of the Peace and Vnity of this Realm 3. And that such Person or Persons so to be Named Assigned Authorised and Appointed by Your Highness Your Heirs or Successors after the said Letters Patents to him or them made and delivered as is aforesaid shall have full Power and Authority by Vertue of this Act and of the said Letters Patents under Your Highness Your Heirs and Successors to exercise use and execute all the premisses according to the Tenor and Effect of the said Letters Patents any matter or cause to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding So that I take it that all manner of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction was in the Crown by the Common Law of England and declared to be so by the said Act of 1 Eliz. 1. and by that Act a Power given to the Crown to assign Commissioners to exercise this Jurisdiction which was accordingly done by Queen Elizabeth and a High Commission Court was by her erected which sate and held Plea of all Causes Spiritual and Ecclesiastical during the Reign of Queen Elizabeth King James the First and King Charles the First till the 17th Year of his Reign Which leads me to consider the Statute of 17 Car. 1. ca. 11. which Act recites the Title of 1 Eliz. ca. 1. and Sect. 18. of the same Act and recites further Section 2. That whereas by colour of some Words in the aforesaid Branch of the said Act whereby Commissioners are authorised to execute their Commission according to the Tenor and Effect of the Kings Letters Patents and by Letters Patents grounded thereupon the said Commissioners have to the great and insufferable Wrong and Oppression of the Kings Subjects used to Fine and Imprison them and to exercise other Authority not belonging to Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction restored by that Act and divers other great Mischiefs and Inconveniences have also ensued to the Kings Subjects by occasion of the said Branch and Commissions issued thereupon and the Executions thereof Therefore for the repressing and preventing of the aforesaid Abuses Mischiefs and Inconveniences in time to come by Sect. 3. the said Clause in the said Act 1 Eliz. 1. is Repealed with a Non obstante to the said Act in these Words Be it Enacted by the Kings most excellent Majesty and the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament Assembled and by the Authority of the same That the aforesaid Branch Clause Article or Sentence contained in the said Act and every Word Matter and thing contained in that Branch Clause Article or Sentence shall from henceforth be Repealed Annulled Revoked Annihilated and utterly made Void for ever any thing in the said Act to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding And in Sect. 5. of the same Act it is Enacted That from and after the first of August in the said Act mentioned all such Commissions shall be void in these Words And be it further Enacted That from and after the said first Day of August no new Court shall be erected ordained or appointed within this Realm of England or Dominion of Wales which shall or may have the like Power Jurisdiction or Authority as the said High Commission Court now hath or pretendeth to have but that all and every such Letters Patents Commissions and Grants made or to be made by his Majesty his Heirs and Successors and all Powers and Authorities granted or pretended or mentioned to be granted thereby And all Acts Sentences and Decrees to be made by virtue or Colour thereof shall be utterly void and of none effect By which Act then the Power of Exercising Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by Commissioners under the Broad-Seal is so taken away that it provides no such Power shall ever for the future be Delegated by the Crown to any Person or Persons whatsoever Let us then in the last place consider Whether the Act of 13 Car. 2. ca. 12 hath restored this Power or not And for this I take it that it is not restored by the said Act or any Clause in it and to make this evident I shall first set down the whole Act and then consider it in the several Branches of it that relate to this Matter The Act is Entituled An Act for Explanation of a Clause contained in an Act of Parliament made in the 17th Year of the Late King Charles Entituled An Act for Repeal of a Branch of Statute in Primo Elizabethae câ—ncerning Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical The Act it self runs thus Whereas in an Act of Parliament made in the Seventeenth Year of the Late King Charles Intituled An Act for Repeal of a Branch of a Stature primo Elizabethae concerning Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical It is amongst other things Enacted that no Arch-bishop Bisâ—â—p or Vicar-General nor any Chancellor nor Commissary of any Arch-Bishop Bishop or Vicar-General nor any Ordinary whatsoever nor any other Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Judge Officer or Minister of Justice nor any other Person or Persons whatsoever exercising Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Power Authority or Jurisdiction by any Grant Lisence or Commission of the Kings Majesty His Heirs or Successors or by any Power or Authority derived from the King his Heirs or Successors or otherwise shall from and after the First Day of August which then should be in the Year of our Lord God 1641. Award Impose or Inflict any Pain Penalty Fine Amercement Imprisonment or other Corporal Punishment upon any of the Kings Subjects for any Contempt Misdemeanor Crime Offence Matter or Thing whatsoever belonging to Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Cognizance or Jurisdiction 2. Whereupon some Doubt hath been made that all ordinary Power of Coertion and proceeding in Causes Ecclesiastital were taken away whereby the ordinary Course of Justice in Causes Ecclesiastical hath been obstructed 3. Be it therefore Declared and Enacted by the Kings most Excellent Majesty by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament Assembled and by the Authority thereof That neither the said Act nor any thing therein contained doth or shall take away any ordinary Power or Authority from any of the said Arch-Bishops Bishops or any other Person or Persons named as aforesaid but that they and every of them exercising Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction may proceed determine Sentence execute and exercise all manner of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and all Censures and Coertions appertaining and belonging to the same before any making of the Act before recited in all Causes and Matters belonging to Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction according to the Kings Majesties Ecclesiastical Laws used and practised in this Realm in as ample Manner and Form as they did and might lawfully have done before making of the said Act. Sect. 2. And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid That the afore recited Act of Decimo Septimo Car. and all the Matters and Clauses therein contained excepting what concerns the High Commission Court or the new Erection of some such like Court by Commission shall be and is thereby repealed to dlintents and purposes whatsoever
recites the daily Experiences that many of his Majesty's Subjects that adhere in their Hearts to the Popish Religion by the Infection drawn from thence by the wicked and devillish Counsel of Jesuits Seminaries and other like Persons dangerous to the Church and State are so far perverted in the point of their Loyalties and due Allegiance to the King's Majesty and the Crown of England as they are ready to entertain and execute any Treasonable Conspiracies and Practices And for the better Trial how his Majesty's Subjects stand affected in point of their Loyalties and due Obedience Enacts that it shall be lawful for any Bishop in his Diocess or any two Justices of the Peace whereof one to be of the Quorum within the Limits of their Jurisdiction out of the Session to require any Person of the age of eighteen Years or above which shall be convict or indicted of Recusancy other than Noblemen c. or which shall not have received the Sacrament twice within the Year then next past or any Person passing in or through the Country unknown that being examined upon Oath shall confess or not deny him or her self to be a Recusant and to take the Oath therein after expressed viz. c. The Oath of Allegiance So that by the occasion of imposing the Oath and by the appointing it to be tendred only to Papists or suspected Papists it is apparent that the Design of the Law-makers was to detect such Persons as were perverted or in danger to be perverted in their Loyalty by Infection drawn from the Popish Religion The form of the Oath makes it yet more evident being wholly levell'd against any Opinion of the Lawfulness of deposing the King or practising any Treason against him upon pretence of his being excommunicated or deprived by the Pope and against any Opinion of the Pope's Power to discharge Subjects from their Oaths of Fidelity to their Princes It runs thus viz. I A. B. Do truly and sincerely profess testify and declare in my Conscience before God and the World that our Soveraign Lord King James is lawful and rightful King of this Realm and of all his Majesty's Dominions and Countries And that the Pope neither of himself nor by any Authority of the Church or See of Rome or by any other means with any other hath any Power or Authority to depose the King or to dispose any of his Majesty's Kingdoms or Dominions or to authorize any Foreign Prince to invade or annoy him or his Countries or to discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance or Obedience to his Majesty or to give licence or leave to any of them to bear Arms raise Tumults or to offer any Violence or Hurt to his Majesty's Royal Person State or Government or to any of his Majesty's Subjects within his Majesty's Dominions Also I do swear from my Heart that notwithstanding any Declaration or Sentence of Excommunication or Deprivation made or granted or to be made or granted by the Pope or his Successors or by any Authority derived or pretended to be derived from him or his See against the said King his Heirs and Successors or any Absolution of the said Subjects from their Obedience I will bear Faith and true Allegiance to his Majesty his Heirs and Successors and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my Power against all Conspiracies and Attempts whatsoever which shall be made against his or their Persons their Crown and Dignity by reason or colour of any such Sentence or Declaration or otherwise and will do my best endeavour to disclose and make known unto his Majesty his Heirs and Successors all Treasons and traiterous Conspiracies which I shall know or hear of to be against him or any of them And I do further swear that I do from my Heart abhor and detest and abjure as impious and heretical this damnable Doctrine and Position That Princes which be excommunicated or deprived by the Pope may be deposed or murthered by their Subjects or any other whatsoever And I do believe and in Conscience am perswaded that neither the Pope nor any Person whatsoever hath Power to absolve me of this Oath or any part thereof which I acknowledg by good and lawful Authority to be lawfully administred unto me and I do renounce all Parsons and Dispensations to the contrary And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledg and swear according to these express words by me spoken and according to the plain and common Sense and Vnderstanding of the same words without any Equivocation or mental Evasion or secret Reservation whatsoever And I do make this Recognition and Acknowledgment heartily willingly and truly upon the true Faith of a Christian So help me God And the Statute of 7 Jacobi cap. 6. recites that Whereas by a Statute made in the third Year of the said King's Reign the form of an Oath to be ministred and given to certain Persons in the same Act mentioned is limited and prescribed tending only to the Declaration of such Duty as every true and well affected Subject not only by bond of Allegiance but also by the Commandment of Almighty God ought to bear to the King his Heirs and Successors Which Oath such are infected with Popish Superstition do oppugne with many false and unsound Arguments the just defence whereof the King had therefore undertaken and worthily performed to the great contentment of all his Subjects notwithstanding the Gainsayings of Contentious Adversaries And to shew how greatly the King 's Loyal Subjects do approve the said Oath they beseech his Majesty that the said Oath be administred to all his Subjects The Pope and Authority of the See of Rome run through the first Paragraph Notwithstanding any Declaration or Sentence of Excommunication c. Governs the second Paragraph Excommunicated and deprived the Pope are the material words in the third Paragraph The fourth is added in Majorem cautelam in opposition to the Popish Doctrine of Dispensing with Oaths Absolving Subjects from their Allegiance Equivocations Mental Evasions c. So that as the Oath of Supremacy did but enforce the Antient Oath of Fealty with an acknowledgment of the Queen 's supream Authority in Ecclesiastial Causes and things as well as Temporal and a Renunciation of all Foreign Jurisdictions so the Oath of Allegiance does but enforce the same old Oath of Fealty by obliging the Subjects of England expresly to disown any lawful Authority in the Pope or See of Rome to depose invade or annoy the King his Dominions or Subjects And notwithstanding any Sentence of Excommunication Deprivation c. by the Pope c. to bear Faith and true Allegiance to the King his Heirs and lawful Successors And to abjure that Position that it is lawful to depose Princes that are Excommunicated or Deprived by the Pope Whatever is added is either Oath over and above what was exprest in the old Oath of Fealty is but as Explanatory of it and branching it out
be grantable against the Commissioners upon the Statute of 2 H. 5. if they do not deliver the Copy of the Libel to the Party Whereto they all answered That that Statute is intended where the Ecclesiastical Judge proceeds ex Officio ore tenus Thirdly Whether it were an Offence punishable and what Punishment they deserved who framed Petitions and collected a multitude of hands thereto to prefer to the King in a publick cause as the Puritans had done with an intimation to the King That if he denied their Sute many thousands of his Subjects would be discontented Whereto all the Justices answered That it was an Offence finable at Discretion and very near to Treason and Felony in the Punishment For they tended to the raising of Sedition Rebellion and Discontent among the People To which Resolution all the Lords agreed And then many of the Lords declared That some of the Puritans had raised a false Rumor of the King how he intended to grant a Toleration to Papists Which Offence the Justices conceived to be heinously finable by the Rules of the Common Law either in the Kings Bench or by the King and his Councel or now since the Statute of 3 H. 7. in the Star-Chamber And the Lords severally declared how the King was discontented with the said false Rumor and had made but the Day before a Protestation unto them that he never intended it and that he would spend the last drop of Bloud in his Body before he would do it and prayed that before any of his Issue should maintain any other Religion than what he truly professed and maintained that God would take them out of the World I doubt not but yourself and every English Protestant will joyn with this Royal Petitioner and will heartily say Amen But you desire to know if I think the Resolution of the Judges in this case ought to deter us from humbly Petitioning his Majesty that this Parliament may effectually sit on the 26th day of January next In order to this give me leave to observe to you As it is most certain that a great Reverence is due to the Unanimous Opinion of all the Judges so there is a great difference to be put between the Authority of their Judgments when solemnly given in Cases depending before them and their sudden and extrajudicial Opinions The Case of Ship-money it self is not a better proof of this than that which you have now read as you will now see if you consider distinctly what they say to the several Questions proposed to them As to their Answer to the first Question it much concerns the Reverend Clergy to enquire whither they did not mistake in it And whether the King by his Proclamation can make new constitutions and oblige them to obedience under the Penalty of Deprivation Should it be so and should this unhappy Kingdom ever suffer under the Reign of a Popish Prince he might easily rid himself of such obstinate Hereticks and leave his Ecclesiastical Preferments open for Men of better Principles He will need only to publish a Proclamation that Spittle and Salt should be used in Baptism that Holy-water should be used and Images set up in Churches and a few more such things as these and the Business were effectually done But if you will believe my Lord Chief Justice Cook 12. Co. 19. 12. Co. 49. he will tell you that it was agreed by all the Judges upon Debate Hill 4to Jacobi that the King cannot change his Ecclesiastical Law and you may easily remember since the whole Parliament declared That he could not alter or suspend them I have the uniform Opinion of all the Judges given upon great Deliberation Co. Mag. Char. 616. Mich. 4to Jac. to justifie me if I say that our Judges here were utterly mistaken in the Answer which they gave to the second Question I will not cite the numerous subsequent Authorities since every man knows that it is the constant practice of Westminster-Hall at this Day to grant Prohibitions upon refusal to give a Copy of Articles where the Proceedings in the Ecclesiastical Courts are ex Officio You see there was a kind of ill Fate upon the Judges this day as usually there was when met in the Star-chamber and that they were very unfortunate in answering two of the three Questions proposed to them let us go on to consider what does principally concern us at present their Answer to the last Question You have just done reading it and therefore I need not repeat to you either the Doubt or the Solution of it but one may be allowed to say modestly that it was a sudden Answer 'T is possible the Lords then present were well enough inform'd when they were told that such kind of Petitioning was an Offence next to Treason and Felony but I dare be so bold as to say That at this Day not a Lawyer in England would be the wiser for such an Answer they would be confounded and not know whether it were Misprision of Treason which seems an Offence nearest to Treason or Petty-larceny which seems nearest to Felony You will be apt to tell me that I mistake my Lords the Judges and they spoke not of the nature of the crime but the manner of the Punishment but this will mend the matter but little for since the Punishments of those two Crimes are so very different you are still as much in the dark as ever what these ambiguous words mean Well but we will agree that the Crime about which the Enquiry was made was a very great one When Men arrive to such Insolence as to threaten their Prince it will be but little excuse to them to call their Menaces by the soft and gentle Name of Petitions But you would know for what and in what manner we are at present to Petition 13 Car. 2. c. 5 and I will give you a plain and infallible Rule It is the Statute 13 Car. 2. c. 5. Be it enacted c. that no person or persons whatsoever shall solicite labour or procure the getting of hands or other consent of any persons above the number of twenty or more to any Petition Complaint Remonstance Declaration or other Addresses to the King or both or either Houses of Parliament for alteration of matters established by Law in Church or State unless the matter thereof have been first consented to and ordered by three or more Justices of the County or by the major part of the Grand Jury of the County or Division of the County where the same matter shall arise at their publick Assizes or General Quarter-Sessions or if arising in London by the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons in Common Council assembled and that no person or persons whatsoever shall repair to His Majesty or both or either of the Houses of Parliament upon Pretence of presenting or delivering any Petition Complaint Remonstrance or Declaration or other Addresses accompanied with excessive Number of People not at
The Pope published a Bull in print against the restoring of Abby-Lands which Dr. Burnet affirms also Ap. Fol. 403. It is notoriously false they both asserting the contrary Dr. Burnet's Words in that very place are these The Pope in plain terms refused to ratifie what the Cardinal had done and soon after set out a severe Bull cursing and condemning all that held any Church Lands Seventhly and lastly The succeeding Popes have been clearly of this opinion Pope Pius the Fourth who immediately succeeded this Paul confirm'd the Counoil of Trent and therein damned all the detainers of Church-Lands and tho he was much importuned to confirm some Alienations made by the King of France to pay the debts of the Crown yet he absolutely refused it F. Pauls H. C. Trent 713. Pope Innocent the Tenth first protested against the Alienations of Church Lands in Germany that were made at the great Treaty of Munster and Osnaburg A. D. 1648. and when that would not do by his Bull Nov. 26. in the very same Year damns all those that should dare to retain the Church-Lands and declares the Treaty void Infirmnentum pacis c. Innocentii 10 me declaratio nullitatis Artic. c. and all their late Popes in the Bulla caenae do very solemnly Damn and Excommunicate all who usurp any Jurisdiction Fruits Revenues and Emoluments belonging to any Ecclesiastical person upon account of any Churches Monasteries or other Ecclesiastical Benefices or who upon any occasion or cause Sequester the said Revenues without the Express leave of the Bishop of Rome or others having lawful power to do it c. And tho upon Geod-Friday there is published a general Absolution yet out of that are expresly excluded all those who possess any Church Lands or Goods who are still left under the sentence of Excommunication Toleti Instr Sacerd. and his Explicatio casuum in Bulla caenae Dni reserva From which consideration it 's evident that it never was the design of the Pope to confirm the English Church Lands to the Lay-possessors but that he always urg'd the necessity of restoring of them to religious uses in order to which the papists prevailed to have the statute of Mortmain repealed for 20 Years In Queen Elizabeth's Reign the factious party that was manag'd wholy by Romish â—missaries demanded to have Abbtes and such Religious Houses restored for their Vse and A. D. 1585. in their petition to the Faâ—hament they set it down as a 〈◊〉 Doctrine that things once dedicated to Sacred Vses ought so to remain by the Word of God for ever and ought not to be converted to any private Vse Bishop Bancrofts Sermon at p. c. A. D. 1588. p. 25. And that the Church of Rome is still gaping after these Lands is evident from many of their late Books as the Religion of M. Luther lately printed at Oxford p. 15. The Monks wrote Anathema upon the Registers and Donations belonging to Monasteries the weight and essect of which curses are both felt and dreaded to this day To this End the Monastiâ—â—â— Anglicanum is so diligently preserved in the Vatican and other Libraries in the popish Countries and especially this appears from the obstinate refusal of this present Pope to confirm these Alienations tho it be a matter so much controverted and which would be of that vast Use towards promoting their Religion in this Kingdom If therefore the Bishops of Rome did never confirm these Alienations of Church-Lands but earnestly and strictly required their Restitution if they have declared in their Authentick Canons that they have no power to do it and both they and the last general Council pronounce an heavy Curse and Anathema against all such as detain them Then let every one that possesseth these Lands and yet own either of these Foreign Jurisdictions consider that here is nothing left to excuse him from Sacriledge and therefore with his Estate he must derive a curse to his posterity There is scarcely any Papist but that is forward to accuse King Henry the 8th of Sacriledge and yet never reflects upon himself who quietly possesseth the Fruits of it without Restitution either let them not accuse him or else restore themselves Now whatever opinions the papists may have of these things in the time of health yet I must desire to remember what the Jesuits proposed to Cardinal Pool in Doctor Pary's Days Viz. That if he would encourage them in England they did not doubt but that by dealing with the Consciences of those who were dying they should soon recover the greatest part of the Goods of the Church Dr. Burnet's Hist Vol. 2. p. 328. Not to mention that whensoever the Regulars shall grow numerous in England and by consequence burthensome to the few Nobility and Gentry of that perswasion they will find it necessary for them to consent to a Restitution of their Lands that they may share the burthen among others For so vast are the Burthens and Payments that that Religion brings with it that it will be found at length an advantagious Bargain to part with all the Church Lands to indemnifie the rest And I am confident that the Gentry of England that are Papists have found greater Burthens and Payments since their Religion hath been allow'd than ever they did for the many years it was forbid and this charge must daily encrease so long as their Clergy daily grows more numerous and their few Converts are most of them of the meanest Rank and such as want to be provided for And that 's no easie matter to force Converts may appear from that Excellent Observation of the great Emperour Charles the Fifth who told Queen Mary That by endeavouring to compel others to his own Relegion he had tired and spent himself in vain and purchas'd nothing by it but his own dishonour Card. Pool in Heylin's Hist Ref. p. 217. And to conclude this Discourse had the Act of Pope Julius the Third by his Legate Cardinal Pool in confirming of the Alienation of Church Lands in England been as valid as is by some pretended yet what shall secure us from an Act of Resumption That very Pope after that pretended Grant to Cardinal Pool published a Bull in which he Excommunicated all that kept Abby-Lands or Church Lands Burnet's Hist Vol. 2. p. 3â—9 by which all former Grants had there been any were cancell'd His Successor Pope Paul the Fourth retrieved all the Goods and Ecclesiastical Revenues that had been alienated from the Church since the time of Julius the Second and the chief Reasons that are given why the Popes may not still proceed to an Act of Resumption of these Lands in England amount only to this That they may stay for a fair opportunity when it may be done without disturbing the peace of the Kingdom From all which it 's evident that the detaining of Abby-Lands and other Church-Lands from the Monks and Friars is altogether inconsistent with the Doctrine and Principles of the Romish Religion The King's
