or they so offending shall forfeit 200 Markes Such of the Privy Councell President or Vice-president abovesaid to whom such information shall be made shall thereupon deliver a note in writing subscribed by his own hand to the party by whom he shall receive such information testifying that such information was made to him All such Oaths Bonds and Submissions as shall be made by force of
JUSTICE VINDICATED From the False FUCUS put upon it BY THOMAS WHITE Gent. Mr THOMAS HOBBS AND HVGO GROTIVS AS ALSO ELEMENTS OF Power Subjection Wherein is demonstrated the Cause of all Humane Christian and Legal SOCIETY And as a previous Introduction to these is shewed The Method by which Men must necessarily attain ARTS SCIENCES By ROGER COKE LONDON Printed by Tho. Newcomb for G. Bedell and T. Collins at the Middle-Temple-Gate Fleetstreet 1660. To the Kings most Excellent Majesty CHARLES II. By the Grace of GOD KING of GREAT BRITAIN FRANCE and IRELAND Defender of the Faith IF it were not unbecoming confidence Most Eminent of Kings in Hugo Grotius who at most did owe Your Illustrious Uncle Lewis the Thirteenth but a topical and temporary obedience to dedicate his Book De Jure Belli Pacis to him founded upon such feigned and inconsistible principles because written for Justice Then will it not ill become a natural Subject of Your Majesties who by all divine and humane laws owes an indelible character of obedience to Your Majesty to implore Your patronage of Justice founded upon the true and genuine causes Nor is there any attribute of Justice which Grotius there ascribes to Your Uncle but is as properly or more due to Your Majesty For if Lewis were just because above any thing which might be spoken he did honor the memory of the great King his Father by imitating him how just then is Your Majesty when as not all the storms of adverse fortune in Your Father or Self could ever any ways shake the constant veneration You have always paid his Saintlike memory by imitating him whereas prosperity did almost ever fill the sails of Your Uncle and his great Father If he were just because he did instruct his Brother by all means but most by his own example then is not Your Majesty less just who by all means but most by Your own Example hath so well instructed Your Brethren that they in all respects answer the dignity of their high extraction and whose eminent Virtues have attained such a height of perfection that they are justly celebrated all over Christendom with admiration If he were just because he did adorn his Sisters with highest matrimonies yet certainly it was rather the felicity of his fortune then acts of his justice that he was by the marriage of his Sisters allied to all the greatest Hereditary Princes of Christendom how just then is your Majesty who hath so adorned Justice and Piety that as being by nature wedded to these though born one of the greatest Princes of the Western world You have preferred them before the enjoyment of Three Kingdoms If he were just because he did call back the almost buried Laws and opposed himself to a Generation making haste into worse Who then can express Your justice who hath recalled our buried and almost forgotten Laws and who with most manifest danger yet by Providence miraculously preserved for your Subjects deliverance did oppose your self against the Tyranny of the most perverse generation of men that ever pretended to be Christians If he were not only just but also clement whenas he took from his Subjects who by ignorance of his goodnes had transgressed the bounds of their duty nothing but the liberty of sinning nor did force their consciences differing from him in Religion Let the world then judge and admire your justice and clemency who of your own accord does refer the most perpetrated villany committed in the sight of the sun upon the person of your Royal Father not by your Subjects ignorant of his and your goodness but by those who had known his clemency and goodness and in the worst of their wickedness needed not have despaired of his favor to those of your Subjects neither convened nor elected by your authority And are so far from taking any thing from your peccant Subjects more then liberty of sinnng that you admit of a restitution to those of your Subjects who by such undue means had invaded the sacred patrimony of Gods Church and your Crown And though these things were committed upon pretence of Religion yet so tender is your Majesty that you will force no mans conscience not of these men And if it were justice and mercy in your glorious Uncle in the prosperity of his fortune to relieve oppressed people and Princes by his authority then was it no ways less justice and mercy in your Majesty that in the adversity of your fortune you did by all means endevour by your authority to relieve the oppressed and distressed Princes and people of Christendom To You therefore Great Sir being the Fountain and Centre of Justice in these your rightful Dominions in the lowest posture of humility do these Observations and Elements presume to offer themselves though not upon any confidence of themselves or Author but because wâ—â—ten for and in defence of Justice To You Sir who by an indifferent administration of just received and known Laws and moderating the severity of them Your Majesty being their Moderator as well as Arbitrator where it becomes impossible for your Subjects to fulfil them or inconvenient to Your self or Subjects in rigor to execute them if it be not your Subjects fault shall not less under God confer peace and happiness to all sorts of them then the Sun by its effluence does diffuse life and light to all the various creatures of the Universe This is it which in time will reduce your wandring Subjects to the secure and known paths of their Allegiance out of which they have gone astray This is it which will secure you from the imputation of Tyranny and convince your adversaries that it is not your fault in governing but theirs in disobeying if hereafter they bring upon themselves the miseries and calamities of another Civil war And this is that which will evidence to the world that then your adversaries became enemies to your Royal Father and Self when they first trod under foot the established and received Laws of their Country and that it is and always was the desire of Usurpers who having no just title but new Oppression to introduce more new Inventions of their own in place of the old Laws This is it which after your Majesties gracious Act of Oblivion for crimes past will so settle the minds of your Subjects that in the known ways of their ancestors they may expect favor and protection from your Majesty This is it which will so genuinely and equally support your Majesties Title that as it is so derived from the loins of innumerable Royal Ancestors as no man can shew where it began and so clear that in the world no man presumes to stand in competition with You so is it supported by received Laws of that continuance that they have lost their first original I presume not Sir to say this of mine own head to advise your Majesty much less have any diffidence of your Majesties governing your Subjects
any other way then by the established and received Laws of the Nation where mens vices and depraved manners do not require new ones I designe no more then to demonstrate that it was not your Majesties Father's and your own adherence to the established Laws but the iniquity of the times which made him a Victim and your Sacred self an Exile Nay in reason as well as justice it had been a most imprudent thing in either of your Majesties to have given up the Laws to the arbitrary lusts of your Adversaries or any one Faction For should either of your Majesties have indifferently renounced the Laws to your Adversaries being compounded of such different and contrary humors and affections then there was no visible means under Heaven to have cemented them and by consequence your Adversaries hostility and confusion continued and your own conditions no ways bettered or secured Or should either of your Majesties have renounced the Laws to have advanced any one Faction so above the rest and all your loyal Subjects that their arbitrary wills and lusts should have been the laws of all the rest and your other Subjects also yet should you not only have failed to have contented that Faction it being the nature of Faction never to bear any grateful acknowledgment for benefits received but on the contrary always abuse them to their prejudice from whom they received them and never rest until they have made themselves all and their Benefactors nothing at all or vile and miserable but have animated all the other Factions against your Majesties and it To the fulfilling of all singular and glorious Virtues in Your Sacred person is added Your being a Christian King and a Nursing Father of the Church of Christ and as if immediately sent from Heaven to cure and repair the wounds of this most miserably distracted Church although Your Majesty is descended from innumerable Royal Ancestors who have been Nursing Fathers of Christs Church yet are you not derived from any who have had the least hand in the late Sacrilege thereof And though Sir You are and ought to be a Nursing Father of Gods Church and a Patron and Defence against her ravenous and devouring Adversaries yet none of mortal men have been more Religious Sons of the Church then Your Majesty and Your Saintlike Father How unequal and how unjust then have been the sufferings of Princes so just so religious caused by Christians Your natural Subjects and these pretending Conscience whereas no School teaches men a better lesson of obedience to Princes then the Christian faith whenas the first principle or foundation of Subjects obedience to rightful Princes is founded in the Law of Nature however popular Orators and Atheists have against all sense reason nature and all authorities of sacred and profane History resolved it into the pacts and wills of men And conscience always supposes some superior law informing men to do or not do a thing or suffer when any subordinate power commands contrary to it whereas Your persecutors pretending concience trod underfoot whatsoever might be called sacred to the attaining their seditious and sacrilegious ends That God in his providence doth often permit the good and just to suffer persecution is evidently seen in all ages and places But in reason and prudence neither Your Majesties Father's nor Your own adherence to the established Government of the Church and the Rites Liturgy and Means thereof in Your adversities when they were so zealously persecuted by its and Your adversaries could be any cause thereof Neither would the desertion of it have any ways conduced to either of Your Majesties advantage for should either of Your Majesties have renounced the Church and rites thereof so as to have been a Christian King of such Miscreants who besides that they would not be of any Christian Church or society had by undue ways devoured the patrimony of the Church yet no man in his right wits could have imagined such men would long have been governed in peace or that all other men of their factions would have been content who had not made a prey thereof and there was not sufficient to content all nor indeed any at all or that the canine appetites of those men who had devoured the lands of the Church would not also have hungred after those of the Crown Or should Your Majesty have advanced any one Faction so above the rest that it should not only have tyrannized over the rest of the Factions but also Your Majesty and the rest of Your subjects yet could it not in reason have been expected that this Faction who by all Divine and Humane laws were subject to a Government founded upon our Saviour and his Apostles and by a continued series dispersed over the face of Christianity until of late it became violated in some places of Europe by seditious and sacrilegious men should so unjustly cast off their obedience so rightfully due and yet expect that their wills and lusts should long be received for Laws by the rest of the Factions and all other of their fellow-subjects But certainly Your constant adherence to the Church did proceed from the power and grace of God in You before any prudential or moral cause Notwithstanding that your Majesty is so constant a Preserver of Christs Church and Propagator of Christian religion and that your own conscience hath been so often attempted to be violated by men of none at all indeed yet so tender is your Maiesty of other mens that you will not force the conscience of any of your subjects pretending it A strange condescension any one will judge who considers the parties granting and expecting For should your Majesty command your Subjects any thing in derogation to the Majesty of God or forbid them the worship and service of God your Subjects might then justly plead conscience because the duty and allegiance which they owe to God is in the first place to be paid by all his creatures Or should your Majesty command any thing which were immoral or unjust as that your Subjects should dishonor your Majesty or their Parents c. they might justly plead conscience because that for Subjects to honor their King and children their Parents is founded in Nature and is a Law of God engraven in the minds of all mortal men or should your Majesty have lived in the Primeve times of Christianity when men by the light of Humane Nature apprehending a Deity to be publickly Worshipped and Served yet being ignorant of the manner misplaced it in Osyris Isis Iupiter Apollo an Oak c. then to have compelled them to have Worshipped God after the manner of Christians had been unconscionable and unchristian because they paid an acknowledgement of that Worship due to God by Nature and could not by Nature apprehend this but must wait upon God until that by the ordinary means of the Church or supernaturally inspired by God they should be converted thereunto Or should your Majesty command any thing
Nor was that less abhorrent to me which men in this factious age beg for a Principle viz. That all men by Nature or the Law of Nature are in a like equal condition and that the Laws of Nature are eternal and immutable even by God himself And yet by a continued violence upon these eternal and immutable Laws men should every where in the world live in Society or in the mutual offices of commanding and obeying Yet did not I so confidently resolve these things as to exclude what I could argue against them I therefore did suppose in my self a company of such men as were in a parity of condition yet could I never conceive it possible that ever any Civitas or Supreme power could be derived or created by them For either this Civitas must be superior to the Cives or People that made it or not If it were not superior to it then could it not govern or rule them for dominion is always placed in the superior part If superior to it then was the Creature or Instrument superior to the Cause and Creator which is most absurd Nor was it to me less monstrous to imagine that any thing could give or transfer that to another which it self hath not but this people or multitude who should make this civitas had neither Jus vitae or necis nor Property seperately nor conjunctly they could not therefore endue another with that power which none of them nor all of them together had and without which there can be no supream power which may protect and defend Subjects But I did not insist onely upon this but supposed that the cives could make a civitas which should be superior to them and endew it with a power which none of them nor all of them had yet was I no less perplexed then before who these cives which should make this civil Pact should be and who should be subject to it If onely those be the cives who made this civitas and they onely subject to it then were Women and Children who were none of the cives that made this civitas free and independent from it Nor could all the people or multitude of both Sexes and all Ages in such an imaginary state be the cives which must constitute this civitas by virtue of the civil Pact For many must necessarily be so yong as not being compotes mentium they could have understanding sufficient for the doing such an act And if no Laws oblige Men to their Pacts and Contracts done under such an age then sure it must be unreasonable that Children and Infants should be obliged to their act if they then did it or therefore obliged because others had done it upon whom they had no dependence Well but suppose these men in such a condition to be qualified to do such an act yet did another doubt arise which I could no ways salve viz. Who should define at what age the Men should be who should constitute this civitas Well I went yet further I supposed it granted That it should be agreed at what age Men in such a condition might give up their wills and constitute a civitas yet was it not in reason probable that this civitas should be of one days continuance For being formally constituted of such individual cives it could not be of any longer continuance then the cause Sublata causa tollitur effectus but the next day some of the cives would be probably dead and others grown up to be of age who were none of those individuals which did constitute the civitas Well but I supposed the cives who made Formae rerum sicut numeri consistunt in indivisibili They could not therefore be the cives that did constitute the civitas and by consequence no such could remain as the civitas this civitas to be immortal and no posterity yet could not I in reason expect it to be of any continuance for cujus est velle ejus est nolle and not onely all just and legal actions but all Arts and Sciences may truly and ultimately be resolved into their first Principles without any diminution to them The People therefore constant in nothing but inconstancy could not in reason be expected constant and obedient to their Creature the civitas onely and yet so in nothing else Besides I always did believe and yet do that all Mens Pacts and Wills must be conformable to the Laws of every place and where they are against them then do they oblige no further then to Repentance Much more therefore ought all mens Wills and Pacts to conform and submit to the Laws of Nature and never transgress that and that all Pacts and Acts of mens Wills made against it oblige to nothing but Repentance Nor is there any thing more abominable then to conceive that the Acts of mens Wills should irritate the Law of Nature which they say is immutable by God Hence it is I conceive that Mr. Hobbs will not have all men to be of a like and equal condition lege naturae but jure naturae and therefore most absurdly makes jus naturae to be contrary to lex naturae and yet oftentimes in his Preface and Cap. 8. Art 10. confounds jus with lex and that the Acts of mens Wills to make them in a better estate then God hath made them should be the Law of Nature or of God Whereas on the contrary If no man that ever was born in the World which was not a Posthumus King but was born in subjection not onely to his Parents or as a Servant in a Family but to something superior to these then cannot the will of that man nor all the men in the World alter or make that man in another condition then that whereof neither any act of his will nor the will of any man else was the cause But yet did not I conclude things onely as I was an intellectual or rational Creature but being a Christian I submitted all my Reason and Understanding to the most high Authority of sacred Scripture in those plain places which admit of no Controversie where both in the Old and New Testament the first causes of supream Power are owned to be Gods Ordinance Rom. 13. By God Kings raign and Princes decree Prov. 8. Justice and there can be no power but from above Joh. 19. 11. And all power is in relation to something subject to it But because I would not seem to see only with mine own eyes I desired yet to be better informed of these things and from whom better then Mr. Hobbs and Hugo Grotius Men no doubt of as eminent learning and parts as any this last Age hath produced these Men both derive their civitas from such Principles as is before spoken of viz. From the Pacts and contracts of Men in a parity and equal condition but so far was I from being convinced that if I understand them aright I was amazed to see such inconsistible
not to us as the Quadrature of a Circle and what proportion or ratio rather the subtending side of an Isoceles right-angle Triangle hath to one of the comprehending sides And some Effects are certainly known to us but the Causes are not known either to the understanding or outward sense as that Summer is hotter then in Winter and that men are sick and indisposed I say therefore where the Causes are but probable and conjectural whatever the Effect be no Conclusion can possibly amount any higher for Conclusio sequitur deteriorem partem 69. All Arts and Sciences are begotten from pre-existent Principles No Art or Science arises from Argumentation à Posteriori which are known to be necessarily true But in argumentation à posteriori the Effects are only known to be but not the Causes which are only probable No Art therefore or Science does arise from argumentation à posteriori 70. By the 38. Proposition it is impossible that any thing in the memory No probable Conclusion arises from Experiment or Memory or the outward senses should be judged phansied or concluded but by something which was before in the understanding Experiment therefore memory or the outward senses which only apprehend the material forms and effects of things seen c. cannot conclude any thing probably any more then a dead body can move without life besides it is so ridiculous that I wonder every man does not deride it Will any man say a great Lout new whipt is probably like to make a good Schollar because he hath made experiment of the strokes of a Rod or that the Fool in St. Joneses is a wise fellow because he makes experiment of the power of the Sun by his every daies sleeping in the raies of it Or that a Butcher is an excellent Philosopher because he makes experiment of killing Cattel And that experiment and memory does not move one step to the attaining of any probable Conclusions the Physitian or Philosopher reads the lecture on the parts Anatomized whereas the Surgeon dissects and makes the experiment And if experiment were the only way to attain to probable conclusions in Physick and Philosophy then not the Physitian but the Apothecary were the There is no probable Conclusion without Experiment or Memory better Philosopher 71. If by the 7. Proposition the apprehension of universal Causes certainly and necessarily true in the understanding cannot produce or prove any thing without the concurrence of particular causes then in reason cannot probable causes of themselves without the concurrence of particular causes either known to the outward sense or remembred produce any thing I will not therefore give one rush for any Physitians or Philosophers judgment who is not an experienced man 72. There are some things which nature brings to pass without any From whence men attain to probable conclusions art or help of any Creature others never without art and industry as a House and all Arts and Sciences In the first God is the great and only Opificer And it is only He who made Man and all other Creatures not meerly spiritual of such principles and so compounded that they every minute tend to the resolution of their first principles and yet in their thus dying something should generate in them which should perpetuate the generation of them in their species as they shall dye in their individuals Thus we see some soyl brings forth without any art or industry of man Grass Firr Broom c. Some is of a petrifying quality in other are Mines of Silver Gold Coal c. non omnis fert omnia tellus Some men grow sick others well without any cause from themselves These causes therefore being only known to God there cannot be any demonstrative conclusion from them by men because the causes are not evidently and necessarily known But although it be not Gods pleasure that men should understand the causes of these things so as to conclude demonstratively from them yet as having made two lights of different splendor vix the Sun and Moon though men see clearly only by the light of the Sun yet do men see although obscurely and but probably by the light of the Moon so though men do not in natural Philosophy and Physick from prime and necessary causes as from the light of the Sun see so as to conclude demonstratively yet hath not God always in these things totally shut out all light from men but they see as by the light of the Moon and in Philosophy are Theses and Aphorisms in Physick from whence by these senses memory and experiment men proceed infinitely and daily probably finde out things which before were not so 73. As in all Argumentation a priori there must be Principles assented No argumentation a Posteriori where Men agree not upon Principles to which must be the rule and reason of the argumentation and where men either by stubbornness or defect of understanding apprehend not Principles there of necessity can be no Art or Science taught so in argumentation a posteriori men must agree upon some Theses or Aphorisms which must be the rules of the argumentation men may discourse of the causes of things and not improbably conclude where they can make no experiments as in the causes of Meteors and Comets but no man can from all the experiment in the world conclude any thing but from something in the understanding which must be assented and comprehend that thing of which the experiment was made When therefore men by a defect in the understanding cannot apprehend Theses or Aphorisms or by stubborness they will not there all argumentation in either Physick or Natural Philosophy is at an end and it is impossible such men should either learn or be taught 74. Only man can by his reason from causes probable in his intellect Why only man attains conclusions a Posteriori Annot. rightly infer and conclude the causes of things in the memory or outward sences only man therefore can attain probable conclusions or concludge a Posteriori King James would affirm of his Hounds that in their hunting they used reason for when they had overrun the scent they would return on both sices of the path where they came and if on neither side they hit the scent off they would run back concluding because it was not on nor off on neither side it must necessarily be back where they came But more narrowly looking into this is not done of the Hounds by any reason or acquired habit but from an internal excited apperite moving them as Birds make nests and Bees hony-combs which they cannot but do at such times but cannot at other times nor yet learn nor teach them other creatures nay nor of the same kinde with themselves take a Hare Dear or Fox c. and let them be kept among Hounds in their kennel or so that the venatious appetite of them is not excited and they will not meddle with them whereas men
