done for them before when the Commons in this Parliament required that all such Lands and revenues which sometime belonged to the Crowne and had beene given away by the King or by his predecessors King Edward or King Richard should be restored againe to the Kings use unto which request the Arch-Bishop and other the Prelaâ—es would in no wise consent Thus by this Arch-Bishop Arundel that Petition of the Commons the â—pirituall Temporalities came to naught Afterwards in an other Parliament Anno 1410. the Commons of the â—ower House exhibited a Bill to the King and Lords of the Upper House containing in effect as followeth To the most excellent Lord our King and to all the Nobles in this present Parliament assembled your faithfull Commons doe â—umbly signifie that our Soveraigne Lord the King might have of the Temporall possessâ—ons Lands and Tenements which are lewdly spent consumed and wasted by the Bishops Abbots and Priors within this Realme so much in value as would suffice to finde and sustaine an 150. Earles 1500. Knights 6200. Esquires and 100. Hospitals more than now be which is more largely and particularly related in Fabian The King as some write mis-liked the motion and therefore commanded that from thenceforth they should not presume to study about any such matters Another thing the Commons then sued to have granted to them but could not obtaine That Clerkes convict should noâ— thenceforth bee delivered to Bishops Prisons Moreover they demanded to have the Statâ—te either revoked or qualified which had beene enacted without their consent in the Second yeare of this Kings raigne against such as were reputed to be Heretickes or Lollards But the King seemed so highly to favour the Clergie that the Commons were answered plainely that they should not come by their purpose but rather that the said statute should be made more rigorous and sharpe for the punishment of such persons and all this by meanes of this bloodly Arch-Bishop Arundel of whom we have heard sufficient Henry Chichely being elected Arch Bishop by the Monks of Canterbury with the Kings consent immediaâ—ly after Arundels death hee refused to accept of this their Legall election and against the expresse Statutes of the Realme touching Provisions and Premuniâ—es accepted of the See onely by Collaâ—ion from Pope Iohn the 23. in affront both of the King and those Lawes which the Pope endeavored in vaine to get repealed and therefore opposed in point of practise all that he might reserving by a Decree of the Councell of Constance all vacancie to his own dispoâ—all bestowing all the Bishoprickes of England as soon as they were voyd at his own pleasure by the Arch-Bishops connivence in affront of the Lawes and the Kings royall Edicts This Arch-Prelate published throughout his Province Pope Martins Bulls for the extirpation of the Wicklevists and Hussites by force of armes and promised the same Indulgences to those who should take up the Crossado and warre against them as those enjoyed who went to the holy Land to fight against the Sarecens For which good service the same yeare Anno 1429. he received the Title of the Cardinall Presbyter of S. Eusebiusâ—rom â—rom Pope Martin the 5. who also created him his Legate here in England without the Kings privity and contrary to Law But to colour the businesse lest he should seeme to receive that power Legatine without the Kings permission and Licence against the Lawes and Customes of the Realme one Richard Condray was made the Kings procurer that hee might appeale to the next generall Councell from all injuries grievances and prejudices offered or to be offered by the Pope or Court of Rome to the King and the Kingdome Thereâ—ore as soon as it was known that the Arch-Bishop had received this Legatin power without the Kings privity or licence Condray made this appeale to Humfrey Duke of Gloster Lord Protector and others oâ— the Kings privie Councell in writing In which he expressed that no Legate of the Sea Apostolicke ought to come into the Kingdome of the King of England or other his Lands or Dominions but at the vocation petition requisition or intreaty oâ— the King of England for the time being the Roman Pontifex tolerating and consenting thereto as well tacitely as expresly in which appeale notwithstanding if the sayd Arch Bishop not as a Legate but as a Cardinall would say open or propound any thing from the Pope to the King it might be lawfull for him to doe it In which the King would so farre assiâ—t as he mighâ— doe it by the Lawes and Priviledges of his royall Crowne and of his famous Kingdome of England The appeale being read the Arch-Bishop in the presence of the Prelates and Nobles there present confessed and protested That it was not nor is nor should be his intention by his entring into England nor by any things done or to be done by him spoken or to be spoken for to exercise the Legatine power which hee had undertaken without the Kings permission or to derogate in any thing from the rights priviledges liberties or customes of the King or Kingdome or tâ— contradict â—hem but to preserve defend maintaine and roborate all and every of them By this device he deluded both the King Counsell and Lawes how well hee kept this his protestation his subsequent Acts will evidence For immediately after hee made a Synodicall Constitution That no married man or Lay man should exercise any Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction or be Iudge or Register in any Ecclesiasticall Court in causes of correction of the soule under paine of incurring the greater excommunication ipso facto if they offered to intermeddle in any of the premises contâ—aâ—y to the Councels prohibition which further makes voyd all citations processe and Acts whatsoever had and made by Laymen in the Cases aforesayd and suspends all Ordinaries from the exercise of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction and ingresse into the Church who should grant any married or Lay man power to exercise any Ecclesiasticall Office or authority under them What the true intent of this Arch-Prelates Constitution was and how farre this Decree intrenched upon the Kings Prerogative Royall appeares by the Statute of 37. H. 8. c. 17. made purposely to repeale this Constitution which I shall here insert In most humble wise shew and declare unto your highnesse your most faithfull humble and obedient Subjects the Lords Spirituall and Temporall aud the Commons of this present Parliament assembled that whereas your Majesty is and hath alwayes justly beene by the Word of God supreame head in Earth of the Church of England and hath full power and authority to correct punish and represse all manner of Heresies errours vices abuses Idolatries hypocrisies and Superstitionsâ— springen and growing within the same and to exercise all manner of Iurisdictions commonly called Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction Neverthelesse the Arch-Bishop of Rome and his adherents minding utterly as much as in him lay to abolish obâ—cure
and delete such power given by God to the Princes of the earth whereby they might gather and get to themselves the government and rule of the world have in their Councells and Synods Provinciall made ordained and established and decreed divers ordinances and constitutions that no Lay or marryed man should or might exercise or occupie any Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall nor should be any Judge or Registerâ— in any Court commâ—nly called Ecclesiasticall Courâ— lest their â—alse and usurped power which they pretended and went about to have in Christs Church should decay waxe vile and of no reputation as by the sayd Councels and Constitutions Provinciall appeareth which standing and remaining in their effect not abolished by your Graces Lawes did seeme to appeare to make greatly for the sayd usurped power of the sayd Bishop of Rome and to be directly repugnant to your Majesties Title of supreame head of the Church and prerogative Royall your Grace being a Lay-man and albeit the sayd Decrees Ordinances and Constitutions by a Statute made the 25â— yeare of your most noble raigne be utterly abolished frustrate and of none effect yet because the contrary thereunto is not used nor put in practise by â—he Arch-Bishops Bishops Deanes and other Ecclesiasticall persons who have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall but by under and from your royall Majesty it addeth or aâ— the least may give occasion to some evill disposed persoâ—s to thinke and little to regard the proceeding and censures Ecclesiasticall made by your Highnesse and your Vice-gerent Officialls Commissaries Judges and Visitatorsâ— being also Lay and married men to be of little or none effect or force whereby the people gathereth heart and presumption to doe evill and not to have such reverence to your most godly injunctions and proceedings as becommeth them But forasmuch as your Majesty is the onely and undoubtedly supreame head of the Church of England and also of Ireland to whom by Scripture all authority and power is wholly given to heare and determine all causes Ecclesiasticall and to correct all vice and sinne whatsoever and to all such persons as your Majesty shall appoint thereunto that in consideration thereof as well for the instruction of ignorant persons as also to avoyd the occaâ—ion of the opinion aforesayd and setting forth of your prerogative royall and supremacy It may therefore please your Highnesse that it may bee ordained and enacted by authority of this present Parliament that all and singular aswell Lay as those that be married now or hereafter shall be married being Doctors of the Civill Law lawfully create and made in any University which shall be made ordained constituted and deputed to bee any Chancellour Vicar Generall Commissary Officiall Scribe or Register by your Majesty or any of your Heires or Successours to anyâ— Arch-Bishop Bishop Arch-Deacon or other person whatsoever having authority under your Majesty your Heires and Successours to make any Chancellour Vicar Generall Commissary Offâ—ciall or Register may lawfâ—lly execute and exercise all mannâ—r of Jurisdiction commonly called Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction and all Censures and Corrections appertaining oâ— any wise belonging unto the same albeit such person or persons be Lay married or unmarried so that they be Doctors of the Civill Law as is aforesayd any Law Constitution or Ordinance to the contrary notwiâ—hstanding By this Act it is apparent that the end of the former Constitution was trecherously to undermine and abolish the Kings Prerogative Royall in causes Ecclesiasticall and to make the Pope and our Prelates absolute Monarches and our Kings meere Cyphers to execute their Mandates when by the expresse words of this Law with that of 1. Ed. 6. c. 2.26 H. 8. c. 1.1 Eliz. c. â— 5 Eliz. c. 1.8 Eliz. c. 1. and 1. and 2. Phil. and Mâ—ry c. 8. it is most clearely resolved that our Arch-Bishops and Bishops have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall over other Ministers by any divine right as they now vainely if not trayterously pretâ—nd but by from and under our Kings in whose name and right and under whose Seale alone all their Ecclesiasticall processe ought to issue as hath beene elsewhere plentifully manifested it being no lesse than a Premunire by the Statute of 1. Edw. 6. c. 2. â—or any Bishops or Ecclesiasticall Judges to issue out processes in their owne names and under their owne Seales as now our Prelates doe This Law of Premunire was such a curbe to our usurping Prelates that this Arch Prelate Chichely in the last Synod hee held Anno. 1439. without delay or difficulty granted King Henry the sixt a Tenth and promised him large supplyes from the Clergie in all things if he would abrogate those hard Lawes of Premunire where-with the Clergie were very falsely accused and oft taken and ensuared as in unjust sâ—ares whereas in truth those Lawes were the principall safety both of King and people to preserve and free them from the unjust incroachments of Popes and Prelates upon their Liberties Lawes and Estates which made the Pope and them so frequently to sollicite their repeale And by his countenance William Lindwood collected and set out the Provinciall Constitutions of the Arch-Prelates of Canterbury in their Synods in affront of the Kings prerogative Royall and the Lawes of the Realme dedicating them to this Arch-Prelate and entreating him to put them in due Execution being neglected and quite disregarded formerly both by Prelates Judges and people as he complaines in his Epistle Dedicatory to him In briefe when in the Parliament held at London Anno 1414. under King Henry the fifth the Commons reviewed their former Petition in Parliament made to King Henry the fourth but foure yeares before to seize the Bishops and Abbots Temporalities shewing how many Earles Knights and Esquires they would maintaine The Bishops and Abbots whom it touched very neare much â—earingâ— the issueâ— determined to assay all wayes to put by and overthrow this Bill and minding rather to bow than breake they first agreed to offer the King a great summe of money to stay this new moven Demand The cause of this offer seemed to some of the wise Prelates neither decent nor convenient for they well â—oresaw and perfectly knew that if the Commons perceived that they by rewards or by offer of money would resist their request and petition that they stirred and moved with a fury would not onely raile and despise them as corrupters of Princes and enemies of the Publickeâ—Wealth but would so cry and call on the King and the â—emporall Lords that they were like to lose both worke and oyle cost and lining Wherefore they determined to cast all chances which might serve their purpose and in speciall to replenish the Kings braine with some pleasant study so as that hee should neither phantasie nor regard the serious Petition of the importunate Commons Wherefore on a day when the King was present in Parliament this Henry Chichely Arch-Bishop of Canterbury after low
subjects minding of his high goodnesse and great benignity so alwayes to impart the same unto them as justice being duly administred all rigour being excluded and the great and benevolent minds of his said subjects largely and many times approved towards his highnesse and specially in their Convocation and Synode now presently being in the Chapiter house of the Monastery of Westminster by correspondence of gratitude to them to be requiâ—ed of his meere motion benignity and liberality by authority of this his Parliament hath given and granted his liberall and free pardon to his said good and loving spirituall subjects and the said Ministers and to every of them to be had taken and enjoyed to and by them and every of them by vertue of this present Act in manner and forme ensuing that is to wit The Kings Highnesse of his said benignity and high liberality in consideration that the sad Archbishop Bishops and Clergie of the said Province of Canterbury in their said Convocation now being have given and granted to him a subsidie of one hundred thousand pounds of lawfulâ—mony currant in this Realme to be levied and collected by the said Clergy at their proper costs and charges and to be paid in certaine forme specified in their said graunt thereof is fully and resolutely contended and pleased that it be ordained established and enacted by authority of this his said Parliament that the most Reverend Father in God William Archbishop of Canterbury Metropolitan and Primate of all England and all other Bishops and Suffragans Prelates c shall be by authority of this present pardon acquired pardoned released and discharged against his Highnesse his heires successours and executors and every of them of all and all manner offences contempts and trespasses committed or done against all and singular Statute and Statutes of Provisours Provisions and Premunire and every of them and of all forfeitures and titles that may grow to the Kings Highnesse by reason of any of the same Statutes and of all and singular trespasses wrongs deceits misdemeanours forâ—eitures penalties and profits summes of mony paines of death paines coâ—porall and pecuniar as generally of all other things causes quarrels suits judgements and exactions in this present Act hereafter noâ— excepted nor soreprised which may be or can be by his Highnesse in any wise or by any meanes pardoned before and to the tenâ—h day of the moneth of March in the 22. yeare of his most Noble Raigne to every of his said loving subjects Provided alway that this Act of free pardon shall not in any wise extend or be beneficiall to the Reverend Father in God Iohn Archbishop of Dublin now being in the Kings Dominions of Ireland nor shall in any wise extend to pardon discharge or acquit the Bishop Hereford Peter Ligham Iohn Baker Adam Travers Robert Cliffe Rouland Philips and Thomas Pelles Clerkes who it seemes were guilty of some notorious crimes against the King and therefore excepted out of this generall pardon But to returne againe to Warham This Archbishop persecuted and shed the blood of some of our Martyrs and caused the corpes of VVilliam Tracy Esq. for some orthodoxe passages in his Will to be taken out of the