Authorities out of this Realm as also for restoring and uniting to the Imperial Crown of this Realm the antient Jurisdictions Authorities Superiorities and Preheminences to the same of Right belonging and appertaining by reason whereof the Subjects of this Realm were kept in good order and disburthened of divers great and intolerable Charges and Exactions until such time as all the said good Laws and Statutes by one Act of Parliament made in the first and second Years of the Reigns of King Philip and Queen Mary were clearly repealed and made void by reason of which Act of Repeal the Subjects of England were eftsoons brought under an usurped Foreign Power and Authority and yet remained in that Bondage to their intolerable Charges and then Enacts that for the repressing of the said usurped Foreign Power and the restoring of the Rights Jurisdictions and Preheminences appertaining to the Imperial Crown of this Realm The said Act made in the first and second Years of the said late King Philip and Queen Mary except as therein is excepted be repealed void and of none effect The said Act of Primo Elizabethae proceeds First to revive by express words many Statutes that had been made in King Henry the Eighth's time and repealed in Queen Mary's and Secondly to abolish all Foreign Authority in these words viz. And to the intent that all Vsurped and Foreign Power and Authority Spiritual and Temporal may for ever be clearly extinguished and never to be used or obeyed within this Realm c. May it please your Highness that it may be Enacted That no Foreign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate Spiritual or Temporal shall at any time after the last day of this Session of Parliament use enjoy or exercise any manner of Power Jurisdiction Superiority Authority Preheminence or Priviledg Spiritual or Ecclesiastical within this Realm c. but the same shall be clearly abolished out of this Realm c. Any Statute Custom c. to the contrary notwithstanding Thirdly The said Act restores in the next Paragraph to the Imperial Crown of this Realm such Jurisdictions Priviledges Superiorities c. Spiritual and Ecclesiastical as by any Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Power or Authority had heretofore been or might lawfully be exercised or used c. Fourthly the Act impowers the Queen to assign Commissioners to exercise Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction And Fifthly For the better observation and maintenance of this Act imposes upon Ecclesiastical and Temporal Officers and Ministers c. the Oath commonly call'd the Oath of Supremacy which runs thus viz. The Oath of SUPREMACY I A. B. do utterly testify and declare in my Conscience that the Queen's Highness is the only Supream Governour of this Realm and of all other her Highness's Dominions and Countries as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Things and Causes as Temporal and that no Foreign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preheminence or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm And therefore I do utterly renounce and forsake all Foreign Jurisdictions Powers Superiorities and Authorities and do promise that from henceforth I shall bear Faith and true Allegiance to the Queen's Highness her Heirs and lawful Successors and to my Power shall assist and defend all Jurisdictions Priviledges Preheminencies and Authorities granted or belonging to the Queen's Highness her Heirs and Successors or united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm So help me God and by the Contents of this Book It cannot but be obvious to every impartial Peruser of the Statute especially if he have the least knowledg of what Condition the Government of this Nation was reduced to by Papal Encroachments and Usurpations That the Makers of this Law and the Sense of this Oath was no other in general than that the People of this Realm should bear Faith and true Allegiance even in Matters relating to Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to the Queen's Highness her Heirs and lawful Successors and not to the Pope or any foreign pretended Jurisdiction What the several Jurisdictions Priviledges Preheminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the Queen her Heirs and Successors are in particular and what the Jurisdictions Priviledges Preheminences and Authorities United and Annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm are in particular is not material here to be discoursed of though the several Statutes made in King Henry the Eighth's time and King Edward the Sixth's and revived in Queen Elizabeth's will unfold many of them and clear the distinction which the OATH makes betwixt Authorities granted or belonging to the King and Authorities united and annexed to the Imperial Crown and Mr. Prynn's History of the Pope's intolerable Usurpations upon the Liberties of the Kings and Subjects of England and Ireland together with Sir Roger Twisden's Historical Vindication of the Church of England in point of Schism will in a great measure acquaint the Curious how matters stood with us here with respect to Church-Government before the Pope had wrested the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction almost wholly out of the hands of our Kings our Parliaments and Courts of Justice In short those Jurisdictions c. are such as the Antient Laws Customs and Usages of the Realm or latter Acts of Parliament have Created Given Limited and Directed The Makers of this Law did not design to impose upon the People of England any new Terms of Allegiance but to secure the old ones exclusive of any Pretences of the Pope or See of Rome Nor are there any words in this Oath more strong more binding to Duty and Allegiance than are words which the old Oath of Fealty is conceived in which all Men were antiently obliged and may yet be required to take to the King in the Court-Leet at twelve years of Age which runs thus viz. You shall swear that from this day forward you shall be true and faithful to our Soveraign Lord King James and his Heirs And Faith and Truth shall bear of Life and Limb and terrene Honour And you shall not know nor hear of any ill or damage intended to him that you shall not defend So help you Almighty God This is as full and comprehensive as the Oath of Supremacy I do promise that I shall bear faith and true Allegiance to the Queen's Highness her Heirs and lawful Successors and to my power shall assist and defend all Jurisdictions c. So that the true sense and meaning of the Oath of Supremacy is this viz. I will be true and faithful to our Soveraign Lord the King his Heirs and lawful Successors and will to my Power assist and defend all his Rights notwithstanding any pretence made by the Pope or any other Foreign Power to exercise Jurisdiction within the Realm all which Foreign Power I utterly renounce in Matters Ecclesiastical as well as Temporal The Oath of Allegiance is appointed by the Act of 3 Jac. 1. Chap. 4. Intituled An Act for discovering and repressing of Popish Recusants It
have the least good Opinion of the Sincerity of their Faith and Dealing That which you have alledged touching the Support which the Royal House of England may particularly hope for from the Amity of France is both a delicate and a dangerous Stone to stir The Glory and the Safety of our King doth only consist in the Love of his People and a streight Union betwixt His Majesty and his present Parliament since He hath no other sound Interest to rely upon but that of the Kingdom having need of no other Arms or Assistance The hearty affections of His Subjects and His own Royal Vertues will be as so many Cittadels erected to maintain His Authority and any other project is contrary both to His Genious and His admirable Prudence For all those who shall dare to inspire any other thoughts into His Majesty will infallibly undergo the weight of His Displeasure as Enemies to His Fame and Quiet But at the Bottom of all what help can He rationally expect from France should He come to need it which God defend after their unworthy abandoning of the King His Father in His great Distress and of the King which now is likewise when the Wheel of Fortune ran against them even to the Exstirpation of the Royal Line had not He by whom Kings reign wonderfully restored them to the Throne of their Ancestors It was that shameful Treaty which the French ratified with those Usurpers then that sacrificed Charles the First to the Ambition of the Tyrant Oliver Cromwel who had snatched the Scepter from the right Owners and Proprietors thereof Nay to such a Degree was the Inhospitability of France grown at that time though His Father were thus execrably Murthered before the Eyes of the French our King 's own Cousin-german refused Him a Retreat that might be secure for His own Person Therefore 't is fit that the English should be disabused once for all by being better informed since France is so far from being assisting or useful unto us upon this Conjuncture that in truth they do seek only to increase our Divisions and Troubles For 't is both their Interest and Maxim so to do which Conduct hath been exactly and hereditarily observed in their Counsels for many Ages together and newly in the last Civil War here since all the Baits which they do present unto us are but so many Apples of Discord which the French Emissaries cast up and down among us purposely to embroil us with our Neighbours or else with one another Next let us consider at present whether we shall find our Accompt better with Spain 'T is evident that solid Reason of State doth totally incline us to leave that other way and you cannot but all acknowledge this to be our true Fundamental Maxim whereby we may keep the Balance in aequilibrio and that our Safety doth most consist in such an aequilibrium why then should we swerve from thence out of vain hopes or quit the Body for the Shadow The Interest of Commerce no way invites us to take part with France and this Truth is so notorious to all the people of England that there is no Eloquence able to perswade them contrary to their own Experience therein The Cause is just and favourable A young * The King of Spain Pupil unworthily oppressed a Peace so solemnly and piously established as lightly violated by a Process of Cavils and Legerdemain by a Proceeding thereupon full of Surprisals and Violence as well as Pretensions unjustly revived after an Authentick †Vide The Buckler of State and Justice Art 4. Renunciation are so many voices which speak to the Root of our Consciences to call us to that which we owe to Justice Pitty good Neighbourhood the Publick Cause of Christendom and our selves For in this matter is concerned no less than the Case of Royal Successions which France will needs have submitted to the Customs of ordinary Citizens and the Conservation of that Bulwark which is common to all these parts of Europe against this Torrent which threatens the whole Vicinity with a great Inundation and the assuring the Tranquility of the Christian Republick against an unquiet Nation that will never desist from disturbing of it until their Insolence shall be abated The Foundation then being so solid because we shall in this Opposition have to treat with a Nation that makes profession of Honour and Generosity which hath never yet been accused to be guilty of having violated any Publick Treaty and that would rather ‖ The remarkable Integrity of Spain hazzard the loss of their Monarchy than their Reputation the Advantage is both secure and considerable whereas on the account of France we shall appear but as little Accessories and the French will carry us on as the First Motion only according to the rapidness of their Progress by applying us meerly in the course of their Game to their own Ends and thus shall we become the Ministers of their Ambition and be made use of like a pair of Stairs on which they do mean to tread in order to their obtaining the Universal Monarchy In fine their Interests if that we are still predestinated to be thus grosly deluded must be the Rule of ours and our future Conduct too and Operations But in taking part with Spain we shall be the Arbitrators of Peace and War and enabled to give the whole weight unto the Resolutions of each Party Then will France consider us with terrour and the apprehension of what our Arms may do and Spain by the addition of our Succours If we do desire Conquests we cannot hope for more lawful ones nor easier Victories than to re-unite by this means our ancient Dominion in France which have formerly been dismembred from the Crown of England But if we shall limit our Designs to the sole establishment of a Peace we can find the Accompt both of Glory and Safety likewise therein since it appears by Authentick Letters of Monsieur de Lionn's writing that France is resolved to be content with Reason as soon as ever they do see England fixed to joyn with Spain and the States of the United Provinces So that 't is in our choice whether to make an advantagious War or procure an honest Peace at the first appearance of our preparations in Arms. Whereas on the contrary 't is evident by the Interception of the aforesaid Dispatches that they will despise all manner of Offices and Mediations that are not Armed but rather pursue vigorously their Course whither Fortune shall drive it on so long as they do meet with no powerful Obstacles in the way Therefore because you seem to believe that Spain is reduced to so low a Condition that our Relief would be altogether unuseful to them and serve for nothing but to bring down the Vengeance of France exasperated upon us for God's sake cure your self of this Pannick fear as soon as you can 'T is France endeavours to erect a formidable Power if
or two Months and then they assure the Court since they can get no good by them they shall take no harm and therefore to stop them from some worthy Undertaking they by their feigned Zeal against Court Corruptions put them upon Impeaching some Treasurer Councellor or Minister of State and having spent half our time about this the rest is spent for the Clergy upon Church-Work which we have been so often put upon and tired with these many Sessions Though Partiality unbecomes a Parliament who ought to lay the whole Body that we represent alike easie Nonconformists as well as Conformists for we were chosen by both and with that Intention that we should oppress neither To lay one part therefore of the Body on a Pillow and the other on a Rack sorts our Wisdom little but our Justice worse You now see all our Shapes save only the Indigents concerning whom I need say but little for their Votes are publickly saleable for a Guinea and a Dinner every Day in the Week unless the House be upon Money or a Minister of State For that is their Harvest and then they make their Earnings suit the Work they are about which inclines them most constantly as sure Cliants to the Court. For what with gaining the one and saving the other they now and then adventure a Vote on the Country side but the dread of Dissolution makes them strait tack about The only thing we are obliged to them for is that they do nothin Gratis but make every Tax as well Chargeable to the Court as burthensom to the Countrey and save no Mans Neck but they break his Purse And yet when all is said did but the Countrey Gentry rightly understand the Interest of Liberty Let the Courtiers and Indigents do what they could they might yet at last deserve the Name of a worthy English Parliament which that we may do is not more passionately your Desire then it also is of SIR Your most Humble Servant T. E. A SPEECH MADE BY Sir William Scrogg ONE OF HIS Majesties Sergeants at Law To the Right Honourable the Lord High Chancellor Of ENGLAND AT HIS Admission to the Place of One of His Majesties Justices of the Court of Common-Pleas My Lord THAT the King's Favour is the Effect of the Duty I have paid him which your Lordship is pleas'd to call Service is the most welcome and pleasing part of his Kindness and I trust we shall still see such Times that no Man shall hope to have it or keep it on any other Account The right Application of Rewards and Punishments is the steady Justice of a Nation where though the Rewards of Kings exceed what a Subject can merit they should never reach him that demerits To return Good for Evil may be an Obligation of Charity It is never of Bounty And the taking off as they call it of an Ambitious and therefore a Factious Man by Favours is the worst way to stop or open his Mouth for he will whisper one way louder then he will speak the other And when you think you gain one Enemy you make many On such an Occasion as this I think it very proper to give your Lordship some Account what Considerations I have had in order to the Discharge of my Duty in this Place since the King 's first Intimations of his Pleasure And that respects Matters either as they stand betwixt the King and his People or betwixt Man and Man As for the First I know that the Law gives such Prerogatives to the King that to endeavour more were to desire worse and it gives to the People such Liberties that more would be Licentious What then hath a Man to do that hath Courage enough to be Honest but to Apply his Understanding to the Ministration of those Laws justly to both wherein I may say that the Cases will be rare that will be difficult in themselves They may be made so from sinister Causes when Men thinking to serve a Turn or like Pilate to please the People deliver up that which is Right to be Crucified Then they are fain to rack their Fancies to make good their Faults This makes such nice Distinctions and such strained Constructions till they leave nothing plain in the World Whereas in truth the Duty we owe to the King and his People is like the Duty we owe to God not hard to understand whatever it is to Practise This Court My Lord 't is true is properly a Court of Meum and Tuum where Prerogative and Liberty are seldom Plaintiffs or Defendants but yet 't is certain that even in private Causes Matter of Government many times intervenes and the Publick is concern'd by Consequence And therefore I think it fair and like English Honesty and Plainness something to unveil one's self in that particular that Men may know before-hand what they may expect And herein I do declare I would no more wrong or lessen the People's Liberties then I would sacrifice up my Son But then I will no more derogate from the King's Prerogative then I would betray my Father My Lord In time when Faction is so bold as to be bare-fac'd and false and seditious News is openly talk'd and greedily embrac'd when the King 's reasonable Demands are disputed and turned into Cavils and those that oppose 'em talk confidently and those that should maintain 'em speak fearfully and tenderly when the Reverence we owe to the King is paid to the People the Government is beset the King is in Danger and there is nothing wanting but Opportunity But when to prevent that Opportunity Men are afraid and hold it dangerous to avoid the Danger when we dare not call a Crime by its right name and for some find none and a Mischief must be effected before we will think it one When dangerous Attempts are minc'd and by some trivial difference Treason is distinguish'd into a Trespass when Men are forward and ventrous enough in what thwarts the Government but in supporting it seem grave and cautious nice and timorous and so fill'd with Prudentials till they are as wise as fear can make 'em The Law is enervated and becomes useless to its greatest end which is the Preservation of the whole 'T is true in Publick Causes the same Integrity is necessary as in Private But that is but part of a Judge's Duty He must be Magnanimous as well as Virtuous And I acknowledge it to be a main and principal part of my Duty as it relates to the King and his People with hearty Resolution to suppress all open Force and private Confederacies not thinking any thing little that attempts the Publick Safety for when the Motives are small the Danger is greater when Discontents exceed their Causes And for the Discharge of my Duty betwixt Party and Party it is impossible to be performed without these two Cardinal Virtues Temper and Cleanness of Hands Temper comprehends Patience Humility and Candor It seems to me that Saying Be quick
Gentleman answered Mr. Speaker I wonder that Noble Lord should thus interrupt me for I have not positively affirmed any thing at all of the Duke though I have said nothing but what in my Judgment I thought might be truth and I shall not change my mind for his being displeased at it but however I am very well satisfied to say no more but only that I remember that Honourable Person by the Bar told us he would not speak to the prudential part against the Bill and truly Sir I think he has kept his Word very exactly and that whereas another Member before him objected That it was possible the Duke might turn Protestant I would only answer that I do not think it possible that any Person that has been bred up in the Protestant Religion and hath been weak enough for so I must call it to turn Papist should ever after in that respect be wise enough to turn Protestant and therefore Sir upon the whole matter my humble Motion is That the Bill may pass Debates in the House of Commons Jan. 7. 1680. upon His Majesties Message The First Speech by an Honourable Gentleman HIS Majesties relies not only on the Dictates of his own Judgment but is confirmed by the Judgment of the House of Lords but many of them have gained their Honour by Interest rather than Merit His Majesty hath given no Answer to several of your Addresses when you say nothing can secure you but this Bill that he should propose other means but if we have not the Bill we are deprived of the means to preserve His Majesties Life Person and Government I never knew that Tangier was more considerable than all the Three Kingdoms Is it time to be silent or not Why is all this stir for a Man that desires the Throne before His Majesty is dead He is in all the Plot either at one end or other who took evidence of London Fire Arbitrary Power was at the end and no Religion like Popery to set up That I will pay the Duty and Allegiance of an English-man to an English Prince But Popery and Arbitrary Power must be rooted out Can you hope for any Good while this Man is Heir an Apostate from his Religion his Government is the most dangerous Our Ministers of State give us little hopes from Whitehall I hope they will be Named First set a Brand on all them that framed the Answer and all them that shall lend Money by way of Anticipation desire him to take Advice of His Parliament rather then private Men or to let us go home and attend His Service when he shall again call for us The Second Speech by another Person of Hour I am afraid we are lost we have done our Parts shewed our selves good Subjects but some stand between the King and us to promote the Duke of York's Interest Those that advised the King not to pass the Bill deserve to be Branded The Third Speech by an Honourable Gentleman We have made the modestest Request that ever People did in such a time of Danger we have neither passed a Bill nor obtained a kind Answer our Trust must be in our Votes When the King bid us look into the Plot like well-meaning Countrey-Gentlemen we looked into the Tower we should have looked into Whitehall There the Plot is hatched cherished and brought up It would be well if all against the Bill were put out of Councel and all of this House were put out of Commission that were for it I had rather the Moors had Tangier the French King Flanders than the Pope had Eugland The Fourth Speech by a Person of Honour I think the Debate is upon a Message from the King and the most especial part is about the Bill I concur with that Noble Person rather than with all the rest But begin with the first his Majesty hath suffered us twice to address upon the Bill yet the Lords have not admitted one Conference I believe every man came unwillingly into this Bill have any that were against it proposed any thing for our Security if they will let them stand up and I will sit down I have advised with Men that know the Laws Religion and Government they say if you will preserve this Government this Law this Bill must pass We have received no expedient from the Lords the State of the Nation lies at their Door they sit to hear Causes they mind you of Mr. Seymour but say nothing of the Bills In Richard the Second his Time some Lords were said to be Lords in the King's Pocket but had no shoulders to support him It 's plain our evil comes from evil Ministers There are some that will have a Prince of one Religion on the Throne to rule the People of another a Popish Prince and a Protestant Kingdom will any Ministers of parts unless they have an indifferency of Religion think this consistent I dedicate my Allegiance to the King they to another Person so the Kingdom must be destroy'd either this limited Monarchy must stand or come to Blood on the other side Water-Monarchy is absolutely supported by little men of no Fortune and he that takes mean and low men to make Ministers of sets up for Popery and Arbitrary Government The King hath Counsels born if you have a Popish Prince and a Protestant Parliament will the King ever concur with them in matters of Religion and Property are not your Estates sprinkled with Abbey-Lands If he asks Money will you trust him must Foreigners comply with a Prince that in effect hath no People We must be overcome with France and Popery or the Body will get a new Head or the Head a new Body The Fifth Speech by a Person of Honour The House was unwilling at first to enter into a Debate about Expedients and I am not prepared to propound them any thing you have heard proposed by the King in Print if you had them they will do you no harm One day you say the King had been a good Prince if he had good Company and good Councils no great Complement to the King he offers you any thing but the Bill I humbly make my motion to try it The Sixth Speech by an Honourable Gentleman I think it becomes that Gentleman very well to be of the Opinion he is though no man else in this House I wish the D. was of that Opinion his Father desired him The Lords rejected the Bill but I am afraid the King solicited or else they would not it 's some mens interest to be for the D. but while they are at Court we shall never have it Foreign Persons have given Influence at Court the French Ministers access to Court inclines me to believe some body is paid for it The Court is a Nurcery of Vice they transmit them into the Countrey and none but such men are imployed The Seventh Speech by an Honourable Gentleman The Question now before you is Whether any other means be effectual