should have disputed without an Adversary for me But when he makes all men Jure naturali which is superior and the cause of all Laws of Nature to be equal and in a parity of condition and every man by his own natural right to have a power over every man and to kill and destroy them whensoever it seems good unto him and yet without any sin and that this State is only to be cured by the Laws of Nature of his own making although he would have them to be Divine Laws and contrary to Natural rights is such a monstrous Paradox and absurdity as I wonder any Ingenuous man should assent to it Under the title of Empire he is not less wild and extravagant in his concessions to the thing be it King or Court created by Do or Dedi and not Dabo or Faciam For he makes it not only Soveraign Judge of all Ecclesiastical as well as Civil causes but also impossible to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature Yet he makes the Law of Nature the Law of God and this Creature of creatures to be so infallible that it is impossible to command any thing contrary to it It is not worth the examining what he would have under the title of Religion for men say the man is of none himself and complains they say he cannot walk the streets but the Boys point at him saying There goes HOBBS the Atheist It may be therefore the reason why in all his Laws of Nature he allows no place for the Worship and Service of GOD. But it is time to examine the particular Articles upon which this Body De Cive is built 1. His marginal Note upon Art 3. Cap. 1. is Homines naturâ aequales esse inter se Observ There is no one Proposition in the world more false then this nor more destructive to all faith and truth of Sacred History For whereas he says that by nature Men are equal to one another if the Scriptures be true that God made Adam an Universal Monarch as he says as well over his Cap. 10. art 3. Wife and Children as other Creatures and that since Adam God did never create any Man but the species of Mankind was continued by generation and that as he says Primogeniture is preferred by the Law of Cap. 3. art 18. Nature which Cap. 3. Art 29. is immutable then it is impossible that Cap. 4. art 15. since Adam any two Men in the world can be equal where God does not make them so Indeed if Mr. Hobbs had been an Athenian who stiled the Men of Observ 2. Attica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Men of the same Land or a Peripatetick who held that Men and the other things of the World were from Eternity as well as the World or an Egyptian who held that from the example of divers creatures generated out of the river Nile Men at first were generated from equivocal generation or that Men had sprung out of the ground fungorum more there might have been some small semblance for his opinion 2. His Argument to prove the Natural equality of all Men is Aequales sunt qui aequalia contra se invicem possunt At qui maxima possunt nimirum occidere aequalia possunt Ergo Homines natura aequales inter se His minor Proposition is no where proved and I am sure contrary Observ Gen. 9. 6. to what God says Whoso sheddeth mans blood by man shall his blood be shed for in the image of God made he man 3. Nature hath given to every Man a Right to all things Cap. 1. art 10. Observ What thing is mine naturali jure as he says or lege naturali is mine so that it is impossible it should be aliened or made anothers by any act of my will or the will of all the men in the world For natural causes do not depend upon voluntary humane actions and therefore the natural right which Nature has given to every man remains still with every man 4. Filium in statu naturali intelligi non posse Annot. art 10. Observ And therefore from Adam to our Saviour could there be no such natural state For S. Luke cap. 3. gives a Genealogie of Adams sons and sons sons to our Saviour And since I do not think Mr. Hobbs can shew that ever there was such a state in the world 5. The state of Man in Nature is hostile And cap. 8. art 10. he says Art 12. Men in the state of Nature may kill one another so often as it seems good unto them And therefore he must invent and seek to make himself in a better condition then God hath made him and that forsooth is by seeking Art 15. cap. 1. Observ Peace which he says is the first Law of Nature Is it not strange that a thing invented and made by the wit and will of Man and that contrary to the state and condition in which God hath made Man should here prove to be a Law of Nature which is the Law of God And is not more strange that God hath made Man upright and he hath Observ 2. Eccles 7. 27. sought out many inventions and yet Man should have need of Mr. Hobbs his help to invent and make him in a better state then God hath made him or else he says his conservation cannot be long expected Art 15. Neither is it possible in such a state where all men may kill one another Observ 3. and where all things are alike and common to all men that men should make any pacts or contracts one with another For besides that where men have nothing proper there men cannot make pacts or contract for any thing also where there is no precedent humane Law obliging there cannot any man be obliged or bound to any thing by his pact or contract for to be bound is in relation and must presuppose something which does bind but if nothing binds me but my Will which is a contradiction I may unbind me when I will for my Will is free I deny that any man or any company of men can will any thing to be Observ 4. a Law to themselves For Omnis potentia activa est principium transmutandi aliud And therefore the act of no mans Will can have a power or obligation upon himself and by consequence cannot any man or company of men will or make another who shall give them Laws for Nemo potest transferre id in alium quod ipse non habet 6. Legem naturalem esse dictamen rectae Rationis Cap. 2. art 1. Observ Wold any man think that these Critiques and pretended Masters of Reason did either understand Reason or Logick If Lex naturalis be dictamen rectae Rationis I ask of Mr. Hobbs what is the reason of it If it be a prime cause or principle then by the authority of Aristotle Eth. lib. 6. cap. 3. 6. does it constitute the
23 24. c. and on this manner pray ye our Father which art in Heaven c. Math. 6. 9. c. And the Apostle 2 Tim. exhorts that First of all prayers and supplications because there can be no Religion without it be made for all Men especially for Kings c. And that the end of it is Religion or the uniting or binding Men to a publick and formal worship of God is plain by the Apostle himself Where he saies That men may with one mind and one mouth glorify God Rom. 6. 15. 2. I council thee to keep the kings commandment and that in regard of the That men honor and obey their superiors oath of God Eccles 8. 2. Feare God Honor the King 1 Pet 2 17. The feare of a King is as the roaring of a Lyon and who so provoketh him sins against his own soule Prov. 20. 2. Honor thy Father and thy Mother Exod. 20. 12. He that curseth Father or Mother shall surely be put to death Exod. 21. 15. Servants be obedient to them that are your Masters Ephes 6. 5. Let as many servants as are under the yoake count their masters worthy of all honor 3. Speak not evil of another hee that speaketh evil of his brother and That men be not Tale-bearers judgeth his brother speaketh evil of the law and judgeth the law Ja. 4. 11. Let no corrupt communication proceed out of your mouth but that which is good Ephes 4. 29. The words of a talebearer are as wounds and they go down into the innermost parts of the belly Prov. 18. 8. VVhen David asketh the Lord the question Who shall abide in his Taberuacle Psal 15. 1. He answereth ver 3. He that backbiteth not with his tongue nor doth evil to his neighbour nor taketh up a reproach against his neighbour 4 Oppress not the widdow nor the fatherless the stranger nor the poor Not to defraud Zach. 7. 10. 5. Lord who shall dwell in thy Tabernacle who shall dwell in the holy Integrity hill He that walketh uprightly and worketh righteousness and speaketh the truth from his heart Psal 15 1 2. He that walketh righteously and speaketh uprightly c. shall dwell on high Jsa 33. 15 16. 6. That which is gone out of thy lips thou shalt keep and performe Deut. To keep Promise 23. 23. 7. Withhold not good from whom it is due when it is in the power of thy Gratitude hand to do it Prov. 3. 27. And what can man give back again to God for all the benefits he hath done for him Psal 116. 11. 8. Fathers provoke not your children to wrath but bring them up in the To do well to them nurture and admonition of the Lord. Ephes 6. 4. Husbands love your wives even as Christ loved the Church and gave himself for it Ephes 5. 25. 9. Whosoever shall give you a cup of cold water to drink in my name because Mercy ye belong to Christ verily I say unto you he shall not lose his reward Mark 9. 41. Blessed are the merciful for they shall obtain mercy St Matth. 5. 7. 10. Thou shalt not avenge nor beare any grudge against the children of Revenge thy people Levit. 29. 18. 11. I say unto you whosoever is angry with his brother without cause shall Contumacy be in danger of judgment and whosoever shall say unto his brother Racha shall be in danger of the councel but whosoever shall say unto his brother thou fool shall be in danger of hell fire Matth. 5. 19 He that uttereth a slander is a fool Pro. 10. 18. A soft answer turneth away wrath Prov 14. 21. 12. Every one that is proud in heart is an abomination to the Lord. Pro. Pride 16 5. There be six things which the Lord doth hate yea seaven are an abomination unto him a proud look c. Pro. 6. 16 17. 13. Blessed are the poore in spirit for theirs is the kingdom of heaven Modesty Math. 5. 3. With the lowly there is wisdom Pro. 11. 2. Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self Levit. 19. 18 Whosoever will be great among you let him be your minister and whosoever will be chief among you let him be your servant even as the sonne of man came not to be ministred to but to minister and give his life a ransome for many Matth. 20. 26 27 28. 14. Of a truth I perceive that God is no accepter of persons Act. 10. 34. Not accepting of persons There is no iniquity with God nor acception of persons Chro. 19. 15. Common waies accession to Maritime places St. August lib. 4. quest What things ought to be common 44. upon the book of Numb affirms The Children of Isarael had just cause of war against the Edomites Numb 20. 18. because Edom would not let them passe by the kings highway 16. And they gave forth their lots and the lot fell upon Matthias and he Decision by Lot was numbred among the Apostles Acts. 1. 26. The lot is cast into the lap but the whole disposing is of the Lord. Prov. 16. 33. 17. This is so evident as wheresoever God did not interpose in holy writ Primogeniture the first borne male was alwaies preferred And from the authority of the Apostle 1. Tim. 2. 23. Adam was first formed then Eve wherefore Adam had the dominion jura sanguinis nullo jure civili dirimi possint 18. God pronounced Esau a despiser of his birthright Gen. 25. 34. Because Not endeavor to alien what they claim by divine Law he to save his life sold his birthright and Hebr. 12. 16. a prophane person 19. David had a just cause of war against Hanum for his evil intreating Protection to Embassadors of his Embassadors 1. Sam. c. 10. 20. Revenge is mine I will repay it saies the Lord. Ro. 12. 29. Revenge 21. And thou shalt take no gift for the gift blindeth the wise and perverteth No reward for judgement the words of the righteous Exod. 23. 8. 22. At the mouth of two witnesses or three witnesses shall he that is worthy Witnesses of death be put to death Deut. 17. 6. But if he will not heare thee then take with thee one or two more that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be established Matth. 18. 16. 23. Thou shalt not wrest judgement thou shalt not respect persons neither Indifferent Judges take a gift Deut. 16. 19. 24. It is easier for heaven and earth to pass then one title of the law to faile Divine Laws are immutable unless by God himself Luke 16. 17. Thy word is true from the beginning and every of thy judgments endureth for ever Ps 119. 160. Yet God may alter his judgements when he pleases as Gods judgement pronounced against Nineveh Yet within forty daies and Nineveh shall be destroyed Jon. 3. 4. was changed by God cap. 4. 11. It was
subjection to them which are created by Gods will so revealed are not created by the Law of nature 11. All offices which are created by Divine Law whether by the Law All offices of commanding and obeying are not Gods ordinance immediately of Nature or by divine positive institution being from higher then humane causes are indelible and cannot be aliened transferred or communicated by any humane act for ejus est nolle cujus est velle and therefore cannot the power and obedience of Parents and Children of Husband and Wife of King and Subjects be aliened dissolved communicated or transferred but the offices of Masters and Servants of Magistrates and those subject to them are alienable communicable and transferrable and sometime are and sometime are not they are not therefore from any immediate ordinance of God either positive or natural But the offices of commanding and obeying as Masters and Servants and Magistrates and those subject to them are but temporary and determinable by the laws of him that made them therefore not Gods ordinance 12. Humane laws create Magistrates power two ways Immediately How many ways power and subjection happens by humane laws to Magistrates and those subject to them as when Supreme powers which are the fountain from whence all Temporal laws are derived constitute any Magistrate giving him jurisdiction over the inhabitants of any place or when the Laws or Higher powers enable such men to nominate their Magistrate there the Nominators are the instruments by which the Law does transfer this Magisterial power 13. The mutual offices of power and subjection between Masters and How many ways humane laws create the power and subjection of Masters and Servants Servants happen two ways either created by the contract or pact of the Master and Servant and we have before shewed that all pacts and contracts receive their obligation from Humane laws as the means by which Humane laws do create these offices or else without any pact or contract of the parties commanding and obeying as in the cases of Slavery where prisoners are taken in war or men condemned thereunto for some offence or of Apprentiship where children are bound for such a term by the Laws of their Country or Parents And I do grant Mr. Hobbs Grotius and White that this power and subjection Humana voluntas introduxit but not the parties obeying as they most senslesly feign but the Supreme powers or the parties commanding And where they are not so created all men are originally free I do much wonder at those men who make all Supreme or Regal power to have Annot. its origination from the consent and aggregation of many families For they not only confound the Masters power with the Fathers which in the nature and cause we have already shewed and shall more fully hereafter in their proper Chapters shew but also make the Masters power to be from the Law of God and Regal power to be a Humane institution whereas the contrary is true in both And what it is should move men to imagine that after Adam's and Noah's posterity dilated themselves into many families that they should give Adam and Noah more power then God gave them I am sure no such thing or the least probability thereof appears in Scripture or that after Adam's and Noah's deaths their Posterities became free and independent from all Government which was no body can tell when brought in by the Pacts of Men or by consent and submission of Families to it 14. That power or right of command which God jure divino hath as All power and subjection from what causes solely and absolutely over all his creatures as the Creator first and efficient Cause of them and therefore by highest right all obedience is chiefly due to them before any creature in all things Or else power and subjection are caused from the Laws of Nature or from the Law of God revealed in the Scriptures or from Humane positive Laws All Society which is not contained in these causes is Tyranny in the party commanding nor is any obligation in Conscience to such Commands from the party commanded Having thus far treated of the Causes of Power and Subjection conjunctly we shall hereafter in their several Chapters treat of them severally and more at large And we insist more largely hereon in regard these Powers and Subjections are either so confounded in their Causes by other men or such wild things begged for Principles that so far as I understand no ingenuous man should grant CHAP. II. Of Regal and Magistrates power 1. THere is no question but one of Mans chiefest happinesses in this Introduction life consists in the contemplation of God in his works to contemplate the Heavens and the Earth the workmanship of his hands and the admirable order and motion of them all being by him so made and created Nor is God less seen in the generation and birth of Man and other creatures then in the creation of the Universe And as admirable is the preservation of every Man as his generation For abstracting from the internal cause Spiritus intus alit totamque infusa per artus Virg. Aen. 6. prop. fin Mens agitat molem How God does renew and preserve every Man and every part of Man by a perpetual motion viz. the Systole and Diastole of the Blood If a Man considers his outward preservation not only from the violence of other creatures who are of much more force then himself but also from the force and violence of his own kind for were he not restrained Homo homini lupus And what are the People in general but a sudden rash and furious Beast carried hither and thither upon every wild fancy raging to have this thing done and presently lamenting because it is done He must needs As the Athenians did in their sentence on Socrates and the Captains at the Fight at Arginusae confess there is no power under heaven which can restrain the raging of the sea and the madness of the people The Psalmist therefore Psal 77. when he calls to mind the works of God and his wonders of old Thou thundrest from heaven thou shakest the earth thou dividest the sea and at last as the greatest wonder of all he says Thou leadest thy people like sheep by the hands of Moses and Aaron It is not therefore from any pacts and inventions of Man that he may hope for any security but by submitting himself to what God hath ordained for his preservation 2. Upon a survey taken in Scripture how often Christi Domini are Regal power cannot be created by the People used they are found to be thirty three two of which are spoken of the Patriarchs one of our Saviour and all the rest of Kings only Once of our Saviour Luk. 2. 26. twice of the Patriarchs Psal 105. 15. and 1 Chro. 16. 22. all the rest to Kings only and expresly And though others were anointed yet none
of the Antiquity of things having discoursed of the Creation of the World and Man and given a conjectural opinion of the state of Man before they had language houses or art enough to clothe themselves and having in the next Chap. discoursed of the fabulous Egyptian Gods and in the 3. of the site of Egypt and wonders of Nile and in the 4. of the causes of the inundation of it in the first Chap. of the second Part he descends to his History and gives a narrative of the original Government of the Egyptians under the Gods Heroes and Elective Kings for 18000. years together and after the Gods reigned Menas and that his progeny in fifty two Kings reigned 1400. years and did nothing memorable And then Busiris and eight of his posterity reigned the last of which was called also Busiris who built the great City called of the Egyptians The City of the Sun and of the Grecians Thebes not only the most stately in Buildings and adorned with all the Rarities of Nature of all the Cities of Egypt but of the whole world After him was Osymandrus and the eighth of his progeny from him Uchoreus who built the City Memphis And the twelfth of his offspring after him was Myris and Sesostres the seventh of his linage was King c. In the first Chap. of the second Book he treats of Ninus as the first King of the Assyrians and of Aricus King of the Arabians contemporary with him and of Barzanes King of the Armenians and of Farnus King of the Medians and in Chap. 2. of Zoroaster King of the Bactrians c. In the 3. Book treating of the Ethiopians beyond Lybia he speaks of the strange manner of the death of the Ethiopian Kings until that Ergamenis King of the Ethiopians in the time of Ptolomy the Second addicted to Philosophy and the Greek learning first despised that manner of dying which was this The Priests which offered sacrifice in Meroe and these were of greatest authority when it seemed good to them would tell the King that he must die for so the Oracle of the Gods commanded and that it was not meet that the will of the Gods should be contemned for the will of a mortal man and they add other reasons by which from an old observed custom they perswade the King to a voluntary death and all the antient Kings obeyed the Priests of their own accord not compelled by arms or force but overcome by superstition In lib. 3. cap. 4. he makes four kinds of Libyans to inhabit the midland coasts about Cyrene and Cirtes whereof they who dwell to the South are called Nasamones others sited at the West Anochitae others are called Marmaridae which inhabit between Egypt and Cyrene and part of the Sea-coast the fourth kind excelling in multitude of men are called Maiae The two latter obey Kings the third are under no Kings but always intent upon robbery they know no justice yet a little after he says they every year swore the people subject to them to obey their Prince He speaks not of the Government of the fourth but of the Amazons which in old time governed Libya Let us see the most ancient Government of Nations out of other From Egialus came the Egialian Region which was after called Apia Authors Scaliger out of Africanus and Eusebius in the year of the Julian period 2625. which was in the yeare of the world 1750. makes Egialus King of the Sicyonians not an hundred years after the Flood who reigned 52 years after him Europs 45 years after him Telchin 20 years after him Apis 25 years after him Thelxion 52 years after him Aegyrus 34 years after him Thurimachus 45 years c. Aventinus makes Tuisco the son of Noah who sent by his Father 131 years after the flood came into Europe with 20 Captains and reigned as King of the Germans 176 years and that Ingaevon Germanicè Ingaab as some say others Inwohner the brother of Mannus reigned after him 45 years After him Istaevon the son of Ingaevon whose wife Freia the Venus of the Germans gave the name Frey tag or Friday reigned 50 years After him succeeded Hermion or Horman the son of Istaevon who reigned 63 years To him succeeded Marsus the son of Hermion who reigned 46 years c. Inachus in the year of the world 2094. was King of the Argives who reigned 50 years Phorone his son succeeded in his stead who reigned 60 years Apis the grandchild of Phorone succeeded and reigned 35 years Argus Apis his son succeeded his father and reigned 70 years Criasus his son succeeded him and reigned 54 years c. Nay the very Athenians beginning at Cecrops for 867 years were governed by hereditary Monarchs before there were any footsteps of the Democracy or Archon Nor can any man shew unless where God was pleased peculiarly to reign or in the Lacedemonian Duarchy who were governed by two Kings descended from Eurysthenes and his brother Proclis who ruled in Lacedemon from about the year of the world 2848. until both lines became extinct almost together about the year of the world 3730. for above 3000 years after the Creation any other Government but Monarchy Hereditary nor any of them made from any Pacts or Contracts of Men. What therefore men feign to be originally in the People was truly in Kings and Justin says truly Principio Rerum Gentium Nationumque imperium penes Reges erat It was then a Golden Age not when Men lived in a promiscuous Herd or Rout as these Men and Poets feign but when Men content with their Government of Kings enjoyed peace and plenty in security And it is Mens wrangling about they know not what and not content with Regal Government that hath made such an Iron Age in the world If a man looks into Persia India Ethiopia and other parts of the world where Subjects content with those Governors which God hath given them continue in obedience thereunto he shall find them not only live securely but abound in all plenty and riches and yet may be said to enjoy a Golden Age and contract the Iron Age to those wrangling Europeans who not content with Gods Ordinance make to themselves an Iron Age and without end miserable by being always obnoxious to Confusions and Civil wars It is neither an Article of Faith nor can there be one instance given Annot. 1 out of sacred or prophane History that ever Supreme or Regal Power was ever made from the Pacts or Contracts of Men or consent of Families I do not therefore understand what should move Men against the constant practice of the world in all ages to require this for a principle which being vaine and superstitious all that can be deduced from thence cannot be better or amount higher Ob. But God and Nature never made the same thing of different species Annot. 2 and if all power in Government be from God how then came Government to be of different species viz.