grave and burnâ— for an Hereticke by an Order made in Convocation sending a Commission to Doctor Parker Chancellour of Worcester to execute this wicked sentence who accomplished the same King Henry the eighth hearing his Subject to be taken ouâ— of the ground and burnt without his knowledge or due order of Law sent for the Chancellour laid this to his charge as an high offence who excused himselfe by this Archbishops command then newly dead but in conclusion it cost the Chancellour 300â— to puâ—chase his pardon and would have cost the Archbishop more had not his death prevented this danger In fine this Archbishop VVarham and Fisher B. of Rochester gave credit and countenance to the forged visions revelations of Elizabeth Barton afterwards condemned of high Treason for the same as â—â—nding to the reproach perill and destruction of the Kings persâ—n honouâ— fame and dignity and Thomas Laurence Register to the Archbishop it is likely by his Masters privity proceeded so farre as to write a booke of her counterfeit miracles revelations and holinesse for which she and her complyces were afterwards execuâ—ed as Tiburne as they had justly deserved being attainted of treason by Parliament among which cursed câ—ue Richard Maister Priest Edward Bocking Doctor of Divinity and Henry Deering Munkes of Canterbury Henry Gold Bachelor of Divinity Thomas Laurence Register to the Archbishop oâ— Canterbury Warham and Hugh Ric. a Frier observant who seduced this silly girle to effect their owne and the Prelates designes the better thereby suffered death as Traytors by hanging drawing and quartering at Tiburne The act of their attainder treasons and execution is at large related by M. Hall in his Chronicle 25. H. 8. f. 218 221 222 223 224. to which I shall referre the Reader Thomas Cranmer next to him in succession was made Archbishop by King Henry the 8. much against his will for in his Discourse with D. Martyn a little before his Martyrdome being charged by him that he had aspired to the Archbishopricke of Canterbury he replyed I protest before you all there was never man came more unwillingly to a Bishopricke than I did to that insomuch that when King Henry did send for mee in Post that I should come over I prolonged my journey by seven weekes at the least â—hinking that â—ee would be forgetfull of mee in the meane time Hee comming to the See tooke the like Oath to the Pope as his predecâ—ssâ—â—rs had done and therefore was deeply charged of perjuâ—y by Martyn for renouncing and swearing against the Popes Supremacie afterward though he answered that the first oath was against the Lawes of God of the Realme the Kings Prerogative and made void by Parliament and so not binding After the nullifying of which oath partly by his meanes but principally by the Lord Croâ—wels whom the King made his Vicegerent Generall in all Ecclesiasticall affaires and causes and superiour to the Archbishop of Canterbury in place and Ecclesiasticall power the Popes Supremacy and usurped jurisdiction was by severall Acts of Parliament quite abolished out of England as prejudiciall and directly opposite to the Kings Prerogative Royall King Henry dying the Archbishop swore to his will by which Queene Mary was to succeed to the Crowne as next heire in case King Edward died without issue King Edward seeing the obstinacie of Qâ—â—enâ— Mary in matters of Religion what a pillar she was like to prove to the Church of Rome and persecutor of the true Professors of the Gospell ordaines by his last VVill that Queene Mary should be put by the Crowne and the Lady Jane succeed him as next Heire to which Testament all the Councell swore and the Archbishop too at last after much adoe Whereupon King Edward and Queene
yeare of the raigne of your the Queens Majesties most noble Father Henry the 8. or any other your most noble Progenitors before the said 20 yeare And the Popes holinesse and See Apostolicke to be restored have and enjoy such authority preheminence and jurisdiction as his Holinesse used and exercised or might lawfully have used and exercised by authority of his supremacie the said 20. yeare of the raigne of the King your Father within this your Realme of England and other your Dominions without diminution or enlargement of the same and none other and the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction of the Archbishops Bishops and Ordinanaries to be in the same Staâ—e for processe of suiâ—s punishment of crimes and execution of censures of the Church with knowledge of causes belonging to the same and as large in these points as the said jurisdiction was the said 20. yeare Where observe that the Prelates usurped Jurisdiction over the Kings prerogative was much eclipsed if not quite abolished by severall statutes made in King Henry the 8. and Edward the 6. his raigne and expired together with the Popes as appeares by these words of the Clergies supplication recited in the body of this Act. Nos Episcopi Clerus c. cum omni debita humilitate reverentia exponimus Majestatibus vestris quod licet Ecclesiarum quibus in Episcopos Decanos Archidiaconos c. constituti sumus bona Iurisdictiones jura in pernicioso hujus Regni praeterito schismate DEPERDITA ET AMISSA omni studio totis nostris vâ—ribus recuperare ad pristinum ecclesiarum jus revocare juris remediis niti deberemus c. Insuper Majestatibus vestris supplicamus ut pro sua pietate efficere dignentur ut ea quae ad jurisdictionem nostram libertatem Ecclesiasticam pertinent sine quibus debitum nostri pastoralis officii curae animarum nobis commissae exercere non possumus nobis superiorum temporum injuria ablata restituantur ea nobis ecclesiis perpetuo illaesa salva permaneant ut omnes leges quae hanc nostram jurisdictionem libertatem Ecclesiasticam tollunt seu quovis modo impediunt abrogentur ad honorem dei majestatum vestrarum c. As therefore the Bishops Popes Jurisdiction were suppressed together before so it is worth the observation that they are both revived together by this Act upon the restauration of Popery And good reason for Nicholas le Maistre in his Instauration of the Ancient Principality of Bishops Dedicated to the great French Cardinall Richeleiu Printed at Paris 1633. in his Dedicatory Epistle to this Cardinall informes us That verily the Majestie of the Pontificall and Episcopall jurisdiction is so conjoyned and confederated together that the enemies cannot so guide their hands but with the same audacity wherewith they assaulted the Popes Crowne they likewise shaked the Bishops Miters and as it were with one bloody wound pierced both their sides Whence it came to passe that the atrocity of the Bishops sorrowes increased so farre that their patience sufficient to digest their owne domesticke injuries was let loose to the dangers of the chiefe Pontise the Pope and brake forth into the most sharpe indignation and hatredâ— that thence it might appeare that the glory of their owne name could never be more secure than when and where the Popes greatnesse shall be adorned with greatest honours which being violated all the splendor of the Episcopall Order must necessarily dye and grow contemptible Hence we see it comes to passe by a certaine Divine assent and Counsell that the Authority of Bishops should be expelled out of the same Provinces out of which unhappy lust had thrust out the Papall Majestie So this Author of late by which we may discerne what a neare and indissoluble connexion there is betweene the Papacy and the Prelacie and how the Pope and Prelates ever mutually strive to support and advance one anothers authority Cardinall Poole thus reviving the Popes and Prelates Jurisdiction and suppressing and eclipsing the Royall Prerogative as you have heard hereupon the Queenes name and Title formerly used in all Ecclesiasticall Processe with this clause Suprema Autoritate Regia legitime fulcitus the like was wholly omitted out of them and whereas all such processes were sealed with her seale and all Probates of Wills and Letters of Administration granted in her name and under her seale onely not the Bishops like Writs at the Common Law according to the Statute of 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. the Bishops thenceforth used onely their owne seales and names excluding hers and so set themselves in her Royall Throne To effect this the Cardinall and Prelates caused Queene Mary to send Articles to the Ordinaries to be put in Execution whereof this was one that no Bishop or his Oâ—ficer or any other Person hereafter in any of their Ecclesiastical writings in proces or other extrajudiciall Acts doe use to put in this clause or sentence Regia autoritate fulcitus or doe demand any Oath touching the Primacy to which Master Fox annexeth this Marginall annotation The Kings Authority giveth place to the Popes Authority the supremacy of the King repealed and hereupon in the Queenes writ to Bonner â—or the sommoning of a Convocation her stile of Supremum caput was taken away where note good Reader writes Master Fox concerning the altering and changing of the Queenes stile the later part hereof to be leâ—t out of her Title which is Ecclesiae Anglicanae Hibernae supremum caput because in the Parliament last past the supremacy being given away from the Crowne of England to the Pope thereupon this parcell of the Title was also taken away likewise the sayd Bonner giving his Certificate upon the same left out Autoritate illustrissimae c. legitime fulcitus which parcell also in the said Parliament was reprived and taken away the same time Which notable usurpation upon the Crowne though abolished by 1. E l. c. 1.8 E l. c. 1.1 â—ac c. 25. and other Acts which revive the statute 1. E l. 6. c. 2. being nothing but the Common Law our Prelates in imitation of these and other their undutifull Popish Predecessors have not onely continued but likewise upon the now Arch-Bishop of Canterburies motion in Star-Chamber procured a Resolution and Certificate of all the Judges of England against the Laws Kings prerogative royall to justifie this their usurpation of issuing out processe under their owne names and seales and keeping Visitations and Courts in their owne names without any Patent or Commission from his Majestie to be legall as appeares by two Orders of Starre-Chamber 12. Maii and 4. Iunii 13. Caroli This Arch-prelate Cardinall having thus re-established the Popes and Prelates jurisdiction here by Act of Parliament caused divers of our Martyrs to be burnt of which his Predecessor Cranmer was one and in his Visitation at Oxford and Cambridge caused the dead
his place and delivered up his Seale to the Queene without the Councels consent from whom he received it not she having no right to require it For which cause hee was committed to the Tower by the Lord Protectour Richard Duke of Yorke who afterwards usurping the Crowne released the Arch-Bishop out of prison who thereupon sided and was veâ—y inward with this Usurper and at last dyed of the Plague May 29. 1500. I read nothing of Savageâ— his next successour but this That he was not preferred to this See for any extraordinary great learning that he spent his time in a manner altogether as our Prelates doe now either in Temporall affairesâ— being a great Courtier or else in hunting wherewith hee was unreasonably delighted keeping a great number of tall Fellowes about him to attend his person But of his preaching or maintaining Ministers to instruct the people I read not one word It is likely his tall fellowes occasioned many a quarrell and sometimes would take a purse for a need Christopher Bambridge his Successor being Embassadour from King Henry the 8. to the Pope and Lewis the 12. of France perswaded King Henry to take the Popes part and proclaime Warre against Lewis ingageing his Soveraigne in a needlesse Warre only to pleasure his Lord and Master the Pope who for this good service made him a Cardinall he was at last poysoned by Raynaldo de Modena an Italian Priest his Steward upon malice and displeasure conceived for a blow this Bishop gave him when as a Bishop should be no striker 1 Tim. 3.3 as Goodwin relates out of Paulus Iovius Thomas Wolsie or Wolfesie as Mr. Tyndall oft times stiles him an Arch-Traytor and most insolent domineering Prelate succeeded him in that See holding likewise the Bishopricke of Bath and Wells first and after that of Ely Winchester Worcester and Hereford together with the Abbey of Saint Albanes and divers other Ecclesiasticall Livings besides his Temporall Offices in Commendaâ— with it This proud imperious Prelate when he was once Arch-Bishop studied day and night how to be a Cardinall and caused King Henry the Eighth and the French King to write to Rome for him and at their request he obtained his purpose Hee grew so into exceeding pride that hee thought himselfe equall with the King and when he said Masse which hee did oftner to shew his pride then devotion hee made Dukes and Earles to serve him with Wine with assay taken and to hold to him the Bason and the Lavatory His pride and excesse in dyet apparell furniture and attendanceâ— and his pompe in going to Westminster Hall were intollerable and more then Royall or Papall Hee was much offended with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury because he stiled him Brother in a Letter as though he had done him great injury by that Title Hee quite altered the state of the Kings house putting out and in what Officers he pleased Hee oppressed and vexed the Citizens of London causing divers of them to be executed siding with strangers both Merchants and Artificers against them Confederating with the French King he procured King Henry to permit him to redeeme Tornaye on his owne Termes Hee procured a meeting of the King of England and France to their infinite expence onely that he might be seene in his owne vaine pompe and shew of Dignitie himselfe drawing up the instrument and termes of their meeting in his owne name which began thus Thomas Arch-Bispop of Yorke c. Hee committed the Earle of Northumberland and wrought the Duke of Buckingham out of the Kings favour and at last cut off the Dukes head for opposing his pride and unjust proceedings Hee began his Letters to forraigne Princes and the Pope for the most part in this mannerâ— â—go Rex meus I and my King putting himselfe before his Soveraigne making him but his underling and Pupill swaying him like a Schoole-boy at his pleasure Hee set his Armes likewise above the Kings over Christ-Church Colledge-gate in Oxford which he founded Hee stamped his Cardinalls Cap on the kings Coyne as our Bishops doe now their Armes and Miters on their Procesâ— instead of the Kings Seale and Armes Hee set up a Leganâ—â—ne Court here in England by Commission from the Pope to which hee drew the Conusans of all Ecclesiasticall Causes and when the king had summoned a Convocation at Pauls in London by vertue of his Writ hee came most insolently into the Convocation House and by his power Legantine dissolved the Convocation summoning them all to appeare before him at Saint Peterâ— in Westminster the Monday following there to celebrate the Synod under him which power Legantine brought him and all the Clergiâ— into a Premunire to his overthrow and their cost they being enforced to grant the king an hundred thousand pounds to acknowledge him on earth supreme Head of the Church of England and to renounce the Popes Supremacie to buy their peace He dissolved 40. Monasteries of good worth converting all their goods and moveables into his own Coffers which were so stuffed with Treasure that 12. Barrelsâ— full oâ— Gold and Silver were laid aside to serve the Pope in his Warres emptying the Land also of twelve score thousand pounds which he forced from the king all which he sent to relieve and ransome the Pope then in prison to the great impoverishing of his Majesties Coffers and the Realm His revenues one way or otherâ— were equall to the kings he had no lesse then 1200. Horâ—e for his retinue 80. waggons for his carriage and 60. Mules for sumpter horses when he went into France Hee carried the Great Seale of England with him in his Embassie without the kings consent so that no Writs nor Patents could be sealed nor busines of the kingdom dispatched in the interim He proclaimed warres against the Emperor without the kings consent stirred up the French king to warre against him ayding him with Monies without the Kings privity and contrary to his likeing he demanded â—he 5. part of the true value of every mans goods by way of loane toward the maintenance of the Warrs in France putting men to confesse upon their Oathes the true estimate of their Estates without the Kings privitie which caused many insurrections and mutinies in the Kingdome the people rising up and denying to pay it at which the King being very angry released the loane as an intollerable oppression sore against this Prelates willâ— yet the Cardinall the sole cause and urger thereof would needs lay the odium of it on the King to alienate the hearts of his Subjects from himâ— and take the sole praise of the release of it to himselfe as if hee with much suite and danger had obtained it Hee falsely prosecuted and imprisoned the Earle of Kildare accusing him before the Counsell to take away his life where hee pressed him so deeply with disloyalty that the presumption as the Cardinall did force it being vehement the Treason