being accompanied with several other Lords at the Delivery thereof thus expressed himself The Earl of Essex's Speech at the Delivering the following Petition to His most Sacred Majesty Jan. 25. 1680. May it please your Majesty THe Lords here present together with divers other Peers of the Realm taking notice that by Your late Proclamation Your Majesty has declared an intention of calling a Parliament at Oxford and observing from History and Records how unfortunate many Assemblies have been when called at a Place remote from the Capital City as particularly the Congress in Henry the Second's time at Clarendon Three several Parliaments at Oxford in Henry the Third's time and at Coventry in Henry the Sixth's time With divers others which have proved very fatal to those Kings and have been followed with great mischief on the whole Kingdom And considering the present posture of affairs the many jealousies and discontents which are amongst the People We have great Cause to apprehend that the consequences of a Parliament now at Oxford may be as fatal to Your Majesty and the Nation as those others mentioned have been to the then Reigning Kings and therefore we do conceive that we cannot answer it to God to Your Majesty or to the People If we being Peers of the Realm should not on so Important an Occasion humbly offer our advice to Your Majesty that if possible Your Majesty may be prevailed with to alter this as we apprehend unseasonable Resolution The Grounds and Reasons of our Opinion are contained in this our Petition which We humbly Present to Your Majesty To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition and Advice of the Lords under-named Peers of the Realm Humbly Sheweth THat whereas Your Majesty hath been pleased by divers Speeches and Messages to Your Houses of Parliament rightly to represent to them the Dangers that Threatned Your Majesty's Person and the whole Kingdom from the Mischievous and wicked Plots of the Papists and the sudden Growth of a Foreign Power unto which no stop or remedy could be Provided unless it were by Parliament and an Union of Your Majesty's Protestant Subjects in one Mind and one Interest And the Lord Chancellor in Pursuance of Your Majesty's Commands having more at large Demonstrated the said Dangers to be as great as we in the midst of our Fears could Imagine them and so pressing that our Liberties Religion Lives and the whole Kingdom would be certainly Lost if a speedy Provision were not made against them And Your Majesty on the 21st of April 1679. Having called unto your Council many Honourable and Worthy Persons and declared to them and the whole Kingdom That being sensible of the evil Effects of a single Ministry or private Advice or Forreign Committee for the General Direction of your Affairs Your Majesty would for the future Refer all things unto that Council and by the constant Advice of them together with the frequent use of your great Council the Parliament Your Majesty was hereafter Resolved to Govern the Kingdoms We began to hope we should see an end of our Miseries But to our unspeakable Grief and Sorrow we soon found our Expectations Frustrated The Parliament then subsisting was Prorogued and Dissolved before it could perfect what was intended for our Relief and Security and though another was thereupon called yet by many Prorogations it was put off till the 21st of October past and notwithstanding Your Majesty was then again pleased to acknowledge that neither Your Person nor Your Kingdom could be safe till the matter of the Plot was gone thorow It was unexpectedly Prorogued on the 10th of this Month before any sufficient Order could be taken therein all their Just and Pious Endeavours to save the Nation were overthrown the good Bills they had been Industriously preparing to Unite all Your Majesties Protestant Subjects brought to nought The discovery of the Irish Plot stifled The Witnesses that came in frequently more fully to declare That both of England and Ireland discouraged Those Forreign Kingdoms and States who by a happy conjunction with us might give a Check to the French Power disheartned even to such a Despair of their own Security against the growing greatness of that Monarch as we fear may induce them to take new Resolutions and perhaps such as may be fatal to us The Strength and Courage of our Enemies both at home and abroad increased and our selves left in the utmost danger of seeing our Country brought into utter Desolation In these Extremities we had nothing under God to comfort us but the Hopes that Your Majesty being touched with the Groans of Your perishing People would have suffered Your Parliament to meet at the Day unto which it was Prorogued and that no further interruption should have been given to their Proceedings in Order to their saving of the Nation But that failed us too For then we heard that Your Majesty by the private suggestion of some Wicked Persons Favourers of Popery Promoters of French Designs and Enemies to Your Majesty and the Kingdom without the Advice and as we have good Reason to believe against the Opinion even of Your Privy-Council had been prevailed with to Dissolve it and to call another to meet at Oxford where neither Lords nor Commons can be in Safety but will be daily exposed to the Sword of the Papists and their Adherents of whom too many are crept into Your Majesties Guards The Liberty of speaking according to their Consciences will be thereby Destroyed and the Validity of all their Acts and Proceedings consisting in it left Disputable The Straitness of the Place no way admits of such a concourse of Persons as now follows every Parliament the Witnesses which are necessary to give Evidence against the Popish Lords such Judges or others whom the Commons have Impeached or had resolved to Impeach can neither bear the Charge of going thither nor trust themselves under the Protection of a Parliament that is it self Evidently under the power of Guards and Soldiers The Premises considered We Your Majesties Petitioners out of a Just Abhorrence of such a dangerous and pernicious Council which the Authors have not dared to avow and the direful Apprehensions of the Calamities and Miseries that may ensue thereupon do make it our most Humble Prayer and Advice That the Parliament may not sit at a Place where it will not be able to Act with that Freedom which is necessary and especially to give unto their Acts and Proceedings that Authority which they ought to have amongst the People and have ever had unless Impaired by some Awe upon them of which there wants not Precedents And that Your Majesty would be graciously pleased to Order It to Sit at Westminster it being the usual Place and where they may Consult and Act with Safety and Freedom And your Petitioness shall ever Pray c. Monmouth Kent Huntington Bedford Salisbury Clare Stanford Essex Shaftsbury Mordant Evers Paget Grey Herbert Howard Delamer The Counties
alledged irrelevancy thereof That in time coming all Criminal Libels shall contain that the persons complained on are Art and Part of the Crimes Libelled which shall be relevant to accuse them thereof swa that no exception or objection take away that part of the Libel in time coming He says That he finds no Act of Parliament more unreasonable for the Statutory part of that Act committing the Tryal of Art and Part to Assizers seems most unjust Seeing in committing the greatest questions of the Law to the most ignorant of the Subjects it puts a sharp Sword into the hands of blind men And the reason of this Act specified in the Narrative is likewise most inept and no ways illative c. What Reproaches What Blasphemies The Earl said not one word against any Act of Parliament But on the contrary That he was confident the Parliament intended no contradiction and that he was willing to take the Test in the Parliaments sense But here the Advocate both says and Prints it That an Act of Parliament is most unreasonable and most unjust and it's reason most inept and that it puts a sharp Sword in the hands of blind men Whereof the smallest branch is infinitely more reproachful than all can be strained out of the Earl's words But Sir Speculation is but Speculation and if the Advocate when his day comes be as able to purge himself of Practical Depravations as I am inclined to excuse all his Visionary Lapses notwithstanding of the famous Title Quod quisque juris in alterum statuorit ut ipse eodem jure utatur he shall never be the worse of my censure Murther will out Or the King's Letter justifying the Marquess of Antrim and declaring That what he did in the Irish Rebellion was by Direction from his Royal Father and Mother and for the service of the Crown Ireland Aug. 22. 1663. Ever honoured Sir LAST Thursday we came to Trial with my Lord Marquess of Antrim but according to my Fears which you always surmised to be in vain he was by the King 's Extraordinary and Peremptory Letter of Favour restored to his Estate as an Innocent Papist We proved Eight Qualifications in the Act of Settlement against him the least of which made him uncapable of being restored as Innocent We proved 1. That he was to have a hand in surprizing the Castle of Dublin in the Year 1641. 2. That he was of the Rebels Party before the 15th of September 1643. which we made appear by his hourly and frequent intercourse with Renny O Moore and many others being himself the most notorious of the said Rebels 3. That he entered into the Roman-Catholick Confederacy before the Peace in 1643. 4. That he constantly adhered to the Nuncio's Party in opposition to his Majesty's Authority 5. That he sate from time to time in the Supream Council of Kilkenny 6. That he signed that execrable Oath of Association 7. That he was Commissionated and acted as Lieutenant-General from the said Assembly at Kilkenny 8. That he declared by several Letters of his own penning himself in Conjunction with Owen Ro Oneale and a constant Opposer to the several Peaces made by the Lord Lieutenant with the Irish We were seven hours by the Clock in proving our Evidence against him but at last the King's Letter being opened and read in Court Rainsford one of the Commissioners said to us That the King's Letter on his behalf was Evidence without Exception and thereupon declared him to be an Innocent Papist This Cause Sir hath tho many Reflections hath passed upon the Commissioners before more startled the Judgments of all men than all the Tryals since the beginning of their sitting and it is very strange and wonderful to all of the Long Robe that the King should give such a Letter having divested himself of that Authority and reposed the Trust in the Commissioners for that purpose And likewise it is admired that the Commissioners having taken solemn Oaths To execute nothing but according to and in pursuance of the Act of Settlement should barely upon his Majesty's Letter declare the Marquess Innocent To be short There never was so great a Rebel that had so much favour from so good a King And it is very evident to me though young and scarce yet brought upon the stage that the consequence of these things will be very bad and if God of his extraordinary mercy do not prevent it War and if possible greater Judgments cannot be far from us where Vice is Patroniz'd and Antrim a Rebel upon Record and so lately and clearly proved one should have no other colour for his Actions but the King 's own Letter which takes all Imputations from Antrim and lays them totally upon his own Father Sir I shall by the next if possible send you over one of our Briefs against my Lord by some Friend It 's too large for a Pacquet it being no less in bulk than a Book of Martyrs I have no more at present but refer you to the King's Letter hereto annexed CHARES R. RIght Trusty and well-beloved Cousins and Counsellors c. We greet you well How far we have been from interposing on the behalf of any of our Irish Subjects who by their miscarriages in the late Rebellion in that Kingdom of Ireland had made themselves unworthy of Our Grace and Protection is notorious to all men and We were so jealous in that particular that shortly after Our return into this Our Kingdom when the Marquess of Antrim came hither to present his duty to Us upon the Information We received from those Persons who then attended Us by a Deputation from Our Kingdom of Ireland or from those who at that time owned our Authority there that the Marquess of Antrim had so misbehaved himself towards Us and Our late Royal Father of blessed memory that he was in no degree worthy of the least Countenance from Us and that they had manifest and unquestionable Evidence of such his guilt Whereupon We refused to admit the said Marquess so much as into Our Presence but on the contrary committed him Prisoner to our Tower of London where after he had continued several Months under a strict restraint upon the continual Information of the said Persons We sent him into Ireland without interposing the least on his behalf but left him to undergo such a Tryal and Punishment as by the Justice of that Our Kingdom should be found due to his Crime expecting still that some heinous Matter would be objected and proved against him to make him uncapable and to deprive him of that Favour and Protection from Us which we knew his former Actions and Services had merited After many months attendance there and We presume after such Examinations as were requisite he was at last dismissed without any Censure and without any transmission of Charge against him to Us and with a License to transport himself into this Kingdom We concluded that it was then time to give him
to their knowledg That if it were not evident that they revealed it with as much expedition as was well possible lor them they were not by Law to be heard as Witnesses It was scarce permitted them saith he to look back in their going such ought to be their speed to make known the Treason Or if in any case they be otherwise openly flagitious though they be not legally infamous or if they are men of desperate Fortunes so that the temptation of want is manifestly strong upon them and the restraint of Conscience can be supposed to be little or none at all whatever they say is at least to be heard with extraordinary caution if not totally rejected In Scotland such a degree of Poverty that a Witness cannot swear himself to be worth Ten pounds is sufficient to lay him aside wholly in these high Concernments of Criminal Cases And in some other Kingdoms to be a loose liver is an Objection of the same force against any produced for VVitnesses And for the better discovery of the Truth of any fact in question the Credit of the VVitnesses and the Value of the Testimonies it is the duty of the Grand Inquest to be well informed concerning the Parties Indicted of their usual Residence their Estates and manner of Living their Companions and Friends with whom they are accustomed to Converse such knowledg being necessary to make a good judgment upon most accusations but most of all in Suspitions or Indictments of secret Treasons or Treasonable Words where the Accusers can be of no credit if it be altogether incredible that such things as they testify should come to their knowledg Sometimes the quality of the accused person may set him at such a distance from the Witnesses that he cannot be supposed to have conversed with them familiarly if his Wisdom and Conduct has been always such that it is not credible he would trust men so inconsiderable or meer strangers to him and such as are wholly uncapable to assist in the Design which they pretend to discover Can the Grand Inquest believe such Testimony to be of any value Or can they avoid suspecting Malice Combination and Subornation in such a Case Or can they shew themselves to be just and conscientious in their Duty if they do not suspend their Verdict until further Enquiry and write Ignoramus upon the Bill It is undoubtedly Law which we find reported in Stiles Stiles Report 11. That Though there be Witnesses who prove the Bill yet the Grand Inquest is not bound to find it if they see cause to the contrary Now to make their Enquiry more instrumental and advantageous to the Execution of Justice they are enjoined by their Oath to keep secret the King's Counsel their fellows and their own Perhaps 't is not sufficiently understood or considered what Duty is enjoined to every Man of a Grand Inquest by this clause of their Oath being seldom if ever explained to them in the general charge of the Judges at Sessions or Assizes But it is necessary that they should apprehend what Counsel of the King is trusted with them Certainly there is or ought to be much more of it communicated to them than is commonly thought and in things of the greatest consequence To them ought to be committed in the several Counties where any Prosecutions are begun the first Informations and Suspitions of all Treasons Murders Felonies Conspiracies and other Crimes which may subvert the Government endanger or hurt the King or destroy the Lives or Estates of the innocent People or any way disquiet or disturb the common Peace Our Law intends the Counsels of the King to be continually upon the protection and security of the People and prevention of all their mischiefs and dangers by wicked lawless and injurious men And in order thereunto to be advising how to right his wronged Subjects in general if the publick safety be hazarded by Treasons of any kind or their Relations snatcht from them by Murderers or any way destroyed by malicious Conspirators in form of Law or their Estates taken away by Robbery and Thieves or the Peace broken And for these ends to bring to exemplary Justice all offenders to deter others from the like wickedness And until these Counsels of the King come to the Grand Jury he can bring no such Criminals to judgment or to answer to the Accusations and Suggestions against them Hence it becomes unavoidably necessary to reveal to the Grand Juries all that hath been discovered to the King or any of his Ministers Judges or Justices concerning any Treasons or other Offences whereof any Man is accused And where suspition hath caused any to be imprisoned all the grounds of their suspitions ought to be opened concerning the Principals and the Accessories as well before as after the fact all the circumstances and presumptions that may induce a belief of their Guilt and all notices whatsoever which may enable the Jury to make a more exact and effectual Enquiry and to present the whole Truth They themselves will not only be offenders against God by reason of their Oath but subject to legal punishments if they knowingly conceal any Criminals and leave them unpresented and none can be innocent who shall conceal from them any thing that may help and assist them in their Duty The first notices of Crimes or suspitions of the Criminals by whomsoever brought in and the intentions of searching them out and prosecuting them legally are called the King's Counsel because the principal care of executing Justice is entrusted to him and they are to be prosecuted at his Suit and in his Name and such proceedings are called Pleas of the Crown From hence may be easily concluded that the King's Counsel which by the Oath of the Grand Inquest is to be kept secret includeth all the persons offered to them to be Indicted and all the matters brought in Evidence before them all circumstances whatsoever whereof they are informed which may any way conduce to the discovery of offences all intimations given them of Abettors and Encouragers of Treasons Felonies or Perjuries and Conspiracies or of the Receivers Harbourers Nourishers and Concealers of such Criminals Likewise the Oath which enjoins the Counsel of their Fellows and their own to be kept implies that they shall not reveal any of their personal knowledg concerning Offences or Offenders nor their intentions to Indict any Man thereupon nor any of the Proposals and Advices amongst them of ways to enquire into the truth of any matter before them either about the Crimes themselves or the Accusers and Witnesses or the party accused nor the debates thereupon amongst themselves nor the diversity of opinions in any case before them Certainly this Duty of secrecy concerning the King's Counsel was imposed upon the Grand Inquest with great reason in order to the publick good It was intended that they should have all the advantages which the several cases will afford to make effectual Enquiries after Criminals
that kind ought to have no place in judicial proceedings against suspected Criminals but truth is only to be regarded and for this reason the Judgments given in Court of humane Institution are in Scripture called the Judgments of God who is the God of truth Yet further If any benefit to the King could be imagined by making the Evidence to the Grand Jury publick it could not come in competition with the Law expressed in their Oath which by constant uninterrupted usage for so many Ages hath obtained the force of Law Bracton and Britton in their several Generations bear witness that it was then practised and greater proof of it needs not be sought than the Disputes that appear by the Law-Books to have been amongst the ancient Lawyers whether it was Treason or Felony for a Grand-Jury to discover either who was indicted or what Evidence was given them The Trust of the Grand Juries was thought so sacred in those Ages and their secrecy of so great concern to the Kingdom that whosoever should break their Oath therein was by all thought worthy to die Co. Instit 3d part p. 107. Rulls Indic 771. only some would have had them suffer as Traytors others as Felons And at this day it is held to be a high Misprision punishable by Fine and Impoverishment The Law then having appointed the Evidence to be given to Grand Juries in secret the King cannot desire to have it made publick He can do no wrong saith the old Maxime that is He can do nothing against the Law nor is any thing to be judged for his benefit that is not warranted by Law His Will Commands and Desires are therein no otherwise to be known He cannot change the legal Method or manner of enquiring by Juries nor vary in any particular case from the customary and general forms of judicial proceedings he can neither abridge nor enlarge the power of Juries no more than he can lessen the legal Power of the Sheriffs or Judges or by special Direction order the one how they shall execute Writs and the other how they shall give Judgments though these made by himself 'T is criminal no doubt for any to say that the King desires a Court of Justice or a Jury to vary from the direction of the Law and they ought not to be believed therein If Letters Writs or other Commands should come to the Judges for that purpose they are bound by their Oaths not to regard them but to hold them for null the Statutes of 2 E. 3.8 and 20 E. 3.1 are express That if any Writs or Commandments come to the Justices in disturbance of the Law or the Execution of the same or of right to the Parties they shall proceed as if no such Letters Writs or Commands were come to them And the substance of these and other Statutes is inserted into the Oath taken by every Judge and if they be under the most solemn and sacred Tye in the Execution of Justice to hold for nothing or none the Commands of the King under the Great Seal surely the Word or Desire of an Attorney-General in the like case ought to be less than nothing Besides they are strangely mistaken who think the King can have an Interest different from or contrary unto that of the Kingdom in the prosecution of Accused Persons His Concernments are involved in those of his People and he can have none distinct from them He is the Head of the Body Politick and the legal Course of doing Justice is like the orderly circulation of the Blood in the Natural Bodies by which both Head and Body are equally preserved and both perish by the interruption of it The King is obliged to the utmost of his Power to maintain the Law and Justice in its due course by his Coronation Oath and the Trust thereby reposed in him In former Ages he was conjured not to take the Crown unless he resolved punctually to observe it Brom. p. 1159. Mat. Paris p. 153. Bromton and others speaking of the Coronation of Richard the first delivered it thus That having first taken the Oath Deinde indutus Mantello ductus est ad Altare conjuratus ab Archiepiscopo prohibitus ex parte Dei ne hunc Honorem sibi assumat nisi in mente habeat tenere Sacramenta Vota quae superius fecit Et Ipse respondit se per Dei auxilium omnia supradicta observaturum bona fide Deinde cepit Corâ—nam de Altari tradidit eam Archiepiscopo qui posuit eam super caput Regis sic Coronatus Rex ductus est ad sedem suam Afterward cloathed with the Royal Robe he is led to the Altar and conjured by the Archbishop and forbid in the Name of God not to assume that Honour unless he intended to keep the Oaths and Vows he had before made and he answered By God's help he would faithfully observe all the Premises and then he took the Crown from off the Altar and delivered it to the Archbishop who put it upon the King's Head and the King thus Crowned is led unto His Seat The violation of which Trust cannot but be as well a wound unto their Consciences as bring great Prejudice upon their Persons and Affairs The Common-Law that exacts this doth so far provide for Princes That having their minds free from cares of preserving themselves they may rest assured that no Acts Words or Designs that may bring them into danger can be concealed from the many Hundreds of Men who by the Law are appointed in all parts of the Kingdom watchfully to take care of the King and are so far concerned in His safety that they can hope no longer to enjoy their own Lives and Fortunes in Peace than they can preserve him and the good Order which according to the Laws he is to uphold It is the joynt Interest of King and People that the ancient Rules of doing Justice be held sacred and inviolable and they are equally concerned in causing strict enquiries to be made into all Evidences given against suspected or accused Persons that the Truth may be discovered and such as dare to disturb the Publick Peace by breaking the Laws may be brought to punishment And the whole course of Judicial Proceedings in Criminal Causes shews that the People is therein equally concerned with the King whose name is used This is the ground of that distinction which Sir Ed. Coke makes between the Proceedings in Pleas of the Crown and Actions for wrongs done to the King himself In Pleas of the Crown or other common offences nusances c. Co. 3d. Inst pag. 136. principally concerning others or the Publick there the King by Law must be apprised by Indictment Presentment or other matter of Record but the King may have an Action for such wrong as is done is himself and whereof none other can have an Action but the King without being apprised by Indictment Presentment or other matter of Record