thousand years I do exclude Conquest to be any cause of Regal power where God does not give it For either this Conquest must be made by power or force If it be made by power or one who is Gods Sword-bearer no new power ariseth from thence but only a dilatation of the exercise of the old which was formerly in him But if it be done by Sword-takers then is it no other then unjust usurpation and robbery The World being large and the Men in it alwaies ambitious I will not undertake to answer for the matters of fact which Men have done in all Ages nor do I doubt but that oftentimes the alterations and conversions of Government have happened from the will of God Object But it is evident by the Prophet Daniel c. 4. 23. 25. that God ruleth in the kingdoms of men and giveth them to whomsoever he pleaseth And if that he were pleased to make Saul David Solomon and Jeroboam who reigned over his peculiar people and Hazael Cyrus c. who knew not God Kings and yet neither by Lot Primogeniture from a rightful King or by right of First possession then for ought is known these alterations which have otherwise happened and do come to pass in the world may be from the will and gift of God Sol. I answer If it may be Gods will that these alterations and confusions happen in the world it may not be Gods will affirmanti incumbit probatio Let them therefore or they that make these alterations and confusions prove that Gods will and not their own perverse will was the first cause of them It is true and I grant that God does oftentimes for the punishment of a Nation convert the succession of their Kings into another line yet did he never so far chastise any Nation as to subject it to an Aristocracy or Democracy So it is necessary offences come yet shall that never excuse them by whom they come And so it many times happens that men cannot avoid Gods judgments and die it is no consequence therefore that men should run themselves into them or kill themselves It may be it is Gods will that my Father should die or that he will destroy my Country and Laws c. It does not therefore follow that a man may kill his Father destroy his Country or endeavor to subvert the Laws thereof Men are not alwaies obliged to conform their wills to Gods will but to do what he wills and commands them I am obliged to pray for my Parents and Country when it is Gods will they should be destroyed It was Gods will that Jeroboam for Solomons sin should be King of ten 1 King 11. 13. Tribes of Israel yet because the Tribes did will it and not upon Gods command he pronounced them eternal Rebels and Jeroboam a Rebel because 1 King 12. 19. he took it upon those terms 2 Chron. 13. 6. Nor do we find that ever Israel joyed good day after For the policy of Jeroboam to continue Comparethese times with these and see the event his dominion over them must be preferred before Gods worship and service in order thereunto Jeroboam must take counsel and make Calves which he says brought the Children of Israel out of Egypt any Priests were good enough to sacrifice to them no matter whether they were Priests or of the Tribe of Levi the lowest of the people would serve the turn 1 King 12. 32 33. yea forsooth Jeroboam himself could hold forth to the people and burn incense which before was peculiar to the Priests But it is a strange thing that this invented policie of Jeroboams for the keeping of the ten Tribes in their obedience to him should be the cause of so wonderful a Captivity 2 King 17. 21 22 23. that to this day it is unknown what became of them and their posterity 16. Parum est jus nisi sunt qui possunt jura gerere And men have always The miseries of men when the Supreme power is rejected or unknown by woful experience found that all Tyranny of a rightful and known Prince is not to be compared with the miseries and calamities where the Prince is not known or rejected but every popular and ambitious Man arrogates and usurps to himself what should be justly ascribed to the lawful Prince Nor does the calamities of miserable men in such a condition end so but God no where shewed so great a judgment as upon those men viz. Corah Dathan and Abiram who rejected their rightful and known Prince Num. 16. Nor does he ever denounce a more dreadful judgment then upon those men who resist Higher powers Rom. 13. How great then will his judgment be upon them who reject them 17. He is a natural Prince of right or by the Law of Nature who Who is a Natural Prince de jure truly prescribes from such Ancestors that no mortal creature can make any just exception or superior claim And so great a Lover of Men and Truth is God that scarce in all the world was it not known in any Nation who was the rightful Prince thereof when his Subjects did reject him 18. It is true that there is no visible power under Heaven but only Where there are diversities of titles which is to be preferred mens Consciences that can direct them where Titles of Princes come in question But where diversity of Titles are alleadged that which is truly and indubitably most antient is the best for it is a true rule in all descents whatsoever that Dormit aliquando nunquam moritur jus But this must be jus apparens for De non apparentibus de non existentibus eadem est ratio Whether the Title of the Heir general or Heir male be better we shall treat more at large in Cap. of Succession 19. Jus is duplex Proprietatis Possessionis And that this Right is Who is a Natural King de facto and not de jure divisible as well in Regality as private mens Estates is demonstrated by para 4. of this Chap. And if it be true as it is that no Being can be superior or better then the Cause of its being then will it necessarily follow that all Kings who inherit from Usurpers cannot have a better title then that which the Usurpers had so long as a superior or better claim can be made by another Nor do I fear to affirm Hen. 4. Hen. 5. and Hen. 6. were natural Kings of England and did inherit the Crown of England de facto but not de jure 20. Although nothing which is naught in the beginning can be How Usurpation may be bettered bettered by the continuance of time yet may Usurpation although naught in the beginning be bettered in time viz. if the Usurpation be of that continuance that it outlives all claim that can be justly made by another for Possession is title sufficient against all men who have no jus ad rem Hence it
Temporal Dominions and therefore may punish disturbers of the peace of the Church as well as the State Yet when the Temporal Magistrate shall arrogate to himself a power which our Saviour only left to his Church and make all Ecclesiastical rights and constitutions depending and subordinate to the Civil whereby the Enemies of our Church have taxed our Religion not for Christian but Parliamentary no doubt but it is a crying sin and I wish there had never been any such thing among us 19. And as God is to be obeyed before men in all things which concern Or the Laws of Nature Faith and Religion so in the observance of the Laws of Nature is God to be obeyed before men As if a King commands me to dishonor my parents this can be but a Humane law but to honor my parents is a law which God hath written in my heart and therefore ought to be preferred If a King commands his Subjects to dishonor him or to deny obedience to him this is but a Humane law whereas by the law of Nature I ought to honor and obey my King I therefore ought not to obey such a law Amurath the Second of that name King of the Turks upon a Vow resigned his Kingdom to his son Mahomet yet upon the League made by Uladislaus King of Pole and Hungary with other Christian Princes against him he resumed his Regal authority and so kept it until his death And so might Charls the Fifth if he had pleased nor was Philip any other then an Instrument of his Fathers during his Fathers life The King makes a Law giving the succession of the Crown from the right Heir This ought not to be received for Princes inherit by a higher Law then Humane 20. The King commands a Judge to pervert Judgment the Judge Or to pervert Judgment ought to give true Judgment for all Humane Laws in peaceable times ought to be â priori and proclaimed that all men after such a time should observe them This verbal command of the King wanting this formality and it being impossible for the Judge to observe both these commands he ought notwithstanding this verbal command to give Judgment according to Law The King when there is no necessity or publick danger commands me Quaere who am no publick Executioner without any Judicial sentence to put a man to death for which he can make no compensation As Davids commanding Joab to murder Uriah although we find David only reprehended and punished therefore yet sure if Joab had not fulfilled Davids wicked command he had not sinned But you may object Who shall judge whether this thing commanded be repugnant to Gods Majesty Mans faith Religion or the Law of Nature the King or the Subject I say though the Subject hath not an equal right of judging with the King whether this thing should be a Law or not yet every Subject hath a Conscience as well as the King which must dictate Whether Kings divest themselves of Regality by commanding what they ought not to him whether he ought to do or not to do such a thing 21. But if the King commands things contrary to Gods Majesty and Divine Laws ought he not to be obeyed in those things which do not contradict them It is so mad and wild an objection as it is scarce worth an answering unless a man will affirm that my doing of an act which I ought not to have done does divest me of Humane nature or that a Fathers or Masters commanding his Son or Servant what he ought not doth annihilate the relations of Father and Son Master and Servant or that Humane acts may dissolve Humane relations A Prince therefore ought to be obeyed in those things which he ought to command as Prince although he command such things as he ought not 22. It may be it will be objected That Temporal punishments being Though inflicting punishment for not observance the usual concomitants for not observing Humane Laws a good and conscientious man may be punished for what he ought not to have done I say his case is the same with his Lords and Saviours and all those blessed and glorious primitive Christians and Martyrs who suffered for the testimony of a good conscience Nor hath God made Heaven so easie a prize that it should be always won easily and delicately but many times by suffering and martyrdom 23. It is the most usual thing with seditious men before they enter Whether Princes ought to be resisted where they are not to be obeyed into open sedition to prepare mens mindes with certain Cases wherein Princes commanding things derogatory to Gods Honor or the Subjects Liberty that then in the preservation of themselves and Gods honor they ought to defend themselves from the raging Tyrannie of Princes and to be sure that whatsoever they command these good men will judge contrary to Gods Honor and the Liberty of the Subject It is worth the while if a mans patience will give him leave to look back upon the thing calling it self Parliament how after they had made the King grant whatsoever they could think might be beneficial to the Subjects though I might be sworne they never intended as plainly appeared afterward the good benefit or liberty of the Subject what pious ways they invented to make themselves great and so good a Prince nothing and odious to his Subjects As the demanding of six men holding intelligence with his Subjects who had been in open hostility and rebellion against him an affront not to be endured by any King to an ordinary and Legal Trial this was not only denied but Voted a Breach of the Priviledge of Parliament whenas the Priviledge of Parliament extends not to so much as breach of the Peace much less to Treason They pretend though most falsly that in case of extreme danger and necessity the Militia is in the Parliament meaning themselves excluding the King And then create Dangers and write Letters how great Fleets of Danes Swedes Hollanders c. were seen at Sea It must be from Westminster then for there were the Letters written and the Fleets never since heard of Then permit if not command the most insufferable affronts and indignities that ever were offered to Majesty yet if the King but offers to increase his Guard this is Voted no less then a raising of War against his Parliament and Subjects whilst all the while against the Lex consuetudo Parliamenti Inst par 4. 14. without any cause moving them they maintain an illegal Rout of men for their Guard and go armed themselves Nay what needs a man instance particulars All the Kings commands in prosecution of the Laws were Voted breaches of the Priviledges of Parliament and the Liberties of the Subject We will therefore shew that this Assertion is not only contrary to all Faith in both Testaments but also destructive to all Humane Society 24. There is no man sure will deny but
power which God hath given Fathers and Husbands by the law of Nature 7. The Husband being the head of the Wife she is in all respects of law The Wife has nothing proper against her Husband deemed civiliter mortua nor can take or purchase any thing during the coverture but whatsoever is given to the Wife is ex facto the Husbands Yet Marriage being a Sacrament by the institution of our Saviour and Ephes 5. 25 32. a Mystery of Christ and his Church and so the cognisance thereof due to the Ecclesiastical power the Church upon the penalty of Ecclesiastical censure may compell the Husband to allow his Wife Alimony if without sufficient cause he shall refuse to cohabit with her 8. If Poligamy had not been lawful before our Saviour Christs time Poligamy was lawful before our Saviour then had our Saviour been illegitimate being descended of Bathsheba when David had many other wives Nor can the argument drawn from the necessity of propagating Mankind take place when David reigned for there never was in so small a Continent so great a number of people as the Israelites were when David reigned as appears by the Number which Joab took and for which David was punished with so great a pestilence If it were before the divine law of our Saviour lawful every where for Annot. Men to have many Wives I do wonder why Mr. Hobbs cap. 17. art 8. de Cive says That our Saviour made no laws but the institution of the Sacraments which are Baptism and the Eucharist And if Matrimony be a Civil institution as he affirms then Poligamy is lawful for all Christians who are in subjection to the Turks c. where by the Temporal laws it is permitted and the Kingdom of Congo rejected Christianity for no other reason but because they were not allowed plurality of wives which Mr. Hobbs could easily have dispenced with I do challenge Mr. Hobbs to shew any one instance where ever in the Christian world before all things ran riot here in England since 1642. the Temporal power took cognisance of Marriage 9. Matrimony is the act of two free persons viz. neither precontracted What Matrimony is nor married nor within the degrees prohibited by God Levit. 18. of different sexes capable of performing the end of marriage mutually taking one another for Husband and Wife I N. take thee D. to be my wedded Wife I D. take thee N. to be my wedded Husband But this must be done publiquely and Banns of both parts publiquely pronounced three Holidays or a Licence procured from the Ordinary for dispensation with all the rites and solemnities injoined by the Church or else the Church takes no cognisance of it 10. Where the Matrimony is subsequent to the allegation there the Whether Matrimony be dissolvible Vinculum is dissoluble As if one man marries another mans Wife or a Husband his Wife living marries another or if the parties contracting or marrying be within the degrees forbidden by God or if either party were Lev 18. precontracted or frigid these necessarily preceding the Matrimony do dissolve the bond But where the matter or allegation is subsequent to the Matrimony there the bond of Matrimony cannot be dissolved but only a Divorce upon just cause is grantable to separate the Complainant à mensa à thoro The reason why in this latter case the Matrimony cannot be dissolved is because Marriage being an institution of God it is in the cause superior to any Humane law or act and so by consequence cannot by them be dissolved And indeed in proper speaking where the Matrimony is subsequent it is rather not done then dissolvible the persons marrying being personae incapaces for such an action 11. The Holy Ghost Ephes 5. 25 c. shews the duty of Husbands The duty of Fathers and Husbands And Cato though no lover of women did think it sacrilege in the Husband to strike his wife Plut. vita Caton cens No question the right and careful education of Children is the onely means by which Parents may hope to have any comfort of them here or hereafter for Train a child in the way when he is young and he will not depart from it when he is old says the Preacher Nor can Parents expect to have their Children virtuous if they be vitious themselves for with what face can any Father condemn his Child for any thing which he allows in himself Besides there is nothing ill which naturally Youth doth not more suddenly apprehend then Men therefore Maxima debetur puero reverentia si quid Juveval Turpe paras And ill habits are soon gotten by Children if they be not carefully observed and restrained and hardly if possibly left when they are Men. CHAP. VIII Of Domestical power 1. THere are three sorts of Families either by Affinity or Alliance How many sorts of Families there be or by Consanguinity or a Legal or Houshold-Family Of such a Family and of its Cause and Jurisdiction we shall in this ensuing Chapter treat 2. A Family is not the cohabitation of divers persons in one house A legal family is not the cohabitation of divers persons in the same house for then Inmates and Travellers c. were subject to the power of the Master and Host Besides subjection cannot be where it depends upon the will of the Subject when he will he may choose whether he will obey But it is evident that Inmates and Travellers may when they will cease their subjection by leaving of the house 3. A Family is contained in the mutual offices of commanding and What a legal family is obeying of several persons under one head in the same house And the same head may be of divers Families as when a Master keeps servants in two or more different houses 4. A Family may consist of Paterfamilias who is Father and Husband Of what persons a family in the largest sense is compounded and the head or commanding part of the family of Wife Children and Servants who are the obeying part of the family or of the Mistress of the family who commands and of Children and Servants who obey 5. But because a Family may consist where as parts of the Family In the more proper sense there is neither Father nor Mother Husband nor Wife nor Children A Family is properly where several Servants obey the same Master or Mistress in the same house 6. Servants are twofold either voluntarily serving with their consent Of Servants first given such as are those servants who for such wages serve their Masters for such a terme or where they serve whether they give consent or not as where men are slaves or apprentices The power which the head of the family has over his Servants is called potestas herilis or despotica the Masters or Mistresses power We speak first of Masters power over Servants serving for wages 7. It is impossible that any
those that are Deciners elswhere to enquire of the offences personal and of all the circumstances of offences done in those Hundreds of the wrong done by the Kings or Queens ministers and of the wrong done to the King and the Commonalty But this ought not to be done by Bondmen or Women but by the Oath of Twelve Freemen The County-Court which the Sheriffs hold from moneth to moneth County-court sec 9. or from five weeks to five weeks according to the greatness or largeness of the County Of Court-Barons and Hundred Courts Court-Baron c. sec 10. The other mean Courts are the Courts of every Lord of the Fee c. Pipowders sec 11. Courts of Pipowders And that from day to day speedy Justice be done to Strangers in Fairs and Markets as of Pipowders according to the Law of Merchants Court of Admiralty The King hath soveraign jurisdiction upon Admiralty sec 12. the Sea Courts of the Forrest The Kings Ministers of his Forrests have Courts-Forest see 13. power by authority of their office to swear men without the Kings Writ for safeguard of the peace and the Kings right and the common good c. He treats of the Professors of the Law as Counters who are Serjeants and Pleaders Of Attornies Of Ministers of Justice as Viscounts Coroners Escheators Bailiffs of Hundreds c. And also by the antient Kings Coroners were ordained in every County and Sheriffs to keep the Peace when the Earls were absent from their charges and Bailiff in lieu of the Hundredors c. Of the Prerogatives of the King as of Deodands Alienation to Aliens Teeasure found Wreck Waif Estray Chattels of Felons and Fugitives Honors Hundreds Soakes Gaoles Forrests chief Cities chief Ports of the Sea great Manors These held the first Kings as their right and of the residue of the Land did enfeoff the Earls Barons Knights Serjeants and others to hold of the King by Services provided and ordained for defence of the Realm It was ordained that the Knights Fee should come to the eldest by succession of heritage and that Socage Fee should be partable between the Male-children and that the Liege-Lords should have the Marriage He treateth in the first Chapter of Crimes and their divisions of the crime of Majesty of Fausonnery of Treason of Burning of Homicide of Felony of Burglary of Rape c. In the second of Actions of Judges of Actors c. In the third of Exceptions dilatory and peremptory that is Pleas to the Writ and in Bar c. of Trial by Juries and by Battel of Attaints of Challenges of Fines c. In the fourth of Judgments and therein of Jurisdiction of Process in criminal causes and in Actions real personal and mixt So as in this Mirror you may perfectly and truly discern the whole Body of the Common Laws of England Thus far Sir Edward Coke Mr. Lambert in his unfolding the difficult things and words in his translation of the Saxon Laws says King Alured when he had made a League with Guthrun the Dane having followed the most prudent counsel given by Jethro to Moses first divided England in Satrapias Centurias Decurias He called Satrapiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies to divide He called Centuriam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Decuriam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a company of Ten men and by those names they are called to this day And that no man might be ignorant the Decuria did consist of Ten men whereof all of them were pledges that every one should be forth-coming to any Action in Law and if any one did any damage the other were bound to make it good and from hence the other nine were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Free-pledges we in the Pleas of Courts call them Francos plegios The tenth man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called the Decurio or Tithingman by which name he is most known to the Eastern English at this day Others call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 others call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the first or chief Surety or Pledge The Kentish men call him Borsholder corruptly for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the first Surety Centuria or a Hundred was made up of ten Decuria's as one Hundred is made up of ten times ten This viz. Hundred the men beyond Trent called by another name not unknown to the common people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wapentac Alured then further ordained That every man of free condition should be enrolled in some Hundred and be conjoined into some Ten-men company That of lesser businesses the Decurions or Court-Leet might judge and if any weightier matter were it should be deferred to the Hundred or County-Court Lastly that the Alderman and Sheriff I take it he calls them Senator Praepositus should compound the most difficult Suits and of greatest moment in that frequent Convention from all parts of the Shire or County And what the manner of judging was King Etheldred in the fourth Chapter of his Laws which he enacted in a full Senate or Parliament at Vanatnigum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Woodstock expounds almost in these very words In all and every Hundred let there be Assemblies and that Twelve elderly men of free condition together with the Sheriff Praeposito be sworne that they will not condemn the Innocent or absolve the Guilty So that Mr. Lambert seems to be of opinion that the Common-Law had its origination from King Alured or Alfred who was King of all England and a most victorious pious prudent and glorious Monarch about the year of our Lord 890. And from a most deplorable condition by reason of the Danish invasion and robbery reduced it to a most quiet calm and laid that foundation upon which the body of the Common-Law is since builded But whosoever was the first Founder and Establisher of them certain it is they were antient and Laws which better suit to the nature and disposition of English-men then any other that are or ever were in the world would do 2. As those general Usages or Customs which are generally observed Particular Usages are called the Common-Law so there are almost infinite particular Usages Prescriptions and Customs in several parts of this Nation which are observed as Laws by the Inhabitants of those places and to all intents and purposes have the effect of Laws 3. Statute-Laws are Acts of Parliament which are neither general Statute-Law nor particular Customs but are Laws made by the Kings of this Land in Parliament upon sundry and diverse occasions according to the then occasions as they represented themselves For although all innovations are dangerous and therefore if it were possible no doubt it were best that humane Laws as the Laws of Nature might be immutable and eternal but as God hath created all things transitory and nothing in this world the same the next