life This Prelate dying when he was brought to Lincolne to be interred Iohn King of England and William King of Scots were met there with an infinite company of Nobility of both Realmes The two Kings for the great reverence they bare to his holinesse who yet gave no â—everence at all to Kings as you have formerly heard would needs set their shoulders to the beare and helped to carry his course from the gates of the City untill it came to the Church doore where the Prelates themselves received and carried it into the Quire and buâ—yed him in the body of the East end of the Church ABOVE THE HIGH ALTAR which therefore stood not close to the East wall in those times but some good distance from it neere the Altar of Saint Iohn Hugh Walis or de Wils his next successour in this See but one Anno 1209. notwithstanding King Iohn refused to receive Stephen Langhton that arch-traytor for Archbishop of Canterbury and commanded this Bishop to repaire to the Archbishop of Rhoan for consecration from him and not to receive it from Langhton in contempt of this his Soveraignes command got him to Langhton and received consecration from him whereupon the King seised on all his temporalties and kept him fasting from them foure yeeres and then restored them After this he joyned both with the Barons and Lewis the French King who came to conquer the Realme against his naturall Soveraigne For which treasons he was onely excommunicated by the Pope and not absolved till he had paid the Pope one thousand marks and a hundred markes to his Legate Divers other of our Prelates were fined for the same cause and that so deepely as they were compelled to sell all they had to purchase the Kings favour Anno Dom. 1252. King Henry the third in a Parliament held at London getting a grant from the Pope of the tenths due to the Church to be received of him for three yeeres towards the charges of his journey into the holy Land to rescue it from the Saracens demanded these tenths of the spiritualtie But the Bishops and especially Robert Grosâ—head Bishop of Linâ—olne utterly refused to be contributary to this grant They alledged sundry reasons for their excuse as the poverty of the English Church being already made bare with continuall exactions and oppressions but chiefly they excused themselves by the absence of the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke of whom the one was beyond the Sea and the other at home in the North parts All the other Bishops were there except Hereâ—ord and Chester who was sicke and therefore without the consent of those that were absent and namely their Primate of Canterbury they could not conclude any generall poynt touching the Kings demand And although the King fretted and stormed against them yet could he not bring them to his purpose so as the Parliament was for that time dissolved Yet before their departure from London the King communed with them apart to see if he could get some money towards his charges but they had tuned their strings all after one notâ— discording all from his Tenor so that not a penny could be got of them wherefore he tooke high displeasure against them reviling them in most reproachfull manneâ— and amongst other he reviled his halfe brother the elect of Winchester taxing him of great unthankfulnesse who also among the residue stood against him Anno 1257. they denyed the King a Subsidie againe there being saith Holinshed a great untoward disposition in the Subjects of that time for the helping of their King with a necessary ayd of money towards such great charges as he had bin by divers wayes occasioned to be at Befoâ—e this Anno 1250. this Bishop excommunicated a Priest for incontinency who continuing for some daies without seeking to be reconciled the Bishop sent to the Sheriffe of Rutland within whose Bayliwicke the Priest dwelt to apprehend him as a disodient and rebellious person who not executing the Bishops commandement the Bishop thereupon excommunicates the Sheriffe whereof the King being informed tooke displeasure and sending to the Pope procured an inhibition that no Archbishop or Bishop should compell any Officer of the King to follow any suit before them for those things that appertaine to the Kings jurisdiction or give sentence against them for the same This Grosthead Bishop of Lincolne Anno 1246. upon the suggestion of the Friers Predicants and Minorites raged more then was meet or expedient against those of his Dâ—ocesse making strict inquisition in his Bishopricke by his Archdeacons and Deanes concerning the chastity and manners as well of Noble as ignoble upon oath to the enormious hurt and scandall of the reputations of many Which had never beene accustomed to be done before The King hearing the grievous complaints of his people against these Innovations did thereupon by the advice of his Counsell and Courts of Justice send a Writ to the Sheriffe of Hertford in these words Henry by the grace of God King of England c. We command thee that as thou lovest thy selfe and all things that are thine that thou from henceforth suffer not any Laymen of â—hy Baylywicke to assemble together in any place at the will of the Bishop of Lincolne or of his Archdeacons Officials or rurall Deanes to make any acknowledgments or attestations upon their oath unlesse in cases of Matrimony and testament And the very next yeere following in pursurance thereof the King by Parliament enacted and commanded these things ensuing to be inviolably observed That if any Lay men were convented before an Ecclesiasticall Iudge for breach of faith and perjury that they shouâ—d be prohibited by the King And that the Ecclesiasticall Iudge should be prohibited to hold plea of all causes against Laymen unlesse they were of Matrimony and Testament All which Matthew Paris precisely relates Which prohibition and statute nullified the constitution of Oâ—ho and hindered this Bishops innovation whereupon that insolent traytorly Martiall Archbishop of Canterbury Boniface better skilled in affaires of a Campe then of the Church Anno 1256. but nine yeeres after this prohibition and forenamed statute published this peremptory audacious constitution in affront of them both Statuimus quod Laici ubi de subditorum pecâ—â—tis excessibus corrigendis per Praelatos Ecclesiasticos judices inquiritur ad praestandum de veritate dicenda juramentum per excommunicationis sententias si opus fuâ—rit compellantur impedientes verò ne hujusmodi juramentum praestetur for the Judges with many otheâ—s then generally oppugned and hindred the ushering in of this Innovation per interdicti excommunicationis sententiam arceantâ—â— To evacuate which exorbitant illegall constitution meant onely of witnesses not of Churchwardens Sidemen or Stangers oathes as the Glosse of Lindwood who records it resolves in expresse termes trenching both upon the peoples liberties and the Courts of Justice too the Judges frequently granted out sundry
warrant from the Kirke and containing beside the Popish forme thereof diverse Popish errours and Ceremonies and the sâ—eds of manifold grosse superstitions and Idolatry with a Booke of Canons without warrant or direction from the Generall Assembly establishing a Tyrannicall power over the Kirke in the person of Bishops and overthrowing the whole discipline and Acts of our Kirke And with the High-Commion erected without the consent of the Kirke subverting the jurisdiction and Ordinary Judicatories of this Kirke and giving to persons meerely Ecclesiasticall power of both swords and to persons meerely Civill the power of the keyes and Kirke censures A Second cause was the Articles of Perth viz. Observation of festivall dayes kneeling at the Communion Confirmation Administration of the Sacraments in private places which was brought in by a Civill Assembly and are contrary to the confession of Faith as it was meant and subscribed Anno 1580. And diverse times since to the order and constitution of this Kirke Thirdly the change of the government of the Kirke from the Assembly of the Kirke to the persons of some Kirkemen usurping the priority and power over their Brethren by the way and under the name of Episcopall government against the Confession of Faith 1580. Against the Order set downe in the booke of Policy and against the intentions and Constitutions of this Kirke from the beginning Fourthly the Civill places and power of Kirkemen their sitting and voycing in Parliament and their sitting on the Bench as Justices of Peace which according to the constituons of this Kirke are incompatible with their spirituall functions lifting them up above the Brethren in worldly Pompe tending to the hinderance of the Ministery Fifthly the keeping and authorizing of corrupt assemblies at Linlithgrow 1606. and 1608. and at Glascow 1610. at Aberdin 1616 at Saint Andrewes 1617. at Perth â—618 which are null and unlawfull as being called and constituâ—e quite contrary to the Order and constitutions of this kirke received and practized ever since the reformation oâ— Religion and withall labouring to introduce Novation within this Kiâ—ke against the Order and Religion established A sixth cause is the want of the lawfull and free generall Assemblies rightly constitute of Pastors Doctors and Elders yearely or oftner pro re nata according to the liberty of this Kirke expressed in the Booke of Policy and acknowledged in the Act of Parliament 1592. After which his Majesties Commissioner having heard patiently and examined particularly and all objections to the contrary being answered to the full The whole Assembly with expresse consent of his Majesties Commissioner in one heart and voyce did declare that these and such other proceeding from the neglect and breach of the Nationall Covenant of this Kirke and kingdome made in Anno 1588. have beene indeed the true and maine Cause of all our evils and distractions And therefore ordaines according to the Constitutions of generall Aâ—semblies of this Kirke and upon the grounds respective above specified That the foresaid Service Booke Bookes of Canon and Ordâ—nation and the High-Commission be still rejected That the Articles of Perth be no more practised That Episcopall government and the Civill places and power of Kirkemen be holden still as unlawâ—ull in this Kirke That the above named pretended Assemblies at Linlithgrow 1606. and 1608. at Glascow 1610. at Aberdene 1616. at Saint Andrewes 1617 at Perth 1618. be hereafter accounted of as null and of none effect And that for preservation of Religion and prevenâ—â—ng of all such evils in time comming Generall Assemblies rightly Constitute as the perfit and competent Judge of all matters Ecclesiasticall hereafter be kept yearely and oftner as occasion and necessity shall require The necessity being first remonstrate to his Majesty by humble supplication as also of these occasionall Assemblies That Kirke Sessions Presbyteries and Synodall Assemblies be constitute and observed according to the Booke of Policy and Order oâ— this Kirke The Bishop of Dunkell his Recantation BE it knowne to all men me Master Alexander Lindsay Minister of Sinadois for so much as I by my missive Letter sent by me to the Generall Assembly of the Kirke of Scotland holden at Glascow the 21. of November last past did freely submit my selfe demit and lay downe at the foot of the Assembly my pretended Office of Episcopacy as pretended Bishop of Dunkell and by my Letter promised to subscribe what ample forme of Commission there anent the said Assembly should prescribe and now the said reverent Assembly hath found and declared the said office of Episcopacy as it hath beene teâ—med and used within the said Kirke of Scotland to be abjured by the comession of Faith 1580. and 1581 and 1590. And therefore hath decerner the said Office to be removed out of the said Kirke of Scotland as also seeing the said reverent Assembly hath decernet me according to my said Letter to subscribe a more ample forme of demission of the said pretended office in presence of Sir Iohn Montcrieff of that Ilke Knight Baronet Master Robert Murrey Minister at Methuen Master Iohn Roberton Minister at Perth Master Alexander Petrie Minister at Rinde and Thomas Durham Burgesse of Perth Commissioners appointed by them for that effect Therefore and for performance of my said Letter and in obedience to the Ordinance of the said reverent Assembly Wit ye me to have demitted quite claim'd and simpliciter overgeven like as I now in presence of the said Commissioners freely demits quite claimes and simpliciter overgists the â—oresaid pretended Office of Episcopacy of Dunkell with the whole Title stile name and dignity thereof power of Ordination Jurisdiction thereof voyce in Parliament and all usurpation of the same in time comming and faithfully promises and by these presents binds and obliges me never to exercise nor use the said pretended Office in the said kirke of Scotland nor no power of Ordination Jurisdiction voyce in Parliament neither any other power Ecclesiasticall belonging usurped and acclaimed to belong to the said pretended Office like as according to the Act of the said reverent Assembly I acknowledge the said Office of Episcopacy to be abjured in the foresaid confession of Faith and therefore most justly ought to be removed out of this said kirke of Scotland and the whole premises I heartily acknowledge as I will answer to God in testimony hereof I have subscribed these presents with my hand Like as for further security hereof I am content and consent that these presents be insert and Registrate in the generall Bookes of Assembly therein to remaine Ad futuram rei memoriam And to that effect constitute my lawfull procutors promittendo de rato In witnesse whereof written by Robert Readhench serviteur to Patricke Rosse Notaire in Perth I have subscribed the same with my hand as said is at Saint Andrewes the 24. of Ianuary 1639. before these witnesses Master Iohn Paterson Master Alexander Dundie Student in Perth and George
Oxford William Cliffe Geoffry Dowes Robert Oking Ralph Bradford Richard Smith Simon Mathew Iohn Pryn William Buckmaster William May Nicholas Wotton Richard Cox Iohn Edmunds Thomas Robertson Iohn Baker Thomas Barret Iohn Hase Iohn Tyson Doctors and Professors in Divinity and of the civill and Canon Law with the whole Convocation House and Clergy of Enland in their Booke intituled The Institution of a Christian man dedicated by them to King Henry the eight Printed Cum Privilegio subscribed with all their names and ratified by the Statute of 32. Henry the eight cap. 26. chap. Of the Sacrament of Order fol. 48. c. And King Henry 8. himselfe in his Booke inscribed A necessary erudition for any Christian man published with the advise and approbation of all the Prelates Clergy of England in their Convocation and of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and nether House of Parliament with the Kings owne royall Epistle to all his loving Subjects before it Anno 1545. by vertue of the Satute of 32 Henry the eight c. 26. Chap. of the Sacrament of Order Doe all thus joyntly determine of the calling jurisdiction Lordlinesse and secular imployments of Bishops The truth is that in the New Testament there is no mention made of any degrees or distinctions in Orders but onely of Deacons and Ministers and of Priests or Bishopâ— And of these two Orders onely that is to say Priests and Deacons Scripture maketh expresse mention and how they were conferred of the Apostles by Prayer and imposition of their hands And to these two the Primitive Church did add and conjoyne certaine other inferior and lower degrees And as concerning the office and duty of the said Ecclesiasticall Ministers the same consisteth in true preaching and teaching the word of God unto the people iâ— dispensing and ministring the Sacraments of Christ in consecratingâ— and offering the blessed body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar in loosing and assoyling from sinne such persons as be sorry and truely penitent for the same and excommunicating such as bâ— guilty in manifest crimes and will not be reformed otherwise and finally in praying for the whole Church of Christâ— and specially for the flocke committed unto them And although the office and ministry of Priests and Bishops stand câ—iefly in these things before rehearsed yeâ— neither they nor any of them may exercise and execute any of the same offices but with such sort and such limitation as the Ordinances and Lawes of every Christian Realme doe permit and â—uffer It is out of all doubt that there is no mention made neither in Scripture neither in the writings of any authentical Doctâ—r or Author of the Church being within the time of the â—postles that Christ did ever make or institute any distinction or difference to be in the preheminence of power order or jurisdiction between the Apostleâ— themselves or between the Bishops themselves but that they were all â—quall in power authorâ—ty and jurisdâ—ctâ—on And that there is now and since the time of the Apostles any such diversity or difference among the Bishops It was devised by the ancient Fathers of the Primitive Church for the conservation of good order and unity of the Catholique Church and that either by the consent and authority