do no wrong But the greatest of all wrongs and that which hath been most destructive unto Thrones is by Fraud to circumvent and destroy the Innocent This is to turn a Legal King into a Nimrod a Hunter of Men This is not to act the part of a Father or a Shepherd who is ready to lay down his Life for his Sheep but such as the Psalmist complains of who eat up the People as if they eat Bread Jezebel did perhaps applaud her own Wit and think she had done a great Service to the King by finding out Men of Belial Judges and Witnesses to bring Naboth to be stoned but that unregarded Blood was a Canker or the Plague of Leprosie in his Throne and Family which could not be cured but by its overthrow and extinction But if the Attorney General cannot serve the King by abusing Juries and subverting the Innocent he can as little gain an advantage to himself by falsifying his Oath by the true meaning whereof he is to prosecute Justice Impartially and the Eternal Divine Law would annul any Oath or Promise that he should have taken to the contrary even though his Office had obliged him unto it The like Obligation lies upon Jurors not to suffer themselves to be deluded or persuaded that the Judges King's Council or any others can dispense with that Oath or any part of it which they have taken before God unto the whole Nation nor to think that they can swerve from the Rules set by the Law without a damnable breach of it The pwoer of relating or dissolving Conscientious Obligations acknowled in the Pope makes a great part of the Roman Superstition and that grand Impostor could never corrupt Kingdoms and Nations to their destruction and the Establishment of his Tyranny until he had brought them to believe he could dispense with Oaths taken by Kings unto their Subjects and by Subjects to their Kings nor impose so extravagant an Errour upon either until he had persuaded them he was in the place of God It is hard to say how the Judges or King's Council can have the same Power unless it be upon the same Title but we may be sure they may as well dispense with the whole Oath as any part of it and can have no pretence unto either unless they have the Keys of Heaven and Hell in their keeping It is in vain to say the King as any other man may remit the Oath taken unto and for himself He is not a party for himself but in the behalf of his People and cannot dispose of their Concernments without their Consent which is given only in Parliament The King's Council ought to remember they are in criminal Cases of Council unto every man in the Kingdom It is no ways referred unto the Direction of the Judges or unto them whether that secrecy enjoyned by Law be profitable unto the King or Kingdom They must take the Law as it is and render Obedience unto it until it be altered by the Power that made it To this end the Judges by Acts of Parliament viz. 18 Ed. 3. cap. 8. and 20 Ed. 3. cap. 1. are sworn to serve the People Ye shall serve our Lord the King and his People in the Office of Justice c. Ye shall deny to no man common Right by the King's Letters nor no other mans nor for no other cause and in default thereof in any point they are to forfeit their Bodies Lands and Goods This proves them to be the Peoples Servants as well as the Kings Further by the express words of the Commissions of Oyer and Terminer they are required to assist every man that suffers injury and make diligent inquisition after all manner of falshoods deceits offences and wrongs done to any man and thereupon to do Justice according to the Law so that in the whole proceedings in order unto Tryal and in the Tryals themselves the Thing principally intended which several persons are severally in their capacities obliged to pursue is the discovery of Truth The Withesses are to depose the Truth the whole Truth and Nothing but the Truth Thereupon the Council for the King are to prosecute The Grand Jury to present and the Petit Jury to try These are several Offices but all to the same End 'T is not the Prisoner but the Crime that is to be pursued This primarily the Offender but by consequence and therefore such Courses must be taken as may discover that and not such as may ensnare him When the Offence is found the impartial Letter of the Law gives the Doom and the Judges have no share in it but the pronouncing of it Till then the Judges are only to preside and take Care that every man else who is employed in this necessary Affair do his duty according to Law So that upon result of the whole transaction impartial Justice may be done either to the Acquittal or condemnation of the Prisoner Hereby it is manifest why the Judges are obliged by Oath To Serve the People as well as the King And by Commission To Serve every One that Suffers Injuries As they are to See that Right be done to the King and His injur'd Subjects in discovering of the Delinquent So they are to be of Council with the Prisoner whom the Law supposeth may be ignorant as well as innocent and therefore has provided that the Court shall be of Council for him and as well inform him of what Legal advantages the Law allows him as to resolve any point of Law when he shall propose it to them And it seems to be upon the presumption of this steady impartiality in the Judges thus obliged by all that is held Sacred before God and man to be unbyassed that the Prisoner hath no Council for if the Court faithfully perform their duty the Accused can have no wrong or hardship and therefore needs no Adviser Now suppose a man perfectly innocent and in some measure knowing in the Law should be accused of Treason or Felony If the Judges shall deny unto the Grand Jury the liberty of examining any Witnesses except in open Court where nothing shall be offered that may help to clear the Prisoner but every Thing aggravated that gives colour for the Accusation such Persons only produced as the King's Council or the Prosecutors shall think fit to call of whose Credit also the Jury must not inquire but shall be controll'd and brow-beaten in asking Questions of such unknown Witnesses for their own Satisfaction if they have any Tendency to discover the Infamy of these Witnesses or the Falshood of their Testimony How can Innocence secure any Man from being arraigned And if the Oath of the Judges should be as much forgotten in the further Proceedings upon the Trial where in Cases of Treason the Prisoner shall have all the King's Council commonly not the most unlearned prepared with studied Speeches and Arguments to make him black and odious and to Strain all his words and to alledge them
but it may move them there is no security that innocent Persons may not be brought every day into danger and trouble By this means certain mischiefs will be done whilst it is by their own confession uncertain whether they are any ways deserved by such as suffer them to the utter overthrow of all Justice If the word Probable be taken in a common rather than a nice Logical sense it signifies no more than likely or rather likely than unlikely When a matter is found to be so the Wager is not even there is odds upon one side and this may be a very good ground for betting in a Tennis Court or at a Horse-race but he that would make the Administration of Justice to depend upon such Points seems to put a very small value upon the fortunes liberties and reputations of men and to forget that those who sit in Courts of Justice have no other business there than to preserve them This continues in force though in a Diologue between a Barrister and a Grand Jury Man published under the Title of the Grand Jury Man's Oath and Office it be said p. 8. and 9. That their work is no more than to present Offences fit for a Tryal and for that Reason give in only a Verisimilar or probable Charge and others have affirmed that a far less Evidence will warrant a Grand Juries Indictment than a Petit Juries Verdict For nothing can be more opposite to the justice of our Laws than such Opinions All Laws in doubtful Cases direct a suspension of Judgment or a sentence in favour of the Accused person But if this were hearkened unto Grand Juries should upon their Oaths affirm they judge him Criminal when the Evidence is upon such uncertain grounds that they cannot but doubt whether he is so or not It cannot be hereupon said that no Evidence is so clear and full but it may be false and give the Jury occasion of doubts so as all Criminals must escape if no Indictment ought to be found unless the proofs are absolutely certain for it is confess'd that such Cases are not capable of an infallible Mathematical demonstration but a Jury that Examines all the Witnesses that are likely to give any light concerning the business in question and all Circumstances relating to the fact before them with the Lives and Credit of those tha◠testify i◠and of the Person accused may and do often find that which in their Consciences doth fully perswade them that the accused Person is guilty This is as much as the Law or their Oath doth require and such as find Bills after having made such a Scrutiny are blameless before God and Man if through the fragility inseparable from humane nature they should be led into Error For they 〈◊〉 not swear that the Bill is true but that they in their Consciences believe that it is so and if they write Ignoramus upon the Bill it is not thereby declared to be false nor the P rson accused acquitted but the matter is suspended until it can be more clearly proved as in doubtful Cases it always ought to be Our Ancestors took great Care that suspicious and probable Causes should not bring any Man's Life and Estate into danger For that reason it was ordain'd by the Stat 37 Ed 3. Cap 18. That such as made suggestions to the King should find surety to pursue and incur the same pain that the other should have had if he were attainted in case their suggestion be not found evil and that then process of the Law should be made against the Accused This manner of Proceeding hath its root on eternal and universal Reason The Law given by God unto his People Deut. 19. allotted the same Punishment unto a false witness as a person convicted The best disciplined Nations of the world learnt this from the Hebrews and made it their Rule in the administration of Justice The Grecians generally observed it and the Romans according to their Lex Talionis did not only punish death with death but the intention of committing Murther by false Accusations with the same severity as if it had been effected by any other means This Law was inviolably observed as long as any thing of regularity or equity remained amongst them and when through the wickedness of some of the Emperours or their favourites it came to be overthrown all Justice perished with it A Crew of false Informers brake out to the destruction of the best men and never ceas'd until they had ruined all the most eminent and antient Families Circumvented the Persons that by their Reputation Wealth Birth or Virtue deserved to be distinguished from the common sort of People and brought desolation upon that victorious City Tacitus complains of this Tac. Ann. 3. as the cause of all the mischiefs suffered in his Time and Country By their means the most Savage Cruelties were committed under the name of Law which thereby became a greater Plague than formerly Crimes had been No remedy could be found when those Delatores whom he calls genus hominum Publico exitio repertum Tac. Ann. 4. poenis quidem nunquam satis coercitum were invited by impunity or reward and the Miserable People groaned under this calamity until those instruments of iniquity were by better Princes put to the most cruel tho well deserved deaths The like hath been seen in many places and the domestick quiet which is now enjoyed in the Principal parts of Europe proceeds chiefly from this that every man knows the same Punishment is appointed for a false Accusation and proved Crime It is hardly seven years since Monsieur Courboyer a man of quality in Brittany suborned two of the King of France his Guards to swear Treasonable Designs against La Motte a Norman Gentleman the matter being brought to Monsieur Colbert he caus'd the Accused Person and the Witnesses to be secured until the fraud was discovered by one of them whereupon he was pardoned La Motte released Courboyer beheaded and the other false Witness hanged by the Sentence of the Parliament of Paris Though this Law seems to be grounded upon such foundation as forbids us to question the equity of it our Ancestors for Reasons best known unto themselves thought fit to moderate its Severity by the Statute of 38 Ed. 3. Cap. 9. yet then it was enacted and the Law continues in force unto this day That whosoever made complaints to the King and could not prove them against the Defendant by the process of Law limited in former Statures which is first by a Grand Jury he should be imprisoned until he had made gree to the Party of his damages and of the slander he suffered by such occasion and after shall make fine and ransom to the King which is for the common damage that the King and his People suffer by such a false accusation and defamation of any Subject And in the 42 Ed. 3. Cap. 3. To eschew the Mischiefs and damage done by
false Accusers 'T is enacted That no man be put to answer such suggestions without presentment before the Justices i. e. by the Grand Jury It cannot surely be imagined that the suggestions made to the King and his Council had no probability in them Or that there was no colour cause or Reason for the King to put the party to answer the Accusation but the grievance and complaint was that the People suffered certain damage and vexation upon untrue and at best uncertain accusations and that therein the Law was perverted by the King and his Councils taking upon them to judge of the certainty or Truth of them which of right belonged to the Grand Jury only upon whose Judgment and Integrity our Law doth wholly rely for the indemnity of the Innocent and the punishment of all such as do unjustly molest them Our Laws have not thought fit so absolutely to depend upon the Oaths of Witnesses as to allow that upon Two or Ten mens swearing positively Treason or Felony against any Man before the Justices of Peace or all the Judges or before the King and his Council that the party accused be he either Peer of the Realm or Commoner should without further Inquiry be thereupon arraigned and put upon his Tryal for his Life Yet none can doubt but there is something of probability in such depositions nevertheless the Law Refers those matters unto Grand Juries and no man can be brought to Tryal until upon such strict inquiries as is before said the Indictment be found The Law is so strict in these Inquiries that tho the Crime be never so notorious nay if Treason should be confessed in Writing under Hand and Seal before Justices of Peace Secretaries of State or the King and Council yet before the party can be arraigned for it the Grand Jury must inquire and be satisfied whether such a Confession be clear and certain Whether there was no collusion therein Or the party induced to such confession by promise of pardon Or that some pretended partakers in the Crime may be defamed or destroyed thereby they must inquire whether the Confession was not extorted by fear threatnings or force and whether the party was truly Compos mentis of sound Mind and Reason at that Time The Stat. 5 Eliz. Cap. 1. declares the antient Common Law concerning the Trust and Duty of Juries and Enacts that none should be indicted for assisting aiding comforting or abetting Criminals in the Treasons therein made and declared unless he or they be thereof lawfully accused by such good and sufficient Testimony or Proof as by the Jury by whom he shall be indicted shall be thought good lawful and sufficient to prove him or them guilty of the said Offences Herein is declared the only True Reason of Indictments i. e. the Grand Juries Judgment that they have such Testimonies as they esteem sufficient to prove the party indicted guilty of the Crimes whereof he is accused and whatsoever the Indictment doth contain they are to present no more or other Crimes than are proved to their satisfaction as upon Oath they declare it is when they present it This exactness is not only required in the Substance of Crimes but in the Circumstances and any doubtfulness or uncertainty in them makes the Indictment and all proceedings upon it by the Petit Jury to be insufficient and void and holden for none as appears by the following Cases In Young's Case in the Lord Cook 's Reports Lib. 4. Fol. 40. An Indictment for Murther was declared void for its incertainty because the Jury had not layed certainty in what part of the body the mortal wound was given saying only that 't was about his breast the words were Vnam Plagam mortalem circitur pectus In like manner in Vaux Case Cooks Rep. Lib. 4. Fol. 44. he being indicted for poisoning Ridley the Jury had not plainly and expresly averred that Ridley drank the Poison tho' other words imply'd it and thereupon the Indictment was judged insufficient for saith the Book the matter of an Indictment ought to be full express and certain and shall not be maintained by argument or implication for that the Indictment is found by the Oath of the Neighbourhood In the 2d part of Rolls Reports p. 263. Smith and Malls Case the Indictment was quashed for incertainty because the Jury had averred that Smith was either a Servant or Deputy Smith existens servus sive deputatus are the words It was doubtless probably enough proved to the Jury that he was either a Deputy or Servant but because the Indictment did not absolutely and certainly aver his condition either of Servant or Deputy it was declared void If there be any defect of certainty in the Grand Juries Verdict no Proof or Evidence to the Petit Jury can supply it so it was judged in Wrote and Wigs Case Coke 4. Rep. Fol. 45 46 47. It was layed that Wrote was killed at Shipperton but did not aver that Shipperton was within the Verge tho in truth it was and no Averment or Oath to the Petit Jury could supply that small faileur of certainty to support the Indictment and the reason is rendred in these words viz. The Indictment being Veredictum id est dictum Veritatis a Verdict That is a saying of Truth and matter of Record ought to contain the whole Truth which is requisite by the Law for when it doth not appear 't is the same as if it were not and every material part of the Indictment ought to be found upon the Oath of the Indicters and cannot be supplied by the Averment of the Party The Grand Juries Verdict is the foundation of all judicial proceeding against Capital Offenders at the King's suit if that fail in any point of certainty both convictions and acquittals thereupon are utterly void and the proceedings against both may begin again as if they had never been tried as it appears in the Case last cited Fol. 47. Now as the Law requires from the Grand Jury particular certain and precise affirmations of Truth so it expects that they should look for the like and accept of no other from such as bring accusations to them For no Man can certainly affirm that which is uncertainly delivered unto him or which he doth not firmly believe The Witnesses that they receive for good are to depose only absolute certainties about the Facts committed That is what they have seen or heard from the accused parties themselves not what others have told them They are not to be suffered to make probable arguments and infer from thence the guilt of the accused Their depositions ought to be positive plain direct and full The Crime is to be sworn without any doubtfulness or obscurity Not in words qualified and limited to belief conceptions or apprehensions This absolute certainty required in the deposition of the Witnesses is one principal ground of the Juries most rational assurance of the Truth of their Verdict The credit also of the
Administration of Justice Belongeth to the Office of a King But the fullest account of it in few words is in Chancellor Fortescue Chap. XIII which Passage is quoted in Calvin's Case Coke VII Rep. Fol 5. Ad Tutelam namque Legis Subditorum ac eorum Corporum bonorum Rex hujusmodi erectus est ad hanc potestatem a populo effluxam ipse habet quo ei non licet potestate alia suo populo Dominari For such a King That is of every Political Kingdom as this is is made and ordained for the Defence or Guardianship of the Law of his Subjects and of their Bodies and Goods whereunto he receiveth power of his People so that he cannot Govern his People by any other power Corollary 1. A Bargain 's a Bargain 2. A Popish Guardian of Protestant Laws is such an Incongruity and he is as Unfit for that Office as Antichrist is to be Christ's Vicar CHAP. II. Of Prerogatives by Divine Right I. GOvernment is not matter of Revelation if it were then those Nations that wanted Scripture must have been without Government whereas Scripture it self says That Government is The Ordinance of Man and of Humane Extraction And King Charles the First says of this Government in particular That it was Moulded by the Wisdom and Experience of the People Answ to XIX Prop. II. All just Governments are highly Beneficial to Mankind and are of God the Author of all Good they are his Ordinances and Institutions Rom. 13.1 2. III. Plowing and Sowing and the whole business of preparing Bread-Corn is absolutely necessary to the subsistence of Mankind This also cometh forth from the Lord of Hosts who is wonderful in Counsel and excellent in Working Isa 28. from 23. to 29th Verse IV. Wisdom saith Counsel is mine and sound Wisdom I am Vnderstanding I have strength By me Kings Reign and Princes decree Justice By me Princes Rule and Nobles even all the Judges of the Earth Prov. 8.14 V. The Prophet speaking of the Plowman saith His God doth instruct him to discretion and doth teach him Isa 28.26 VI. Scripture neither gives nor takes away Mens Civil Rights but leaves them as it found them and as our Saviour said of himself is no Divider of Inheritances VII Civil Authority is a Civil Right VIII The Law of England gives the King his Title to the Crown For where is it said in Scripture That such a Person or Family by Name shall enjoy it And the same Law of England which has made him King has made him King according to the English Laws and not otherwise IX The King of England has no more Right to set up a French Government than the French King has to be King of England which is none at all X. Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesars neither makes a Caesar nor tells who Caesar is nor what belongs to him but only requires Men to be just in giving him those supposed Rights which the Laws have determined to be his XI The Scripture supposes Property when it forbids Stealing it supposes Mens Lands to be already Butted and Bounded when it forbids removing the antient Land-marks And as it is impossible for any Man to prove what Estate he has by Scripture or to find a Terrier of his Lands there so it is a vain thing to look for Statutes of Prerogative in Scripture XII If Mishpat Hamelech the manner of the King 1 Sam. 8.11 be a Statute of Prerogative and prove all those particulars to be the Right of the King then Mishpat Haccohanim the Priest's custom of Sacrilegeous Rapine Chap. 2.13 proves that to be the Right of the Priests the same wood being used in both places XIII It is the Resolution of all the Judges of England that even the known and undoubted Prerogatives of the Jewish Kings do not belong to our Kings and that it is an absurd and impudent thing to affirm they do Coke 11. Rep. p. 63. Mich. 5. Jac. Give us a King to Judge us 1 Sam. 8.5 6 20. Note upon Sunday the Tenth of November in this same Term the King upon Complaint made to him by Bancroft Archbishop of Canterbury concerning Prohibitions was informed that when Question was made of what matters the Ecclesiastical Judges have Cognizance either upon the Exposition of the Statutes concerning Tythes or any other Thing Ecclesiastical or upon the Statute 1 Eliz. concerning the High Commission or in any other Case in which there is not express Authority by Law the King himself may decide it in his Royal person and that the Judges are but the Delegates of the King and that the King may take what Causes he shall please to determine from the Determination of the Judges and may determine them himself And the Archbishop said That this was clear in Divinity That such Authority belongs to the King by the Word of God in Scripture To which it was answered by me in the presence and with the clear consent of all the Justices of England and Barons of the Exchequer That the King in his own person cannot adjudge any Case either Criminal as Treason Felony c. but this ought to be determined and adjusted in some Court of Justice according to the Law and Custom of England And always Judgments are given Ideo consideratum est per Curiam so that the Court gives the Judgment And it was greatly marvelled That the Archbishop durst inform the King that such absolute power and authority as is aforesaid belonged to the King by the Word of God CHAP. III. Of OBEDIENCE I. NO Man has any more Civil Authority than what the Law of the Land has vested in him Nor is he one of St. Paul's Higher Powers any farther or to any other purposes than the Law has impowr'd him II. An Usurped Illegal and Arbitrary power is so far from being the Ordinance of God that it is not the Ordinance of Man III. Whoever opposes an Usurped Illegal and Arbitrary Power does not oppose the Ordinance of God but the Violation of that Ordinance IV. The 13. of the Romans commands Subjection to our Temporal Governours Verse 4. because their Office and Imployment is for the publick welfare For he is the Minister of God to Thee for Good V. The 13. of the Hebrews commands Obedience to spiritual Rulers Verse 17. Because they watch for your Souls VI. But the 13. of the Hebrews did not oblige the Martyrs and Confessors in Queen Mary's Time to obey such blessed Bishops as Bonner and the Beast of Rome who were the perfect Reverse of St. Paul's Spiritual Rulers and whose practice was murthering of Souls and Bodies according to the true Character of Popery which was given it by the Bishops who compiled the Thanksgiving for the Fifth of November but Archbishop Laud was wiser than they and in his time blotted it out The Prayer formerly run thus To that end strengthen the Hands of our Gracious King the Nobles and Magistrates of the