subsequent minute that it was before and therefore the state of Humane affairs being every day variable and putting on a new face to morrow which they had not neither to day nor yesterday which cannot be certainly foreseen by any man or men no more then any Master of a Ship can foresee what winds will blow to morrow or next day or whether it will be serene or stormy weather whether deep or Rockey Seas Yet if no prudent Mariner will venture himself and those under his command to Sea without sufficient provision against all the contingencies which may happen and be prevented Then sure no man or men not vainly blinded with ambition will undertake to manage the Government of a Nation without sufficient means to protect themselves and Subjects from all future storms and confusions which may either arise from within the Nation or be caused from without Yet will it not follow that every day there should be new Laws made for Nihil semel perfectum inventum there is nothing which is perfect so soon as begun and many mischiefs and inconveniencies may be begun and yet be prevented before they can be brought to perfection But then it must be presupposed that there may be remedies used which must of necessity be that there be a present and coercive power in being which may suppress and dissolve those mischiefes and inconveniences by making new Laws if the old ones will not remedy them and this is no new thing but is and alwaies was in all governments that ever were whether Monarchy Aristocracy or Democracy A Parliament is a Politick body compounded of Heterogenial or Of what parts a Parliament is compounded Inst 4. pag. 1. dissimilar parts viz. the King the Lords spiritual and temporal in one distinct house and of a house of Commons another distinct house Since there has been so much contest about the power and jurisdiction What creates the Lords house and cause of Parliament and since it being compounded of unlike parts and some of these unlike parts nay pieces of those parts have assumed the name of Parliament We will examine all the parts of it and see whether it be not all made and created by the King and into him only can be ultimately resolved he being principium caput finis of it First For the Lords spiritual they are all parts of the Lords house and sit there by succession in respect of their Counties or Baronies parcell of their Bishopricks but all Bishopricks were originally of the Kings foundation and donative per traditionem baculi viz. the crosier annuli viz. Inst 4 par 1. the ring whereby he was married to the Church King Henry the first being requested by the Bishop of Rome to make them Eligible refused it but King John by his Charter bearing date 5 Iunii an 17. granted that the Com. Lit. Sect. 648. pag. 344. Bishopricks should be Eligible so that the foundation donation and election to Bishopricks was only and immediately caused by the King and in this capacity by virtue of the Kings Writ out of the Court of Chancery does every Bishop sit as a member of the upper house of Parliament So that Inst 4 par 1. 4. the Lords spiritual did immediately hold their Bishopricks of the King and were members of the upper house only by vertue of the Kings Writ Secondly That the Lords Temporal are created immediately by the King is so manifest that I think no man will question it and that every Temporal Lord is impowred to sit as a Member of the Lords house by vertue of the Kings Writ issuable ex debito justitiae out of the Chancery See Inst 4. part pag. 1. 4. All the Judges of the Realm Barons of the Exchequers of the Coif Temporal Assistants of the Lords house the Kings learned Council and the Civilians Masters of the Chancery all called to give their assistance and attendance in the Upper house of Parliament but have no voices in Parliament How their Writs differ from the Barons see Inst 4. part page 4. In every Writ of Summons to the Bishops there is a clause requiring Spiritual Assistants or Procuratores Cleri them to summon these persons to appear personally at the Parliament which is in these words Premonientes Decanum Capitulum Ecclesiae vestrae Norwicensis ac Archidiaconos totumque Clerum vestrae Dioces quod iidem Decani Archidiaconi in propriis personis suis ad dictum Capitulum per unum idemque Clerus per duos Procuratores idoneos plenam sufficientem potestatem ab ipsis Capitulo Clero divisim habentes praedict die loco personaliter intersint ad consciendum hiis quae tunc ibidem de communi Concilio dicti Regni nostri Divina favente clementia contigerit ordinari So that not only the Lords Spiritual and Temporal but their Assistants are only created by the Kings Writ or immediately by the Kings authority But since there is so much contest about the House of Commons and The House of Commons are not the Representatives of the Free people of the Nation men say they represent the Freeborn people of this Nation and are the Supreme Authority of the Nation We will therefore enquire into the cause and see what may be the Freeborn people and whether a House of Commons as it now stands can be their Representative and whether being their Representative they may be the Supreme Authority of this Nation First What are the People If any man had said the people of Rome or the people of Athens or the people of Carthage c. a man had understood them and only them of Rome Athens or Carthage c. who were civitate donati But in England the case is much otherwise for with us there is no civitate donatus in one more then another but all men are alike born free and so by consequence every man as a freeborn man of England has as much right to his freedom one man as another I say therefore if every man of England has not a like vote and power in electing Members for the House of Commons then cannot the House of Commons be the Representative of the Nation for Plus valet contemptus unius quâm consensus omnium But it is most manifestly evident that the House of Commons are not elected by the equal consent of the freeborn people of England for not only two parts of three have not Forty shillings a year yet are as freeborn as they who have and as liable to penalty for transgressing Laws made in Parliament as they who do elect but many men have double votes in the election in Corporations where they send Burgesses and yet have like power with the Forty-shillings-men in electing a Knight of the Shire and such a place as Rising-Chase and Old Sarum c. have a like power in this House with the County of York and the Bishoprick of Durham sends none
at all So that it may be rather termed a Representative of the Free Corporations then a Representative of the Freeborn people of England The House of Commons therefore cannot be a Representative of the Freeborn people of England But suppose them the Representatives of the Freeborn people of this Nor the Supreme Authority of the Nation Nation yet cannot they be the Supreme Authority of it for no power can act beyond the power of its being I say therefore that no Representative can be supreme or superior to the cause of its being The House of Commons therefore cannot be granting it the Representative of the Freeborn people of this Nation the Supreme Authority of the Nation But if the house of Commons be not sent by the people and their Representatives Who creates them and by what right do they make a house of Commons Before we answer this Quaere wee will see of what sorts of men a house Of what sorts of men the house of Commons is compounded of Commons is compounded A house of Commons is compounded of three sorts of men viz. Knights of Counties Citizens sent by Cities and Burgesses of Corporations Barons of the Cinque Ports are the same thing differently expressed with Burgesses of Corporations Now that all Cities Burroughs Corporations and Cinque Ports are not so jure naturali nor by any inherent birthright but from their Charter which is nothing else but the Kings grant is so manifest that I think no man in his wits will deny But all Cities and Corporations are not alike in priviledges but more or less as they are impowred by their Charter or Grant of the King Some Corporations have Liberties Priviledges and are impowred to send Burgesses others have Liberties and Priviledges but not qualified to send Burgesses nay some Cities have Liberties and Priviledges but not endewed with this right of having Representative in the house of Commons as the Cities of Durham and Ely And as neither Cities nor Burroughs are endewed with these their Liberties What creates the house of Commons and Priviledges by any inherent birthright so neither are the Counties nor Inhabitants endewed with any right of sending Knights of their Counties by any inherent birthright for then had all the Counties a like right one as another and all the Inhabitans a like vote and they mighr create representatives as often as they should see occasion But all these are most evidently false for we have shewed before that not only the division of this Nation into Counties was an act of the Kings but all Counties are not alike endewed with this Priviledge some Counties in Wales sending but one and the County of Durham none at all Nor have all men a like vote in electing and yet as much subject to Laws made in Parliament as other men but men only who have 40 s. yearly freehold rent nor can these 40 s. a year men when they will send their representatives What then does impower these to send representatives Why let Sir Ed. Coke say Inst 4. p. 1. Knights of Shires Citizens of Cities and Burgesses of Burroughs are respectively elected by the Counties Cities and Burroughs by force of the Kings Writ So that the Kings Writ is the first and efficient cause of the pag. 28. house of Commons as well of the Knights as Citizens and Burgesses the Commons cannot begin nor be dissolved without the King in person or representation If then Rebellion be as the sin of Witchcraft as the Holy Ghost saies Annot. and if crimen lesae Majestatis be the highest crime and impiety as all Lawyers hold and if Gratitude be one the chief of all Moral virtues as all men hold for si ingratum dixeris omnia dixeris no man who is an ingrateful man but has rendred himself as if he had committed all manner of wickedness How impious then is it for men only from the Kings grace endewed with this high favor to convert it in opposition and derogation of that power and person from whence they originally received it But they say if the Commons did it then was it done by the people and so just and not to be questioned as if the people were not a thing to be governed and all as much subject to the King and Laws as every one or that a thing just or unjust in it self were more just or unjust because more or fewer did it Will any man say the crucifying of our Saviour was therefore just because many of the Jews did it or that a rout or riot is therefore lawful because done by many men or that it is not paricide or regicide if many Sons and Subjects kill their Parents and King As all the Members of both houses are created by the King so cannot The Parliament cannot begin but by the King these Members be formed into a body but by the King either by his Royal presence or representation By representation two waies either by a Guardian of England by Letters Patents under the great Seal when the King is in remotis out of the Realm or by Commission under the great Seal of Inst 4. p. 6. England to certain Lords of Parliament representing the person of the King he being within the Realm in respect of some infirmity This House is so far from being the Supreme Authority of the Nation The Jurisdiction of the Commons House that they are not a Court of Judicature nor can impose an Oath or take any mans Examination Yet Sir Ed. Coke says Inst 4. 28. that the House of Commons is to many purposes a distinct Court because he says they cannot be prorogued or adjourned but by its self yet gives no more It is true indeed that to many purposes among themselves they do judge their Members and Elections and have a Committee for Religion but these things are more of custom whether good or bad I cannot tell then of any original right that I know or ever heard of And Sir Ed. Coke Inst 4. 11. says They being the general Inquisitors of the Realm have principal care in the beginning of Parliaments to appoint Committees of Grievances both in Church and Commonwealth of Courts of Justice of Priviledges and of Advancement of Trade They have been wont too ever since the Statute de Tallagie non concedendo of course to grant the King Aids in extraordinary cases The House of Peers assisted as aforesaid are the Supreme Court of The Jurisdiction of the House of Lords Judicature in this Nation not only to judge whether matters presented to them by the Commons be fit or requisite for the King to pass into Laws as Monsieur Bodin well observes who disputes this better then any of our English Lawyers that I know of has done but also of Writs of Error and of matters of Fact either not determinable in other Courts or else when though they are determinable in other Courts yet in regard of nicety or
to instance the Acts of Parliament which give one Jointenant a power to compell the others to sue a Writ of Partition which was denied at Common-Law and right of Entry where they were put to their Cui in vita c. It may suffice that in no Kings reign there have not been Acts of Parliament which have been so far from making declarations of the Common-Law that they have made manifest alterations in it And as the Common-Law hath no force nor reason against an Act of Parliament so hath no particular Custom any force or reason against it for no man can prescribe against an Act of Parliament and all Lands in Gavel-kind were particular Customs but taken away by Act of Parliament And many Acts of Parliament have not declared the Succession of the English Diadem according to the usual custom thereof but made manifest alteration thereof as in the Succession of Hen. 4. 5. 6. Rich. 3. Hen. 7. 8. which being unjust and the cause not depending upon Humane laws ought not to be obeyed Nor secondly is that a less error that Judicial Records are equivalent to Acts of Parliament for they are so far from being equal to Acts of Parliament that in truth they are no Laws but Inferences and Conclusions which are deduced from Laws For there is not any Judicial Record which is not unjust if it cannot truly and ultimately be resolved in some general or particular Custom Act of the Parliament or grant of the King So that Acts of Parliament the Common Law Particular Customs and Prescriptions and Royal Grants are as Axioms Postulata or Principles in Arts or Sciences and Judicial Records Reported Cases and Yearsbooks are Inferences Conclusions or Sciences deduced from Acts of Parliament the Common Law and particular Customs of this Land or Concessions of the King Touching Royal Government Royal Government being the ordinance of God and from the Law of Nature is paramount to all Humane laws and the prime and efficient cause of them they cannot therefore declare the cause so as to create any obligation of what they are but the effects and from whence derived We have thus far treated of the means by which the Kings of this Nation have until 1640. governed and preserved their Subjects internally But because it is the office of Kings to preserve their Subjects as well from foreign force as internal broil there is yet something wanting of which we have not treated viz. The power of making War and Peace and maintaining Alliance and Traffique Of these in regard they refer to Foreign powers and jurisdictions and are not subject to the Laws of the Nation we shall forbear to treat only affirming that it is necessary that at all times this power must be so vested in the King that at all times he may have the aids and assistance of his Subjects in prosecution of the Ends aforesaid The end of the Third Book The Contents of the Fourth Book HAving thus far treated of all created Rights and the causes of all Laws and created Powers and Vertues and these being previous and necessary to all Justice and Obedience We in this Book descend to treat of Justice in the first Chap. as the most eminent and noble of all Humane vertues it being that which not only conserves private Families but all Nations and Kingdoms in unity peace and society and demonstrate it neither to be in Geometrical proportion as Plato would nor Arithmetical proportion as Zenophon held nor in Harmonical proportion as Bodin taught Nor is that corrective and distributive Justice which Aristotle affirmed to be in Arithmetical and in Geometrical proportion The Second Chap. treats of Obedience and shews how that it necessarily proceeds and yet is different from Justice The Third Chap. treats of Judgment and shews how it differs from Law and Justice The Fourth Chap. treats of Equity and shews how it differs from Judgment and how necessary Courts of Equity as well as Judicature are THE FOURTH BOOK CHAP. I. Of Justice 1. JUstitia est habitus animi communi utilitate Cicero's definition of Justice servata suum cuique tribuens Societatem conjunctionis Humanae munifice atque aequè tuens Justice is a habit of the Minde common utility being conserved giving to every one their right and bountifully and equally Cicero lib. 1. de legibus defending the Society of Mankinde Et Justitia est quae suum cuique distribuit Justice is that which does distribute to every man what is his right Where he says That Justitia est obtemperatio scriptis legibus we will shew that is not properly Justice but Obedience onely 2. Justice is the upright doing of an act conserving Society in that Quid sit Justitia formality as it is commanded or permitted by him who by right may command or permit it Justice is the doing of a just action the doing of a just action is the upright doing of any act as it is commanded or permitted by him who by right may command or permit it preserving Peace and Society I say Justice must have these two properties viz. upright doing that is abstraction from all affections of love hate or self-interest and the Law or Command of him who by right may command or permit such an act Other actions proceeding from Wisdom Reason Experiment or Discourse c. are prudent profitable c. but none are just or honest actions which cannot be truly and ultimately resolved into the Law or Command of him who by right may command or permit such an act So Quotuplex that Justice is twofold either commanded or permitted 3. Injustice is the abuse or falsifying the Law or Command of him What is Injustice who by right commands to the hurt or prejudice of another As a Law preceding and Integrity are inseparable incidents to Justice so Hypocracy seeming just and yet abusing or falsifying a Law and the damage of another or more are incidents inseparable to injustice 4. Let us see who may by right command and who are obliged to do God commands by highest right in conformity to their Laws and Commands I say God by highest right ought to command all the created things in Heaven and Earth and all Creatures are chiefly and absolutely obliged to do whatsoever he commands without any reasoning or disputing why he so commands For the earth is Psal 24. 1. Job 41. 11. Psal 50. 12. the Lords and all that therein is the compass of the World and all that dwell therein And whatsoever is under the whole Heaven is Gods and the World is mine and the fulness thereof All Gods commands therefore have a like and equal influence upon all his Creatures all Creatures as compared to him are alike vile and between him and them is no proportion To abuse then or falsifie any Law of God or Nature to the hurt or prejudice of another is a sin of injustice in all Gods Creatures and
Yet this can be no objection by those men who ascribe all infallibility to the Pope and that all his Acts and Decrees are to be received and obeyed by an implicite faith as Divine oracles Well but suppose these determinations of the Pope were not concerning matters of Faith as no doubt they were not then how comes the Pope because he is infallible in the Faith that he takes upon him to be Judge and Determiner of those things which no ways appertain to it but are as much where Christianity is not planted as where it is Object Yet it will be objected That if the Church be not Judge of what conduceth to the peace and safety of the Kingdom and Church then who shall and so farewell to all Government and peace in Church or State But before I answer this Quaere I would be resolved one Question or two Who shall be Judge whether the Pope or a General Council be superior Who shall judge whether in any Determination of the Popes it be concerning matter of Faith or not or whether it be determined in Gathedra or not In the many Schismes of the Papacy who should judg who was the true Pope or who shall judg whether Alexander the tenth be now the true Pope or who ever gave the Cardinals who were an humane institution many hundred years after our Saviour this power of Election of the Pope that whosoever they should so elect should be universal Bishop and St. Peters successor Although I might justly insist hereupon nor can these things upon these mens principles who maintain the Popes infallibility at least in my understanding be solved and so are they for all their boast of unity among themselves in as much confusion and dissention even in their very principles as other men yet am not I ashamed to give an account of my obedience both to my Church and King Answer I say that God hath made man a sociable intellectual and reasonable creature and endewed him with an immortal soule potentially capable of eternal happiness Nor will God be served by man having so made him only by a base servile feare and without the intellectual and rational faculties of the soule and therefore has engraven by nature in the heart of every man certain rules by which he is to direct his actions which are the first principles and foundations upon which I honor my Parents King and them who are set over me for my direction in order to my eternal good And although that out of the Church and not being preserved by humane Laws I can neither hope for safety in this world nor salvation in the world to come yet who he is from whom all humane Laws are derived or what is the Church in which I must hope for salvation there is no visible Judge under Heaven but only mens consciences to direct them viz. those directions which God either by nature has given to men or revealed supernaturally in the Scriptures Nor does a mans conscience thus informed leave him after it be informed who it is from whom he ought to expect protection and to whom he owes his obedience as well spirituall as temporal for though there be no visible means for men to hope for peace in Church or State yet does it not follow that by all men all things which may be commanded for the Laws of the Church and State are to be observed as the Laws of Church and State as if the Church command men to worship Images or any creature for the Creator which under the old Law it many times did nor do I understand how it can be excused in the Church of Rome or if men be commanded by higher powers immoral things as to dishonor them or their Parents or whenas temporal powers command things plainly derogatory to the ghostly power of the Church or the Church commands things contrary to the duty men owe to their King and Country which we daily see both the one and the other do which makes some men in their passion ultimately resolve their Temporal and Ecclesiastical obedience into the Church others into the secular power and many deny all obedience to either and set up themselves or something else in stead of either But though mens affections carrie them several waies yet ought not all reason therefore and conscience to forsake all men for although I ought not to judge either King or Church if they command any thing they ought not yet have I and every man else a conscience to direct them whether I ought to do all things whatsoever commanded by King or Church Nor ought men to be frighted out of their consciences viz. the Law of God by nature informing them or his Law supernaturally revealed by his grace directing them because a perverse company of Schismatical and seditious men have abused all Temporal and Ecclesiastical Laws and Powers by pretending conscience Nor will a blind obedience in all things to the Church of Rome cause unity and peace among Christians although it be so much magnified by them for let any man read the lives of H. 4. 5. 6. and 7. and Frederick 1. and 2. Emperors whenas the whole Empire was of the Roman Catholick Religion and see if ever greater broyles were in the Christian World and let them judge whether Obedience to the Popes by so great a part of the Empire were not the cause of them or whether all the Wars in Christendom caused by Boniface the eight and Julius the second were not against Christians in the communion and form of the Church of Rome But where secular or ecclesiastical Laws do plainly command things not plainly derogatory to Gods Law for where they do God is in all things to be obeyed before man so as it is doubtful whether they do repugne Gods Law or not then certainly the best way is to submit to them for a mans conscience wrong informed does not excuse him from any Article of his duty and if it may be the Laws do repugne Gods Law it may be they do not and in controverted and doubtful cases the Law is alwaies presumed to be on the Governors part Nor shall any mans conscience ever excuse him if the Laws either of Church or Country do command things repugnant to Gods word from the duty and obedience he owes to them in all things where they do not repugne it Nor does it free any man from his subjection to higher power but where he cannot submit he ought to suffer And no question that where two evils unavoidable happen the least is to be taken as if a man in the communion of the Church of Rome be reduced to that necessity of simply conforming himself to all things used in the Church of Rome although his conscience cannot digest many things or be excluded out of the visible Church of Christ he had better be of such a Church then of none at all Sure God never affixt such infallibility to men how great or good soever