or else at least by the permâ—ssion and suffâ—rance of the Prâ—nces and civill powers for the time ruling For the said Fathers considering the great and infinite multitude of Christian men so lâ—rgely encreased through the world and taking examples of the Old Testamâ—nt thought it expedient to make an order of degrees to be among Bishops and spirituall Governours of the Church and so ordained some to be Patriarks some to be Metropolitansâ— some to be Archbishops some to be Bishops and to them did limit severally not onâ—ly their certaine Diocesse and Provinces wherein they should exercise their power and not exceed the same but also certaine bounds and limits of their jurisdiction and power c. And lest peradventure it might be thought to some persons that such authorities powers and jurisdictions as Patriarks Primates Archbishops and Metropolitans now have or heretofore at any time have had justy and lawfully over any other Bishops were given them by God in holy Scripture We think it expedient and necessary that all men should be advertised and taught that all such lawfull powers and authority of one Bishop over another were and be given to them by the consent ordinance positive lawes of men only and not by any ordinance of God in holy Scripture and all other power and authority which any Bishop hath used or exercised over another which hath not been given to him by such consent and ordinance of men as is aforesaid is in very deed no lawful power but plaine usurpation and tyranny And therefore whereas the Bishop of Rome hath heretofore claimed and usurped to be head and governour over all Priests and Bishops of the holy catholique Church of Christ by the lawes of God It is evident that the same power is utterly fained and untrue VVee thinke it convenient that all Bishops and Pastors shall instruct and teach the people committed to their spirituall charge that Christ did by expresse words prohibit that none of his Apostles nor any of their successors should under the pretence of authority of the sword that is to say the authority of Kings or any civill power in this world yea or any authority to make Lawes or Ordinances in causes appertaining â—â—to civill powers If any Bishop of what estate or dignity soâ—ver he be be he Bishop of Rome or of any other City Province or Diocesse doe presume to take upon him authority or jurisdiction in causes of matters which appertaine unto Kings and the civill powâ—rs and â—heir Courts and will maintaine or thinke that he may so doe by the authority of Christ and his Gospel although the Kings and Princes would not permit and suffer him so to doe no doubt that Bishop is not worthy to be called a Bishop but rather a Tyrant and a usurper of other mens rights contrary to the Lawes of God and is worthy to be reputed none otherwise than he that goeth about to subvert the Kingdome of Christ for the Kingdome of Christ in his Church is spirituall and not a carnall kingdome of the world that is to say the very Kingdome that Christ by himselfe or by his Apostles and Disciples sought here in this world was to bring all Nations from the carnall kingdome of the Prince of darknesse unto the light of his spirituall Kingdome and so himselfe raigne in the hearts of the people by grace faith hope and charity And therefore sith Christ did never seeke nor exercise any worldly kingdome or dominion in this world but rather refusing and flying the same did leave the said worldly governance of kingdomes Realmes and Nations to be governed by Princes and Potentates in like manner as he did finde them and commanded also his
Parliament holden in the first yeare of the Queenes Majesties Raigne was no Parliament for that your Bishops refused wilfully to agree unto the godly Lawes there concluded yee seeme therein to bewray in your selfe some want of skill the wise and learned could soone have told you that in the Parliaments of England matters have evermore used to passe not of necessity by the speciall consent of the Archbishops and Bishops as if without them no Statute might lawfully be enacted but onely by the more part of the voyces yea altâ—ough all the Archbishops and Bishops were never so earnestly bent against it And Statutes so passing in Parliament onely by the voyces of the Lords temporall without the consent and agreement of the Lords Spiriâ—uall have neverthelesse alwayes bin confirmed and ratified by the reall assent of the Prince have bin enacted published under the names of the Lords spirituall Temporall Read the Statutes of King Edward the first There shall yee finde that in a Parliament solemnly hoâ—tlen by him at S. Edmundbury the Archbishops and Bishops were quite shut forth and yet the Parliament held on and good and wholsome lawes were there enacted the departing or absâ—nce or malice of the Lords Spirituall notwithstanding In the records thereof it is written thus The King keeping the Parliament wiâ—h his Barons the Clergy that is to say the Archbishops and Bishops being shut forth it was enacted c. Likewise In provisione de Martona in the time of King Henry the third Whereas matter was moved of Bastardy touching the Legitimation of Bastards borne before Marriage The Statute past wholly with the Lords Temporall whether the Lords Spirituall would or no yea and that contrary to the expresse Decrees and Canons of the Church of Rome The like hereof as I am informed may be found Rich. 2. An. 11. c. 3. Howbeit in these cases I must confesse I walke somewhat without my compasse Touching the judgement hereof I reâ—erre my selfe wholly unto the Learned Further whereas yee call the Doctrine of Christ that now by Gods great mercy and to your great griefe is universally and freely preached a Parliament Religion and a Parliament Gospell for such sobriety becommeth you well and may stand you in stead when learning fayleth yee might have remembred that Christ himselfe at the beginning waâ— universally received and honoured through this Realm by assent of Parliament and further that without Parliament your Pope himselfe was never received no not in the late time of Queene Maâ—y Yea and even then his holinesse was clogged with Parliament conditions that whatsoever had beene determined in Parliament and was not repealed were it never so contrary to his will and Canons should remaine still inviolable and stand in force Otherwise his holinesse had gone home againe Such M. Harding is the authority of a Parliament Verily if Parliaments of Realmes be no Parliaments then will your Pope be no Pope Therefore as you now call the truth of God that wee professe a Parliament Religion and a Parliament Gospell even so with like sobriety and gravity of speech yee might have said Our Fathers in old times had a Parliamenâ— Christ. And your late Fathers and Brethren had of late in the time of Queene Mary a Parliament Faith a Parliament Masse a Parliament Pope Neither is it so strange a matter to see Ecclesiasticall causes debated in Parliament Read â—he Lawes of K. Inas K. Elfred K. Edward K. Ethelstane K. Edmund K. Edgar K. Canute and yee shall find that our godly fore-fathers the Princes and Peeres of this Realme never vouchsafed to intrâ—at of matters of Peace or Warre or otherwise touching the Common State before all controversieâ— of Religion and causes Eâ—clesiasticall had beene concluded King Canutâ— in his Parliament holden at Winchester upon Christmas day after sundry Lawes and Orders made touching the Faith the keeping of Hâ—ly-dayes Publikâ— prayers learning of the Lords Prayer receiving of the Communion thrice in the yeare the manner and â—orme of Baptisme Fasting and other like matters of Religion in the end thereof saith thus Iam sequitur institutio Legum Secularium Now followeth an order of Temporall Lawes In a Parliament holden by King William the Conquerour it is written thus Rex quia Vicarius Summi Regis est ad hoc constituitur ut Regnum populum Domini super omnia sanctam Ecclesiam regat defendat c. The King for as much as hee is the Vicar of the Highest King is thererefore appointed to this purpose that hee should rule and defend the Kingdome and people of the Lord and above all things the holy Church c. Hereby it appeareth that Kings and Princes are specially and of purpose appointed by God not onely to defend but also to Governe and Rule the Holy Church Thus farre Bishop Iewell who here clearly affirmes that Parliaments may be kept and matters of Religion there determined without Bishops Neither is this any strange doctrine for not onely Mâ— Richard Crompton in his Iurisdiction of Courts fol. 19 20. who cites this passage of Bishop Iewell is of the same opinion but in the famous case of Doctor Standish in the 7. yeare of King Henry the eight at a meeting at Blacke Fryers before the King himselfe the whole Temporall Councell and a Committee of both Houses of Parliament it was resolved by all the Judges That our Lord the King may very well hold his Parliament by himselfe his Temporall Lords and by his Commons altogether without the Spirituall Lords for the spiriâ—uall Lords have no place in the Parliament Chamber of reason of their spirituality but only by reason of their Temporall possessions or Baronies And if this be not sufficient evidenceâ— Bishop Latimer in his fourth Sermon of the Plough p. 19 20. complaines against Bishops placing in being Lords of the Parliament makes this one chiefe cause that they be unpreaching Prelates lazie loyterers and idle Ministers Yea Thomas Bilson Bishop of Winchester a great Patriot of Episcopacie resolves and proves as much in his Booke intituled The true difference betweene Christian Subjection and unchristian Rebellion part 3. p. 540 541 542. If her Majesâ—y receivâ—d and â—stablished nothing but the truth of Christ in her Paâ—liament in vaine do you barke against God and the Magistrate for lacke of competent Courts Ecclesiasticall Judges and legall meanes to debate and decide matters of Religion Whâ—n God commandeth all humane barres and Lawes do cease If they joyne with God they may be used if they impugne the truth they must be despised And yet in our case the Scepter united and adjoyned it selfe to the word of God and therefore if Princes may command for truth in their owne dominions as I have largely proved they may why should not the Prince having the full consent of her Nobles and Commons restore and settle the truth of God within her Realme Phil. Lay men may not pronounce of
verdict upon an Indictment for the Kingâ— against Innovating Clergie men as they were bound to doe both in Law and Conscience Witnesse the Case of Master Aske late Recorder of Colchester Mr. Burroughs and the grand Jury of that Towne who were thus vexed for finding an Indictment against Parâ—on Newcoman for refusing to deliver the Sacrament to those who came not up to his new raile And no doubt the Bishops secret Commands and Instructions were the Originall cause that moved Sir Robert Berkely Knight one of the Judges of the Kings Bench at the Generall Sessions at Harâ—ford in Ianuary 7. 1638. to fine Mr. Henry Browne one of the grand Jury men at that Sessions and lay him in Irons one night onely for finding an Indictment for rayling in the Communion Table at Hartford Altar-wise which indictment he caused the said Brown openly to teare trample under his feete and one thaâ— stayed other indictments of this nature in high affront boâ—h oâ— Law and Justice onely to please the Prelaâ—es whose commands threates and persecutions have beene the Originall causes of most of the Judges irregular proceedings Fourteenthly They have not onely cited but censured some of his Majesties Officers in the High-Commission for executing his Lawes according to their Oath and duty as the Major of Arundell for punishing a drumken Minister and likewise ciâ—ed Mr. Staple a Justice of peace in Sussex into the High-Coâ—mission for giving in charge at the quarter Sessions his 〈…〉 against Innovations and deaucht Clergie men Fiftâ—â—nâ—hlyâ—â—hey have most unjustly caused some Posters to be â—â—opped afâ—â—r â—â—â—dicts â—ound for the plaintiffes and dammages given by â—he Jury upon â—ulâ— hearing for Actions justly broâ—ght agaiâ—s◠〈◊〉 of â—hâ—ir Officers for dafamations and other 〈…〉 so that the Plaintiffes could never get judgementâ— wâ—â—nesse â—he case of Master Bayton against Doctor Martyn Comâ—â—ssary of Tomes and others Sixteeâ—â—hly they haue caused some Solliciters Atturnies and Plaâ—nâ—iffes to be imprisoned untill they gave over such just actions as they had commenced and prosecuted against their Officeâ—s for Extortions Opressions and unjust Excommuniâ—ations witnesse the case of Ferdinando Adams whose Atturny Master Letchford was committed to the Kings Bench by Judge Iones and some other Judges only for bringing an Action of the Case against Dade the the Bishop of Norwich Commissary at Ipswich for Excommunicating him maliciously and unjustly because he reâ—used to blot out this Text of Scripture written over the Commissaries Court in Saint Maries Church in Ipswich It is written My house shall be called an house of Prayer of all Nations but ye have made it a den of theeves detaining him in prison till he gave over the prosecution and discontinued the suite sundry others having since beene served in this kinde by the Prelates sollicitation Seventeenthly They have beene the Originall occasions of the late unhappy warre and differences betweene Scotland and England which they stiled Bellum Episcopale the Bishops warre to which they liberally contributed themselves and enforced others to do the like when these differences were comprimised and this warre happily concluded in peace they were the chiefe Authors of the breach of the pacificaâ—ion formerly made and of a second warre to the great danger trouble and unsupportable charge oâ— his Majesties three kingdomes Eighteenthly they have beene the prime causes of all or most of the grievances pressures distractions Schismes in our Church and Common-weale and chiefe instruments of the unhappy breaches of our former Parliaments to the infinite prejudice both of King and Subject Ninteenthly when as they had caused the last Parliament but this to be dissolved to manifest their omnipotency disloyalty and tyranny they caused a new Convocation to be immediately assembled without a Parliament wherein they compiled and prescribed New Canons with an c. Oath tending highly to the derogation of his Majesties prerogative royall in Ecclesiasticall matters the subversion of the â—undamentall Lawes of the Realme and Liberties of the Subject the affront of Parliaments the suppression of all faithfull ministers and ayming onely at the perpetuating of their owne Episcopall Lordly power and Popish Innovations And as if this were not sufficient they tooke upon them to grant sundry subsidies without a Parliament for the maintenance of a new war against the Scots and enjoyned all Ministers to pay these Subsidies peremptorily at the dayes assigned by them under paine of present deprivation for the first default Omni Appellatione semota without any benefit of appeale one of the highest straines of tyranny and injustice that ever I have met with For which Canons Oath and Subsidies they now stand impeached by the whole house of Commons as delinquents in a high nature and are like ere long to receive condigne punishment Twentiethly it is very suspicious that they or some of them had a hand in the late dangerous Treason and Conspiracie since the first clause of the Oath of Seâ—recy administred to the Conspirators was To maintaine the Bishops in their functions and votes in Parliament and the Clergie would at their owne charge as Serjant Major Wallis confesseth in his examination maintaine a thousand horse to promote this Trayterous designe and have now as some report an hundred thousand pound ready for such a service In the twentieth one place they have oppressed and ruined divers of his Majesties Loyall Subjects Ministers and others both in their bodies estates credits families caused many thousands of them to forsake the Realme and to transport their families into forraine parts to the great decay of trade and impoverishing of the Realme In which they have done his Majestie great dis-service whose Honour and safety consists in the multitude and wealth of his people and his destruction in want of people In the twenty second ranke they have most undutifully and disloyally cast the odium of all their late Innovations in Religion their new Canons and tyrannicall exorbitant proceedings on his Majestie proclaiming it openly to the people that all they did was onely by his Majesties speciall direction and command of purpose to alienate the hearts of the people from his Majestie as much as in them lay In the twenty third place they and their Officers have sorely fleeced and impoverished his Majesties Subjects in such sort by exacted Fees and vexatioâ—s suites in their Visitations High-Commissions and other Ecclesiasticall Courts and by putting them to unnecessary costs for raising and rayling in Commâ—nion Tables and new adorning their Churches that they are unable to supply his Majesties and the Kingdomes necessities in that liberall proportion as they have formerly done the late Subsidies scarce amounting to halfe that summe as they did in former times Finally in their last High-Commission Paâ—ent they obtained this strange Non-obstante which robs the King of his Supremacy and the Subjects of their Lawes and Liberties namely That their Lordships in all Ecclesiasticall causes specified in that Commission might proceede in a meere arbitrary manner as