some cases a Promise is in the nature of a Covenant and then between equal parties the breach of it will bear a Suit but where the greatness of the Promiser is very much raised above the Level of equality there is no Forfeiture to be taken It is so far from the party grieved his being able to sue or recover Damages that he will not be allow'd to explain or expostulate and instead of his being relieved against the breach of Promise he will run the hazard of being punished for breach of Good Manners Such a difficulty is putting all or part of the Payment in the Fire where Men must burn their Fingers before they can come at it That cannot properly be called good payment which the party to whom it is due may not receive with ease and safety It was a King's Brother of England who refused to lend the Pope mony for this reason That he would never take the Bond of one upon whom he could not distrain The Argument is still stronger against the validity of a Promise when the Contract is made between a Prince and a Subject The very offering a King's Word in Mortgage is rather a threatning in case of Refusal than an inducing Argument to accept it it is unfair at first and by that giveth greater cause to be cautious especially if a thing of that value and dignity as a King's Word ought to be should be put into the hands of State-brokers to strike up a Bargain with it XXVIII When God Almighty maketh Coveant with Mankind His promise is a sufficient Security notwithstanding his Superiority and his power because first he can neither err nor do injustice It is the only Exception to his Omnipotence that by the Perfection of his being he is incapacitated to do wrong Secondly at the instant of His promise by the extent of his Foresight which cannot fail there is no room left for the possibility of any thing to intervene which might change his mind Lastly he is above the receiving either Benefit or Inconvenience and therefore can have no Interest or Temptation to vary from his Word when once he hath granted it Now though Princes are God's Vicegerents yet their Commission not being soo large as that these Qualifications are devolved to them it is quite another case and since the offering a Security implyeth it to be examined by the party to whom it is proposed it must not be taken ill that Objections are made to it even though the Prince himself should be the immediate Proposer Let a familiar Case be put Suppose a Prince tempted by a Passion to strong for him to resist should descend so as to promise Marriage to one of his Subjects and as Men are naturally in great haste upon such occasions should press to take possession before the necessary Forms could be complyed with would the poor Ladies Scruple be called Criminal for not taking the Security of the Royal Word Or would her Allegiance be tainted by her resisting the sacred Person of her Soveraign because he was impatient of delay Courtesie in this case might perswade her to accept it if she was so disposed but sure the just exercise of Power can never claim it XXIX There is one Case where it is more particularly a Duty to use very great occasion in accepting the security of a Promise and that is when Men are Authorized and trusted by others to act for them This putteth them under much greater restraints than those who are at liberty to treat for themselves It is lawful though it is not prudent for any man make an ill Bargain for himself but it is neither the one nor the other where the party contracting treateth on behalf of another by whom he is intrusted Men who will unwarily accept an ill security if it is for themselves forfeit their own discretion and undergo the Penalty but they are not responsible to any body else They lie under the Mortification and the loss of committing the error by which though they may expose their Judgment to some censure yet their Morality suffers no reproach by it But those who are deputed by others to treat for them upon terms of best advantage though the Considence placed in them should prevent the putting any limits to their power in their Commission yet the Condition implied if not expressed is that the Persons so trusted shall neither make an ill Bargain nor accept a slight Security The Obligation is yet more binding when the Trust is of a Publick Nature The aggravation of disappointing a Body of Men that rely upon them carrieth the Fault as high as it can go and perhaps no Crime of any kind can out do such a deliberate breach of Trust or would more justly make Men forfeit the protection of humane Society XXX I will add one thing more upon this Head which is that it is not always a true Preposition that 't is safe to rely upon a promise if at the time of making it it is the Interest of the Promiser to make it good This though many times it is a good Inducement yet iâ— hath these Exceptions to it First if the proposer hath at other times gone plainly against his Visible Interest the Argument will turn the other way and his former Mistakes are so many Warnings to others not to come within the danger any more let the Inducements to those Mistakes be never so great and generous that does not alter the Nature they are Mistakes still Interest is an uncertain thing It goeth and cometh and varieth according to times and circumstances as good build upon a Quick-sand as upon a presumption that Interest shall not alter Where are the Men so distinguished from the rest of Mankind that it is impossible for them to mistake their Interest Who are they that have such an Exemption from human frailty as that it can never happen to them not to see their Interest for want of Understanding or not to leap over it by excess of Zeal Above all Princes are most liable to mistake not out of any defect in their Nature which might put them under such an unfortunate distinction quite contrary the blood they derive from great and wise Ancestors does rather distingush them on the better side besides that their great Character and Office of Governing giveth a noble Exercise to their Reason which can very hardly fail to raise and improve it But there is one Circumstance annexed to their Glorious Calling which in this Respect is sufficient to outweigh all those Advantages it is that Mankind divided in most things else agree in this to conspire in their Endeavours to deceive and mislead them which maketh it above the Power of human Understanding to be so exactly guarded as never to admit a Surprize and the highest Applause that could ever yet be given to the greatest Men that ever wore a Crown is that they were no oftner deceived Thus I have ventured to lay down my Thoughts of
pinches he is really concerned that Ireland is not altogether an independent Kingdom and in the Hands of its own Natives he longs till the Day when the English Yoak of Boudage shall be thrown off Of this he gives us broad Hints when he tells us That England is the only Nation in the World that impedes their Trade That a Man of English Interest will never Club with them as he phrases it or project any thing which may tend to their Advantage that will be the least Bar or Prejudice to the Trade of England Now why a Man of English Interest unless he will allow none of that Nation to be an able and just Minister to his Prince should be partial to ruine one Kingdom to avoid the least Inconveniency of the other contrary to the positive Commands of his King I cannot imagine For since it is the Governour 's Duty to Rule by Law and such Orders as he shall receive from His Majesty I know no Grounds for our Authors Arraigning the whole English Nation in saying That no one Man among them of what Perswasion soever will be true either to the Laws or his Majesty's positive Orders which shall seem repugnant to the smallest Conveniencies of England This is a glory reserved only as it seems for his Hero my Lord Tyrconnel The Imbargo upon the West India Trade and the Prohibition of Irish Cattel are the two Instances given It were to be wished indeed for the Good of that Kingdom that both were taken off and I question not but to see a Day wherein it shall seem proper to the King and an English Parliament to Repeal those Laws a Day wherein they will consider us as their own Flesh and Blood a Colony of their Kindred and Relations and take care of our Advantages with as little Grudging and Repining I am sure they have the same and no stronger Reason as Cornwal does at Yorkshire There are Instances in sevral Islands in the East-Indies as far distant as Ireland is from England that make up but one Kingdom and govern'd by the same Laws but the Wisdom of England will not judge it time fitting to do this till we of Ireland be one Mans Children either in Reality or Affection we wish the latter and have made many Steps and Advances towards it if the Natives will not meet us half way we cannot help it let the Event lie at their own Doors But after all I see not how those Instances have any manner of relation to the English Chief Governors in Ireland they were neither the Causes Contrivers nor Promoters of those Acts. The King and an English Parliament did it without consulting them if they had 't is forty to one my Lord of Ormond and the Council whose Stake is so great in Ireland would have hindred it as much as possible Our Author's Argument proves indeed That 't is detrimental to Ireland to be a subordinate Kingdom to England and 't is plain 't is that he drives at let him disguise it as much as he will but the conclusion he would prove cannot at all be deduced from it Shortly I expect he will speak plainer and in down right Terms propose That the two Kingdoms may be governed by different Kings Matters seem to grow ripe for such a dilloyal Proposition If these Acts and not the Subjection to an English King were the Grievances they would be so to the British there as well as to the Natives but though we wish them Repealed we do not repine in the mean time if the British who are the most considerable Trading part of that Nation and consequently feel the ill Effects of those Acts more sensibly can be contented why the Natives should not acquiesce in it unless it be for the forementioned Reasons I cannot see Our Author allows that there are different ways of obeying the King 't is a Point gained for us and proves there may be such a Partiality exercised in executing his Majesties Commands as may destroy the very Intent of them and yet taking the Matter strictly the King is obeyed but a good Minister will consider his Masters Intentions and not make use of a Word that may have a double Sence to the Ruine of a Kingdom nor of a Latitude of Power wherewith he is intrusted to the Destruction of the most considerable Party in it Far be it from us to think it was his Majesties Intentions to depopulate a flourishing Country to undo Multitudes of laborious thriving Families in it to diminish and destroy his own Revenue to put the Sword into Mad-mens Hands who are sworn Enemies to the British No! His Majesty who is willing that Liberty of Trade as well as Conscience should equally flourish in all parts of his Dominions that recommends himself to his Subjects by his Impartiality in distributing Offices of Trust and from that Practice raises his greatest Argument to move his People to Repeal the Penal Laws never intended that some general Commands of his should be perverted to the Destruction of that People his Intention is to protect His Majesty Great as he is cannot have two Consciences one calculated for the Latitude of England another for Ireland We ought therefore to conclude in respect to the King that his Commands have been ill understood and worse executed and this may be done as our Author confesses and the King undoubtedly obeyed but such an Obedience is no better than a Sacrifice of the best Subjects the King has in this Kingdom Our Author has given very good Reasons why the Natives may be well content with their present Governor but I cannot forbear laughing at those he has found out to satisfie the poor British with My Lord Tyrconnel's most Excellent Charitable English Lady His high sounding Name TALBOT in great Letters a Name that no less frightens the Poor English in Ireland then it once did the French a Name which because he is in possession of I will not dispute his Title to but I have been credibly informed that he has no relation to that most Noble Family of Shrewsbury though my Lord Tyrconnel presumes to bear the same Coat of Arms a Name in short which I hope in time Vox praetereae nihil A Second Reason is drawn from his Education We have heard and it has never yet been contradicted that my Lord Tyrconnel from his Youth upwards has constantly born Arms against the Brittish If our Author will assure us of the contrary I am apt to believe â—i Excellency will give him no thanks who lays the foundation of his Merit upon the Basis of his constant adherence to the Iâ—ish Party What use of Consolation can be drawn from this head by the Brittish is beyond my skill to conâ—preâ—â—nd A third Reason is drawn from his Stake in England the Author would do well to shew us in what Country this lies that we may know where to find Reprisals hereafter for since he offers this for our Security 't is fit
no publick Record but hath past through private hands hath been corrupted and defaced and that in Passages of the greatest moment as are the words of W. Hakewell Esq in his Observation upon them 70 Years since printed A D. 1641. And whereas the Journals of the House of Lords are true Records and kept by their proper Officer there is not one word to befound of any such confirmation Secondly If there ever was any such Buil it had this limitation in it that the Possessors of such Lands should bestow them all on Colleges Hospitals parochial Ministers or other such like spiritual Uses and this I prove First Because the famous Instances that are usually given of the Popes Alienations of Church Lands were only a changing them from one religious Use to another Thus when Pope Clement the Fifth A. D. 1307. supprest the Knights-Templars in this Nation and seiz'd all their Lands and Goods he gave them all to the Hospitaller of St. John of Jerusalem and that was ratified in Parliament 17. Edw. Second which Act sets forth That tho those Lands were escheated to the Lords of the Fee by the said Dissolution yet it was not lawful to detain them When Pope Clement the Seventh A. D. 1528. gave Cardinal Woolsey a Power to surpress several Monasteries he was to transferr all their Goods and possessions to his Collegiate Church at Windsor and to Kings Colledge in Cambridge and when the same Pope gave the same Cardinal many other Religious Houses it was for the endowing Christ-Church in Oxford and his Colledge in Ipswich And to Name no more when Pope Alexander the seventh A. D. 1655. suppressed the Order of the Fratres Cruciferi he disposed of all their Houseâ— Farms and Rights to such uses and pious works as he thought fit Vide Bullar Ludg. Vol. Vlt. Fol. 220. Secondly When this very Pope was attended with the English Ambassadors that came to his Confirmation the Pope found fault with them That the Church-yards were not restored saying that it was by no means to be tolerated and that it was necessary to render all even to a Farthing because the things that belong to God can never be applyed to humane uses and he that withholdeth the least part of them is in a continual state of Damnation that if he had power to grant them he would do it most readily but his Authority was not so large as that he might prophane the things that are dedicated to God and let England be assured that this would be an Anathema c. F. Pauls H. of the Council of Trent p. 392. Sleidam Com. p. 779. And all this was said by the Pope within four Months of the pretended Consirmation Thirdly The private Bull to Sir W. Peters bears date within two Months after the pretended Confirmation vide Sir W. Dugdales Eccl. Col. Fol. 207. The Title of which Bull is this The Bull of Paul the Fourth Bishop of Rome in which he confirms to Sir W. Peters all and singular the Sales of several Mannors c. sometimes belonging to Monasteries which the said Sir W. Peters is ready to assign and demile to spiritual uses Then follows the Bull it self which saith That this Confirmation was humbly desired from us and that there were reasoâ—â—bre Causes to perswade it viz. a Petition exhibited by the said Sir W. Peters that the Mannors c. belonging to certain Monasteries and fold to him by King Henry the Eighth which he is ready to assign and demise to spiritual uses may be approved and confirmed to 〈◊〉 wherefore the said Pope doth acquit and absolve him being inclined by the said supplications c. By which Bull Sir W. Peters had no power given him to keep those Lands or 〈…〉 them to his Heirs but only to distribute them to such Religions uses as he thought 〈◊〉 Now it is a 〈…〉 thing that Sir VV. 〈◊〉 should 〈…〉 for a limited Dispensation if the whole Nation as is pretended had been absolutely dispensed with but two Months before without any limitation at all So that either there was no such General Confirmation or else it was limited with the samo restrictions as that to Sir VV. Peters Viz. To bestow them upon spiritual Uses And this is the only probable Reason why in England this Bull is wholly suppress'd and lost In Confirmation of this it may be observed that Cardinal Pool notwithstanding his Dispensation carnestly exhorted all persons by the Bowels of Christ Jesus that not being unmindful of their Salvation they would at least out of their Ecclesiastical Goods take care to encrease the Endowments of Parsonages and Vicarages that the Incumbents may be commodiously and honestly maintain'd according to their Quality and Estate whereby they may laudibly exercise the cure of Souls and support the incumbent Burthens and farther urg'd the Judgments that fell upon Baithazar for converting the holy Vessels to prophane uses Fourthly Queen Mary who best understood what had been done after the time of this pretended Confirmation from the pope restored all the Church Lands that were then in the Crown saying That they were taken away contrary to the Law of God and of the Church and therefore her conscience did not suffer her to detain them c. When she gave them to the pope and his Legate to dispose of to the Honour of God c. she said She did it because she set more by the Salvation of her Soul than ten such Kingdoms Heylins H. Ref. p. 235. And to this Act of Restitution she was vehemently press'd by the Pope and his Legate F. Paul's H. of the C. of Trent p. 393. Dudithius in vita poli p 32. And these things thus restored by the Queen were disposed of by the Legate to several Churches Dudithius ib. From all which it 's evident that neither the Pope nor his Legate nor Queen Mary knew of any such confirmations of these Alienations as would quiet the conscience without restoring them to spiritual uses Fifthly Queen Mary not only did so her self but press'd it vehemently upon her Nobles and Parliament that they would make full Restitution Heylyn p. 237. Sleidan p. 791. and several of them as Sir Thomas Sir VVylliam Peters c. who had swallowed the largest morsels of those Lands did make some sort of Restitution tho' not to the Abbies themselves yet to Colleges and Religious Uses Sixthly This very pope Paul the Fourth published a Bull in which he threatn'd Excommunication to all manner of persons as kept any Church-Lands to themselves and to all Princes Noblemen and Magistrates that did not forthwith put the same in Execution Heylin's Hist Ref. p. 238. So that by a new Decree he retrieved all those Goods and Ecclesiastical Revenues which had been alienated from the Church since the time of Julius the Second Ryemt's Contin p. 112. So improbable a story is it that this Pope confirmed these Alienations in England And whereas Dr. Johnston p. 173. hath these words Mr. Fox saith
Power in Ecclesiastical Matters truly stated HIS present Majesty having erected an High-Commission Court to enquire of and make redress in Ecclesiastical Matters c. Q. Whether such a Commission as the Law now stands be good or not And I hold that the Commission is not good And to maintain my Opinion herein I shall in the first place briefly consider what Power the Crown of England had in Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Matters for I take them to be synonymous Terms before 17 Car. 1. ca. 11. And Secondly I shall particularly consider the Act of 17 Car. 1. ca. 11. And Thirdly I shall consider 13 Car. 2. ca. 12. And by that time I have fully considered these three Acts of Parliament it will plainly appear that the Crown of England hath now no Power to erect such a Court. I must confess and do agree That by the Common Law all Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction was lodged in the Crown and the Bishops and all Spiritual Persons derived their Jurisdiction from thence And I cannot find that there were any Attempts by the Clergy to divest the Crown of it till William the First 's Time and his Successors down to King John the Pope obtained four Points of Jurisdiction First Sending of Legates into England Secondly Drawing of Appeals to the Court of Rome Thirdly Donation of Bishopricks and other Ecclesiastical Benefices And Fourthly Exemption of Clerks from the Secular Power Which four Points were gained within the space of an hundred and odd Years but with all the Opposition imaginable of the Kings and their People and the Kingdom never came to be absolutely inslaved to the Church of Rome till King John's Time and then both King and People were and so continued to be in a great measure in Henry the Third's Time and so would in all likelihood have continued had not wise Edward the First opposed the Pope's Usurpation and made the Statute of Mortmain But that which chiefly brake the Neck of this was That after the Pope and Clergy had endeavoured in Edward the Second's Time and in the beginning of Edward the Third to usurp again Edward the Third did resist the Usurpation and made the Statutes of Provisors 25 Ed. 3. and 27 Ed. 3. And Richard the Second backed those Acts with 16 Rich. 2. ca. 5. and kept the Power in the Crown by them Laws which being interrupted by Queen Mary a bloody Bigot of the Church of Rome during her Reign there was an Act made in 1 Eliz-ca 1. which is Intituled Keeble's Stat. An Act to restore to the Crown the ancient Jurisdiction over the Estate Ecclesiastical and Spiritual and abolishing all foreign Powers repugnant to the same From which Title I collect three things First That the Crown had anciently a Jurisdiction over the Estate Ecclesiastical and Spiritual Secondly That that Jurisdiction had for some time been at least suspended and the Crown had not exercised it Thirdly That this Law did not introduce a new Jurisdiction but restored the old but with restoring the old Jurisdiction to the Crown gave a Power of delegating the Exercise of it And as a Consequence from the whole that all Jurisdiction that is lodged in the Crown is subject nevertheless to the Legislative Power in the Kingdom I shall now consider what Power this Act of 1 Eliz. 1. declares to have been anciently in the Crown and that appears from Sect. 16 17 18. of the same Act. Section 16. Abolisheth all Foreign Authority in Cases Spiritual and Temporal in these VVords And to the intent that all the Vsurped and Foreign Power and Authority Spiritual and Temporal may for ever be clearly extinguished and never to be used or obeyed within this Realm or any other Your Majesties Dominions or Countries 2 May it please Your Highness that it may be further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid that no Foreign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate Spiritual or Temporal shall at any time after the last Day of this Session of Fâ—â—liament use enjoy or exercise any manner of Power Jurisdiction Superiority Authority Preheminence or Priviledge Spiritual or Ecclesiastical within this Realm or within any other Your Majesties Dominions or Countries that now be or hereafter shall be but from thenceforth the same shall be clearly Abolished out of this Realm and all other Your Highness's Dominions for ever any Statute Ordinance Custom Constitutions or any other Matter or Cause whatsoever to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding And after the said Act hath abolished all Foreign Authority in the very next Section Sect. 17. It annexeth all Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to the Crown in these VVords And that also it may likewise please your Heghness That it may be Established and Enacted by the Authority aforesaid That such Jurisdictions Priviledges Superiorities and Preheminencies Spiritual and Ecclesiastical as by any Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Power or Authority hath heretofore been or may lawfully be exercised or used for the Visitation of the Ecclesiastical State and Persons and for Reformation Order and Correction of the same and of all manner of Errors Heresies Schisms Abuses Offences Contempts and Enormities shall for ever by Authority of this present Parliament be Vnited and Annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm From these VVords That such Jurisdiction c. as by any Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Power or Authority had then-to-fore been exercised or used were annexed to the Crown I observe That the Four things aforesaid wherein the Pope had incroached were all restored to the Crown and likewise all other Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction that had been exercised or used in this Kingdom and did thereby become absolutely vested in the Crown Then Section 18. Gives a Power to the Crown to assign Commissioners to excrcise this Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in these VVords And that Your Highness Your Heirs and Successors Kings or Queens of this Realm shall have full Power and Authority by Virtue of this Act by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England to Assign Name and Authorize when and as often as Your Highness Your Heirs or Successors shall think meet and convenient and for such and so long time as shall pleass Your Highness your Heirs or Successors such Person or Persons being natural born Subjects to Your Highness Your Heirs or Successors as Your Majesty Your Heirs or Successors shall think meet to Exercise Vse Occupy and Execute under Your Highness Your Heirs and Succâ—ssors all manner of Jurisdictions Priviledges and Preheminencies in any wise touching or concerning any Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction within these Your Realms of England and Ireland or any other Your Highness's Dominions and Countries 2. and to visit Reform Redress Order Correct and Amend all such Errors Heresies Schisms Abuses Offences Contempts and Enormities whatsoever which by any manner of Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Power Authority or Jurisdiction can or may lawfully be Reformed Ordered Redressed Corrected Restrained and Amended to the pleasure of Almighty God the Increase of Vertue and the Conservation