their submission to the Church of Rome But on the contrary when Austin first arrived in England he stayed in the Island of Thanet until he knew the Kings pleasure and offered not to preach in Kent until he had the Kings licence to preach throughout his Dominions c. Neither was there any Appellant from the Conversion of the English he says to Rome until Wilfrid Archbishop of York who notwithstanding pag. 60. that he gained Sentence upon Sentence at Rome in his favor and notwithstanding that the Pope did send express Nuntio's into England on purpose to see the Sentence executed yet could he not obtain his restitution or benefit of his Sentence for six years during the reigns of Egbert and Alfred his son yea Alfred told the Popes Nuntio's expresly That he honored Spelm. concil an 705. them as his Parents for their grave lives and honorable aspects but he could not give any assent to their Legation because it was against reason that a person twice condemned by the whole Council of the English should be restored upon the Popes Letter And after he says That after Alfred and pag. 62. Theodore were both dead Theodore was the Archbishop of York that opposed Wilfrids Donation from the Pope and continued it so long as he lived we find the Sentence of the Pope and Wilfrids Restitution still opposed by the surviving Bishops in Alfreds Sons reign c. Neither were there any Appeals to Rome from that time until after the Conquest in the reign of Henry the First by Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury 8. See Comment Lit. sect 648. pag. 344. where it appears by our All Bishopricks were of the Kings foundation originally and donative books and divers Acts of Parliament that at first all the Bishopricks in England were of the Kings foundation and Donative per traditionem baculi id est the Crosier which was the Pastoral staff annuli the ring whereby he was married to the Church King Henry the First being requested by the Bishop of Rome to make them elective refused it But King John by his Charter bearing date quinto Junii anno decimo septimo When they became eligible and by what power granted that the Bishopricks should be eligible So that all Bishopricks were not only at first of the Kings foundation and Donative but afterwards became eligible from no other cause but the Kings Charter 9. That the sacred character of Priesthood does not free men from The Kings of England before the Couquest did exercise their Regal power over all persons in all cases the subjection due to the Laws of their Prince and Country is not only evident by many examples in Sacred Writ and by almost infinite precepts and examples of Gospel and holy Martyrs in primitive times but also by a concurrent consent of all Histories where Christianity hath been planted And that these powers have been justly exercised by the Kings of England before the Conquest among the many Laws of Ina Withred Alfred Edward Athelstan Edmund Edgar Athelred Canutus and Edward take these of Canutus Si quis sacra tenens pejerasse convictus fuerit ei manus praeciditor ni dimidiatam Lambert Saxon laws lex 33. f. 113. sui capitis astimationem domino atque episcopo dependerit neque vero deinceps qui juret dignus putandus est nisi quidem Deo cumulatè satisfecerit atque ab ejusmodi in posterum nefario scelere abstinendi fidejussores admoverit If any in Holy orders be convict of Perjury let him be branded on the hand unless he shall pay to the King and Bishop half the price of his head Neither shall he afterward be esteemed worthy to take an Oath unless he shall have abundantly satisfied God and shall have given Sureties that afterward he shall abstain from such wickedness Si quis eorum qui arae deservierint alicui mortem obtulerit omni cum divini lex 36. 114. tum humani juris patrocinio excludatur nisi quidem cum exilio cumulatè id sceleris compensarit atque caesi etiam cognatis satisfecerit aut saltem una cum hominibus qui jurent idoneis omnem criminis suspicionem diluerit Hanc vero quae Deo hominibus debetur compensationem intra ter denos idque cum fortunarum suarum omnium discrimine dies aggreditor If any one who serves at the Altar shall kill any man let him be excluded from the protection of Divine and Humane laws unless with his banishment he may abundantly satisfie that wickedness and shall also give satisfaction to the kindred of him who is killed or at least together with sufficient men who shall give Law-gager their oaths shall wash away all suspition of the crime And let him go in hand to make this compensation which is due to God and men within thirty days and that upon the forfeiture of all his fortunes Si eorum qui arae deservierint aliquis hominem occiderit aut insigne aliquod lex 38. ibid. perpetrarit flagitium gradu honore dispoliatus proinde atque ei Papa circumscripserit habitandi locum exulato ac cumulatè compensato Sin is crimen fuerit inficiatus excusatio tripla esto Atque in hanc quae Deo hominibus debetur compensationem intra ter denos aggrediatur dies ab omni legis commoditate destitutus habetor If any one who serves at the Altar shall kill a man or commit any foul offence despoiled of his honor let him be banished the place of his habitation and make abundant satisfaction yea though the Pope make it void But if he deny the crime let his excuse be threefold and if within thirty days he does not endeavor to give this satisfaction which is due to God and man let him be outlawed Si quis sacris inauguratus rei capitalis obnoxius extiterit comprehenditor lex 40. 115. atque ut tandem episcopo criminis admissi poenas dependat asservator If any one in Holy orders be guilty of any capital crime let him be apprehended and fafely kept until he be punished by the Bishop for the crime committed Si quis sacrum ordinem atque vivendi formulam commutarit pro ipsa lex 46. 116. ordinis dignitate sive capitis aestimatione mulcta legis violatae poena sive rebus suis omnibus compensato If any one shall change his holy order and form of living for the dignity of the order or price of the head let him be fined for punishment of the violation of the Law or forfeit all he hath But how far this good Prince was from having any spight to Holy Orders or men separated to the Worship of God and Service at the Holy Altar he does enact Siquis sacris initiatus incoláve in iis quae ad fortunas Law 37. fol. 114. vitamve ejus spectarint decipiatur tum ei rex ni is aliunde habuerit loco Patroni cognatorum esto Fraudator
this Popes Letter but pleaded the Fundamental Laws and Customs of the Land Consuetudo regni mei est à patre meo instituta ut nullius praeter licentiam Regis appelletur Papae qui consuetudines regni mei tollit potestatem quoque coronam Regis violat It is a Custom of my Kingdom instituted by my Father that no man may appeal to the Pope without the Kings licence He that takes away the Customs of my Kingdom doth violate the Power and Crown of the King And these Laws were no other then the Laws of the Confessor viz. the old Saxon Laws but also in the execution of these things the Bishops of England adhered to the King and Laws and denied their suffrage to their Primate as you may read in the Bishop of Derry's Vindication of the Church of England p. 63 64. 14. After pag. 65. he instances out of Sir Hen Spelman conc an 78. Legations as rare as Appeals before the Conquest that Gregory Bishop of Ostium the Popes Legate did confess that he was the first Roman Priest that was sent into these parts of Britain from the time of Austin and that those Legates were no other then ordinary Messengers or Ambassadors sent from one Neighbour to another Such a thing as Legantine Court or a Nuntio's Court was not known in the British world and long after 15. See Speed in the Life of Stephen para 4. where Stephen having The Pope and all the English Hierarchy conspire with Stephen against Maud the undoubted Heir of Henry the first entred his Government in the year of our Lord 1135. the 2. of December and was crowned at Westminster the 26. of the same moneth being S Stephen's day by William Corbel the Archbishop of Canterbury who with the rest of the Bishops doing him homage and knowing now he would yield to any conditions for performance whereof his brother the Bishop of Winchester did there engage himself for a Pledge they all took their Oath of Allegiance conditionally traiterously I might say to obey him as their King so long as he should preserve their Liberties and the vigor of Discipline And that the Lay-Barons made use also of this policy appeareth by Robert Earl of Gloucester who sware to be true Liegeman to the King as long as the King would preserve to him his dignity and keep all covenants c. And having buried the body of Henry the First he went to Oxford where he acknowledged he attained the Crown by Election only and that the Pope Innocentius confirmed the same 16. The next contest which after Anselm happened between the King The second contest between the King and Pope and from what cause and the Pope was caused by Tho. Becket Archbishop of Canterbury For Stephen the Usurper having made a Law whereby the Temporal Judges might not meddle with Ecclesiastical persons Henry the Second upon many disorders committed by the Clergy did repeal this Law and restored the antient Laws of this Realm commonly called Avitae leges whereby the persons of Priests were not exempted from being judged by the Temporal Judges And though the Archbishop sware to observe the Laws restored by the King yet was he absolved by Pope Alexander 3. Nor could the Archbishop ever after be brought to conform to the Laws called Avitae leges which was the cause of his assassination and of great trouble to the King and Realm And whether this man did deserve to be canonized for his stubborn disobedience to the Laws of his Country which no ways concerned Faith but only Civil and Temporal obedience and those not new neither but a restitution of the antient Laws let any man judge 17. The first occasion of the quarrel between King John and Innocent The quarrel between King John and the Pope the Third was Hubert the Archbishop of Canterbury being dead the Monks of S. Augustine in that City elected without any licence of the King one Rainold and took an oath of him to go to Rome and take his investiture from the Pope The King incensed hereat caused John Gray to be chosen and desired the Pope to ratifie this last choice The Pope notwithstanding confirms the former The King hereupon grows angry and divers of the Monks against their own act refuse to accept him The Pope although Rainold were chosen by the Monks and confirmed by the Pope adviseth the Monks to choose Stephen Langton the Monks do so the King is highly exasperated and forbids all Appeals to Rome and did alleadge that he had Bishops Prelates Nobles and Magistrates of his own who could according to the Laws of the Land decide and determine all Controversies which should arise in Church or Commonweal The Pope insisted upon the election of the Cardinal Stephen Langton was Cardinal of Chirsogone and required the King not only to give him the quiet possession of the See but also to recall all such Monks as were exiled and to restore them to their Goods which were seised on by the King for the last choice and for default to interdict him and the whole Realm The King is so far from obeying that he seised upon the Lands and Goods of those Bishops to whom the Pope had forsooth given the power of Interdiction The Pope constant in his resolutions by Pandulphus and Durant interdicts the King and Kingdom and gives it the French King King John driven into a great strait gives his Crown and Kingdom to the Pope he good man had before given it to the French King Philip the second sirnamed Augustus and his son Lewis had gotten such footing in England that he would not be gotten out The Pope interdicts both father and son but his curses took not such place that they would give over what they had gotten by the first grant nor did these troubles end until the English Nation uniting themselves under Henry 3. did by plain force drive Lewis out of England to such an insufferable height was the Papacy grown in those days 18. Although the stubborn Barons made Henry 3. swear to observe The Bishops in H. 2 his reign conspire against him the Ordinances made in the Mad Parliament at Oxford and the Archbishop of Canterbury and nine other Bishops did denounce a Curse against all those who either by direction arms or otherwise should withstand the Ordinance of the Twelve Peers which gave the exercise of all Regality to them yet did the Pope absolve him from it very easily Addit Matth. Paris 990. 19. How zealous the most noble Prince Edward the first was in the Contests between the Pope and Ed. 2. cause of Christianity and how observant of the Papal power is evident by his victorious Voyage into Holy Land But he afterwards became hated by the Churchmen both in respect of the Statute of Mortmain made in the fourth year of his Reign and also because that by the advice of William Marchyan his chiefest Treasurer he seised into his hands the
Tribute or of St. Peter Cap. 20. Who shall deny the peny of St. Peter the peny let him pay by the Justice of the Church and thirty pence forfeiture and if he will be impleaded concerning it by the Justice of the King let him forfeit to the Bishop thirty pence and forty shillings to the King Of Religion and the publick Peace 51. First of all we Ordain above all things That one God be worshipped all over our Kingdom and the one Faith of Christ be always kept inviolate c. The Laws are Translated out of the Original set forth by Mr. Abraham Whelock in his Appendix to the History of Bede from page 150. to 107. Sir Ed. Coke in Caudrys Case cites a quare Impedit 7 Ed. 3. tit 19. where it is agreed that no man can make an appropriation of any Church having cure of souls being a thing Ecclesiastical and to be made by some person Ecclesiastical but he that hath Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction but William the first of himself without any other as King of England made appropriation of Churches with cure to Ecclesiastical persons wherefore it does follow he had Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Here is nothing but argumentum à facto ad jus and a man may as well infer that Saul Jeroboam and Azariah did offer sacrifice and burn incense and therefore they had Sacerdotal power in them or that King John did give the Crown and received it again from him and therefore the Crown of England is holden of the Pope Ecclesiastical Laws made by Henry the first Who began to Reign in the year of Christ 1100. THese at last are the happy joys of the long wished for peace and liberty Proem by which the glorious Cesar Henry doth shine forth to his whole kingdom in Divine and Secular Laws written Institutes and Exhibitions of good Works Moderate Just Valiant Prudent whom God may make to command with happy auspices and healthful prosperity of body and minde with his famous wife Maud the second and their children for ever and the everlasting peace of this Nation His Epistle to all his Leigmen 1. Henry by the Grace of God King of Englishmen to all Barons and his Leigmen French English health Know that I by Gods mercy and the Common Counsel and consent of the Barons of the Kingdom of England am Crowned King of the Kingdom aforesaid and because the Kingdom was oppressed by unjust exactions I in respect of God and the love which I have towards you all first of all make the Church of God free so that I will neither sell nor let to farm nor after the death of an Archbishop or Bishop or Abbot will take any thing of the Demesns of the Church or her men until the successor be come in c. Of the propriety of Causes Cap. 5. In all Causes Ecclesiastical and Secular legally and in order to be handled some are Accusers some Defenders some are Witnesses some are Judges In every discussion of honesty fitting men are to be joyned together and that without any exaction until the quality of the Causes and the intention of the Accused the manner of Witnesses and election of Judges be weighed with upright scrutiny Let there be no foreign Judgements nor celebrated by their improper Judge in place or time nor in a doubtful case or the party accused being absent the sentence being pronounced notandum that for all if the accused had competent warning and lawful leave of answering and defending he be not denied or impleaded or outlawed or circumvented by some stealth or judged by deceit If he be satisfied in the Witnesses Judges and Persons If he consent to the Judges or hurt or contradict It is not altogether so in Ecclesiastical business as Secular in Secular business after that any is called shall come and begin to plead in the Court it is not lawful to go back before the Cause be determined although they shall agree but in Ecclesiastical business it is lawful to go back in the Cause aforesaid If a man suspect a Judge or think himself oppressed surely Judges ought not to be so nisi quos impetitus Elegerit Neither may any one be heard or give judgement before that they be chosen and he who refuses to consent to the elected let no man communicate with him until he obey but if in judgement there arises dissention among the parties of which a strife comes forth let the sentence of the more prevail It is Enacted in the Cause of Faith or of any Ecclestastical Order he ought to judge who neither takes reward nor is of another Law and will do nothing without an accuser For God and our Lord Jesus Christ did know Judas to be a Thief but because he was not accused therefore he was not rejected and whatsoever he acted among the Apostles for the dignity of his Office remained firm As also Clerks ought not to receive Laiks Accusers so ought not Laicks to receive Clerks to be Accusers of Clerks in their Accusations and Informations and Witnesses ought to be legitimate and present without any infamy or suspition or manifest spot because they cannot rightly accuse Priests who cannot be Priests nor of their Order nor is it needful to Judge a man before he hath had lawful Accusers present and accepts a place of defence to wash out his crimes And it is our pleasure as often as many crimes are objected to Clerks by Accusers and they cannot make good one of the first of which they are accused they shall not be admitted to the rest And a Bishop shall not be condemned unless by seventy two Witnesses nor the Archbishop be judged of any A Presbyter-Cardinal Note the preheminence of a Bishop in England at this time above a Cardinal shall not be condemned unless by forty four Witnesses a Deacon-Cardinal shall not be condemned unless by twenty six Witnesses nor a Sub-Deacon under seven nor let the greater despair for the force of the lesser men and there always the Cause may be Pleaded where the Crime is admitted If a man stricken will he may plead his cause before his Judge and if he will not before his Judge he may hold his peace and as for men stricken as often as they desire respit let it be granted And every man which objects a crime let him write that he will prove it and if before he be changed he will not follow he is convinced no crime is to be accounted But if he will prosecute if he shall not prove what he objects let him undergo the penalty which he brought the Apostle says Against a Presbyter a writing is not to be received without two or three approved witnesses how much more against Bishops if these things be observed of Presbyters and other faithful men If any one will accuse any of the Clerks in an accusation of Fornication according to the precept of St. Paul two or three testimonies are required from him but if he
the Lord of the Ground go with the Priest and without thanks take away and restore to the Church what shall belong to it and leave the Ninth part to him who would not pay the Tenth let them divide the rest into two parts let the Lord have one half the Bishop the other be he a Kings man or another Romfeath ought to be restored upon the Feast of St. Peter in bonds he who shall keep it beyond that time let him restore that penny to the Bishop and thirty pence let him add to the King 50 s. Who shall keep Cherisceat beyond the Feast of St. Martin let him restore it to the Bishop and pay eleven fold and to the King 50 sol Who married shall commit adultery let the King or Lord of him have the superior the Bishop the inferior Who shall commit perjury upon holy things * * Laying his hand upon the book I think let himlose his hand or half his were viz. half the Cap. 11 price of his head and this is common to his Lord and the Bishop Who shall bear false witness let him not afterwards be admitted for witness but restore to the King or the Lord of the Soyl Helfeng ' * * Neither Mr. Lambert nor Whelock give any construction of Helfeng that I can finde Who shall kill a man in Orders or malign him let him make him amends as is right and the amends of the Altar according to the dignity of his Order to the King or Lord sufficient breach of the peace or deny it with full purgation Plena lada neget If any man guilty of death desires confession let it never be denied him but if any man shall do it let him pay the King one hundred and twenty shillings or swear with five men that he did it not If a free-man work upon Holy days let him amend his helfeng and at least diligently make composition with the Lord. If any man by force holds the Rectitudes of God Rectitudines Dei let a Dane pay lahite an Englishman full witam or deny it with eleven * * Or twelve in Mr. Seldens Ms and Mr. Whelocks if he should there wound any man let him amend this and restore full witam and redeem his hand of the Bishop or lose it If he kill a man let him be outlawed and every man that desires right follow him with clamor if it comes to pass that he be killed by this that he resisted right if this thing be verified let him be unrevenged He who shall make a breach of his Order let him amend it according to the dignity of the Order wera Wita Lahilita * * Lastita Mr. Seldens Mr. Whelocks Ms and with all mercy Let every widow be without a husband twelve moneths afterwards she may choose whom she will and if within a year she take a husband let her lose her Morgangifan * * Dower and all her money which she had from her first husband and let her husband forfeit to the King the price of his head or to whom the King shall grant it If a man unjustly hold a fugitive of God let him restore him to right and pay to him whose he shall be and satisfie the King according to Legergild If any man hath a man excommunicated or keep him outlawed and all his forgiveness and all amendment commonly made better by Christ and the King is utterly lost wheresoever the Law of God shall be refused to be justly kept according to the word of the Bishop and it will be expedient that he be compelled by the Secular power Because Justice and Secular distriction are necessary for the most part in Divine Laws and Secular Institutes for that otherwise many men cannot be recalled from their ill ways many will not be inclined to the worship of God and observance of the Law from whence by the much infesting of ill men it is provided for the profitable dispensation of peace that the more weighty pleas and things more to be punished be brought to Justice alone or the mercy of the Prince that pardon may be more abundantly had to men desiring it and punishment to sinners but in causes which may be amended for the compassion of the Saints it is permitted that the earthly Lords by their leave may presume to take pecunial amends according to the Law of the Countrey Of the kindes of Causes Cap. 21. There are also some kindes of Causes put before as we have said to be more freely expedited in the amendment of which the King does more particularly communicate wheresoever they are done in Divine or Secular things over Kings men and Ecclesiastical and of Barons men and he hath totally or particularly * * Or acephalos âcefalos pauperes sive socham of which are Adultery Fornication homicide in a Church breach of the peace or order or Christianity or Legality if it be needful to be done by the Secular power that right may be done De Christianâ consuetudine locutionum secundum quod sunt 64. Towards the latter end interline 25. and end A Priest who leads a regular life in a simple accusation may swear alone in a threefold with two of his Order a Deacon in a simple compellation may accompany himself with two Deacons in a threefold with six A Countrey Priest may purge himself as a regular Deacon a Priest accused by his Bishop or Archdeacon may swear himself the sixth of lawful Priests as they are prepared at Mass Of killing a Minister of the Altar 66. If any should kill a Minister of the Altar let him be outlawed before God and man unless he repent with worthy satisfaction and justly compound with his parents or throughly deny it with purgation of his head * * Werilada and begin this within thirty nights before God and man above all he hath If any Minister of the Altar kill any man or if it be extraordinarily declared by bad actions let him be both deprived of his Order and go on Pilgrimage as the Pope shall enjoyn him and amend the work But if he will purge himself he may do it triply but unless he shall begin this within thirty nights let him be outlawed before God and men If any man any ways afflict any man Ordained with stripes or bonds let him make him amends as is meet and to the Bishop the amends of the Altar according to the dignity of his Order to the King or Lords sufficient breach of the Kings peace * * Mundbrecho or deny it with sufficient purgation * * Plenlada If any man condemned to death desires to be confessed let it never be denied him but if any man should deny him let him give the King in satisfaction one hundred shillings or swear with six men that he did not do it If any man by force takes away Gods rights let a Dane amend with Lah sliht full Wytam with