neglected and thereupon would that all such of the Clergie as were deprehâ—nded in any Robbery Murther Felony burning of houses and the like should be tryed and adjuged in his temporall Courts as Lay men were Against which the Arch-Bishops resolution was That Clergie-men so offending should be tryed onely in the Spirituall Courts and by men of their owne Coat who if they were convict should at first be onely deprived of their Oâ—fice and Benefice but if they should againe be guiltie of the like they should be adjudged at the kings pleasure In this maine controversie betweene the Crowne and the Mitre the Arch-Bishop stood so peremptory on the immunities of his Clergie and See as that he challenged from theâ— Crowne to the Kings great offence the custody of Rochester Castle and other Forts which the King for securing his State had resumed into his owne hands The King finding himselfe to be hereby but a demi-king deprived of all Soveraignty over one halfe deale of his Kingdome and perceiving Beckets stiffenesse in thus contesting with his Soveraigne to be no wayes mollifiable by whatsoever his old favours or fresh perswasions notwithstanding resolved to put nothing in execution which should not first be ratified and strengthned with the consent of his Bishops Who thereupon assembling at Westminster the King tooke both offence there at the Arch-Bishops thwarting his desires and occasions to establish sundry Articles which hee called his Grandâ—athers Customes peremptorily urging Becket to yeeld thereunto without any such reservation as saving in all things his order and right of the Church wherewith hee would have limited his assent The points in those ordinances which he principally stucke at as appeares by his owne Letter to the Pope were these 1. That none should appeale to the Bishop of Rome for any cause whatsoever without the Kings license 2. That it should not be lawfull for any Arch-Bishop or Bishop to depart the Realme or repaire to the Pope upon his summons without the Kings license 3. That no Bishop should excommunicate any man holding of the King in chiefe or put any other of his Officers under interdict without the Kings license 4. That Clerkes criminous should be tryed before secular Iudges 5. That it should not be lawfull for a Bishop to punish any one for perjury or faith-breach 6. That the Laity whether the King or other should hold pleas of Churches and Tithes c. These points so neerely touched the Papall Soveraigntie and Church-liberties that the resolute Metropolitane mainely opposed his whole power against them The King being as resolute to enforce him to subscribe to them both to â—nlarge his Soveraigne authority and to exempt his estate by degrees from dependancie on any externall Government as lineally claiming from absolute Soveraigne Antecessors At last Pope Alexander very desiâ—ous to keepe the Kings love though secretly wishing well to Beckets attempts sent one Philip his Almoner to compose the controversie by whom the Pope and Cardinalls required the Arch-Bishop to promise the King to keepe his sayd Ordinances absolutely without any savings or exceptions Whereupon Becket seeing his Scrupulositie thus disapproved by his Soveraigne by all his Brethren the Biâ—hops and the Court of Rome it selfe hee rode to Woodstocke to the King and there promised that he would keepe the sayd Lawes Bâ—na fide and without male engin The King thereupon supposing now all contradictions would cease called an Assembly of the States at Claâ—endon to collect and enact those Lawes where Becket relapsing from his former promise to the King sayd He had grievously sinned in making that absolute Oath and that he would not sinne any more At which the King was so vehemently inflamed that hee threatned banishment and destruction to him and his But at last the Arch-Bishop being overcome by perswasions of divers Nobles and Bishops sware before the King Clergie and people in the word of a Priest and sincerely that he would observe the Lawes which the King intituled Avitae And all the Bishops Abbots Priors and whole Clergie with all the Earles Barons and Nobilitie did promise and sweare the â—ame faithfully and truly to observe and performe to the King and his Heires for ever But when the King not so contented would have him to subscribe and fixe his Seale to an instrument in which these Customes and Lawes were comprised as every one of the other Bishops had done bâ—fore him he once againe starting from his faith did absolutely refuse it alledging that hee did promise to doe the King some honour in word onely but not with an intent to confirme these Articles being 16. in number neither would he subscribe or seale them unlesse the Pope by his Bull did first confirme them The King hereupon sent two Embassadours to Rome to the Pope to crave his allowance of those Lawes and to pray that the Legantine power of England might bee committed to the Arch-Bishop of Yorke Becket being so farre from seeking to pacifie the Kings displeasure as dayly hee provoked him more and morâ—â— The Pope knowing the cause to bee his owne more than Beckets rejected both these suites Becket having dealt so with him beâ—ore-hand that hee would doe nothing to his prejudice and withall absolved him and the other Bishops from their Oath of Allegeance to their Prince Whereupon the King commanded Becket to bee condemned in dammages â—or a Manor which Iohn de Marshall claimed and in the Parliament of Northampton demanded an accounâ— of him of 30000. pound which came to his hand during his Chancellorship which hee excusing and refusing punctually to answer the Peeres and Bishops condemned all his movables tâ— the Kings mercy After which the Prelates â—hemselves by a joynt consent adjudged him guilty of perjury for not yeelding tempoâ—all obedience to the King according to his Oath disclaiming all obedienâ—e to him thence forward as to their Arch-Bishop Becket the next day whiles the Bishops and Peeres were consulting of some fâ—rther course with him caused to be sung before him at the Altar The Princes sit and speake against mee and the ungodly persecute me c. And forthwith taking his silver Crosier in his owne hands a thing strange and unheard of before enters armed therewith into the Kings prâ—sence though earnestly disswaded by all that wished him well Wherewith the King enraged commanded his Peeres to sit in judgement upon him as on a Traytor and perjured person and accordingly they adjudged him to be apprehended and cast in prison as such a delinquent The Earles of Cornewall and Leicester who sate as Judges citing him forthwith to heare his sentence pronounced hee immediately appealed to the See of Rome as holding them no competent Judges whâ—reupon all reviling him with the name of Traytor and perjured person he replyed That were it not for his function he would enter the Duell or Combat with them in the field to acquit himselfe from Treason and perjury and so speeding from the Court departed into Flanders disguised
under the name of Dereman in a poore Fisher-boate accompanied onely with Servitors The King thereupon seized all his Goods and Temporalties into his hands and sent Ambassadours to the Earle of Flanders the French King and the Pope praying them in no wise to suffer or softer within their dominions one that was such a notorious Traytor to him The French King thinking that this disagreement betweene the King and the Arch-Bishop would breed some stirre in England dealt with the Pope that as hee loved the Roman Church and the ayde of France so hee would support Beckets cause against the King with whom though hee had amity before yet at Beckets instigation as is probable whose whole life was nothing else but a continued act of Rebellion Treachery and Disobedience against his Soveraigne Lord he presently fell to invade the King of Englands Dominions and tooke by Assault certaine Holds of his in Normandy The Arch-Bishop also about the same time growing in great savour with the Pope whom the King by all his friends and Agents could not move to any thing against him sent out particular Excommunications against all the suffâ—agan Bishops of his Province and all such as had obeyed defended or occasioned the sayd Lawes and A vitall customes and against some of them by name which Excommunications he published at Vizely in France on Ascension day when the Church was most full of people getting into the Pulpit theâ—e and solemnely accursing them with Bell Booke and Candle threatning the like thunder-clap against his owne Royall person Whereupon the King receiving such a foile from the Pope and such an affront from the Arch-Bishop directs his Writs to the Sherifes of England commanding them to attach all such who appealed to the Court of Rome with the Fathers Mothers Brothers Sisters Nephewes and Neeces of all the Clergie that were with the Arch-Bishop and to put them under sureties as also to seize the Revenues Goods and Chattels of these Clergie-men And by other Letters to Guilbert Bishop of London he sequestred the profits and Livings which within his Diocesse did belong to any of the Clergie who were fled to Thomas and signified to his Justices by a publicke Decree that no man should bring any Letters or Commandment from Pope Alexander or Thomas Arch-Bishop of Canterbury into England containing an Indiction of the Realme upon peril to be apprehended and punished as a Traytor to the King and an enemy to the Realm And that they should safe keepe whosoever did bring any Interdict into England till the Kings pleasure were further knowne causing all the Arch-bishops goods to be confiscated and banished out of the Realme all the Arch-Bishops kindred Man Woman Child and sucking Babes forbidding hee should be any longer mentioned publikely and prayed for in the Church as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and to vexe him the more because he knew hee was much delighted in the Monastery of Pontiniac an Abbey of Cirstercian Monkes he signified to all the Monkes of that Order in his Dominion that he would banish them every one if they would not procure the Arch-Bishop to bee thrust out of that Monastery which for feare of so great calamity to so many men of their Order was effected And because Pope Alexander Beckets surest Card was ferrited much in like sort by Fredericke Barbarossa the Emperour the King therefore determined to joyne in league with him being a prosessed enemie both to the French King and the Pope sending Ambassadors to him for that purpose which the Pope having notice of began presently to quaile promising speedily to end all Controversies betweene him and Becket to the Kings liking Whereupon at the procurement of Iohn of Oxford two Legates were sent into England to reconcile the King and Thomas but the Pope hearing when they were gone that they were resolved utterly to confound the Arch-Bishop sent Letters after them to rebate their absolute power who when they came to Thomas he absolutely refused to put their cause unto them but upon such conditions as neither they nor the King would brooke The passages betweene the King and the Pope and Becket and his Complaints to the Pope against the King too tedious to recite at large you may reade at leisure in Holinshed Vol. 3. p. 70. to 75. wherein he desires the Pope to use his rigour both against the King and the Prelates that sided with him and to constraine them to amendment After this the Pope moved the French King to mediate a Peace betweene them For which purpose both the Kings and the Arch-Bishop were brought together at Paris where suite being made to the King in his behalfe That he might returne be restored to his goods and revenues arising during his absence and likewise to the Kings favour upon his humble submission The King answered That for the rest he was contented but that he could not allow him the profits of his Arch-Bishoprick since his Banishment for that he had already given them to others yet he would give him such recompence for them as the French King or the Senate or Students of Paris should thinke meete Whereupon Becket being called for and advised by his frieuds to submit himselfe in the presence of both Kings without any more reservations he falling downe humbly upon his knees used these words My Lord and Soveraigne I doe here commit unto your owne judgement the cause and controversie betweene us so farre forth as I may saving the honour of Almighty God The King much offended with his last exception turned him about unto the French King and telling how much hee had done for the Arch-Bishop and how â—ee had used him sayd I am so well acquainted with the Trickes of this Fellow that I cannot hope for any good dealing at his hands See you not how he goeth about to delude me with this clause saving the honour of God for whatsoever shall displease him hee will by and by alleadge to be prejudiciall to the honour of Almighty God But this I will say unto you whereas there have beene Kings of England many before mee whereof some were peradventure of greater Power than I the most part farre lesse and againe many Arch-Bishops before this man holy and noâ—able men looke what duty was ever performed by the greatest Arch-Bishop that ever was to the weakest and simplest of my Predecessours let him but yeeld me that and it shall abundantly content mee Hereunto the Arch-Bishop answered cunningly and stoutly That his Predecessours who could not bring all things to passe at the first dash were content to beare with many things and that as men they fell and omitted their duty oft times that that which the Church had gotten was by the constancie of good Prelates whose example he would follow thus farre forth as though he could not augment the priviledges of the Church in his time yet he would never consent they should be diminished This answere being heard all men cryed shame of him and generally
upon the possessions of the Church against Clerkes who receive Churches by Lay-mens power against such Judges and others who shall release excommunicate persons ouâ— of prison without the Bishops consent against Lay-men who shall apprehâ—nd Clergy-men for civill crimes against such who obtaine or grant Prohibitions to their Courts against the King or his Officers who grieve or waste Churches possessions during their vacancy against Judges and other Officers who by a Quo Warranto question the Liberties which any Church or Prelaâ—e hath long time enjoyed though without any Charter against secular Judges who shall judge any Charters made to the Church voyd for uncertaineâ—y against Lords who shall endeavor to enforce Clergy men to make suit to their secular Courts contrary to the Liberties of the Church and the like In all or most of which if the King upon notice and monition conforme not to Prelates desires and stop not all proceedings and judgements in his Courts against them his Judges and Officers shall be excommunicated and their Lands together with the Kings and the whole Province of Canterbury interdicted as aforesaidâ— This Arch-Prelate and hâ—s conâ—ederates thus trampling upon the Kings Crowne Royalties Judges Courts Nobility Subjects and the Lawes of the Kingdome the King to stop their encroachments was enforced to send forth Writs of Ad jura Regia and Prohibitions to inhibit their proceedings Wherein he thus complained We aâ—e troubled not without cause and moved while we behold those who live under our Dominion and are there honored with Benefices and Rents by reason whereof they ought to assist us in the defence and tuition of the Rights of our Royall Crowne with neckes liâ—â—ed up against us endeavouring to the uttermost of their power to impugne the said Rights to the GRIEVOVS PREIVDICE AND HVRT OF OVR ROYALL DIGNITIE AND CROWNE and in contempt of us Wherefore we who by the bond of an Oath are obliged to the unwounded Observance of the Rights of our Crowne and Dignity prohibit you that you presume not to attempâ— any thing in the promises which may any way derogate from the Right of our Crowne and Dignity and if any thing in this kind haâ—h beene unduely attempted by you that you cause it to be revoked without any delay left we proceed â—o appreheâ—d you in a grievous manner as the violaters of the Rights of our Crowne and Dignity Thâ—s Boniface at last knowing himselfe very ill beloved boâ—h of the King and of all the Commons and Clergy in generall and being commanded by the King to give over his Bishopricke he thereupon â—elled his Woods let Leases forced from his Tenants and others what moneys he could possibly and having gathered great sums one way or other carryed it all with him over Sea into Savoy where he dyed Iohn Peckam the next Arch-Bishop of Canterbury but one was created Bishop of that See by the Popes meere Authority against the Monkes and Kings consents whence in his Letters to the Pope he usually stiled himselfe his creature though he made him pay foure thousand Markes for his Creation And to â—hew himselfe his creature in good earnest he upon the Popes