discourage any kind of favour towards them save that which the concession whereof would not only be inconsistent with the peace and safety of those of the Reformed Religion in England but which might enflame the Nation to such Resentments as would in all likelihood both endanger his Majesties Person and Crown and come at last to issue in the reducement of the Roman Catholicks to worse circumstances than they have hitherto been acquainted with But to proceed with our Author to whom it is so natural to act foolishly and with sauciness and injustice that neither the Character he is said to bear nor the Quality of the Persons of whom he speaks can either restrain his intemperance or correct his rudeness and indiscretion For Monsieur Fagel having said that he believes there are many Roman Catholicks who under the present state of Affairs will not be very desirous to be in Publick Offices and Employments nor use any attempts against those of the Reformed Religion and that not only because they know it to be contrary to Law but lest it should at some other time prove prejudicial to their Persons and States Our Author is so unjust as well as imprudent as to call this a menacing not only of all the Non-conformists and Roman Catholicks in England but a threatning of his Majesty and an insulting over him And from thence he takes occasion to add that he hopes God will inable his Majesty to repress and prevent the effects of these menaces and furnish him with means of mortifying those who do thus threaten and insult over him It certainly argues a strange weakness and distemper of mind to call so modest and soft an expression both a menacing of the King and of all his Catholick Subjects when I dare say it proclaimeth the sense of all among the Papists who are endowed with any measure of Wisdom and is nothing else save a Declaration of the measure by which they do at this day regulate and conduct themselves But the injustice of our Author towards Their Highnesses in his Reflections upon the forementioned expression of the Pensionary's is his intending them by the persons that do threaten his Majesty and insult over him For did he take Mijn Heer Fagel for the only guilty person in reference to this Phrase which he miscalls a Menace it would be a strange detracting in him from the Power and Glory of his Majesty of Great Brittain to wish him sufficient means whereby to shun the effects of a Gentleman 's threatning whose highest Figure in the World is meerly to be a Minister in a Republick Nor would he bring down his Master to so low a level as to make it the highest Object of his Hopes concerning so great a Monarch that he shall be able to mortifie a person who whatsoever his Merit be yet his Fortune is to fill no sublimer a Post So that it can be no other save the Prince and Princess whom our Author in his usual way of injustice petulancy and indiscretion does here character represent and intend And what he thereupon means by the Kings having power in his hands and by his hoping that God would furnish him with means by which he may mortifie them is not a matter of difficult penetration even by persons of the most ordinary capacities For the several methods that have been projected and are still carrying on for the debarring them from the Succession to the Imperial Crowns of England Scotland and Ireland to which they have so Just and Hereditary a Right are sufficient to detect unto us what our Author intends and serve as a Key whereby to open the scope and meaning of his Expressions But whatsoever the Papal and Jesuitick Endeavours may be for the obstructing and preventing their Ascending the Thrones of Great Brittain I dare say that all the effects they will have will be only the discovering the folly and malice of those that attempt it and that they can never be able to compass and accomplish it For as their Highnesses have both that interest in the Love and Veneration of all Protestants and so indisputable a Title that it is impossible they should be precluded either by Force or in a way to which their Enemies may affix the Name of Legal so there is no great cause to apprehend or fear their being supplanted by their King 's having Male Issue of a vigour to live considering both his Majesties condition and the Queens which is such that they can never communicate bona stamina vitae And for the Papists being able to Banter a suppositious Brat upon the Nation tho' there are many among them villanous enough to attempt it we have not only the watchfulness of Divine Providence to rely upon for preventing it but there are many faithful and waking Eyes that will be ready and industrious to discover the Cheat. And if the People once perceive that there hath been a contrivance carried on for putting so base an affront upon a noble and generous Kingdom and of committing so horrid a wrong against such Vertuous and Excellent Princes I do not know but that their Resentment of it may rise so high as that all who are discovered to have been accessory unto it may undergo the like fate that they of old did who were found to have been conscious and contributory unto the thrusting the Eunuch Smerdis into the Persian Throne Nor do I in the least doubt but that the same Righteous Wise and Merciful God who prevented the like villany when designed in the time of Queen Mary and which was advanced so far that some Priests had the wickedness and impudence both to give thanks in the publick Churches for her Majesties safe delivery of a Prince and also to describe the Beauty and Features of the Babe tho' all she had gone with amounted only to a Tympany of Wind and Water I say that I do not question but that the same God will out of his Immense Grace and Sapience find ways and methods of which there are many within the compass of his Infinite Understanding by which so hellish a piece of villany if there be any such projected and promoting may be brought into light and disappointed And truly when I consider the Christian and Royal Vertues wherewith their Highnesses are imbued and how they are furnished with all the Moral Intellectual and Religious accomplishments that are requisite for adapting them to weild Scepters and which render them not only so agreeable to the necessities and desires of all good people but so admirably qualified to answer both the present posture of Affairs in Europe and the Exigencies of those that are oppressed and afflicted I grow into a confidence that as the Church of God both in Brittain and elsewhere and the circumstances in which so many Countreys are involved do bespeak and crave their Exaltation to the Thrones of the Brittish Dominions so that they are both destined of God unto them and will in due
given to his Declaration and to what he hath since the Emission of it repeated both in his Speech to Mr. Penn and in his Letter to Mr. Alsop And to omit many other Instances of his kindness and Benignity to the Fanaticks whom he now so much hugs and caresseth it may not be amiss to remember them and all other Protestants of that barbarous and illegal Commission issued forth by the Council of Scotland while he as the late King 's High Commissioner had the Management of the Affairs of that Kingdom by which every Military Officer that had command over twelve Men was impower'd to impannel Juries Try Condemn and cause to be put to Death not only those who should be found to disclaim the King's Authority but such as should refuse to acknowledge the King 's new modelled Supremacy over that Church in the pursuance and Execution of which Commission some were Shot to Death others were Hang'd or Drowned and this not only during the Continuance of the Reign of his late Majesty but for above a Year and a half after the present King came to the Crown But what need is there of insisting upon such little Particulars wherein he was at all times ready to express his Malice to Protestants seeing we have not only Dr. Oates's Testimony and that of divers others but most Authentick Proofs from Mr. Coleman's Letters of his having been in a Conspiracy several Years for the Subversion of our Religion upon the meritorious and sanctified Motive of extirpating the Northern Heresie Of which beside all the Evidence that four Successive Parliaments arrived at I know several who since the Duke of York ascended the Throne have had it confirmed unto them by divers Foreign Papists that were less reserved or more ingenuous than many of that Communion use to be To question the Existence of that Plot and his present Majesties having been Accessary unto and in the Head of it argues a strange Effrontery and Impudence through casting an Aspersion of Weakness Folly and Injustice not only upon those Three Parliaments that seem'd to have retained some Zeal for English Liberties but by fastening the same Imputations upon the Long Parliament which had shewed it self at all times more Obsequious to the Will of the Court than was either for their own Honor or the Safety and Interest of the Kingdom and who had expressed a Veneration for the Royal Family that approached too much upon a degree of Idolatry Whosoever considers that Train of Counsels wherein the King was many Years engaged and whereof we felt the woful Effects in the Burning of London the frequent Prorogation and Dissolution of Parliaments the widening and exasperating Differences among Protestants the stirring up and provoking Civil Magistrates and Ecclesiastical Courts to persecute Dissenters and the maintaining Correspondencies with the Pope and Catholick Princes abroad to the dishonor of the Nation and danger of our Laws and Religion cannot avoid being apprehensive what we are now to look for at his Hands nor can be escape thinking that he esteems his Advancement to the Crown both a Reward from Heaven for what he hath done and plotted against these three Kingdoms and an Opportunity and Advantage administred to him for the Perfecting and Accomplishment of all those Designs with which he hath been so long Bigg and in Travel for the Destruction of our Religion the Subversion of our Laws and the Re-establishment of Popery in these Dominions The Conduct and Guidance under which His Majesty hath put himself and the fiery Temper of that Order to whose Government he hath resigned his Conscience may greatly add to our Fears and give us all the Jealousie and Dread that we are capable of being impressed with in reference to Matters to come that there is nothing which can be Fatal to our Religion or Persons that we may not expect the being called to conflict with and suffer For tho most of the Popish Ecclesiasticks especially the Regulars bear an inveterate Malice to Protestants and hold themselves under indispensible Obligations of eradicating whatsoever their Church stiles Heresie and have accordingly been always forward to stir up and provoke Rulers to the use and Application of Force for the Destruction of Protestants as a Company of perverse and obstinate Hereticks adjudged and condemned to the Stake and Gibbet by the infallible Chair yet of all Men in the Communion of the Romish Church and of their Religious Orders the Jesuits are they who do most hate us and whose Counsels have been most Sanguinary and always tending to influence those Monarchs whose Consciences they have had the guiding and conducting of to the utmost Cruelties and Barbarities towards us What our Brethren have had measured out to them in France through Father de la Chaise's Influence upon that King and through the bewitching Power and Domination he hath over him in the quality of his Confessor and as having the Direction of his Conscience may very well alarm and inform us what we ought to expect from His Majesty of Great Britain who hath surrendered his Conscience to the Guidance of Father Peters a Person of the same Order and of the like mischievous and bloody Disposition that the former is 'T is well observed by the Author of the Reasons against Repealing the Acts of Parliament concerning the Test that Cardinal Howard's being of such a meek and gentle Temper that is able to withstand the Malignity of his Religion and to preserve him from concurring in those mischievous Counsels which his Purple might seem to oblige him unto is the reason of his being shut out from Acquaintance with and Interest in the English Affairs transacted at Rome and that whatsoever his Majesty hath to do in that Court is managed by his Ambassador under the sole Direction of the Jesuits So that it is not without cause that the Jesuit of Liege in his intercepted and lately printed Letter tells a Brother of the Order what a wonderful Veneration the King hath for the Society and with what profound Submission he receives those Reverend Fathers and hearkens to whatsoever they represent Nor is His Majesty's being under the Influence of the Jesuits through having one of them for his Confessor and several of them for his Chief Counsellors and principal Confidents the only thing in this Matter that awakens our Fear in what we are to expect from his armed Power excited and stir'd up by that fiery Tribe but there is another Ground why we ought more especially to dread him and that is his being entred and enrolled into the Order and become a Member of the Society whereby he is brought into a greater Subjection and Dependence upon them and stands bound by Ties and Engagements of being obedient to the Commands of the General of the Jesuits and that not only in Spirituals but in whatsoever they shall pretend to be subservient to the Exaltation of the Church and for upholding the Glory of the Tripple Crown This
till after the expiration of twenty Years In the same manner when he had resolved to Repeal the Edict of Nantes and had given injunction for the Draught by which it was to be done he at the same season gave the Protestants all assurances of Protection and of the said Edicts being kept Inviolable To which may be added that shameful and detestable Chicanery in passing his Sacred and Royal Word that no violence should be offered any for their Religion tho at that very moment the Dragoons were upon their March with orders of exercising all manner of Cruelties und Barbarities upon them So that his Majesty of Great Britain hath a Pattern lately sent him and that by the Illustrious Monarch whom he so much admires and whom he makes it his Ambition and Glory to imitate Nor are we without proofs already how insignificant the King's Promises are except to delude and what little confidence ought to be put in them The disabling and suspending the 13th Statute of his late Parliament in Scotland wherein the Test was Confirmed and his departing from all his Promises Registred in his Letter as well as from those contained in the Speech made by the Lord Commissioner pursuant to the Instructions which he had undoubtedly receiv'd together with his having forgotten and receded from all his Promises made to the Church of England both when Duke of York and since he came to the Crown are undeniable evidences that his Royal Word is no more Sacred nor Binding than that of some other Monarchs and that whosoever of the Protestants shall be so foolish as to rely upon it will find themselves as certainly disappointed and deceived as they of the Reformed Religion elsewhere have been And while they of the Established way find so small security by the Laws which the King is bound by his Coronation Oath to observe the Dissenters cannot expect very much from a naked Promise which as it hath not a solemn Oath to enforce it so 't is both Illegal in the making and contrary to the principles of his Religion to keep Nor is it unworthy of observation that he hath not only departed from his Promises made to the Church of England but that we are told in a late Popish Pamphlet Intituled A New Test of the Church of England's Loyalty Published as it self says by Authority that they were all conditional to wit by vertue of some Mental Reservation in his Majesty's Breast and that the Conformable Clergy having failed in performing the Conditions upon which they were made the King is absolved and discharged from all Obligation of observing them The Church of England says he must give his Majesty leave not to nourish a Snake in his Bosom but rather to withdraw his Royal Protection which was promised upon the account of her constant fidelity Which as it is a plain threatning of all the Legal Clergy and a denunciation of the unjust and hard measure they are to look for so it shakes the Foundation upon which all credit unto and reliance upon his Majesty's Word can be any ways placed For tho Threatnings may have tacit Reserves because the right of executing them resides in the Threatner yet Promises are incapable of all latent conditions because every Promise vests a Right in the Promisee and that in the virtue of the words in which it is made But it is the less to be wondred at if his Majesty fly to Equivocations and Mental Reserves being both under the conduct of that Order and a Member of the Society that first taught and practised this treacherous piece of Chicanery However it may inform the Dissenters that if they be not able to answer the End for which they are depended upon or be not willing in the manner and degree that is expected or if it be not for the Interest of the Catholick Cause to have them indulged in all these cases and many more the King may be pronounced acquitted and discharged from all the Promises he hath given them as having been merely stipulatory and conditional And as he will be sure then finem facere ferendae alienae personae to lay aside the disguise that he hath now put on so if they would reflect either upon his temper or upon his Religion they might now know haud gratuitam in tanta superbia comitatem that a person of his pride would not stoop to such Flattery as his Letter to Mr. Alsop expresseth but in order to some design But what need other proof of the fallaciousness of the two Royal Papers and that no Protestants can reasonably depend upon the Royal Word there laid to pledge for the continuation of their Liberty but to look into these too Papers themselves where we shall meet expressions that may both detract from our belief of his Majesty's sincerity and awaken us to a just jealousie that the Liberty and Toleration granted by them are intended to be of no long standing and duration For while he is pleased to tell us that the granting his Subjects the free use of their Religion for the time to come is an addition to the perfect Enjoyment of their Property which has never been invaded by His Majesty since his coming to the Crown He doth in effect say that His Fidelity Truth and Integrity in what he grants in reference to Religion is to be measured and judged by the Verity that is in what He rells us as to the never having Invaded our Property And that I may Borrow an Expression from Mr. Alsop and to no less Person than to the King himself namely That tho we pretend to no refined Intellectuals nor presume to Philosophise upon Mysteries of Government yet we make some pretence to the Sense of Feeling and whatever our Dullness be can discern between what is exacted of us according to Law and what we are rob'd of by an Exerclse of Arbitrary Power For not to insist upon the violent Seisure of Mens Goods by Officers as well as Soldiers in all parts of England which looks like an Invasion upon the Properties of the Subject nor to dwell upon his keeping an Army on foot in time of Peace against the Authority as well as without the Countenance of Law which our Ancestors would have stiled an Invasion upon the whole Property of the Kingdom I would fain know by what Name we are to call his Levying the Customs and the Additional Excise before they were granted unto him by the Parliament all the legal Establishment of them upon the Nation having been only during the late King's Life till the Settlement of them upon the Crown was again renewed by Statute It were also worth his Majesties telling us what Titles are due to the Suspending the Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge a Beneficio and the turning the President of Magdalen's in Oxford out of his Headship and the Suspending Dr. Fairfax from his Fellowship if there be not an Invasion upon our Property seeing every part of this is against all
commended or promised to stand by him For tho the Matter and Subject of the Arbitrary Act of him now upon the Throne be not as to every Branch of it so publickly Scandalous as some of the Arbitrary Proceedings of the late King were as relating to a Favor which Mankind hath a just Claim unto yet it is every way as Illegal being in reference to a Privilege which his Majesty hath no Authority to grant and bestow And were it not that there are many Dissenters who preserve themselves Innocent at this Juncture and upon whom the Temptation that is administred makes no Impression the World would have just ground to say that the Fanaticks are not governed by Principles but that the Measures they walk by are what conduceth to their private and personal Benefit or what lyes in a Tendency to their Loss and Prejudice And that it was not the late King's Usurping and exerting an Arbitrary and illegal Power that offended them but that they were not the Objects in whose Favor it was exercised 'T is also an Aggravation of their Folly as well as their Offence that they should revive a Practice which the Nation was grown asham'd of and whereof they who had been guilty begun to repent through having seen that all the former Declarations Assurances and Promises of the Royal Brothers which tempted to Applications of that kind were but so many Juggles peculiar to the late Breed of the Family for the deceiving of Mankind and that never one of them was performed and made good But the Transgression as well as the Imprudence of the present Addressers is yet the greater and they are the more Criminal and Inexcusable before God and Men in that they might have enjoyed all the Benefits of the King's Declaration without acknowledging the Justice of the Authority by which it was granted or making themselves the Scorn and Contempt of all that are truly Honest and Wise by their servile Adulations and their Gratulatory Scriblers unbecoming English-men and Protestants They had no more to do but to continue their Meetings as they had sometimes heretofore used to do without taking notice that the present Suspension of the Laws made their Assembling together more safe and freed them from Apprehensions of Fines and Imprisonments Nor could the King how much soever displeased with such a Conduct have at this time ventured upon the expressing Displeasure against them seeing as that would have been both to have proclaimed his Hypocrisie in saying That Conscience ought not to be constrained nor People forced in matters of mere Religion and a discovering the villainous Design in Subserviency to which the Declaration had been emitted so it were not possible for him after what he hath published to single out the Dissenters from amongst other Protestants and to fall upon all before Matters are more ripe for it might be a means of the Abortion of all his Popish Projections and of saving the whole Reformed Interest in Great Britain Neither would the Church of England-men have envied their Tranquility or have blamed their Carriage but would have been glad that their Brethren had been eased from Oppressions and themselves delivered from the grievous and dishonorable Task of prosecuting them which they had formerly been forced unto by Court-Injunctions and Commands And as they would have by a Conduct of this Nature had all the Freedom which they now enjoy without the Guilt and Reproach which they have derived upon themselves by Addressing so such a Carriage would have wonderfully recommended them to the Favor of a true English Parliament which tho it would see cause to condemn the King's Usurping a Power of Suspending the Laws and to make void his Declaration yet in gratitude to Dissenters for such a Behavior as well as in Pity and Compassion to them as English Protestants such a Parliament would not fail to do all it could to give them relief in a legal way Whereas if any thing Enflame and Exasperate the Nation to revive their Sufferings it will arise from a Resentment of the unworthy and treacherous Carriage of so many of them in this critical and dangerous Juncture But the Terms which through their Addressing they have owned the receiving their Liberty and Indulgence upon does in a peculiar manner enhance their Guilt against God and their Country and strangely adds to the Disgust and Anger which Lovers of Religion and the Laws of the Nation have conceived against them For it is not only upon the Acknowledgment of a Prerogative in the King over the Laws that they have received and now hold their Liberty but it is upon the Condition That nothing be preached or taught amongst them that may any ways tend to alienate the Hearts of the People from his Majesty's Person and Government He must be of an Understanding very near allied unto and approaching to that of an Irish-man who does not know what the Court-Sense of that Clause is and that his Majesty thereby intends that they are not to preach against Popery nor to set forth the Doctrines of the Romish Church in Terms that may prevent the Peoples being infected by them much less in Colours that may render them Hated and Abhorred To accuse the King's Religion of Idolatry or to affirm the Church of Rome to be the Apocalyptick Babylon and to represent the Articles of the Tridentine Faith as Faithful Ministers of Christ ought to do would be accounted an alienating the Hearts of their Hearers from the King and his Government which as they are in the foresaid Clauses required not to do so they have by their Addressing confessed the Justice of the Terms and have undertaken to hold their Liberty by that Tenor. And to give them their due they have been very Faithful hitherto in conforming to what the King Exacts and in observing what themselves have assented to the Equity of For notwithstanding all the Danger from Popery that the Nation is exposed unto and all the Hazard that the Souls of Men are in of being poysoned with Romish Principles yet instead of Preaching or Writing against any of the Doctrines of the Church of Rome they have agreed among themselves and with such of their Congregations as approve their Procedure not so much as to mention them but to leave the Province of defending our Religion and of detecting the Falshood of Papal Tenets to the Pastors and Gentlemen of the Church of England And being ask'd as I know some of them that have been why they do not preach against Antichrist and confute the Papal Dectrines they very gravely reply that by preaching Christ they preach against Anti-christ and that by Teaching the Gospel they refute Popery which is such a piece of fraudulent and guilful Subterfuge that I want words to express the knavery and criminalness of it What a reserve and change have I lived to see in England from what I beheld a few years ago It was but the other day that the Conformable Clergy