if any one do erect in his ground a Mill of new and after the Parson of the same place demandeth Tithe for the same the Kings Prohibition doth issue in this form Quia de tali molendino hactenus decimae non fuerunt solutae prohibemus c. Et sententiam Excommunicationis si quam hac occasione promulgaveritis revocetis omnino The Answer In such case the Kings Prohibition was never granted by the Kings assent nor never shall which hath decreed that it shall not hereafter lie in such cases Where a Suit for one offence may be prosecuted both in Court Spiritual and Temporal Also if any cause or matter the knowledge whereof belongeth to a Court Spiritual and shall be definitively determined before a Judge Spiritual and does pass into a Judgment and shall not be suspended by an Appeal and after if upon the same thing a Question is moved before a Temporal Judge between the same parties and it be proved by witness or instruments such an Exception is not to be admitted in a Temporal Court The Answer When any one case is debated before Judges Spiritual and Temporal as above appeareth upon the case of laying violent hands upon a Clerk it is thought notwithstanding the Spiritual Judgment the Kings Court shall discuss the same matter as the party shall think expedient for himself In what case only the Kings Letter shall be sent to discharge an Excommunication Also the Kings Letter directed unto Ordinaries that have wrapped those that be in subjection unto them in the sentence of Excommunication that they should assoil them by a certain day or else that they do appear and shew wherefore they have excommunicated them The Answer The King decreeth that hereafter no such Letter shall be suffered to go forth but in case where it is found that the Kings liberty is prejudiced by such Excommunication Clerks in the Kings service shall be discharged of their Residence but shall be corrected by their Ordinary Also Barons of the Kings Exchequer claiming by their priviledge that they ought to make answer to no complainant out of the same place extend the same priviledge unto the Clerks abiding there called to Orders or unto Residence and inhibit Ordinaries that by no means or for any cause so long as they be in the Exchequer or Kings service that they call not them to Judgment Ans It pleaseth our Lord the King that such Clerks as attend in this service if they offend shall be correct by their Ordinaries like as other but so long as they are occupied about the Exchequer they shall not be bound to keep residence in their Churches This is added of new by the Kings Council The King and his Ancestors since time out of mind have used that Clerks which are imployed in his service during such time as they are in his service shall not be compelled to keep residence at their Benefices And such things as be thought necessary for the King aad Commonweal ought not to be said to be prejudicial to the liberty of the Church Distresses shall not be taken in the High-ways nor in the antient Fees Cap. 9 of the Church Also the Kings Officers as Sheriffs and other do enter into the Fees of the Church to take Distresses and sometimes they take the Parsons beasts in the High-way where they have nothing but the land belonging to the Church The Answer The Kings pleasure is that from henceforth such Distresses shall neither he taken in the Kings High-way nor in the Fees wherewith Churches in tiimes past have been endowed Nevertheless he willeth Distresses to be taken in possession of the Church newly purchased by Ecclesiastical persons They that abjure the Realm shall be in peace as long as they be in the Church or High-way Also where some flying unto the Church abjure the Realm according to the custom of the Realm and Laymen or their enemies do pursue them and pluck them from the Kings High-way and they be hanged or headed and whilst they be in the Church are kept in the Church-yard with armed men and sometime in the Church so straitly that they cannot depart from the hallowed ground to empty their belly and cannot be suffered to have necessaries brought unto them for their living The Answer They that abjure the Realm so long as they be in the common way shall be in the Kings peace nor ought to be disturbed of any man and when they be in the Church their Keepers ought not to abide in the Church-yard except necessity or peril of escape do require so And as long as they be in the Church they shall not be compelled to flee away but they shall have necessaries for their living and may go forth to empty their belly And the Kings pleasure is that Thieves or Appellors whensoever they will may confess their offences unto Priests but let the Confessors beware that they do not erroniously inform such Appellors Religious Houses shall not be charged by compulsion with Corodies Pensions Resort or taking in of Horses and Carts Also it is desired that our Lord the King and the Great men of the Realm do nor charge Religious houses or Spiritual persons for Corodies Pensions or Sojourning in Religious houses and other places of the church or with taking up of horses or carts whereby such houses are impoverished and Gods service diminished and by reason of such charges Priests and other Ministers of the Church deputed unto Divine service are oftentimes compelled to depart from the places aforesaid The Answer The Kings pleasure is that upon the contents in their Petition from henceforth they shall not be unduly charged And if the contrary be done by Great men or other they shall have remedy after the form of the Statutes made in the time of King Edward Father to the King that now is And the like remedy shall be done for corodies and pensions exacted by compulsion whereof no mention is made in the said Statutes A Clerk excommunicated may be taken out of the Parish where he dwelleth Cap. 12 Also if any of the Kings tenure be called before their Ordinaries out of the Parish where they continue if they be excommunicate for their manifest contumacy and after forty days a Writ goeth out to take them and they pretend their priviledge that they ought not to be cited out of their Town and Parish where their dwelling is and so the Kings Writ that went out to take them is denied The Answer It was never yet denied nor shall be hereafter The examination of a Parson presented to a Benefice belongeth to a Spiritual Judge Also it is desired that Spiritual persons whom our Lord the King doth present unto Benefices of the Church if the Bishop will not admit them either for lack of learning or for other cause reasonable may not be under examination of Lay-persons in the cases aforesaid as it is now attempted contrary to the Decrees canonical but that they may sue unto a
person sueth another Spiritual person in the Court of Rome for a matter Spiritual where he may have remedy before his Ordinary that is of the Bishop of the Diocess within the Realm Quia trahit ipsum in placitum extra regnum incurreth the danger of a Premunire a hainous offence being contra Legiantiae suae debitum in contemptum Domini Regis contra coronam dignitatem suam In the Kings Court of Record where Felonies are determined the Bishop or his Deputy ought to give his attendance to the end that if any man 9 Ed. 4. 28. that is Indicted or Arraigned for Felony do demand the benefit of his Clergy that the Ordinary may inform the Court of his sufficiency or insufficiency that is whether he can read as a Clerk or not whereof notwithstanding the Ordinary is not to judge but a Minister to the Kings Court and the Judges of that Court are to judge of the sufficiency or insufficiency of the party whatsoever the Ordinary do inform them and upon due examination of the party may give judgement above the Ordinaries information For the Kings Judges are Judges of the Cause whether the Ordinary be a Judge of Legit or non Legit matters not much for if he be Judge or Minister no doubt but he is the Kings Judge or Minister And I my self have seen Chief Justice Littleton overrule the Ordinary in the Case of one Brudbank after the Ordinaries Deputy had pronounced legit ut Clericus and give sentence of death upon him for his non legit and he was hanged The Popes Excommunication is of no force within the Kingdom of England 12 Ed. 4. f. 46. In the Reign of King Ed. 4. a Legat came from the Pope to Callis to have come into England but the King and his Councel would not let him come into England until he had taken an Oath that he should attempt nothing against the King or his Crown And so the like was done to another of the Popes Legates And this is so reported 1 H. 7. fol. 10. In the Reign of Richard the third It is resolved by the Judges that a Judgement of Excommunication in the Church of Rome shall not prejudice any man within England at the Common Law In the Reign of Henry the seventh 1 H. 7. fol. 10. The Pope had Excommunicated all persons whatsoever who had bought Alume of the Florentines and it was resolved by all the Judges that the Popes Excommunication ought not to be obeyed or to be put in execution within the Realm of England It was enacted ordained and established by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in the said Parliament assembled That it be lawful to all Archbishops and Bishops and other Ordinaries having Episcopal jurisdiction to punish chastise such Priests Clerks and Religious men being within the bounds of their jurisdiction as shall be committed afore them by examination and lawful proof requisite by the Law of the Church of Advoutry Fornication Incest or any other fleshly incontinency by committing them to ward or prison there to abide in ward until such time as shall be thought to their discretions convenient for the quality and quantity of their trespass And that none of the Archbishops Bishops or Ordinaries aforesaid be thereof chargeable of to or upon any action of false or wrongful Imprisonment but that they be utterly discharged thereof in any of the cases aforesaid by vertue of this Act. The King is a mixt person because he hath Ecclesiastical and Temporal 10 H. 7. 18. jurisdiction By the Ecclesiastical Laws allowed within this Realm a Priest cannot 11 H. 7. 12. have two Benefices nor a Bastard can have a Priest But the King may by his Ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction dispence with both these because they be mala prohibita but not mala per se How far Henry the Eighth exercised his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction IT was enacted That if any person or persons at any time after the St. 21. H. 8. 13. first of April 1530. contrary to the Act should procure and obtain at the Court of Rome or elswhere any Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation to receive or take any more Benefices with cure then was limited by the said Act or else at any time after the said day should put in execution any such Licence Toleration or Dispensation before that time obtained contrary to the said Act That then every such person or persons so after the said day suing for himself or receiving or taking such Benefice by force of such Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation that is to say the same person or persons only and no other should for every such default incur the danger pain and penalty of Twenty pounds sterling and should also lose the whole profits of every such Benefice or Benefices as he receives or takes by force of any such Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation And that if any person or persons did procure or obtain at the Court of Rome or elswhere any manner of Licence or Dispensation to be nonresident at their Dignities Prebends or Benefices contrary to the said Act that then every such person putting in execution any such Dispensation or Licence for himself from the said first of April 1530. should run and incur the penalty damage and pain of Twenty pounds sterling for every time so doing to be forfeited and recovered and yet such Licence or Dispensation so procured or to be put in execution to be void and of none effect It was enacted That no person from thenceforth cited or summoned 23 H. 8. cap. 9. or otherwise called to appear by himself or herself or by any Procurator before any Ordinary Archdeacon Commissary Official or any other Judge Spiritual out of the Diocese or peculiar Jurisdiction where the person which shall be cited summoned or otherwise as is abovesaid called shall be inhabiting and dwelling at the time of awarding or going forth of the same citation or summons Except it be for in or upon any of the cases or causes hereafter written viz. for any Spiritual offence or cause committed or done or omitted forstowed or neglected to be done contrary to right and duty by the Bishop Archdeacon Commissary Official or other person having Spiritual jurisdiction or being a Spiritual Judge or by any other person or persons within the Diocese or other Jurisdiction whereunto he or she shall be cited or otherwise lawfully called to appear and answer And that every Spiritual Judge offending contrary to the purport of this Act shall forfeit Ten shillings sterling the one half to the King the other half to any person that will sue for the same in any of the Kings Courts in which action no protection shall be allowed nor Wager of Law or Essoine be admitted In which Sir E. Coke Cawdries case says there were twenty four Bishops Stat. 24. H. 8. cap.
St. 27 H. 8. cap. 15. Spiritual and sixteen Temporal to examine the Laws and Constitutions heretofore made according to the Statute of 25 H. 8. 9. But no Laws or Constitutions shall be made without the Kings assent nor contrary to the Kings Prerogative or the Laws of the Land If any person shall extoll the Authority of the Bishop of Rome he shall 28 H. 8. c. 10. incur the penalty of a Praemunire provided Anno 16 Ric. 2. Every Ecclesiastical and Lay-Officer shall be sworne to renounce the said Bishop and his Authority and to resist it to his power and to repute any Oath taken in maintenance of the said Bishop or his Authority to be void And the refusing of the said Oath to be Treason Makes all Bulls and Dispensations from the Bishop or See of Rome to 28 H. 8. c. 16. any of the Subject of this Realm void The King may nominate such number of Bishops Sees for Bishops 31 H. 8. c. 9. Cathedral Churches and endow them with such possessions as he will 1. If any person by word writing printing ciphering or otherwise do preach teach dispute or hold opinion That in the blessed Sacrament 31 H. 8. c. 14. called the Statute of the Six Articles of the Altar under form of bread and wine after the consecration thereof there is not really the natural body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ conceived of the Virgin Mary or that after the said consecration there remains any substance of bread or wine or any other substance but the substance of Christ God and man Or that in the flesh under the form of bread is not the very blood of Christ Or that with the blood under the form of wine is not the very flesh of Christ as well apart as though they were both together Or affirm the said Sacrament to be of other substance then is aforesaid Or deprave the said blessed Sacrament Then he shall be adjudged a Heretick and suffer death by burning and shall forfeit to the King all his lands tenements hereditaments goods and chattels as in case of High Treason 2. Or if any person preach in any Sermon or Collation openly made or teach in any Common School or Congregation or obstinately affirm or defend That the Communion of the blessed Sacrament in both kinds is necessary for the health of mans soul or ought to be administred in both kinds Or that it is necessary to be received by any person other then by Priests being at Mass and consecrating the same 3. Or that any man after the Order of Priesthood received may marry or contract matrimony 4. Or that any man or woman which advisedly hath vowed or professed or should vow or profess chastity or widowhood may marry or contract marriage 5. Or that Private Masses be not lawful or not laudable or should not be used or be not agreeable to the Laws of God 6. Or that Auricular confession is not expedient and necessary to be used in the Church of God He shall be adjudged suffer death and forfeit lands and goods as a Felon If any Priest or other man or woman which advisedly hath vowed chastity or widowhood do actually marry or contract matrimony with another Or any man which is or hath been a Priest do carnally use any woman to whom he is or hath been married or with whom he hath contracted matrimony or openly be conversant or familiar with any such woman both man and woman shall be adjudged Felons Commissions shall be awarded to the Bishop of the Diocese his Chancellor Commissary and others to enquire of the Heresies Felonies and offences aforesaid And also Justices of Peace in their Sessions and every Steward Under-Steward and Deputy of Steward in their Leets or Law-day by the oath of twelve men have authority to enquire of the Heresies Felonies and offences aforesaid See the 7. Chap. of B. Bramhalls Just Vindication of the Church of England where he endeavours to shew that not only the Emperor the King of France nay and the King of Spain have in effect done the same things with Henry the Eighth upon occasion or at least plead for it although for their interests they have not continued the exercise of their Jurisdiction as the Kings of England have done A short view or reflexion upon Henry the Eight and his Reformation How zealous a Defender of the Pope and See of Rome Henry the Eight K. H. 8. a zealous defender of the Pope and Papacy was in the beginning of his Reign is evident by his book written against Martin Luther For not being born Henry the seventh's eldest son his Father being a wondtrful frugal Prince and observing good natural parts in him bred him up in literature and destinated him to the Archbishoprick of Canterbury as being the cheapest and highest preferment he could give him But his elder brother being dead and after him his father The King esteeming it a great honor to imploy himself in so famous a controversie as was then maintained by the Wits of Christendom in defence and opposition of the Church of Rome wrote a book of the Seven Sacraments defending also the Papacy and oppugned the Doctrine of Luther This thing was so grateful to the Pope that Leo 10. honored him with the Title of Defender of the Faith But after he had been married to his brothers wife above twenty years and inflamed with lustful affection to Anne Bullein a Paragon and Minion From what cause the King became estranged from the Pope of the Court he became he said troubled in conscience for having married his brothers wife and therefore desired that the Pope would examine the case and satisfie his scruple of conscience It is a very remarkable thing that this ungodly Dispensation of Julius 2. for H. 8. his marrying with his brothers wife should be the cause of the King and Kingdoms defection from the Papacy under Clement 7. The Pope to satisfie the King gave the Cardinals Wolsey and Campeius a power Legatine to hear and determine the validity or invalidity of the marriage but the Queen refusing to submit to their determination appealed from them to the Pope The Pope had now a Wolf by the ears whom he could neither keep nor well let go For in pronouncing the marriage void he feared to incense Charls the Fifth being Nephew to Queen Katherine and the most potent Prince in Christendom and in confirming it he feared to lose Henry the then most beloved Son of the Church and great Defender of the Papacy not only in writing but also in joining with and assisting the French King Francis the First for freeing him from captivity being a prisoner under Charls The Pope therefore desires the advantage of time and proceeds slowly towards a determination The King as impatient in his desires expects a sentence from the Pope which not being to be had he procures Instruments from the Universities of Cambridge Oxford and Paris together