most insolenâ— Letter to him recorded at large by Matthâ—w Parker in his life to prohibit King Edward the first from collecting the Tenths granted to him in England by the Clergy for the recovery of the Holy Land â—rom the Sarazens which the King collected by his owne Officers and laid up in such places as he thought meet without the Popes speciall license not without great sinne agâ—inst the divine Majesty and high contempt of the Apostolicke Seaâ— went to the King immediately being then in the confines of Wales and there publikely before all his Nobles by vertue of the Popes command admonished the King First within one moneths space to restore all the Monies collected and to send it to the places formerly appointed for its custody with so great promptitude of devotion as might expiate the former blot of removing it thence Secondly that he should â—or time to come wholly desist from such attempts adding that althoâ—gh the Apostolicall clemency did yet embrace him as one of her deare Sonnes yet if he should hereafter chance to be found guilty of such offences that she neither would nor yet could substract the Rod of Correction from him left by sparing man she should consent to those Divine injuries which she corrected not Thirdly that he should neither molest nor grieve any of the Keepers or Depositaries of the said Monies upon this occasion To which insolent Demands the King gave a very mild Answer This Lordly Prelate was very stately in his gesture gate words and outward â—hew he very often opposed himselfe against King Edward the first in Parliament in right of his Church denying to grant him Tenths conâ—esting with him often about certaine Liberâ—ies pertaining to the Crowne touching Church matters Anno 1279. he held a Councell at Reading wherein he enjoyned all Priests every Lords day to excommunicate among others those who impetrated Letters or Writs from any Lay Court to hinder the proceedings of the Ecclesiastickes in Causes pertaining to them by the holy Canons He held his Prebendary of Lions in France in Commendam and would not part with it by any meanes because he looked every day to be driven out of England by the King whom he stiffely opposed and resisted to his face in many things and then he should have no othâ—r home to take to Hee promptly obeyed the Popes commands against the King not to pay him any Subsidies or give him any aide without the Popes consent and oft admonishing the King before his Nobles to obey â—he Popes Mandates in derogation of his Crowne and tending to the great oppression of his Subjects Hee called another Councell aâ— Lambeth Anno 1280. in which he went about to annihilate certaine Liberties belonging to the Crowne as the taking knowledge of the Right of Patronages and the Kings Prohibitions In placitis de catallis and such like which seemed meerely to touch the Spiritualty But the King by some in that Councell withstood the Arch-Bishop openly and with menaces stayed him from concluding any thing that might prejudice his Royall Liberties and Prerogatives After which he held another Councell at Reading Anno 1290. where he and the Bishops purposed to draw the Conusans of Advowsons and Patronages of Churches belonging time out of minde to the Kings Temporall Couâ—ts to the Ecclesiasticall Consistories utterly to cut off all the Kings Prohibitions to these Courts in suites concerning Goods Chattels and Debts so that the Ecclesiasticall Judges should not from thenceforth be prohibited to proceed on in them But the King hearing of this their designe and encroachment on his Royall Crowne prohibited them to proceed therein under paine of his indignation whereupon the Councell was dissolved and the Archâ—Bishop and other Prelates frustrated of their hopes Who yet proceeding to encroach upon the Kings
defiled and infected the whole Priest-hood and Clergy of England with his pride exercised an unheard of Tyranny over the people being now deprehended by the King in his wickednesse terrified and dejected with the guilt of his sinne and feare of punishment lay now prostrate on the ground before the King offered him his Pall and subâ—iâ—ted his person and goods to his mercy To whom the King gave this answer I will not punish thee my selfe leâ—t I should seeme rather to have respect to my owne Revenge though most just then to thy Order And although thou art altogether unworthy of thy Order and my Grace yet I will referre the matter to thy fellow Bishops and the Pope of Rome that thou mayest be tryed by thy Peeres lest thou shouldest thinke me an unjust Judge though the Conusans of Treason the highest Crime in a Sâ—bject belongs without doubt to my Tribunall not to theirs Moreover added the King I have knowne thy hatred and malice towards me not onely in the greatest things but even in the smallest and in matters of least moment in which by thy authority thou hast over-much abused my patience depriving my Clerkes in thy visitation notwithstanding my Letters to the contrary and their just appeales both which thou hast contemned together with my Royall Authority The Arch-Bishop troubled and confounded in minde at these things craved a Blessing from the King who replyed That his Blessing would rather become him then his the Arch Bishop The King hereupon complaines of him to the Pope That he had troubled the peaceable and safe estate of the Kingdome in his absence and stirred up the Nobles to a Rebellion and Conspiracy against him c. And notwithstanding his submission cited him to appeare at Rome banished him the Realme seized upon all his goods moveable and unmoveable forbidding all his Subjects under a great paine to foster him Yet the Monkes of Canterbury secretly harboured him for a time furnished him with necessaries and conveyed him beyond the Seas Which the King afterwards understanding seized on all their Goods and Lands banished them the Monastery turning fourescore Monkes a begging forbidding any to harbour them and kept them in that miserable estate till afterwards he was pleased upon their submission to restore them After which the Bishop of Winchester interceded to the King for this Arch Traytor calling him his Lord with which the King being greatly offended put this Bishop out of his protection and confiscated his goods because he acknowledged another then the King to be his lord even such a one who being guilty of Treason manifest contempt against the King had lost the very right of a Subject in his Kingdome While the Arch-Bishop was thus in exile before any hearing of this Cause at Rome the King deceaseth who as Holinshed writes was an earnest enemie of the high and presumptuous insolencie of Priests which he judged to proceede chiefely of too much Wealth and Riches and therefore hee devised to establish the Statute of Mortmain to be a bridle to their inordinate lusts and riotous excesse which Statute they laboured to repeale and purchase out by giving large Subsidies to that end His Sonne Edward the second succeeding him out of an over-indulgent pitty calls home this Arch-Traytor by his Letter writes to the Pope to discontinue his Fathers Suite against him and to send him over with all speed to Crowne him Who glad with the newes and unable to make haste home as was requisite by reason of his crazie body sent a Commission to the King with the names of three Bishops in it giving him liberty to elect which of the three he desired to Crowne him in his behalfe who made choyse of the Bishop of Winchester who set the Crowne on his head The King upon the Arch-Bishops returne restored him all his goods and every penny received of his Temporalties during his two yeares exile a good reward for a Traytor whereby he became the richest Arch-Bishop of many before and after him He was no sooner come home but a new danger encountred him by his owne wonted boldnesse The King by the counsell of Piers Gaveston had committed the Bishop of Coventry to Ward at York A Convocation shortly after being assembled the Arch-Bishop would not suffer any matter to be debated in the House till the Bishop were set at liberty which the King was contented to beare withall at that time This Bishop saith Matthew his Successour though he were reported to be a stout Governour of the English Church and a Defender of its Rites yet he was too excessive in this and ever opposite to the King attributing that to the Pope with whom he was most strictly linked which he derogated from the King seeking not so much the Liberties of the Realme as the encrease of the Popes power and deminishing the Kings Authority that he might transferre it to the Pope He was a great enemie to Prohibitions labouring the advancement of the Ecclesiasticall Courts Jurisdiction and the eclipsing of the Authority and Jurisdiction of the Kings Courts He was the Author of Articuli Cleri and Walter Raynolds his Successour procurer of the Kings answere to them in Parliament Which Articles though they bee commonly taken for a Statute yet in truth they are none but a meere Answere of the King in Parliament to Articles exhibited to him by the Clergie made by the advice of his Councell but not of the Commons and whole Parliament and a particular Grant of the King onely not of the Parliament as appeares by the severall Answeres to each of those Articles but especially to the last Finally he ever sided with the Pope for the Liberties of the Church and with the Barons also against the King He opposed himselfe against Piers Gaveston the Spensers and other Favouriâ—es and Corruptors of the young King very boldly and enforced Iohn Warren Earle of Surrey to forsweare the Company of a certaine beautifull Harlot with the love of whom hee was greatly bewitched And afterwards when notwithstanding his Oath he returned to her company and got Children upon her hee accused him to the Convocation both of Adultery and Perjury and aâ— last made him to leave her Hee excommunicated Walter Bishop of Coventry for revolâ—ing from him and the Clergie and adhering to Piers Gaveston who appealed unto the Pope and was by him absolved Which last Acts of his are commendable though they proceeded rather from the stournesse and haughtinesse of his Spirit then the Pietie of his Heart How ever his former are most execrable Walter Raynolds his next Successor advanced and preferred onely by King Edward the Second to that Sea when the King after the Barons Warres ended had done execution upon divers of the Noblâ—s that had rebâ—lled Adam Tarltâ—n Bishop of Hereford by the Kings direction in a Parliament holden at London Anno Dom. 1324. was apprehended and brought to the Baâ—â—â— to be arraigned for the like faults
amazed but with great eloquence he could goe about to perswade them not to imbrue their hands in the blood of their Arch-Bishop their chiefe Pastor assuring them that all the Realme would be interdicted â—or it and the fact must needes be punished first or last by the temporall Law And lastly though these failed God the just Judge would revenge it either in this or in the world to come if not both But these Varlots were so eagerly bent that the very songs of the Syrens would nothing have moved them seeing therefore nothing but death before his face with comfortable words forgiving the executioner that scarce ever requested him so to doe with a very cheerefull countenance he kneeled and yeelded himselfe to their fury once he was stricken in the necke so weakely as that notwithstanding he kneeled still upright and putting his hand up to the wound he used these words A ha it is the Hand of God Hee had not remooved his hand from the place when a second stroake cut off his fingers ends and felled him to the ground with much adoe having hacked and hewed his necke with eight blowes they got off his head upon Fryday Iune 14. 1381. All which day and a part of the next his body lay there headlesse no man daring to offer it buriall as for his head they nayled his hood upon it and so fixing it upon a pole set it on London Bridge By all which it appeares that he was very odious to the people and no other but a Traytor in their estimation William Courtney next Arch-Bishop to him in succession as he opposed the grant of a subsidy to the King whiles he was Bishop of Hereford as you heard before in the Acts of Whitlesey so in the yeare 1376. when hee was Bishop of London when King Edward the third desired a pecuniary ayd to helpe to supply his wants and defray his Warres this proud Prelate withstood these payments complaining that many injuries were done to him and to William Wickam Bishop of Winchester which put into writing he tendred to the Synod and requested that nothing might be granted to the King before he had made satisfaction to them for these injuries which the Synod assented toâ— and thereupon Wickam formerly banished by the King was restored to his Bishopricke and admitted into his Synod Hee received his Archâ—Bishopricke by provision from the Pope against the Law and made great scruple whether he might have his Crosier borne before him or whether he might marry the Queene of Boâ—omia his Sister to King Richard the second before he had received his Pall from â—he Pope which yeâ— he did at last interposing this wary Protestation that hee did it not in contempt oâ— the Court of Rome He excommunicated the Bailiffes oâ— Canterbury for pâ—nishing adultery and other crimes which were to be punished by the Prelates who neglected for to doe it After which he excommunicated one Richard Ismonger of Ailsford in Kent because he corrected criminals by Lay Authority which were to be punished by the Prelates and so violated the priviledges of the Church he humbly desired to be absolved promising by oath never hereafter to violate the Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction and that he would undergoe any punishment for his former contumacy and rashnesse that the Archâ—Bishop should impose upon him who enjoyned him this punâ—shment First that in the Market place of Westâ—alling in the greatest assembly of the people he should for three Market dayes together be stript naked and bastinadoed with clubs and after that he should undergoe the same punishment as often both at Maidstone and Canterbury and that aâ—ter his last castigation at Canterbury he should enter into the Cathedrall Church there naked and offer a Taper of five pound weight at Thomas Beckets shrine which punishment if he refused to performe he should relapse into his former state of excommunication a strange punishment for the Kings Officer to undergoe onely for executing justice upon delinquents in the Prelates defaults This Arch-Prelate so farre incensed King Richard the second that he commanded his goods and temporalties to be feased and the Bishop himselfe was glad to hide his head in secret corners with a few attendants till he had made his peace with the King In this Arch-bishops time there were great contests betweene him and his Suffraganes who opposed him in his Metropolâ—ticall visitation and in levying the taxe of foure pence the pound on the Clergy within his Province which he to their great opprâ—ssion had procured from the pope He had a great contestation with the Earle of Arundell whose servants he excommunicated for fishing in one of his Ponds in the Mannor of Southmalling in Chichester Diocesse whereupon the Earle complained to the King who hearing the cause commanded the excommunication directed to the Bishop of Chichester to be revoked In this Arch-Bishops time the Statute of Provisions and Premunire was enacted which the Pope and Prelates laboured forthwith to cause the King to repeale to which the Nobles and Commons would by no meanes consent Ann. Dom. 1387. when divers causes of high Treason were debated in Parliament the Arch-Bishop with his Suffraganes who by Law could not be present in the House in debating causes of blood departing the House made this Protestation In the Name of God Amen Whereas of right and by the custome of the Realme of England it appertaines to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury for the time being as also to his Suffragans his Brethren and fellow Bishops Abbots Priors and all other Prelates whatsoever holding of our Lord the King by Barony to be personally present in all Parliaments of the King as Peeres of the said Realme and there of the businesses of this Kingdome and other things there usually handled with the â—est of the Peeres of 〈◊〉 said Kingdome and others having right to be there present to consulâ— and handle ordaine decree and define and to doe other things which are there ready to be executed in time of Parliament in all and every of which we William Courtney Arch-Bishop of Canterbury c. for us and our Suffragans fellow Bishops and Confreers as likewise for the Abbots Priors and all Prelates aforesaid protest and every one of them here present by himselfe or his proxie publickely and expresly protesteth that we and every of us intend and intendeth will and willeth to be present in this present Parliament and others as Peeres of the said Realme after the usuall manner to consult handle ordaine decree and define and to exercise other things with others who have right to be present in the same our state and order and each of them in all things alwayes saved But because in the present Parliament some matters are handled at which by the deâ—rees of sacred Canons it is not lawfull for us or any to be any wayes personally present for those things we will and every of them protest and every of them here present