were represented by some of the Dissenters not only as favorers of Popery but as endeavouring to hale it in upon us by all the methods and ways that lay within their circle and yet now the whole defence of the Reformed Religion must be entirely devolved into their hands and when all the sluces are pulled up that had been made to hinder Popery from overflowing the Nation they must be left alone to stem the Inundation and prevent the Deluge They among the Fanaticks that boasted to be the most avowed and irreconcileable Enemies of the Church of Rome are not only become altogether silent when they see the Kingdom pester'd with a swarm of busie and seducing Emissaries but are both turned Advocates for that Arbitrary Paper whereby we are surrendred as a Prey unto them and do make it their business to detract from the reputation and discourage the Labours of the National Ministers who with a zeal becoming their Office and a Learning which deserves to be admired have set themselves in opposition to that croaking fry and have done enough by their excellent and unimitable Writings to save People from being deluded or perverted if either unanswerable confutations of Popery or demonstrative defences of the Articles and Doctrines of the Reformed Religion can have any efficacy upon the minds of Men. Among other fulsom Flatteries adorning a Speech made to his Majesty by an Addressing Dissenter I find this hypocritical and shameful Adulation namely that if there sholud remain any seeds of Disloyalty in any of his Subjects the transcendent goodness exerted in his Declaration would mortifie and kill them To which he might have added with more truth that the same transcendent goodness had almost destroyed all the seeds of their honesty and mortified their care and concernment for the Interest of Jesus Christ and for the Reformed Religion Their old strain of zealous Preaching against the Idolatry of Rome and concerning the coming out of Babylon my People are grown out of fashion with them in England and are only reserved and laid by to recommend them to the kindness and acceptation of Foreign Protestants when their occasions and conveniencies draw them over to Amsterdam Whoever comes into their Assemblies would think for any thing that he there hears delivered from their Pulpits that She which was the Whore of Babylon a few years ago were now become a Chast Spouse and that what were heretofore the damnable Doctrines of Popery were of late turned Innocent and Harmless Opinions The King's Declaration would seem to have brought some of them to a melius inquirendum and as they are already arrived to believe a Roman Catholick the best King that they may in a little time come to esteem Papists for the best Christians The keeping back nothing that is profitable to save such as hear them and the declaring the whole Counsel of God that are the terms upon which they received their Commission from Jesus Christ and wherein they have Paul's practice and example for a pattern would seem to be things under the Power of the Royal Prerogative and that the King may supercede them by the same Authority by which he dispenses with the Penal Statutes Which as it is very agreeable unto and imported in his Majesty's Claim of being obeyed without reserve so the owning this Absolute power with that annex of challenged obedience does acquit them from all obligations to the Laws of Christ when they are found to interfer with what is required by the King But whether God's Power or the King 's be superior and which of the two can cassate the others Laws and whose wrath is most terrible the Judgment day will be able and sure to instruct them if all means in this World prove insufficient for it The Addressers know upon what conditions they hold their Liberty and they have not only observed how several of the National Clergy have been treated for preaching against Popery but they have heard how divers of the Reformed Ministers in France before the general Suppression were dealt with for speaking against their Monarch's Religion and therefore they must be pardoned if they carry so as not to provoke his Majesty tho in the mean time through their Silence they both betray the Cause of their Lord and Master and are unfaithful to the Souls of those of whom they have taken upon them the Spiritual guidance As for the Papers themselves that are stiled by the name of Addresses I shall not meddle with them being as to the greatest part of them fitter to be exposed and ridicul'd either for their dullness and pedantry or for the Adulation and Sycophancy with which they are fulsomly stuft than to deserve any serious consideration or to merit Reflections that may prove instrumentive to Mankind Only as that Address wherein his Majesty is thanked for his restoring God to his Empire over Conscience deserveth a rebuke for its Blasphemy so that other which commends him for promising to force the Parliament to ratifie his Declaration tho by the way all he says is that he does not doubt of their concurrence which yet his ill success upon the Closetting of so many Members and his since Dissolving that Parliament shews that there was some cause for the doubting of it I say that other Address merits a severe Censure for its insolency against the legislative Authority And the Authors of it ought to be punished for their crime committed against the Liberty and Freedom of the two Houses and for encouraging the King to invade and subvert their most essential and fundamental Privileges and without which they can neither be a Council Judicature nor Lawgivers After all I hope the Nation will be so ingenuous as not to impute the miscarriages of some of the Nonconformists to the whole Party much less to ascribe them to the Principles of Dissenters For as the points wherein they differ from the Church of England are purely of another nature and which have no relation to Politicks so the influence that they are adapted to have upon men as members of Civil Societies is to make them in a special manner regardful of the Rights and Franchises of the Community But if some neither understand the tendency of their own Principles nor are true and faithful unto them these things are the personal faults of those men and are to be attributed to their ignorance or to their dishonesty nor are their Carriages to be counted the effects of their religious Tenets much less are others of the Party to be involved under the reproach and guilt of their imprudent and ill conduct Which there is the more cause to acknowledge because tho the Church of England has all the reason of the world to decline Addressing in that all her legal Foundation as well as Security is shaken by the Declaration yet there are some of her Dignitaries and Clergy as well as divers of the Members of her Communion who upon motives of Ambition Covetousness
in your Kingdoms as here in the Roman Empire But now we refer it even to your Majesty to judg what condition we can be in to afford you any Assistance we being not only Engaged in a War with the Turks but finding our selves at the same time unjustly and barbarously Attacked by the French contrary to and against the Faith of Treaties they then reckoning themselves secure of England And this ought not to be concealed that the greatest Injuries which have been done to our Religion have flowed from no other than the French themselves who not only esteem it lawful for them to make perfidious Leagues with the sworn Enemies of the Holy Cross tending to the destruction both of us and of the whole Christian World in order to the checking our Endeavours which were undertaken for the glory of God and to stop those Successes which it hath pleased Almighty God to give us hitherto but further have heaped one Treuchery upon another even within the Empire it self The Cities of the Empire which were Surrendred upon Articles signed by the Dauphin himself have been exhausted by excessive Impositions and after their being exhausted have been Plundred and after Plundring have been Burned and Razed The Palaces of Princes which in all times and even in the most destructive Wars have been preserved are now burnt down to the ground The Churches are Robbed and such as submitted themselves to them are in a most Barbarous manner carried away as Slaves In short It is become a Diversion to them to commit all manner of Insolences and Cruelties in many places but chiefly in Catholick Countries exceeding the Cruelties of the Turks themselves which having imposed an absolute necessity upon us to secure our selves and the holy Roman Empire by the best means we can think on and that no less against them than against the Turks we promise our selves from your Justice ready assent to this That it ought not to be imputed to us if we endeavour to procure by a just War that security to our selves which we could not hitherto obtain by so many Treaties and that in order to the obtaining thereof we take measures for our mutual Defence of Preservation with all those who are equally concerned in the same Design with us It remains that we beg of God that he would Direct all things to his glory and that he would grant your Majesty true and solid Comforts under this your great Calamity we embrace you with tender Affections of a Brother At Vienna the 9th of April 1689. The Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons Assembled at Westminster concerning the Misgovernment of King James and filling up the Throne Presented to King William and Queen Mary by the right Honourable the Marquess of Hallifax Speaker to the House of Lords With His Majesties most gracious Answer thereunto WHereas the late King James the Second by the Assistance of divers Evil Counsellors Judges and Ministers Imploy'd by Him did endeavour to Subvert and Extirpate the Protestant Religion and the Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom By Assuming and Exercising a Power of Dispensing with and Suspending of Laws and the Execution of Laws without consent of Parliament By Committing and Prosecuting divers Worthy Prelates for humbly Petitioning to be Excused from concurring to the said assumed Power By 〈◊〉 and causing to be executed a Commission under the great Seal for erecting a Court called The Court of Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes By Levying Mony for and to the Use of the Crown by pretence of Prerogative for other time and in other manner than the same was granted by Parliament By raising and keeping a standing Army within this Kingdom in the time of Peace whithout consent of Parliament and Quartering Soldiers contrary to Law By causing several good Subjects being Protestants to be Disarmed at the same time when Papists were both Armed and Imployed contrary to Law By violating the Freedom of Election of Members to serve in Parliament By Prosecutions in the Court of King's-Bench for Matters and Causes cognizable only in Parliament and by divers other Arbitrary and Illegal Courses And whereas of late Years Partial Corrupt and Unqualified Persons have been returned and served on Juries in Tryals and particularly divers Jurors in Tryals for High-Treason which were not Free-holders And Excessive Bail hath been required of Persons committed in Criminal Cases to elude the Benefit of the Laws made for the Liberty of the Subjects And Excessive Fines have been Imposed And Illegal and Cruel Punishments inflicted And several Grants and Promises made of Fines and Forfeitures before any Convictions or Judgment against the Persons upon whom the same were to be Levied All which are utterly and directly contrary to the known Laws and Statutes and Freedom of this Realm And whereas the said late K. James the Second having abdicated the Government and the Throne being thereby vacant His Highness the Prince of Orange whom it hath pleased Almighty God to make the glorious Instrument of Delivering this Kingdom from Popery and Arbitrary Power did by the Advice of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and divers principal Persons of the Commons cause Letters to be written to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal being Protestants and other Letters to the several Counties Cities Universities Burroughs and Cinque-Ports for the Chusing of such Persons to represent them as were of Right to be sent to Parliament to Meet and Sit at Westminster upon the 22d Day of January in this Year 1688 in order to such an Establishment as that their Religion Laws and Liberties might not again be in danger of being Subverted Upon which Letters Elections having been accordingly made And thereupon the said Lord's Spiritual and Temporal and Commons pursuant to their respective Letters and Elections being now Assembled in a Full and Free Representative of this Nation taking into their most serious Consideration the best Means for attaining the Ends aforesaid do in the first place as their Ancestors in like Case have usually done for the Vindicating and Asserting their Ancient Rights and Liberties Declare That the pretended Power of Suspending of Laws or the Execution of Laws by Regal Authority without Consent of Parliament is Illegal That the pretended Power of Dispensing with Laws or the Execution of Laws by Regal Authority as it hath been assumed and exercised of late is Illegal That the Commission for erecting the late Court of Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes and all other Commissions and Courts of the like Nature are Illegal and Pernicious That levying of Mony for or to the Use of the Crown by pretence of Prerogative without grant of Parliament for longer time or in other manner than the same is or shall be granted is Illegal That it is the Right of the Subjects to Petition the King and all Commitments and Prosecutions for such Petitioning are Illegal That the Raising or Keeping a standing Army within the Kingdom in time of Peace unless it be with
read to their Majesties the King returned to the Commissioners the following Answer WHen I engaged in this Vndertaking I had particular Regard and Consideration for Scotland and therefore I did emit a Declaration in relation to That as well as to this Kingdom which I intend to make good and effectual to them I take it very kindly that Scotland hath expressed so much Confidence in and Affection to Me They shall find Me willing to assist them in every thing that concerns the Weal and Interest of that Kingdom by making what Laws shall be necessary for the Security of their Religion Property and Liberty and to ease them of what may be justly grievous to them After which the Coronation-Oath was tendred to Their Majesties which the Earl of Argyle spoke word by word directly and the King and Queen repeated it after him holding Their Right Hands up after the manner of taking Oaths in Scotland The Meeting of the Estates of Scotland did Authorize their Commissioners to represent to His Majesty That that Clause in the Oath in relation to the rooting out of Hereticks did not import the destroying of Hereticks And that by the Law of Scotland no Man was to be persecuted for his private Opinion And even Obstinate and Convicted Hereticks were only to be denounced Rebels or Outlawed whereby their Moveable Estates are Confiscated His Majesty at the repeating that Clause in the Oath Did declare that He did not mean by these words That He was under any Obligation to become a Persecutor To which the Commissioners made Answer That neither the meaning of the Oath or the Law of Scotland did import it Then the King replyed That He took the Oath in that Sense and called for Witnesses the Commissioners and others present And then both Their Majesties Signed the said Coronation-Oath After which the Commissioners and several of the Scotish Nobility kissed Their Majesties Hands The Coronation OATH of England The Arch-bishop or Bishop shall say WIll You solemnly Promise and Swear to govern the People of this Kingdom of England and the Dominions thereto belonging according to the Statues in Parliament agreed on and the Laws and Customs of the same The King and Queen shall say I solemnly Promise so to do Arch-bishop or Bishop Will You to Your Power cause Law and Justice in Mercy to be Executed in all Your Judgments King and Queen I Will. Arch-bishop or Bishop Will You to the utmost of Your Power Maintain the Laws of God the true Profession of the Gospel and the Protestant Reformed Religion Established by Law And will You Preserve unto the Bishops and Clergy of this Realm and to the Churches committed to their Charge all such Rights and Priviledges as by Law do or shall appertain unto them or any of them King and Queen All this I Promise to do After this the King and Qeen laying His and Her Hand upon the Holy Gospels shall say King and Queen The Things which I have here before Promised I will Perform and Keep So help me God Then the King and Queen shall kiss the Book The Coronation OATH of Scotland WE William and Mary King and Queen of Scotland faithfully Promise and Swear by this Our solemn Oath in presence of the Eternal God that during the whole course of Our Life we will serve the same Eternal God to the uttermost of Our Power according as he has required in his most holy Word reveal'd and contain'd in the New and Old Testament and according to the same Word shall maintain the True Religion of Christ Jesus the Preaching of his holy Word and the due and right Ministration of the Sacraments now Received and Preached within the Realm of Scotland and shall abolish and gainstand all false Religion contrary to the same and shall Rule the People committed to our Charge according to the Will and Command of God revealed in his aforesaid Word and according to the laudable Laws and Constitutions received in this Realm no ways repugnant to the said Word of the Eternal God and shall procure to the utmost of Our Power to the Kirk of God and whole Christian People true and perfect Peace in all time coming That we shall preserve and keep inviolated the Rights and Rents with all just Privileges of the Crown of Scotland neither shall we transfer nor alienate the same That we shall forbid and repress in all Estates and Degrees Reif Oppression and all kind of wrong And we shall Command and Procure that Justice and Equity in all Judgments be keeped to all persons without exception as the Lord and Father of all Mercies shall be merciful to us And we shall be careful to root out all Hereticks and Enemies to the true Worship of God that shall be Convicted by the true Kirk of God of the aforesaid Crimes out of Our Lands and Empire of Scotland And we faithfully affirm the things above written by Our Solemn Oath God save King WILLIAM and Queen MARY Proposals humbly offered to the Lords and Commons in the present Convention for settling of the Government c. My Lords and Gentlemen YOV are Assembled upon Matters of the highest Importance to England and all Christendom and the result of your Thoughts in this Convention will make a numerous Posterity Happy or Miserable If therefore I have met with any Thing that I think worthy of your Consideration I should think my self wanting in that duty which I owe to my Country and Mankind if I should not lay it before You. If there be as some say certain Lineaments in the Face of Truth with which one cannot be deceiv'd because they are not to be counterfeited I hope the Considerations which I presume to offer You will meet with your Approbation That bringing back our Constitution to its first and purest Original refining it from some gross Abuses and supplying its Defects You may be the Joy of the present Age and the Glory of Posterity FIrst 'T is necessary to distinguish between Power it self the Designation of the Persons Governing and the Form of Government For 1. All Power is from God as the Fountain and Original 2. The Designation of the Persons and the Form of Government is either First immediately from God as in the Case of Saul and David and the Government of the Jews or Secondly from the Community chusing some Form of Government and subjecting themselves to it But it must be noted that though Saul and David had a Divine Designation yet the People assembled and in a General Assembly by their Votes freely chose them Which proves that there can be no orderly or lasting Government without Consent of the People Tacit or Express'd and God himself would not put Men under a Government without their Consent And in case of a Conquest the People may be called Prisoners or Slaves which is a state contrary to the Nature of Man but they cannot be properly Subjects till their Wills be brought to submit to the Government
owe Arbitraty Allegiance Allegiance is more in some Places and less in others but no Man can owe so much Duty to his Prince as not to have a Salvo for God and his Life and here we can owe none that is against our Laws and the Publick Good for that would destroy the Government Our Allegiance therefore must be bounded by our Laws and not by the King's Word or Will No Man can swear to obey the King's Word or Will simply but according to Law It would be Sin to tye our selves to think or speak or do what he would have us at large Our Allegiance therefore must be such as will consist with the Frame of our Government and that must be such as is couched in the Body of our Laws Other Allegiance there can be none but what is wrapt up in Courtesies and Formalities For it seems the King as well as the People is under the Law in some Sense under the direction of it though not under the constraint and therefore at his Coronation he does a kind of Fealty to the Laws and Government and swears Allegiance to them as to a Supream Lord. The Oath is not only Will you grant the Laws but will you grant and keep the Laws and Customs of England and the Answer is I grant and promise to keep them It is certain therefore no Allegiance to the King can be against Law to which he himself owes Allegiance The Case being thus far clear That the Allegiance sworn to is no other but our Legal Duty it does not hinder but that we may resist illegal Force When the King of the Scots swore allegiance to our King it did not deprive him of a just defence of his just Right by taking up arms if he were opprest And the King of England when he swore allegiance to the King of France made no scruple to take up arms against his Liege Lord in defence of his just Rights And the Old Lawyers tell us That the very Villain might in case of Rape and Murther arm against his Lord and if the Law arm a Villain against his Lord Subjects are worse than Villains if they may not arm against their Soveraign Lord's illegal Forces in defence of their Laws Lives Estates and the publick good but what makes it most evident is the Clause in King Henry's Charter which says If the King invade those Rights it is Lawful for the Kingdom to rise against him and do him what injury they can as though they owed him no Allegiance The Words are these if my Author fail me not Licet omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos insurgere omnia agere quae gravamen noster respiciant ac si nobis in nullo tenerentur Much to the same purpose is in King John's Charter which I find thus quoted Et Illi Barones cum communa totius terrae distringent gravabunt Nos Modis omnibus quibus poterunt scilicet per captionem Castrorum terrarum possessionum etalis modis quibus potuerint donet fuerint emendatum secundum Arbitrium eorum salva persona nostra Reginae nostrae Liberorum nostrorum Much may be said of this Nature about the Old Allegiance which was all couched in Homage and Fealty but this is enough to show that true Allegiance does not tye us from resisting illegal Force and Intolerable Incroachments upon our just Rights Obj. 10. But such Resistance would be against the Declaration which says It is not Lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take up Arms against the King c. Answ The Latitude of the word Lawful causes the Scruple which at first View seems to tell us That it is sinful upon any pretence whatsoever to take up arms against the King c. But it is no good consequence to say That it is sinful because it is unlawful unless the Discourse be restrained to the Laws of God I must confess it is politically unlawful for Subjects in any Case or for any Cause whatever to take up arms against the King and those Commission'd by him because such a taking up arms here can have no political authority But it is morally lawful in all limited Governments to resist that Force that wants political power The regal power is irresistable in all Persons from the King to the petty Constable but it does not hinder but that all these Persons may be resisted when they do what they have no political power to They that have a limited power and a prescribed Duty may either act against or beyond their Commission and when they so do they may be resisted For such acts have no political power in them though the Persons have to other purposes If a Commission should be granted to a Company of Ruffians to plunder and massacre they might have something more of the King's Affections but no more of his authority than Private Robbers had and consequently might be resisted with equal Honesty None therefore can make this Declaration in its full Latitude but upon this presumption That the King and his Ministers keep perpetually within the Bounds of the Law otherwise they declare the King has an arbitrary power which is against the Fundamental Laws of this Land and a kind of Treason against the State For if he may not be resisted in any Case he may be under some moral restraint but under no political restraint and consequently the political frame of the Government must be arbitrary The meaning therefore of this Declaration can be no other but that a Man can have no Civil power or authority in any Case to take up arms against the King c. But this does not debar any man of the Natural Right of Self-defence by private arms against Inauthoritative Force Obj. 11. To this some reply that seeing God hath placed the Governing though limited Power in the King's Hand no Man may by any Natural Right or Private Defence resist his illegal Force God s Power must not be resisted though abused Answ There is a great difference between the abuse of power and the want of power and therefore this argument either supposes the power greater than it is or concludes ill The King and Parliament have indeed an arbitrary power I do not say Infinite but as Extensive as the frame of government will bear and therefore if they make a very grievous Law though they ought not for they are under a moral restraint though no political neither the King nor any of his Ministers may be resisted in the due Execution of it But the King has no power to burden us beyond or against Law and we may thank our own Weakness if ever he have Strength to do it This shows us there is a great difference betwixt the abuse of political power and the want of it Abused power must not be resisted but Force without power may The political power of arbitrary Princes is more extensive than their moral power And this tyes the Subject to Non-resistance when