Dissolution of Abbies and all were easily passed and assented to in Parliament But whatsoever the King were otherwise yet sure the Popes passion The Pope was more unjust in his censures then the King was in excluding the Papal jurisdiction against him carried them to greater extravagancies and exorbitancies then were on his part against them For suppose that the Pope had de facto the Investitures of Bishops Peter-pence Annates and First-fruits paid them and did exercise a jurisdiction over all the Church and Clergy yet no question all these things were by the grants and permission of precedent Kings and if Kings may grant and permit these things then what hinders but that they may recall them for Cujus est velle ejus est nolle Besides we have already shewed that although there were not that bitter personal spite between the Kings of England and and the Popes formerly as was between Henry 8. and Clement 7. and Paul 3. yet did many of them ascribe as little to the Pope as Henry did But for a Pope to deprive a Christian Prince of his kingdom over whom he had no manner of right his Adherents of whatsoever they possessed to command his Subjects to deny their obedience to their Soveraign and Strangers not to have any commerce in the kingdom and all to take arms against him and his followers granting them their estates and goods for a prey and their persons for slaves is so unlike to the example and precept of S. Peter whom they pretend to succeed who not only suffered death under Temporal power but inspired by God does command so expresly obedience to Kings not as subordinate to himself 1 Pet. 2. 13. but as supreme And of our Saviour himself who both suffered himself under Temporal power and paid tribute to Caesar and took not away but fulfilled the Moral Law which commands obedience to Princes and Higher powers and whose kingdom was not of this world that sure no Turk or Infidel was so much an enemy to Christians or indeed rather to mankind as to have desired it The state of the Church and of the Ecclesiastical Laws made by Edward the sixth THe time of this Kings reign being a Child and therefore woful and of his Father were perillous days The Father in his Laws scarce ever took advice but from his passion lust or avarice the Son although a Prince of infinite hope and goodness yet wanting the authority and reputation requisite in a Soveraign was either not able to restrain or else perswaded it was beneficial to give reins to a company of Sacrilegious Harpies and Courtiers to make a total prey not only upon all Colledges Free-Chappels Chantries and all their Lands except them of the Universities and some few other which by the Statute of 1 Ed. 6. cap. 14. were given to Camb. pref Eliz. Reg. Life of Ed. 6. the King upon specious pretences but the Lands of the Bishops generally became a prey unto them So much worse is it for every thing to be lawful then that any thing should be Law It was enacted That if any man spake irreverently or contemptuously An. 1. Ed. 6. c. 6. of the Sacrament of the Altar he should be imprisoned and fined at the Kings will and pleasure and that Justices of Peace might enquire of offenders Yet should not the person offending be arraigned or tryed unless the Bishop of the Diocese or his Chancellor or Deputy learned were required to be at the Quarter-Sessions to which purpose a new Writ was made Rex c. Episc L. salutem Praecipimus tibi quod tu Cancellarius tuus vel alius deputatus tuus sufficienter eruditus sitis cum Justiciariis nostris ad pacem in com nostro B. conservand assignat apud D. tali die ad sessionem nostram tunc ibidem tenend ad dand consilium advisament eisdem Justitiariis nostris ad pacem super arraiment deliberationem offendet contra Formam statuti concernend sacrosanctum Sacramentum Altaris And by this Satute it was Enacted that the Sacrament should be delivered to the people under both Kindes viz. of Bread and Wine From thenceforth no Conge deslier shall be granted nor any Election An. 1 Ed. 6. Cap. 2. shall be made of any Archbishop or Bishop by the Dean and Chapter but when any Archbishoprick or Bishoprick shall be voided the King by his Letters Patents may confer the same to any person whom he shall think meet c All summons citations and other proces Ecclesiastical shall be made in the name and with the stile of the King as in the Writs of the common Law and the test thereof shall be in the name of the Archbishop or Bishop c. All persons that have the exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction shall have in their Seals of Office the Kings Arms with certain characters under them for the knowledge of their dioces but the Archbishop of Canterbury shall use his own Seal and his own name in all faculties and dispensations A man speaking against the Kings Headship of the Church shall being An. 1 Ed. 6. Cap. 12. thereof attaint or convict forfeit all his Goods and Chattels to the King and suffer imprisonment during the Kings will and pleasure for the first offence and for the second offence forfeit to the King the whole issues and profits of all his Lands and all his Goods and Chattels and suffer perpetual imprisonment and for the third offence shall be adjudged a Traytor and suffer death and forfeit all his Goods and Chattels Lands and Tenements as in cases of High Treason And it shall be deemed Treason for any by Printing Writing or Deed to affirm the King not to be Head of the Church An Act for uniformity of Service and administration of Sacraments being An. 2 3 Ed. 6 Cap. 1. before divers and different viz. of Sarum of York of Bangor and of Lincoln and divers and sundry forms and fashions were used in Cathedrals and Parish-Churches of England and Wales as well concerning Mattens or Morning Prayer and the Evening Song as also concerning the holy Communion commonly called the Mass with divers and sundry rites and ceremonies concerning the same and in the administration of the Sacraments of the Church The Statute does inflict upon every Parson Vicar or other whatsoever Minister that ought or should say or sing the said Common Prayer mentioned in the said Book Entituled the Book of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments and other rites and ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England and shall refuse it or use any other form or shall Preach Declare or speak any thing in derogation of the said Book or any thing contained therein and be thereof lawfully convict by a Jury of twelve men or by confession shall forfeit to the King for the first offence the profit of all his Spiritual benefices and promotions arising in a whole year and
after them Gunthramn Clowis Carloman and Pepin at Masscon first and second at Chalons That which is called Francia and that which is in Vernis Twenty of them at least in France In Spain by ten several Kings in two Councels at Braccara and in ten at Tolledo by the space of three hundred years together And how under what terms Peruse the Councel themselves their very acts spake Ex praecepto Imperio Jussu Sanctione Nutu Decreto Ex evocatione Dispositione Regis One saith Potestas permissa est nobis another facultas data est nobis a third Injunctu est nobis á rege and this for about eight hundred years after Christ Then arose another Empire here in the West under Charls the Great and he called six several Councils at Frankfort Arles Tours Chalons Mentz and Rhemes And what says he in them In that at Rhemes In conventu mere priscorum Imperatorum congregato à piissimo Domino nostro Carolo That he called that Convention by no other right then as the manner of the antient Emperors had been to do After him Ludovicus Pius Lotharius Ludovicus Balbus Carolus Calvus Carolus Crassus and Arnulphus at the several Councils of Aken Mentz Melden Wormes Colen and Tribur and so held it nine hundred years after Christ for about that year a year or two over or under was holden the Council at Tribur in Germany by the Emperors decree and himself President in it Nor are the Kings of England less absolute then either Emperors Kings of Spain or France And see B. Bramhalls Just Vindication of the Church of England cap. 7. how the Emperors Kings of France Spain and Portugal have by their own authority convened National and Provincial Councils which have not only determined without the Papal authority but very often in contradiction to it Nor are either the English or British Churches or ever were less free then the Gallicane the liberties whereof in the Chapter aforesaid are set down viz. 1. The Pope cannot command or ordain any thing directly or indirectly concerning any Temporal affairs within the Dominions of the King of France 2. The Spiritual authority and power of the Pope is not absolute in The priviledges of the Gallican Church France but limited and restrained to the canons and rules of the antient Councils of the Church and received in that Kingdom 3. No command whatsoever of the Pope can free the French Clergy from their obligation to obey the commands of their Soveraign 4. The most Christian King hath had power at all times according to the occurrence and exigence of affairs to assemble or cause to be assembled Synods Provincial or National and therein to treat not only of such things as concern the conservation of the Civil estate but also of such things as concern Ecclesiastical order and discipline in his own dominions and therein to make Rules Chapters Laws Ordinances and Pragmatique Sanctions in his own name and by his own authority Many of which have been received among the Decrees of the Catholique Church and some of them approved by General Councils 5. The Pope cannot send a Legate à latere into France with power to reform judge collate dispence or do such things accustomed to be specified in the autoritative Bull of his Legation except it be upon the desire or with the approbation of the most Christian King Neither can the said Legate execute his charge until he hath promised to the King in writing under his oath upon his holy Orders not to make use of his Legantine power in the Kings dominions longer then it shall please the King and that so soon as he shall be admonished of the Kings pleasure to forbid it he shall give it over And that whilst he doth use it shall be exercised conformable to the Kings will without attempting any thing to the prejudice of the Decrees of General Councils or the Liberties and Priviledges of the Gallicane Church and the Universities of France 6. The Commissions and Bulls of the Popes Legate are to be seen examined and approved by the Court of Parliament and to be registred and published with such cautions and modifications as that Court shall judge expedient for the good of the Kingdom and to be executed according to the said cautions and not otherwise 7. The Prelates of the French Church although commanded by the Pope for what cause soever it be may not depart out of the Kingdom without the Kings commandment or licence 8. The Pope cannot by himself or his delegates judge any thing which concerns the state preheminence or priviledges of the Crown of France nor any thing pertaining to it nor can there be any question or process about the state or pretensions of the King but in his Courts 9. Papal Bulls Citations Excommunications c. are not to be executed in France without the Kings command or permission and after permission only by the authority of the King and not by authority of the Pope to shun mixture and confusion of Jurisdictions 10. Neither the King nor his Realm nor his Officers can be excommunicated or interdicted by the Pope nor his Subjects absolved from their Oath of Allegiance 11. The Pope cannot impose Pensions in France upon any Benefices having cure of souls nor upon any others but according to the canons according to the express condition of resignation or ad redimendum vexationem 12. All Bulls and Missives which come from Rome to France are to be seen and visited to try if there be nothing in them prejudicial in any manner to the estate and liberties of the Church of France or to the Royal authority 13. It is lawful to appeal from the Pope to a future Council 14. Ecclefiastical persons may be convented judged and sentenced before a Secular Judge for the first grievous or enormous crime or for lesser offences after a Relapse which renders them incorrigible in the eye of the Law 15. All places of France are obliged to swear fealty to the King and to receive from him investitures for their fees and manors 16. The Courts of Parliament in case of Appeals as from abuse have right and power to declare null void and to revoke the Popes Bull and Excommunications and to forbid the execution of them when they are found contrary to Sacred Decrees the liberty of the French Church or the Prerogative Royal. 17. General Councils are above the Pope and may depose him and put another in his place and take cognisance of Appeals from the Pope 18. All Bishops have their power immediately from Christ not from the Pope and are equally successors of S. Peter and of the other Apostles and Vicars of Christ 19. Provisions Reservations Expective graces c. have no place in France 20. The Pope cannot exempt any Church Monastery or Ecclesiastical body from the jurisdiction of the Ordinary nor erect Bishopricks into Archbishopricks nor unite them nor divide them without the Kings licence 21. All those are not Hereticks
uniting to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm the ancient Jurisdiction Authorities Superiorities and Preheminencies to the same of right belonging and appertaining By reason whereof her most humble Subjects from the time of the 25 H. 8. were continually kept in good order and were disburdened of divers great and intollerable charges and vexations before that time unlawfully taken and exacted by such foreign Power and Authority as before that was usurped * And to the The Statute of 1 2 Ph. Ma. cap. 8. which restored to the Pope all which this Stat. takes away declares that nothing was done prejudiciall to the Crown in so doing intent that all usurped power Spirituall and Temporall might for ever be extinguished and never be used or obeyed in this Realm or any other her Majesties Dominions It was therefore by the Authority of that Parliament enacted That no forrein Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate Spirituall or Temporall should at any time after the last day of that Session of Parliament use enjoy or exercise any manner of Power Jurisdiction Authority Preheminence or Priviledge Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall within this Realm or within any other the Queens Dominions or Countries that then were or hereafter should be but from henceforth the same should be clearly abolished out of this Realm and all other her Dominions for ever And it was then also established and enacted That such Jurisdiction Priviledges Superiorities and Preheminences Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall as by any Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall Power or Authority had heretofore been or might lawfully be exercised or used for the visitation of Ecclesiasticall state and persons and for reformation order and correction of the same and of all manner of errors heresies schismes abuses offences contempts and enormities should for ever by authority of that Parliament be united and annexed to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm And that the Queen her Heirs and Successors Kings or Queens of this Realm should have full power and authority by virtue of that Act by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England to assigne name and authorize when and as often as the Queen her Heirs and Successors shall think meet and convenient and for such and so long time as should please the Queen her heirs and successors such person or persons being naturall born Subjects to the Queen her heirs or successors as the said Queen her heirs or successors should think meet to exercise use occupy and execute under the said Queen her heirs and successors all manner of Jurisdictions Priviledges and Preheminences in any wise touching or concerning any Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction within these Realms of England or Ireland or any other her Dominions and Countries and to visite reform redress order correct and amend all such errors heresies schismes abuses contempts and enormities whatsoever which by any manner spirituall or ecclesiasticall Power Authority or Jurisdiction could or might lawfully be reformed ordered redressed corrected restrained or amended to the pleasure of Almighty God the encrease of virtue and conservation of the peace and unity of this Realm And that such person or persons so to be named assigned authorized and appointed by the said Queen her heirs and successors after the said Letters Patents to him or them made and delivered as is aforesaid should have full power and authority by virtue of that Act and of the Letters Patents under the said Queen her heirs and successors to exercise use and execute all the premisses according to the tenor and effect of the said Letters Patents any matter or cause to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding This Statute doth create the oath of Supremacy to be taken by all men who hold any Office or take from the Queen her heirs and successors any Fees or Wages within this Realm or other her Highnes Realms or Domiminions the form and tenor of it is I A. B. doe utterly testifie and declare in my conscience that the Queens Highness is the only supreme Governor of this Realm and all other her Highness Dominions and Countries as well in all Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things or causes as Temporall and that no forrein Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preheminence or Authority Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall within this Realm and therefore I doe utterly renounce and forsake all forrein Jurisdiction Powers Superiorities and Authorities and do promise that from henceforth I shall bear faith and true allegiance to the Queens Majesty her Heirs and lawfull Successors and to my power shall assist and defend all Jurisdictions Priviledges Preheminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the Queens Highness her Heirs and Successors or united and annexed to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm So help me God and the contents of this Book If any person dwelling or inhabiting within this Realm or any other of the Queens should within 30. dayes after the determination of the Session of that Parliament by Writing Printing Teaching c. maintain any forrein Power or Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall or shall advisedly put in use any such forrein Power or Jurisdiction within any of her Highness Dominions he and his Aiders Abettors Counsellors c. shall forfeit to the Queen her Heirs and Successors all his goods and chattels as well reall as personall If any person so convict be not worth in Goods and Chattels the summe of 20 s. every such person upon conviction over and besides the forfeiture of his Goods and Chattels shall suffer imprisonment by the space of a whole year without Bail or Mainprise And that all and every the Benefices Prebends and other Ecclesiasticall promotions and dignities of every person spirituall so offending and being attaint shall be utterly void and the Patron and Donor may present as if the Incumbent were actually dead For the second offence the party offending shall incur the danger of a Premunire For the third offence after conviction and Attainder the party offending shall suffer death and forfeiture of all his Goods as in case of High Treason The offender must bee impeached for preaching teaching or speaking any thing against the Premisses within a yeere after such preaching teaching or speaking and if any person shall be imprisoned for preaching teaching or speaking against this Statute and if be not indicted within the space of one half yeer next after his offence that he be discharged and set at liberty No matter of Religion or cause Ecclesiasticall made by this Parliament shall be judged Error Heresie Schism or schismaticall opinion Such Persons as shall bee authorized by Letters Patents under the Broad-seale of England shall have jurisdiction power or authority spirituall to visite reform order or correct any errors heresies schisms abuses or enormities But by virtue of this Act they have not authority to determine or adjudge any thing to bee heresy but only such as heretofore have beene determined by Canonicall-Scripture or the 4 first generall Councells or any
of the Commons Lawes of this Land yet a great assertor of them and in disgrace with him would oftentimes affirm that there was no time whenever he could speak reason but the King would hear him With the reputation of these virtues he governed these Islands in greater peace then posbly in the ordinary nature of things could be expected In the 3. year of his Reign viz. Anno Dom. 1605. was a most hainous and The cause of the many Laws made against Popish Recusants vile attempt intended not only against the very Person of the King but even of his Posterity which had not advanced the designe of the conspirators and the Church and all the Nobility not of their faction with the Commons in Parliament assembled And the conspirators had proceeded so far that they had not only made provision to have effected their purpose and intended the fifth of November being the day for the convention of the Parliament after their Proroguement and therefore probably expecting not only a more then usuall convention both of the Lords and Gentry but even of the King himself to have blown up the Parliament House But the designe being as foolish as desperate was discovered the night before it should have been executed although it is thought that it was known even to the King himself and the Earl of Salisbury before as by accident and so had no other effect then what the conspirators might reasonably have expected had it succeeded viz. ruine to themselves for their faction being so very few in proportion to the rest of the Nation and without either money Forts or Army in reason they could not have done any thing considerable in order to their further designes and severe Lawes against all which might be suspected to be of their faction to prevent any such further attempts It is true where Tacitus observes that the conspiracies of Subjects where His defects and frailties they succeed not doe advance the Soveraignty and verefied in this attempt of the Gunpowder-Treason for how many Lawes were that Parliament and afterward enacted against all Popish Recusants we have before shewed yet so it happened and so usually happens when not carefully minded by Princes that another faction far more formidable both to King and Church openly pretending assistance to the King and Church in persecuting this faction secretly acquired strength to themselves in so doing Nor was this unseen by this wise King being naturally a greater enemy to the Faction persecuting the persecuted but either not having that magnanimity which is so requisite in a Soveraign or apprehending he had not means sufficient to goe through he neglected to apply such medicines as were necessary to the curing of this Gangrene so dilating it self both in Church Court and State but desiring Peace especially at home although almost upon any termes he rather sought to repell the breaking out of Puritanisme during his Reign then to eradicate it for the future Add hereunto that being excessively addicted to Hunting and not greatly loving the Common Lawes and finding it impossible to govern this Nation otherwise and minding controversies in Divinity more than the management of his temporall affaires and though free from Sacriledge and Corruption in his person yet carelesse of it in his Favourites and Countrymen and nothing so prudent a Manager of the Revenues of the Crown as his Predecessor whereby being forced to recede from many of his Regalities the Reins of Government both in Church and State became so loose that in the ordinary nature of things it was very difficult they should be reassumed by his Successor Ecclesiasticall Laws made by King Charles THere were some few Lawes made against Interludes c. on the Lords day and 10. groats penalty for offence to be levied by Justices and Constables which a man may read in the first Car. 1. 3 Car. 1. There had never in any time been before this Kings Reign so long Peace The state of the Church State in the beginning of K. Charles his Reign viz. for neer 80 years in this Nation as in the beginning of his Reign but neither doth peace make mens minds peaceable nor were things otherwise well disposed for the continuance of it for not only the zealous and obsequious duty which the Subjects paid to the Royall name in the person of Queen Elizabeth was quite dead and almost forgotten the great wisedome and learning of his Father not to be hoped for in the tender years of the Son the Exchequer without money and yet the King engaged in a Warre against the Spaniard for recovery of the Palatinate but the Puritan Faction which Queen Elizabeth desired so much to suppresse and so much hated by his Father was grown so farre up in Church State and Court that in all they were far more numerous both in England and Scotland and all forein Plantations then all his other Subjects Nor was the condition of Ireland better for not only the Protestant party were jarring among themselves but the Popish intent upon their destruction which after they did execute in a terrible manner To these may be added the government both in Church and State so neglected that the exercise of any Lawes to reduce them to conformity would be imputed to have been Innovations and Tyranny The Kings Councell either uncapable of giving counsell or not faithfull to their Prince Nor was there any thing left to oppose all these growing calamities but the hopefull virtues of a young Prince unacquainted in Temporall affaires and a stranger to all worldly calamities which are of no more power to protect him against seditious and rebellious Subjects then the Lawes of God and all which may be called sacred will retain men in obedience where they are not restrained by a present coercive power But these stormes which after brought this Saintlike Prince and this wofull Church State to so lamentable a condition as they lately lay under did not breake out in the very beginning of his Reign but in all three Nations did gather into such black clouds in all his reigne that almost at once breaking forth in such a terrible Tempest as upon the matter it so overwhelmed King Church and Government that there was scarce any footsteps of them left I had here designed to have inserted a short History of the chiefe occurrences of his Reigne and by what degrees this saint-like Prince became a victim to the rage and lust of his seditious subjects and have the papers now by me but in regard it must needs rub soares which may rather in their tendernesse anger then ease them and also because the History of his life hath been by others more fully written but most of all because it is his Majesties pleasure to have the memory of things rather buried in oblivion then renued I shall forbeare and doe no more then give the description of him and shew the consequence of his calamities The Description of King