protesteth likewise that we neither intend nor desire as by Law we neither can nor ought neither doth any of them intend or desire to be present any way in this present Parliament whiles such matters are or shall be in debate but we and every of them will in this part wholly absent our selves And we further protest and every of them protesteth that for this our absence we neither intend nor will nor doth any of them intend or will that the Processe made or to be made in this present Parliament as the which we neither may nor ought to be present as farre as it concernes us or any of them shall in future times be any way impugned debilitated or infringed Which I recite to shew that Parliaments may be held and decree things without Bishops and to checke the pride of those Prelates who this Parliament pleaded hard to be present at the debate of the Lord Straffords Cause I cannot here pretermit the trecherous and bloudy practice of William Courâ—ney against the true Saints of God and the Kings most loyall Subjects for he being not content solemnely to excommunicate and persecute Iohn Wiclife Iohn Ashton Nicholas Herford and Philip Repingdon both at Pauls-crosse and at Oxford for the true profession of the Gospell did moâ—eover by all meanes possible solicite King Henry the fourth to joyn with all the power of his Temporall Sword for that he well perceived that hitherto as yet the Popisâ— Clergy had not authority sufficient by any publicke Law or Statute of this Land to proceed unto death against any person whatsoever in case of Religion but onely by the usurped tyranny and example of the Court of Rome Where note gentle Reader for thy better understanding the practise of the Romish Prelates in seeking the Kings helpe to further their bloody purpose against the good Saints of God This King being but young and under yeares of ripe judgement partly induced or rather seduced by importune suite of the foresaid Arch-Bishop party also either for feare of the Bishops for Kings cannot alwayes doe in their Realmes what they will or else perhaps inticed by some hope of a Sublidy to be gathered by the Clergy was content to adjoyne his private assent such as it was to the setting downe of an Ordinance which was indeed the very first Law that is to be found made against Religion and the Professors thereof bearing the name of an Act made in the Parliament holden at Westminster Ann. 5. Rich. 2. c. 5. commonly intituled An Act against the Lollards the Contents whereof you may read in the Statutes at large and in Master Fox This Act though it beares the name of a Statute both in written and Printed Bookes yet it was fraudulently and unduly devised by the Prelates onely and a meere pernicious forgery to advance their owne Episcopall power and Jurisdiction invade the Subjects liberties tread downe Religion and shed our Martyrs blood with which the Commons were so highly offended as they had just cause so to be that in the Uâ—as of Saint Michael next following at a Parliament summoned and holden at Westminster the 6. yeare of the said King among sundry petitions made to the King by the Commons whereunto he assented there is one in this forme against this spurious Act of theirsâ— Item prayen the Commons that whereas an Estatute was made the last Parliament in these words It is ordained in this present Parliament that Commissions from the King be directed to the Sheriffes and other Ministers of the King or to other sufficient persons after and according to the Certificates of the Prelates thereof to be made unto the Chancery from time to time to arrest all such Preachers and their Fautors Maintainers and Abettors and them to detaine in strong Prison untill they will justifie themselves according to reason and Law of holy Church And the King willeâ—h and commandeth that the Chancellor make such Commissions at all times as shall be by the Prelates or any of them certified and thereof required as is aforesaid The which was never agreed nor granted by the Commons but whatsoever was moved therein was without their assent That the said Statute be therefore disannulled For it is not in any wise their meaning that either themselves or such as shall succeed them shall be further justified or bound by the Prelates then were their Ancestors in former times whereunto is answered Il plest an Roy. i. e. The King is pleased This supposed Statute thus fraudulently devised by the Prelates onely was in like manner most injuriously and unorderly executed by them for immediately upon the publishing of this Law without further warrant either from the King or his Councell Commissions under the Great Seale of Englâ—nd were made in this forme Richard by the Grace of God c. Witnesse my selfe at Westminster the 26. day of Iune in the 6. yeare of our Râ—igne Without more words of Warrant under writâ—en such as in like cases are both usuall and â—equisite viz. Per ipsuâ— Regem per Regem Concilium or Per breve de privato Sigillo Al or any of which words being utterly wanting in this place as may be seene in the Kings Records of that time it must therefore be done either by warrant of this fore-said Statute or else without any warrant at all And whereas the said Statute appointed the Commissions to be directed to the Sheriffe or other Ministers of the Kings or to other sufficient persons learned for the arresting of such persons they fraudulently procured the said Commissions to be directed to the Arch-bishop and his Sufâ—ragans being both Judges Accusers Witnesses and Parties in the Case authorizing them further without either the words or reasonable meaning of the said Statute to imprison them in their owne houses or where else pleased them Yea such was this Arch-Bishops and the other Pâ—elates Treachery and villany in this particular notwithstanding this unjust and spurious Law was repealed upon the forementioned Petition of the Commons and the fraud of the framers thereof sufficiently discovered yet such meanes was there made by the Prelates that this Act of repeale was never published nor ever since imprinted with the rest of the Statutes of that Parliament Insomuch as the said repeale being concealed like Commissions and other Processe were made from time to time by vertue of the said Bastard Statute as well during the Raigne of this King as since against the Professours of Religion as Master Fox in his Acts and Monuments both shewes and proves at large Now what is this noâ—orious forgery this unjust and fraudulent execution of this pretended Act of Parliament even after its repeale by this Arch-Bishop and his Brethren but the very heighth of Treachery Villany Schisme and Sedition yea an Inâ—ernall policy to advance Episcopall Jurisdiction erect a bloudy Inquisition and shed our Martyrs blood contrary both to the Lawes of God and the Realme To end with this
Obeysance made to the King made a publicke Oration in Parliament beâ—ore the King and Peeres wherein hee shewed the Kings undoubted Title to sundry Provinces and the whole Realme of France with the injustice and nullity of the Salicke Law the onely Obstacle to his Title stirring up the King and Nobles by force of Armes to regaine the same and withall declared that his loving Clergie and subjects of the spiritualty to shew their willingnesse and desire to ayde his Majesty for the recovery of his ancient Right and true Inheritance had in their Convocation granted to his Highnesse such a Summe of money as by Spirituall Persons never was to any Pâ—ince thorough the whole Christian World before those times given or advanced By which device seconded by the Duke of Exeâ—er he diverted and shifted off the Petition of the Commons and engaged the King and Kingdome in a long bloody and costly Warre The King himselfe professing on his death Bed that before the beginning of the same Warres hee was fully perswaded by men both Wise Pious and of great holinesse of life that in prosecuting his just Title he might ought both begin the same Warres and follow them till he brought them to an end justly and rightly and that without all danger of Gods displeasure or perill of soule Such an incendiary of war was this Arch-Embassadour of peace that should be Iohn Stafford preferred to the Bishopricke of Bath and Wells by provision from Pope Martin the fifth contrary to the Lawes enacted against Provisions from Rome immediately after Chichelyes death was in farther affront of the sayd Lawes promoted to the See of Canterbury by Pope Eugenius that prohibited usurpation of Papall Provisions deâ—ended by so many Lawes and Statutes being no whit abated through the Popes industry and the Prelates Treachery and ambition who would rather incurre the danger of these Lawes and dis-savour of their Princes then want a far Bishopricke though they paid Popes dearely for it This Arch-Prelate in the first Synod held under him at London Anno. 1444. confederating with the rest of the Clergie when a Subsidie was demanded of them petitioned that the Statutes of Provisors and the Writs or Actions of Praemunire which by the crafty and malicious interpretation of the Lawyers as they â—alsely â—urmised were turned to the destruction of the Clergie and disturbance of Ecclesiasticall Discipline might be either wholly abrogated or their rigour moderatedâ— and that Lay-men for suing Clergie-men falsly in Temporal Courts might have some severe punishment inflicted on them by a Law But this their motion vanishing into smoake and the Judges restraining their extravagant proceedings in Ecclesiasticall Courts by Prohibitions and bringing them within the compasse of the Statutes against Provisions and in the danger of Premunire's which did much terrifie them hereupon the Arch-Bishop and Prelates in their next Synod at London An. 1446. presented a new Petition to the King in the Name of the whole Clergie of England wherein they grievously complained of the Lay-Judges who were ever very troublesome and despightfull to Clerkes desiring that the Statutes of Provision and Praemunire might be more equally expounded in favour of the Prelates by the Parliamen than it was by the Lawyers and that they might be restrained from granting Prohibitions to and exercisingâ— any Jurisdiction over Spirituall Judges But this Petition proved ineffectuall it being provided by Statute that no spirituall Law shall have place contrary to a Common Law or Act of Parliament And this were not as the Lord Audley Chancellour of England once told Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester in the Parliament House who thought it strange that Bishops authorized by the King could fall in a Praemunire the Bishops would enter in with the King and by meanes of his Supremacie order the Lairy as they listed but wee will provide quoth he that the Praemunire shall ever hang over your heads and so we Laymen shall bee sure to enjoy our inheritance by the Common Lawes and Acts of Parliament After this the Pope exacted of the Clergie of England a Tenth of all their Revenues and sent Nuncioes to the Arch-Bishop with Bulls to collect it But the King hearing of this secret fraud commanded the Arch-Bishop not to obey the Pope herein who yet was so farre a servant to the Pope and enemie to the King that during all his Archiepiscopall Raigne the Pope made Bishops by Provision against the Lawes of the Realme Iohn Kemp the next Arch-Bishop elected lawfully by the Monkes of Canterbury with the Kings consent refused to take his Arch-Bishoprike from the King but waving his Election received it by Provision from the Pope who sent over sixe severall Bulls to this end the first to the Arch-Bishop himselfe the second to the Chapter of Canterbury the third to his Provinciall Suffragans the fourth to the Clergie of the City and Diocesse of Canterbury the fifth to the people of the same the sixth to the Vassals of the Arch-Bishop by which Bulls the Pope increased much hiâ— Revenues And â—o obliege this Arch-Prelate the faster to him the Popâ— by another Bull created him Cardinall of Saint Ruffine But this Arch-Bishop dying within one yeare and an halfe after his Consecration could doe him but little service Thomas Burgchier immediaâ—ely succeeding him by the speciall favour of King Henry the sixth this ingratefull Prelate made a Cardinall by the Pope some â—ew yeeres after An. 1461. crowned and consecrated Edward the fourth at Westminster to be King in his stead during King Henry his life and in a full Synod procured the Clergie to grant him a Tenth Afterwards in a Synod at London An. 1463. heâ— granted him another Subsidie and obtained a Grant from King Edward under his Seale that the Prelates should bridle the malice of those by whom their rights were violated as well by old Ecclesiasticall Lawes as by those new Lawes they should make both in all causes belonging to the Ecclesiasticall Court as also in the Tythe of great Trees of twenty yeares growth or more without the feare or penalty of the Statutes of Provisors or of the Writs or Actions of Premunire or of any Prohibition and that they might proceede therein without any consultation obtained And that if any of the Kings Judges or other secular Judges should by any Writs or Processe hinder or deterre any Arch-Bishop Bishop or Arch-deacon or their Vicars Officialls Commissaries or other Ecclesiasticall Judges That then upon the monition of the sayd Arch-Bishop Bishop c. so hindered or scared the sayd Judge should appeare in the Chancery at such day as the said Arch-Bishop or Ecclesiasticall Judge should appoint on paine of two hundred pound to answere to the King for this his contempt and that his Processe against the Ecclesiasticall Judge should by Royall Authority bee rescinded and pronounced to be voyd and frustrate In his time there were many Pilgrimages made both by King Edward the Queene
matter hath beene wondrous craftily conveyed for at the beginning the Bishops were not sworne so straitely unto the Pope as now For I doe reade in the â—ime of Gregory the third which wâ—s in the yeare of our Lord 759. how their oath was no more but to sweare for to keepe the faith of our Holy Church and to abide in the unity of the same and not to consent for any manâ— pleasure to the contrary to promise also to seeke the profits of the Church of Rome And if any Bishops did live against the old Statutes of Holy Fathers with him they should have no conversation but rather forbid it if they could or else truely to shew the Pope of it This Oath continued a great many of yeares till that a mortall hatred sprang betweene the Emperour and the Pope for confirming of Bishops then as many Bishops as were confirmed by the Pope did sweare the Oath that I have first written For this Oath that Gregory maketh mention of was not sufficientâ— because that by it the Bishops were not bound to betray their Princes not to revelaâ—e their Counsailes to the Pope The which thing the Pope must needes know or else he could not bring to passe his purpose that is to say he could not be Lord over the world and cause Emperours and Kings to fetch their confirmations of him and to kneele downe and kisse his feete The which when he had brought to passe he proceeded further adding more things to the Bishops Oathâ— to the maintaining of his worldly honour and dignity as it shall afterward appeare But first we will examine this Oath how it standeth with Gods Word and with the true obedience to our Prince I pray you tell me out of what Scripture or else out of what example of our Master Christ and his Holy Apostles you have taken this doctrine to learne to sweare to S. Peter or else to the Church of Rome or else to the Pope What neede you to sweare to S. Peter ye can neither doe him good by your fidelity noâ— yet hurt by your falshood Oathes be taken that he that the Oath is made unto might be sure of the true helpe and suâ—cour of him that sweareth against all men that could hurt him Now S. Peter hath none enemies and though he had yet is not he afraid of them neither can you helpe him nor deliver him if he had neede But the verity is that good S. Peter must here stand in the fore-front to make men afrayd with and to make men beleeve that you are his friends but God knoweth that you neither favour his person learning nor living For if S. Peters person were here with his net on his necke I thinke you would bid him walke begger if you called him not Hereticke Why doe you not sweâ—re to follow his living and to preach and teach his Doctrine but that maketh nothing for your purpose Therefore you sweare all onely â—o Saint Peters name But wherein will you be faithfull to Saint Peter to maintaine his worldly honours dignities or riches you know well he saith that he hath forsaken all these things for Christs sake and for these things I thinke he will require none Oath of you Wherefore if you will needes be faithfull and sworne unto S. Peter it must be in maintaining and in defending spirituall things as preaching of Christs Gospell purely and sincerely ministring truely after the institution of our Master Christ the blessed Sacraments of holy Church and in vertuous living giving example to the Holy Church of