super sacras sanctas reliquias coram Regno Sacerdotio Clero jurare antequam ab Archiepiscopis Episcopis Regni coronetur Lamb. de priscis Anglorum Legibus p. 142. Another Instance of the Deposition of a King of England subsequent to this Law we find in King John's time whose Oppressions and Tyrannical Government our Histories are full of Of which take this following Account out of a very Antient Historian Whereas the said John had sworn solemnly at his Coronation as the manner is that he would preserve the Rights and Usages of the Church and Realm of England yet contrary to his Oath he subjected as far as in him lay the Kingdom of England which has always been free and made it tributary to the Pope without the Advice and Consent of his Barons subverting good Customs and introducing evil ones endeavouring by many Oppressions and many ways to enslave both the Church and the Realm which Oppressions you know better than I as having felt them by manifold Experience For which Causes when after many Applications made War was waged against him by his Barons at last amongst other things it was agreed with his express Consent that in case the said John should return to his former Villanies the Barons should be at liberty to recede from their Allegiance to him never to return to him more But he after a few days made his latter end worse than his beginning endeavouring not only to oppress his Barons but wholly to exterminate them who therefore in a GENERAL ASSEMBLY and with the APPROBATION of ALL THE REALM adjudging him unworthy to be King chose US for their Lord and King Collect. p. 1868 1869. Chron. W. Thorn Cum praefatus Johannes in Coronatione suâ solennitèr prout moris est jurasset se Jura Consuetudines Ecclesiae Regni Angliae conservaturum contra juramentum suum absque consilio vel consensu Baronum suorum idem Regnum quod semper fuit liberum quantum in ipso fuit Domino Papa subjecit fecit tributarium bonas consuetudines subvertens malas indutens tam Ecclesiam quam Regnum multis oppressionibus multisque modis studens ancellare quas oppressiones vos meliùs nostis quam nos ut qui eas familiari sensistis experimento Pro quibus cum post multas requisitiones guerra mota esset contra ipsum à Baronibus suis tandem inter caetera de ejus expresso Consensu it à convenit ut si idem Johannes ad flagitia prima rediret ipse Barones ab ejus fidelitate recederent nunquam ad eum postmodùm reversuri Verùm ipse nihilominus paucis diebus evolutis fecit novissima sua pejora prioribus studens Barones suos non tantum opprimere sed potiùs penitùs exterminare Qui DE COMMVNI REGNI CONSILIO APPROBATIONE ipsum Regno judicantes indignum nos in Regem Dominum elegerunt Collect. 1868 1869. Chron. W. Thorn Lewis his Letter to the Abbot of St. Austins Canterbury The next Instance shall be that of King Edward the Second the Record of whose Deposition if it were extant would probably disclose all the Legal Formalities that were then accounted proper for the deposing an Unjust Oppressive King But they were cancelled and imbezled as is highly probable from Rastal's Stat. pag. 170 171. compar'd with the Articles exhibited in Parliament against King Richard the Second of which hereafter in King Richard the Second's time and by his Order Yet the Articles themselves are preserv'd in the Collect. and are as followeth viz. Accorde est que Sire Edward Fitz aisnè du Roy ait le Goverment du Royalme soit Roy Couronne pur les causes que s' ensuent 1. Pur ceo que la Person le Roy n' est pas suffisant de Governer Car en tout son temps il ad estre mene governe per auters que ly ont mavaisement conseillez à deshonour de ly destruction de Saint Esglise de tout son People sanz ceo que il le vousist veer ou conuster lequel il fust bon ou mauvays ou remedie mettre au faire le voufist quant il fuit requis par les grants sages de son Royalme ou souffrir que amende fuist faite 2. Item Par son temps il ne se voloit doner à bon Counsel ne le croire ne à bon Government de son Royalme mes se ad done tous jours as Ouvrages Occupations nient Convenables enterlessant l'esploit des besoignes de son Royalme 3. Item Par defaut de bon goverment ad il perdu le Royalme d'Escoce auters Terres Seigneuries en Gascoyne Hyrland les queux son Pere le leisa en pees amistè du Roy de France dets mults des auters Grants 4. Item Par sa fiertè qualte par mauvays Counsel ad il destruit Saint Esglise les Persons de Saint Esglise tenus en prison les uns les auters en distresce auxynt plusors Grants Nobles de sa terre mys à honteuse mort enprisones exulets desheritez 5. Item Là ou il est tenus par son serment à faire droit à toute il ne l' ad pas volu faire pur son propre proffitt covetise de ly de ces maveis consailires que ount este pres de ly ne ad garde les auters Points del serment qu' il fist à son Coronement si come il fuest tenus 6. Item Il deguerpist son Royalme fist tant come en ly fust que son Royalme son People fust perduz que pys est pur la cruaute de ly defaute de sa personne il est trove incorrigible saunz esperance de amendment les queux choses sont si notoires qu' ils ne pount este desdits For these Causes De consilio assensu omnium Praelatorum Comitum Baronum totius Communitatis Regni amotus est à regimine Regni Apolog. Ade de Orleton Collect p. 2765 2766. It is accorded that Prince Edward the King 's eldest Son shall have the Government of the Kingdom and be crowned King for the Causes following 1. For that the Person of the King is insufficient to govern for that during his whole Reign he has been led and governed by others who have given him evil Counsel to his Dishonour and the Destruction of Holy-Church and of all his People he being unwilling to consider or know what was good or evil or to provide remedy even when it was required of him by the great and wise Men of his Realm or suffer any to be made 2. Also during all his time he would neither hearken to nor believe good Counsel nor apply himself to the good Government of his Realm but hath always given himself over to Things and Occupations altogether inconvenient omitting in the mean
time the necessary Affairs and Business of the Kingdom 3. Also For want of good Government he hath lost the Kingdom of Scotland and other Lands and Territories in Gascoin and Ireland which his Father left him in peace and friendship with the French King and with many other Grandees 4. Also By his Pride and Arrogance and evil Counsel he has destroyed Holy-Church imprisoning some Persons thereof and put others in distress And also he hath put to a shameful death imprisoned and disinherited many of the great Men and Nobles of the Land 5. Also Whereas he is bound by his Oath to administer Justice to all he would not do it through his own Covetousness and that of Evil Counsellors that were about him neither hath he kept the other Points of the Oath which he took at his Coronation as he was bound 6. Also He hath wasted his Kingdom and did what in him lay that his Realm and People should be destroy'd and which is worse by his Cruelty and personal Failings or Defects he is found to be incorrigible and past all hopes of amendment All which things are so notorious that they cannot be denied For these Causes by advice and assent of all the Prelats Earls and Barons and of the whole Commonalty of the Kingdom he was deposed from the Government Apology of Adam de Orleton Collect. p. 2765 2766. These Proceedings against King Edward the Second are no-where extant but in that Author Which is the less to be wondred at if we consider that in King Richard the Second's time the King 's parasitical Court-Favourites so influenced the Judges That to the Question How he was to be punished that moved in the Parliament that the Statute should be sent for whereby Edward the Son of King Edward was another time indicted in the Parliament They answered That as well he that moved as the other who by force of the same motion brought the said Statute into the Parliament-House be as Criminals and Traitors worthy to be punished V. Rastal 's Statutes 170 171. Tho for that and other extravagant pernicious and treasonable Opinions delivered those Judges were severely punished as is notoriously known And also That it was afterwards one Article of Impeachment against King Richard the Second That he had cancelled and razed sundry Records In King Richard the Second's time many Animosities arose from time to time betwixt him and his Parliaments insomuch that in the eleventh year of his Reign the Parliament then sitting at London the King absented himself from them and staid at Eltham refusing to come at them and join with them in the Publick Affairs upon which occasion the Lords and Commons sent Messengers to him with an Address which the Historian H. Knighton sets forth at large and which I will here give the Reader a Transcript of at large because it will afford many useful Inferences and Observations Salubri igitur usi consilio miserunt de communi Assensu totius Parliamenti Dominum Thomam de Wodestoke Ducem Glocestriae Thomam de Arundell Episcopum Elyensem ad Regem apud Eltham qui salutarent eum ex parte Procerum Communium Parliamenti sui sub tali sensu verborum ei referentes vota eorum Domine Rex Proceres Domini atque totus populus Communitatis Parliamenti vestri cum humillimâ subjectione se commendant excellentissimo Regalis Dignitatis vestrae cupientes prosperum iter invincibilis honoris vestri contra inimicorum potentiam validissimum vinculum pacis dilectionis cordis vestri erga subditos vestros in augmentum commodi vestri erga Deum salutem animae vestrae ad inedicibilem consolationem totius Populi vestri quem regis Ex quorum parte haec vobis intimamus Quod ex antiquo Statuto habemus consuetudine laudabili approbata cujus contrarietati dici non valebit quod Rex noster convocare potest Dominos Proceres Regni atque Communes semel in anno ad Parliamentum suum tanquam ad summam curiam totius Regni in quâ omnis aequitas relucere deberet absque qualibet scrupulositate vel nota tanquam Sol in ascensu meridiei ubi pauperes divites pro refrigerio tranquillitatis pacis repulsione injuriarum refugium infallibile quaerere possent ac etiam errata Regni reformare de Statu Gubernatione Regis Regni cum sapientiori consilio tractare us inimici Regis Regni intrinseci hostes extrinseci destruantur repellantur quomodò convenientius honorificentius fieri poterit cum salubri tractatu in eo disponere praevidere qualiter quaeque onera incumbentia Regi Regno levius ad ediam communitatis supportari poterunt Videtur etiam iis quod ex quo onera supportant incumbentia habent etiam supervidere qualiter per quos eorum bona catalla expendantur Dicunt etiam quod habent ex antiquo Statuto quod si Rex à Parliamento suo se alienaverit suâ sponte non aliquâ infirmitate aut aliquâ aliâ de causâ necessitatis sed per immoderatam voluntatem protervè se subtraxerit per absentiam temporis quadraginta dierum tanquam de vexatione populi sui gravibus eorum expensis non curans extunc licitum omnibus singulis eorum absque domigerio Regis redire ad propria unicuique eorum in patriam suam remeare Et jam vos ex longiore tempore absentâstis quâ de causâ nesciunt venire renuistis Ad haec Rex Jam planè consideramus quod Populus noster atque Communes intendunt resistere atque contra nos insurgere moliuntur in tali infestatione melius nobis non videtur quin cognatum nostrum Regem Francia ab eo consilium auxilium petere contra insidiantes nos ei submittere potiùs quà m succumbere subditis nostris Ad haec illi responderunt Non est hoc vobis sanum consilium sed magis ducens ad inevitabile detrimentum nam Rex Franciae capitalis inimicus vester est Regni vestri adversarius permaximus si in terram Regni vestri pedem figeret potiùs vos spoliare laboraret Regnum vestrum invadere vosque à sublimitate Regalis solii expellere quam vobis aliquatenùs manus adjutrices cum favore apponere si quod absit ejus suffragio quandoque indigeretis Ad memoriam igitur revocetis qualiter avus vester Edwardus tertius Rex similiter pater Edwardus Princeps nomine ejus in sudore angustiis in omni tempore suo per innumerabiles labores in frigori calore certaverunt indefesse pro conquisitione Regni Franciae quod eis jure haereditario attinebat vobis per successionem post eos Reminiscemini quoque qualitèr Domini Regni Proceres atque Communes innumerahiles tam de Regno Angliae quam Franciae Reges quoque Domini de aliis
Regnis atque populi innumerabiles in Guerrâ illâ mortem mortis periculum sustinuerunt bona quoque catalla inaestimabilia thesauros innumerabiles pro sustentatione hujus guerrae Communes Regni hujus indefesse effuderunt Et quod graviùs dolendum est jam in diebus vestris tanta onera iis imposita pro guerris vestris sustinendis supportaverunt quod ad tantam pauperiem incredibilem deducti sunt quod nec reditus suos pro suis tenementis solvere possunt nec Regi subvenire nec vitae necessaria sibi ipsis ministrare depauperatur Regia potestas Dominorum Regni magnatum infelicitas adducitur atque totius populi debilitas Nam Rex depauperari nequit qui divitem habet populum nec dives esse potest qui pauperes habet communes Et mala haec omnia redundant non solum Regi sed omnibus singulis Dominis Proceribus Regni unicuique in suo gradu Et haec omnia eveniunt per iniquos ministros Regis qui malè gubernaverunt Regem Regnum usque in praesens Et nisi manus citiùs apponamus adjutrices remedii fulcimentum adhibeamus Regnum Angliae dolorosè attenuabitur tempore quo minus opinamur Sed unum aliud de nuncio nostro superest nobis ex parte populi vestri vobis intimare Habent enim EX ANTIQUO STATUTO de facto non longe retroactis temporibus experienter quod dolendum est habito si Rex EX MALIGNO CONSILIO QUOCUNQUE vel INEPTA CONTUMACIA aut CONTEMPTU seu PROTERVA VOLUNTATE SINGULARI aut QUOVIS MODO IRREGULARI se alienaverit à populo suo nec voluerit per jura Regni Statuta ac laudabiles Ordinationes cum salubri consilio Dominorum Procerum Regni gubernari regulari sed capitose in suis insanis consiliis propriam voluntatem suam singularem proterve exercere extunc licitum est iis cum communi assensu consensu Populi Regni ipsum REGEM DE REGALI SOLIO ABROGARE propinquiorem aliquem de stirpe Regiâ loco ejus in Regni solio sublimare H. Knighton Collect. 2681. Wherefore taking wholsome Advice they sent by common Assent of the whole Parliament the Lord Thomas de Woodstock Duke of Glocester and Thomas de Arundell Bishop of Ely to the King to Eltham to salute him on behalf of the Lords and Commons of his Parliament who express'd their Desires to the King to this effect Sir The Lords and all the Commons of your Parliament have themselves commended to your most excellent Majesty desiring the Success of your invincible Honour against the Power of your Enemies and a most firm Bond of Peace and Love in your Heart towards your Subjects for your good God-wards and the good of your Soul and to the unspeakable Comfort of all your People whom you govern On whose behalf we intimate these things to you That it appears to us by an antient Statute and by laudable and approved Vsage which cannot be deny'd that our King can call together the Peers of the Realm and the Commons once a year to his Parliament as to the supream Court of the whole Kingdom in which all Right and Justice ought to shine forth without any doubt or stain as the Sun at Noon-day where Poor and Rich may find an infallible Refuge to enjoy the Refreshments of Tranquillity and Peace and for repelling of Injuries where also Errors in Government are to be reformed and the State and Government of King and Kingdom treated upon by sage Advice and the destroying and repelling of both intestine and foreign Enemies to the King and Kingdom with most Convenience and Honour may be debated upon and provided for as also in what manner the Charges incumbent upon the King and Kingdom may be born with most ease to the Commonalty They conceive likewise that since they bear the incumbent Charges it concerns them to inspect how and by whom their Goods and Chattels are expended They say also that it appears to them by an antient Statute that if the King absent himself from his Parliament voluntarily not by reason of Sickness or for any other necessary cause but through an inordinate Will shall wantonly absent himself by the space of forty days as not regarding the Vexation of his People and their great Expences it shall then be lawful to all and singular of them to return to their own Homes without the King's leave And you have now been longer absent and have refused to come to them for what cause they know not Then said the King I now plainly see that my People and the Commons design to oppose me with Force and are about to make an Insurrection against me And if I be so infested I think the best course I can take will be to _____ my Cousin the King of France and ask his Advice and pray in aid of him against those that way-lay me and rather to submit my self to him than be foil'd by my own Subjects To which they reply'd That Counsel is not for your good but will inevitably tend to your ruin for the King of France is your capital Enemy and the greatest Adversary that your Kingdom has and if he should set his foot within your Kingdom he would rather endeavour to prey upon you and invade your Realm and to depose you from your Royal Dignity than afford you any Assistance if which God forbid you should stand in need of his help Call to mind therefore how your Grand-father King Edward III and your Father Prince Edward for him fought indefatigably in Sweat and Sorrow all their days and went through innumerable Hardships of Cold and Heat to acquire the Kingdom of France which by hereditary Right appertain'd to Them and does now to You by Succession after them Remember likewise how innumerable Lords and Commons of both Realms and Kings and Gentlemen of other Kingdoms and People innumerable perished or hazarded perishing in that War and that the Commons of this Realm pour'd out Goods of inestimable value and innumerable Sums of Money for the carrying on of that same War and which is more to be lamented they have now in your days undergone such heavy Taxes towards the maintaining of your Wars that they are reduced to such incredible Poverty that they cannot so much as pay their Rents for their Farms nor aid the King nor afford themselves Necessaries and the King himself is impoverish'd and the Lords become uneasy and all the People faint for a King cannot become poor that has a rich People nor can he be rich whose People are poor And all these Mischiefs redound not to the King only but also to all and singular the Peers of the Realm in proportion And all these Mischiefs happen by means of the King 's Evil Ministers who have hitherto misgovern'd both the King and Kingdom and if some course be not taken the Kingdom of England will
be miserably diminish'd sooner than we are aware But there remains yet another part of our Message which we have to impart to you on the behalf of your People They find in an antient Statute and it has been done in fact not long ago That if the King through any Evil Counsel or foolish Contumacy or out of Scorn or some singular petulant Will of his own or by any other irregular Means shall alienate himself from his People and shall refuse to be govern'd and guided by the Laws of the Realm and the Statutes and laudable Ordinances thereof together with the wholsom Advice of the Lords and great Men of his Realm but persisting head-strong in his own hare-brain'd Counsels shall petulantly prosecute his own singular humour That then it shall be lawful for them with the common assent and consent of the People of the Realm to depose that same King from his Regal Throne and to set up some other of the Royal Blood in his room H. Knight Coll. 2681. No Man can imagine that the Lords and Commons in Parliament would have sent the King such a Message and have quoted to him an old Statute for deposing Kings that would not govern according to Law if the People of England had then apprehended that an Obedience without reserve was due to the King or if there had not been such a Statute in being And though the Record of that Excellent Law be lost as the Records of almost all our Antient Laws are yet is the Testimony of so credible an Historian who lived when these things were transacted sufficient to inform us that such a Law was then known and in being and consequently that the Terms of English Allegiance according to the Constitution of our Government are different from what some Modern Authors would persuade us they are This Difference betwixt the said King and his Parliament ended amicably betwixt them in the punishment of many Evil Counsellors by whom the King had been influenced to commit many Irregularities in Government But the Discontents of the People grew higher by his After-management of Affairs and ended in the Deposition of that King and setting up of another who was not the next Heir in Lineal Succession The Articles against King Richard the Second may be read at large in H. Knighton Collect. 2746 2747 c. and are yet extant upon Record An Abridgment of them is in Cotton's Records pag. 386 387 388. out of whom I observe these few there being in all Thirty three The First was His wasting and bestowing the Lands of the Crown upon unworthy Persons and overcharging the Commons with Exactions And that whereas certain Lords Spiritual and Temporal were assign'd in Parliament to intend the Government of the Kingdom the King by a Conventicle of his own Accomplices endeavoured to impeach them of High-Treason Another was For that the King by undue means procured divers Justices to speak against the Law to the destruction of the Duke of Glocester and the Earls of Arundel and Warwick at Shrewsbury Another For that the King against his own Promise and Pardon at a solemn Procession apprehended the Duke of Glocester and sent him to Calice there to be choaked and murthered beheading the Earl of Arundel and banishing the Earl of Warwick and the Lord Cobham Another For that the King's Retinue and a Rout gathered by him out of Cheshire committed divers Murders Rapes and other Felonies and refused to pay for their Victuals Another For that the Crown of England being freed from the Pope and all other Foreign Power the King notwithstanding procured the Pope's Excommunication on such as should break the Ordinances of the last Parliament in derogation of the Crown Statutes and Laws of the Realm Another That he made Men Sheriffs who were not named to him by the Great Officers the Justices and others of his Council and who were unfit contrary to the Laws of the Realm and in manifest breach of his Oath Another For that he did not repay to his Subjects the Debts that he had borrowed of them Another For that the King refused to execute the Laws saying That the Laws were in his Mouth and Breast and that himself alone could make and alter the Laws Another For causing Sheriffs to continue in Office above a Year contrary to the tenor of a Statute-Law thereby incurring notorious Perjury Another For that the said King procured Knights of the Shires to be returned to serve his own Will Another For that many Justices for their good Counsel given to the King were with evil Countenance and Threats rewarded Another For that the King passing into Ireland had carried with him without the Consent of the Estates of the Realm the Treasure Reliques and other Jewels of the Realm which were used safely to be kept in the King 's own Coffers from all hazard And for that the said King cancelled and razed sundry Records Another For that the said King appear'd by his Letters to the Pope to Foreign Princes and to his Subjects so variable so dissembling and so unfaithful and inconstant that no Man could trust him that knew him insomuch that he was a Scandal both to himself and the Kingdom Another That the King would commonly say amongst the Nobles that all Subjects Lives Lands and Goods were in his hands without any forfeiture which is altogether contrary to the Laws and Vsages of the Realm Another For that he suffered his Subjects to be condemned by Martial-Law contrary to his Oath and the Laws of the Realm Another For that whereas the Subjects of England are sufficiently bound to the King by their Allegiance yet the said King compell'd them to take new Oaths These Articles with some others not altogether of so general a concern being considered and the King himself confessing his Defects the same seemed sufficient to the whole Estates for the King's Deposition and he was depos'd accordingly The Substance and Drift of all is That our Kings were antiently liable to and might lawfully be deposed for Oppression and Tyranny for Insufficiency to govern c. in and by the great Council of the Nation without any breach of the old Oath of Fealty because to say nothing of the nature of our Constitution express and positive Laws warranted such Proceedings And therefore the Frame of our Government being the same still and the Terms of our Allegiance being the same now that they were then without any new Obligations superinduced by the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy a King of England may legally at this day for sufficient cause be deposed by the Lords and Commons assembled in a Great Council of the Kingdom without any breach of the present Oaths of Supremacy or Allegiance Quod erat demonstrandum MANTISSA WHen Stephen was King of England whom the People had chosen rather than submit to Mawd tho the Great Men of the Realm had sworn Fealty to her in her Father's life-time Henry Duke of Anjou Son of the said Mawd afterwards King Henry the Second invaded the Kingdom An. Dom. 1153 which was towards the latter-end of King Stephen's Reign and Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury endeavoured to mediate a Peace betwixt them speaking frequently with the King in private and sending many Messages to the Duke and Henry Bishop of Winchester took pains likewise to make them Friends Factum est autem ut mense Novembris in fine mensis EX PRAECEPTO REGIS ET DUCIS Collect. pag. 1374 1375. convenirent apud Wintoniam Praesules Principes Regni ut ipsi jam initae paci praeberent assensum unanimiter juramenti Sacramento confirmarent i.e. It came to pass that in the Month of November towards the latter end of the Month at the summons of the King and of the Duke the Prelats and Great Men of the Kingdom were assembled at Winchester that they also might assent to the Peace that was concluded and unanimously swear to observe it In that Parliament the Duke was declared King Stephen's adopted Son and Heir of the Kingdom and the King to retain the Government during his Life I observe only upon this Authority That there being a Controversy betwixt the King and the Duke which could no otherwise be determined and settled but in a Parliament the Summons of this Parliament were issued in the Names of both Parties concerned Quisquis habet aures ad audiendum audiat FINIS