the Scots no whit edified by his concessions the next year upon no cause given by the King they not only arm but enter the Nation in open hostility from his granting them their concessions the English Faction urge his granting all things how dishonourable soever even to the shedding of humane blood nor would they have stayed there had not the Kings utmost necessities put him upon other resolutions of seeking his preservation otherwaies then by granting all the exercise of the Militia and Regalities to those men who made so bad use of his precedent benefits and favours Machivel in the 26. chap. lib. 1. de repub advises every new Prince that The Kings cause was most prudent as well as just unjustly possesses the City or Region of another that by how much he understands himself more weak to conserve his Empire either by lawfull ruling or by instituting a free Common-wealth by so much the more he intends this only that as he is a new Prince so in his Principality he does innovate all things that he create new Magistrates marked by new names and to them he choose new men that he distribute the goods of the rich to poor men and make them rich And as it is reported of King David so it may be said of him He hath filled the hungry with good things and the rich he hath sent empty away c. and the reason he gives is that no man in his Region that holds any thing but must confesse he obtained it of the Prince But if he be so great at policy in Princes who unjustly possesse anothers right to innovate all things then in reason besides the justness of it there can be no greater prudence in Princes who reign by inherent birth-right and to the wrong and prejudice of no man to rule and govern by the old received and established Lawes of the Nation to innovate nothing where there is no apparent necessity neither in Church or State in Lawes or Religion yet who hath not seen the most Saintlike and Glorious Monarch of the Western World whose right was derived from innumerable ancestors nor was there upon the face of the earth any one that could make any colourable pretence of right to his Crown prosecuted arraigned condemned and executed by his own naturall Subjects and his Queen and Posterity banished for no other reason but because he did endeavour to have governed and protected them by the known and established Lawes of the Nation So little avails the skilfulness of the Pilot how good great or just soever if the wind of divine favour wherewith eternall providence governs mortall affaires help not to bring our actions to their desired Port Sir Edward Coke in the Pleas of the Crown Cap. Petty Treason prop. sin A short view upon the 3. Nations since they cast off their obedience observes that in perusall of all books Histories and Records it was never found that Treason did ever attain the desired end but did alwayes prove fatall destructive to the undertakers Let any man but see Gods judgments upon the Kirkmen of Scotland and the Roman Catholicks of Ireland if they be not either vagabonds abroad or the most miserable slaves in the world at home for although it so pleased the divine providence that their iniquities prevailed against the King yet did the divine vengeance overtake them by a third faction so new contemptible and obscure that it was not only in their undertaking not feared but in the beginning never heard of in the world It is true indeed the English Presbyterians who had most basely accepted a canting thing called the Covenant from the Kirkmen of Scotland and as injuriously imposed it upon their fellow Subjects have not been so highly chastised in the generall by them as they in Scotland the Roman Catholicks in Ireland have yet were they so far from attaining their ends that since all this Nation abounded with factions that was the most hated and despised by all other Nor were the other Factions much more reconciled and true to one another then to the Presbyterians for the Army commanded by Oliver Cromwell turned out the Rump of the Long Parliament which headed the Independent party and after Cromwells death the Army receives the Rump and displaces his posterity and surely in this world is not to be found in any family so many and so great distractions and dissentions as were in the late Protectors nor did the Rump of the late Long Parliament maintain their long fought for and new restored Dominions but were rejected by those creatures that did restore them with very small hopes of ever attaining to it again Yet did the Rump after reassume their supremacy and proceeded as high and arrogantly as if they had never done wrong but suffered all injustice and wrong by their interruption when not only the Treasure of this Nation was exhausted and all Crown Church and Delinquents Lands and Compositions converted and consumed but the whole traffique of the Nation interrupted and destroyed And if it were so dangerous a thing to a Nation for one Faction to be formidable in Church or State how dangerous was it where there is no visible Church and nothing but Factions in all the State Although man by nature be a sociable creature and men do and ever did since there were any records of time live in society by right or usurpation to something superior to either the Fathers or Masters Power yet since the exercise of all power is politique humane or voluntary and therefore divers Princes govern by divers Lawes as they sort with the natures and dispositions of their Subjects and not only so but all Princes govern their own Subjects by differing Lawes according to their site and nature of their Subjects for it were a most unreasonable thing that the same Lawes should be imposed upon Mediterrane places where are observed in Maritime or that the Laws and Usages of the City of London should be required to be observed in every Country Village c. And since that some Nations doe almost without contradiction upon all occasions obey the Lawes of their Princes with out dispute as the Muscovites Armenians Persian Indians c. others scarce ever unlesse they be governed by their ancient received Laws ordinarily in extraordinary cases by Laws passed in some publick Assemblies as the Germans Swedes Polanders and Danes others are governed peaceably by their ancient received Laws in the usuall administration of Justice and in extraordinary cases doe admit of new ones having them rarely passed in publick Conventions such are the Italians Spaniards and French and this doth not proceed from any abject baseness or meanness of spirit for in the world are no where found men more generous and valiant And some are rarely governed long in peace although governed by old Lawes ordinarily and the consent of the major part of the Freeholders as they conceive by their representatives in passing new ones as
are the English and Scottish And also since the corruption of the best thing is worst it will not be amiss before we conclude this Chapter and Book to discourse this Probleme whether upon all occasions it be the only and necessary way to cure all distempers of State by a full convention in Parliament according to the usuall constitution And first we will see what may be said for it That the passing of Lawes in Parliament where the major part of the Object 1 Freeholders are represented creates and begets a right understanding between the King and his Subjects that it is not the intention of the Prince to alter the old Lawes and introduce new ones to their prejudice To this I subscribe That when Lawes are so passed it confirmes and strengthens the Prince both by the person and purse of his Subjects in any designe he shall undertake because the representatives of the Freeholders consent unto it To this I subscribe That Parliaments have been of that antiquity and the Nation so habituated to them that it will never long be governed peaceably without them To this I subscribe That the grievances of the Nation can never be so well represented and redressed as in Parliament where the major part of the Freeholders are represented To this I subscribe That men will lesse dare to abuse their Prince or Country by any sinister or indirect means when Parliaments are frequent and free To this I subscribe The frequent use of Parliaments takes away all strangenesse between the King and his Subjects and begets a confidence and right understanding between them To this I subscribe That since it is necessary that every Prince in governing must necessarily ultimately resolve his confidence into something besides the Lawes to which upon all occasions he may betake himself for the Execution and defence of himself and Subjects and this must be by a constant Army in pay of his Subjects according to the institution of the Roman Legions or out of a diffidence of his own Subjects or from some reason of state trust the protection of his Person and Lawes into the hands of Foreigners as did the Kings of Aegypt before Sclymus conquered them or as the King of France now does in the hands of Switz and Scots or he must betake himself to the protection of a mercinary Army made up of his Subjects and Foreiners as the Turks Janizaries and Spahi are or establish his security and refuge up-the affection of his subjects and intrust them with the Militia in such manner as hath beene used heretofore in England and that this agrees better with the nature and constitution of English-men then any of the other as being established as well by common-Law as many Acts of Parliament To this I subscribe To these may be added that Tacitus in the life of Agricola makes it one great cause of the Romans conquering our Ancestors That they consulted not in common Nec aliud adversus validissimas Gentes pro nobis utilius quam quod in commune non consultant Rarus ad Propulsandum commune periculum conventus It a dum singuli pugnant aniversi vincuntur Quaere Yet quaere whether Rising-Chase in Norfolke and old Sarum in Wilts where are no Inhabitants but a few meane Tenants sending twice the numbers to the Parliament with the county of Yorke and whether the County and City of Durham sending none at all and whether Cornwall's sending ten times as many as either Warwick-shire or Leicestershire and yet eyther of them bigger and far more rich Counties Or whether Cities and Boroughs not only sending a like number of Citizens and Burgesses with the County having alike Vote with them of the County be an equall representative of the Freeholders Or whether the waies used in the Elections doe not animate the Electors and those that stand in Competition against one another and that to such a height That many of the Electors and those who stand are never after reconciled Answer It is true indeed that if God had determined all things in this inferior Orbe without any variation and that this thing were alwaies to be attained only by some one means that this in governing were by councell in Parliament then could there be neither reason or discourse upon variation and alteration of things and no difference betweene the wisest of Princes and the most foolish but this is so far from truth that there is nothing sublunary not only variable but doth vary every moment neither is there any thing in Reason Physick or State alike to all men nay in all of them the same thing may be at one time good and profitable at another time bad and hurtfull What man sees not that in health nature is not repaired by any man without a proportionable measure of diet which when he is indisposed may surcharge nature to the overthrow of it in him Strong physick may be proper to a man at one time and kill him at another Parliaments although ordinarily are the Kings surest refuge yet by how much they are more excellent by so much the worse are they corrupted Times are and will be bad when they are not made so by any cause in the Prince and so bad that in such conjuncture it may prove the utmost evill if the Houses or eyther of them shall assume the title of Parliament or give head to such Factions and distempers And no question when the Scots invaded England in 1640 it was unsafe Councell that advised the King to summon a Parliament and worst of all to convene it at London as things then stood For that saying of Tacitus it is rather Rhetoricall and makes against the Antiquity of Parliaments then any way proves necessity of them upon all occasions unless he could make consulere and pugnare the same thing nor could Agricola ever have obteined such victory against our Ancestors if he had fought with no more then had councelled him Epilogue WHen I looke back and consider the unstable condition of mankinde especially among Islanders and that often times the fate of good religious and just men is in this World more calamitous then of bad and vicious men I did then conclude with my self that Religion Justice and Piety cannot of themselves procure peace and society to mankind nay what is yet more lamentable that first sublunary cause from whence all Subjects derive and expect their protection is more subject to calamity then the condition of the meanest of mortall men Let a man take a survey of all the Kings in Britain since there were any Records of time and see whether neer one halfe of them did attain a naturall death nor is this confined within the Seas which encompass our Isle or a new thing in other parts of the world for Adgenerum Cereris sine caede sanguine pauci Juvenal Sat. 10. Descendunt Reges I shall therefore before I conclude endeavour to shew whether any peace and happinesse may be reasonably
have reference to Subjects who are born Diversity in Hereditary Monarchies for in Aristocracies and Democracies there neither is or ever was any original right or power in them but their Conventions do necessarily depend upon an antecedent act of them or the major part of them to meet at a certain time and place Where therefore such Assemblies are dissolved sine die they are totally dissolved however this dissolution happens nor does any man owe them obedience any longer but his or their title who next possesseth is good enough against them and all others who cannot make a superior or more just claim Nor can this have any reference to men born in Elective Monarchies for the Election depending upon the wills of men viz. the Electors who originally had no right of Election any Possession brought in against such Election by the will of man is title equivalent to it nor do Subjects in conscience owe obedience but to him who is possest or can make a superior claim by a true descent from him against whom no just title can be taken 10. Bodin in his Republique makes a Quaere Whether it were better Wherein consists the liberty of the Subject for Subjects ro be governed by few Laws with a reservation in the breast of the Judge or some special Court to redress extraordinary abuses which cannot be comprehended in the Laws or so to multiply Laws that no man should be punished where he could evade the Laws And determines for the former and the reason he gives is That Laws be they never so many are finite but mens actions are infinite and therefore though never so many Laws be made yet may men find evasions out of them to abuse and wrong other men whereby this multiplicity of Laws will rather ensnare other men than avoid the end for which they were intended It is a folly much incident to Englishmen that they place not only Freedom in serving many Masters but Liberty in many Laws Let any man take a survey of the Statute-Laws and Ordinances made since Henry the Eighth his dissolution of Monasteries to this year 1660. and see if they be not four times more than all the Acts made before only to the liberty of the Lawyers Fees for the ensnaring of the Subjects it being no doubt the greatest liberty of the Subject to be governed by few Laws and these the same in all places if it were possible 11. The power of Parents being from the law of nature Childrens Of subjection of children to parents subjection to them is due from the law of nature Solon having written the Athenian laws being asked why he did decree no punishment upon him who should kill his Parent answered There was no man so detestable as to think to do such an act He therefore did wisely not to make any law against that which was never heard of lest by doing so he should not so much forbid as admonish Children to it And what a curse did Canaan contract upon himself for but discovering his Fathers nakedness Gen. 9. 25. And no question Gods blessings and cursings are never more efficaciously pronounced than out of the mouths of Parents And To honor thy father and mother is the first Precept to which there is a promise of reward annexed viz. That thy days may be long in the land c. 12. Although the power of Masters over their Servants be created by Of servants to their masters positive humane laws and therefore subjection of Servants to their Masters is caused by humane laws Yet does not this exclude the obedience and subjection which is due from Servants to their Masters by the law of nature and Divine positive laws but Divine laws do include the subjection due from Servants to their Masters in thesi or general and the laws of every Country ex hypothesi or particular As Thou shalt not steal is from the law of Nature but that the doing of such a thing is Theft depends upon the particular laws or usages of every Nation And no question but Servants generally when the Apostles wrote were no other than Slaves over whom their Masters had not only absolute dominion of whatsoever was theirs but also power of life and death and that by no consent or submission of theirs And if such Servants ought to count their Masters worthy of all honor how 1 Tim. 6. 1. much more ought Servants to thank God and willingly to serve and honor such Masters who not only command over them not against their consents but also command such things as they may easily perform 13. Although this subjection be last in expression yet it is first in Of subjection to Ecclesiastical powers intention For if this subjection or obedience had not been due before any obedience to Temporal commands how could the Primitive Christians have met in dens and caves in daily Prayers and Breaking of bread whenas Temporal powers did not only not permit but forbid it Nor did God ever shew such terrible vengeance upon any disobedience and presumption as he did upon Corah Dathan and Abiram Num. 16. and their Competitors although their pretences were very fair forsooth That all the multitude were holy every one among them and the Lord was among them and Moses and Aaron did lift up themselves against the congregation of the Lord They though none of the tribe of Levi nor separated persons could offer sacrifice and burn incense to the Lord as well as Aaron or any Priest And no doubt but spiritual crimes are in their kind much worse and displeasing to God than carnal whatsoever offenders do pretend And let us see what manner of men these pretended Reformers are which teach otherwise and consent not to the wholsom words even to the words of our Lord Jesus Christ and to the doctrine which is according to godliness They are proud knowing nothing but doting about questions and strife of words 1 Tim. 6. 3 4 5. from whence cometh envy strife railings evil surmisings perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds and destitute of the truth supposing that gain is godliness from such withdraw thy self O my soul enter not into their secrets 14. In all Humane Society or Society which is created by the law of Diversity Nature viz. of Supreme Powers and Subjects of Husband and Wife of Parents and Children the relations are indissolvible only by God in those individual persons in whom the offices are nor can they be aliened transferred either by any act of themselves or any power else All Society created by Humane laws or Legal Society is alienable not only by the act of God and by the Laws which created it for Unumquodque dissolvi potest eo ligamine quo ligatum est But also by the act of the Master and Servant for Omnis consensus tollit errorem Christian Society does differ from either Humane or Legal for though the cause of Christian power be by Divine positive
institution and therefore incommunicable or alienable yet after it pleased God that Kings should be nursing fathers and Queens nursing mothers to his Church the exercise endowment priviledges and immunities of Christian power is of positive humane institution The obedience therefore or subjection due to them who have oversight over us in the Lord is not formally due to such Bishops and Priests who have once had the oversight over us but to such Bishops and Priests who are legally constituted to exercise the jurisdiction or function in such Dioceses or Parishes where they are so constituted which exercise is alienable or transferrible though not at the will of the Incumbent yet at the will of Supreme powers and legally at the will of the Donor CHAP. II. Of Inheritance and Succession 1. NO humane law can create a humane right Jura sanguinis nullo jure No Humane law can make a Royal heir civili dirimi possint Nor is this right of succession from Divine positive laws but observed as well where Gods revelation of himself is not received as where it is And if according to the resolution of all the most learned and reverend Judges in Calvin's Case subjection is from no humane law but from the law of nature Then of necessity must Regal right and inheritance be from the law of nature for no man supposeth subjection where he does not presuppose power The Will therefore of Henry the Eight where for want of issue of Edward Mary and Elizabeth he gives the English Monarchy to the issue of Frances and Elianor daughters of Mary his younger sister before the right heirs of Margaret his eldest sister wife of James the Fourth of Scotland was void and not to be allowed and so was that of Edward the Sixth who did disinherit his sisters Mary and Elizabeth and gave the Crown to Jane daughter of Frances the French Queen aforesaid by Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk and so were the Acts of Parliament made by H. 4. 5. and 6. which entailed the Crown upon their Heirs so was the Acts of the last of Henry the 6. which entailed the Crown upon him and the heirs males of his body and so were the Acts of the first of Rich. 3. and H. 7. which entailed the Crown upon them and their heirs Neither is succession and inheritance of Crowns declared by any humane Law in the world that I know of but only the pretended French Salique Law which we shall examine afterwards 2. None but God can make an Heire to a Crown solus Deus haeredem None but God can make an Heire to a Crown facere potest non homo Co. Lit. Sect. 7. And this Heire which Sir E. Co. here speaks of is but heire in fee to Lands or Tenements according to common Law or Custom if then only God can make such an Heire then sure none but God can make an Heire which makes humane Laws and permits Customes 3. It is not only humane Laws which say a bastard is filius terrae None can inherit not born in Matrimony Gen. 22. 2. quasi nullius filius Et qui ex damnato coitu nascuntur inter liberos non computentur but God calls Isaac Abrahams only Son although at the same time Abraham had his Son Ismael by Hagar his Handmaid or Concubine And Abraham gave all he had to Isaac but to the Sonns of the Concubins which Abraham had he gave gifts Gen. 25. 5 6. So though Ismael were Isaacs elder brother yet in comparison of Isaac born in wedlock God himself did not account him Abrahams Son Nor can one instance be given that ever by Gods either command or permission any born out of marriage did inherit By the Law therefore of God aswell as humane Law none can inherit which are born out of matrimony 4. That which no humane Law prescribes and yet is observed by all The Issue male shall inherit before the Issue female in Royalty men generally in all ages is from the Law of Nature But no humane Law prescribes the male to inherit before the female in regality yet it is observed by all men generally therefore that the issue male shall inherit before the female in regality is from the Law of Nature 5. If primogeniture had not been a sacred thing and inheritance annexed Of the Issue male the first born is to be preferred to it by the Law of Nature then could not Esau have been pronounced a prophane person for selling his birthright Heb. 12. 16. although he did it to save his life Gen. 25. 34. but being due by the Law of Nature I say Esau by his sale could not transfer it to Jacob yet because Esau did despise it Gen. 25. 34. it was just with God to transfer it to Jacob neither can it be shewed any where in sacred writ but that alwaies primogeniture in royal descent was a good title where God did not interpose 6. Only the King can inherit and succeed because his Royal capacity is Why only the King is said to inherit and succeed and Subjects do either inherit or succeed but never both affixed and inseparable with his person In the Oath therefore of Ligeance Subjects swear to beare faith to the King his Heirs and Successors but no Subject can both inherit and succeed because there is no succession can be affixed to the person of any Subject by vertue of inheritance All Corporations therefore do not descend by inheritance but are acquired as they are nominated or elected in such manner as is granted by the King or supream power 7. There are but two waies by which hereditary or successive Monarchies How many waies hereditary Monarchies descend do descend the one is Lineal descent the other Lineal Agnatical Cognatical or Collateral or as we say the one descends to the heire general the other to the heire male This latter by vertue of a Salique law takes place only in France we will therefore see what may be said and objected against the former and how the latter hath been observed in France and of what Authority it is 8. That cannot be against the Law of God which he has owned and Gynococratia or inheritance of Women not unnatural nor against the Law of God given a blessed president of but that God has owned Gynaecocraty and that in a great and miraculous delivery of his own people is evident in Deborah And that Women may inherit when the daughters of Zelophehad made their plea for their inheritance Numb 27. They first pleaded negatively Our Father was not of the company of them that gathered themselves against the Lord in the company of Corah which is a plain argument that rebellious Subjects have no property against supream powers but forfeit their goods aswell as lives for God saies ver 7. the daughters of Zelophehad spake right why should the name of our father be done away from his family because he has no Son And God himself