Christ. But now if this be your Oath truely you are perjured and worthy to weare Papers for you doe reckon your selves too high and too honourable to goe about such simple things as these be And therefore you have applyed your selves to other greater matters as to Christening of Bells to hallowing of Churches to blessing of Candles to consecrating of Holy Oyle to hallowing of Chalices vestments and Aâ—tars and to giving 40. dayes of pardon to them that receive your blessings in the streete and to some that visite Holy Saints and such like great matters which pertaine nothing to your Oath Wherefore I doe reckon that after the true forme of your Oath we have but few Bishops but that be perjured or abjured call it what you will both against God against S. Peter and against their Prince It followeth And to the Holy Church of Rome What needeth this what good can you doe to the Church of Rome or what profit is it to her that you sweare thinke you that â—he will compell you by your Oath to be true to her then must she needes sue you of perjury if you breake your Oath But marke how the Church of Rome is set in your Oath as the better person before the Pope wherefore it must needes follow that the Pope is under the Church and lesse than the Church and no head of the Church except you will make him a third person yeâ— neither pertaineth to S. Peter nor yet to holy Church but is a thing of himselfe and as your Law saith neither God nor man but middle betweene them both that is as much to say after my learning as the Devill himselfe But what meaneth it that you sweare onely to the Holy Church of Rome will you be traytors to the Holy Church of Constantinople or else to the Holy Church of England Or doe you thinke other Churches not holy tell us what you meane for it seemeth a marveilous thing and also a speciall thing that you make such an Oath all onely to the Holy Church of Rome naming none other Church Why are you not rather sworne to keep and to feede to nourish and to be true to your owne Church of the which you have taken cure and charge As S. Peter commandeth you See that you feede Christs flocke which is among you For of these you have taken your name living and dignity you are called Bishop of Winchester of London and of Lincolne and of these you are Fed but these be forgotten in your Oath and these you little regard but to maintaine the Holy Church of Rome that giveth you never a penny but robbeth all other Churches you must be â—â—raitely sworne And why Antichrist must have a cloake for his Treason For now if he be a Traytor he is to be excused Why for he is sworne to it But shall I tell you what I doe take out of it The truth is that you sweare to betray to kill and slay all members of all other Churches saving those that live after the whoredome and mischief that is used in Rome For if you should be bound to seeke out in Rome Christened men and those that doe live after the living of the holy Church I thinke you should finde but few yea and unto those you would thinke scorne to be sworne Ergo it must follow that you are sworne to the worst sort of Rome and that
your holy Church of Rome is taken for such a sort as liveth against his blessed Word against the living of holy Apostles against the conditions of our holy Mother the Church I would say in all oppression in all Sodomitry in all murther in all pompe and pride summa summarum in all manner of mischiefe what tongue can tell or heart can thinke But I will not say so for men would reckon me uncharitable and too vehement Neverthelesse all the world knoweth that you doe reckon your selfe by the vertue of your Oath bound to no men but unto such as in very deede liveth after this ungracious manner and yet will you be faithfull and true unto them against all men yea I dare say if that their conâ—cience had not condemned them of such mischiefe they would never have desired this assistance of you But the verity is they are naught and have neede of maintainers in their mischiefe And also suspect you not to be tâ—â—e except you made an Oath to them yea and scarsely then unlesse that you in very deede at time and place convenient doe betray your Princes for that is the cause of your Oath and other profit hath not the King by it I will be reported by all practise that ever came out of your Oath It followeth And to my Lord the Pope I would gladly learne where the Pope hath got the dignity of a Lord. This thing is little regarded of my Lords the Bishops to bring in such a worldly dignity yea they will say it is but a trifle and mocke men for speaking against it but â—he truth is iâ— they durst as much now as in times past they would burne for this little trifle the best Lord in England For I dare say it hath cost many a mans life or ever they brought the Pope to Lordship Blessed S. Peter whose successor the Pope boasteth himself to be knew nothing of this Lordship for he saith unto his fellowes They shall not exercise any lordship over the Congregation And likewise S. Paul durst not take upon him to command as a Lord collections to be made for poore men but meekely desires them without any Lordship Also in anotheâ— place Let no man judge us but as the Ministers of Christ blessed S. Paul reckoneth himselfe but a Minister and a Servant and yet the day hath beene that he was so good as my Lord the Pope Our Master Christ that came to teach both Peter and Paul learned his Disciples not to use themselves as Lords but as Servants And marke the occasion of that he had sayd there be two new disciples brought unto him and the old being not yet perfect thought scorne that these two should sit above all other the one of the right hand and the other of the lâ—ft hand but our Master Christ reproveâ—h this proud stomacke of theirs very straightly saying How the Princes and Rulers of the infidels hath power over their Subjects but so shall not yee for he that will be greatest among you shall be least Here our Master Christ learneth none Hypocrisie that they should be called least in name and be greatest in very deede but he will that this Doctrine shall be expressed in their deedes My Lord the Pope calleth himselfe in words the Servant of all servants but in very deed hâ— will be Lord over all Lords Yea â—nd my Lords Bishops will be sworne to him as unto a Lord and they will reckon themselves perjured if they burne not all them that will take the Pope but for a servant Is not this a marvellous Hypocrisie to be called servant of all servants and yet desire to be taken as Lord and King over all Kings Yea and unto this be our Bishops sworne cause they will be obedient to their Princes But and their consciences were ripped you should finde no man sit there as a King but my Losell the Pope and we poore men must be condemned for reproving of this And why verily because my Lords have sworne to him against their Prince and all his true subjects But how standeth it with your Oath toward your Prince for to be sworne to the Pope which is not all onely another Lord but also contrary yea and as the world now is the greatest mortall enemie that our Prince hath For I dare say that if this wreâ—ched Clement could drowne our Noble Prince with one word it would not be long By Cardinall Poles practise and Instigations undone sine clementia The Common saying went in Hamburgh that this caitise hath not all onely excommunicated our Noble Prince but also given away the Kingdome to another And this fact must you defend for you are sworne to â—he Pope Yea I dare say if you had convenient occasion you would declare your fidelity I doe Judge after your â—acts that you have done to Kings in times past whensoever that you had power and might to bring to passe that which you have conceived against your Prince If you thinke I judge amisse or else doe you wrong let me be put to my proose and you shall see what an heape of holy facts that I will bring you out of your owne Chronicles and Bookes for the which you will be lauded and praised Highly that you have so faithfully stucke unto this damnable Idoll of Rome yea I dare say it had beene Heresie within this two yeares to have written or sayd thus much against the lâ—mme of the Devill on our Princes side This all the world can testifie whereâ—ore I thinke yoâ— will put me to no â—ryall But to your Oath How doth it stand with your allegiance toward youâ— Prince to be sworne to the Pope your owne Law saith that a leige man can make none Oath of fidelity to none other man but to his owâ—e King Moreover you doe remember your Oath made unto youâ— Prince wherein you doe renounce all clauses words and sentences made unto the Pope which may be hurâ—full or prejudiciall to his Highnesse how agreeth these two Oathes you may set them together as well as you can but I know no wayes to avoyd your perjury For the very truth is that the Kings grace and his councell considering your Oath made to the Pope to be prejudiciall to his regall power causeth you in your Oath aâ—terward made unto him to revoke those things that thou hast afore sworne to â—he Pope and to declare that his grace and his councell did reckon your Oath made to the Pope to bee against him therefore he maketh you to revoke it by name naming the same Oath and also the same Pope So that you may clearely perceive how that our Prince doth suspect you for your Oath making And in very deede the Popes meaning and yours was none other but for to betray the King and his Realme and therefore as soone as there was any variance betweene the King and the Pope then were you first of all assoyled of your allegeance due
to the Pope But what say you to your Oath made unto your Prince wherein you sweare that you shall be faithfull and true and beare unto him above all creatures love and favour to live and to dye with him and to open him all manner of Counsells that may be hurtfull unto his grace Now it is well knowne that the Pope hath done and dayly doth handle such Counsells as be against our Princes honour and conversation And yet you may neither tell it to your Prince nor let it and why because you be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince Tell me when any thing was opened unto our Prince by you that the Pope had handled in counsell against our Prince Of this thing I will take record of his Noble grace whether I say true or falseâ— and yet must I be accused of Treason And why because you are sworne to the Pope and I am true to the King It followeth I will helpe to defend and maintaine the Papistry of Rome against all men saving mine order And in your new Oath now in our days made is added The regalls of Saint Peter What and in all men be contained your Prince you must needes defend him And why because ye be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince For your Oath to your Prince is to defend him with all your wit and reason against all men now must you forsake one of them and your practise hath beene alwayes to forsake your Prince and sticke to the Pope for of your Oath made to your Prince you have been oftentimes assoiled And as your Law saith the Church of Rome is 〈◊〉 so to doe But of your Oath made unto the Pope there is no absolution neither in heaven nor earth Neither was it ever read heard nor seene that there could be any dispensation for it Let me be reported by all the Bookes that ever were written and by all the Bulls that ever were granted and by all the experience that ever was used and if I be found false let me be blamed and yet I am sure many men will reckon that I speake uncharitably but I would faine learne of all Charitable men in England with what other English words I could declare this intolerable or subtile treason thus long and shamefully used agâ—inst my Prince which is necessary to be knowne And I am compelled by violence to declare both my conâ—ession and learning in this cause For men hath not beene ashamed to report that I would which am but a wretch and poore simple wonne and not able to kill a Cat though I would doe my utteâ—most to make insurrection against my Noble and mighty Prince whom as God knoweth I doe honour worâ—hip love and favour to the uttermost power of my heart and am not satisfied because it is no more This I speake afore God Let him be mercifull unto me as it is true and if I were not so true in my heart it were not possible for me so earnestly to write against them whom I doe reckon to handle unfaithfully and untruely with their Prince yea against both Gods law and mans law The very truth is I can suffer through Gods grace all manner of wrongs injuries and slanders but to be called an hereticke against God or a Traytor against my Priâ—ce he liveth not but I will say he lyeth and will be able so to prove him if I may be reported by my workes or deedes by my conversation or living or by any thing that ever I did and I dare say as much of my self notwithstanding our Prelates slanders of me But unto my purpose the Bishops doth swear one Oath to the Pope another contrary to their Prince And yet they will be taken for good and faithfull children And I poore man must be condemned and all my workes for Heresiâ— and no man to reade them under the paine of Treason And why because I write against their perjurie toward their Prince But how commeth Saint Peter by these regales that you are sworne to defend seeing that he was never no King but a Fisher All the world knoweth that Regalia belongeth to Kings and to like power of Kings Why are you noâ— rather sworne to defend Peters net and his Fisherie the which things hee both had and used and never regalls But these things will not maintaine the holy Church of Rome and therefore yee sweare not to maintaine them But what meane you by that sentence Saving mine order why say you not saving my Kings pleasure your glosse saith you may not defend these things with weapons But oh Lord God what unshamefulnesse is this thus to delude with words all the whole world Men knoweth that when the Pope hath neede of your helpe there is no men sooner in Armes than you are if you call Armes Harneys Bylles and Glaves swords and gunnes and such other things Doe you not remember how soone the Bishop of Norwich Henry Spenser was in Armes to defend Popâ— Vrban it were but folly to recite examples In the yeare of our Lord 1164. was there a controversie betweene the Kings Grace and the Bishops of England for certaice Prerogatives belonging to the King Wherefore the King required an Oath and a confirmation of the Bishops as concerning those Articles prerogatives But answere was made of the Bishops that those prerogatives cum omnibus pravitatibus in regio scripâ—o contentis were of none effect nor strength because they did forbid to appeale to the Court of Rome unlesse the King gave licence And because that no Bishop might goe at the Popesâ— calling out of the Realme without the Kings assent And because the Clerkes should be convented in criminall causes a fore a temporall Judge And because the King would heare matters as concerning tithes and other Spirituall causes And because that it was against the See of Rome and the dignity of the same that a Bishop should be convented afore the King Briefely they would not be under the King but this addition should be set unto it Salvo honore Dei Ecclesiiae Romanae ordine nostro that is we will be under your grace saving the honour of God of the Church of Rome and of our order the cause why they did except these things was this as they themselves grant For Kings received their authorities and power of the Church but the Church receiveth her authority of Christ onely wherefore they conclude that the King cannot command over Bishops nor absolve any of them nor to judge of tithes nor of Churches neither yeâ— to forbid Bishops the handling of any spirituall cause Is not here a marveilous blindnesse and obstinacie against their Prince They will make it against Gods honour to obey their King and are not ashamed to say in the Kings face that his power is of them But I pray you whether was Kings before Bishops or Bishops before Kings you shall finde
morgage or make any feoffement or by any other meanes alienate the same without the Counsell of the Pope But I pray you tell me one thing why doe you not sweare that you shall neither buy nor yet receive any possessions to your Church nor you shall 〈◊〉 pill nor poll nor shave to encrease the possessions of yâ—â—r Church But the truth is all is fish that commeth to the net with you And if it come once within your clouches it never commeth out againe though the king and his Realme should stand in never so great need but to receive all his Land you are alwayes ready and it is not against your Oath I doe not say thus because I would ye should sell or alienate the Possessions of the Church but because I see that there is nothing maintained by them but all onely your mischievous pompe and your pride Your owne law commandeth that the fourth part of the spirituall goods should be distributed among poore men And for that cause they be called Bona pauperum but how little their part is all the world can testifie Wherefore doe you sweare not to alienate your goods without the Popes licence The Pope gave them not to you but the King and his subjects How commeth he now to be so neare of your Counsell in alienating them and the King is thrust out the which hath deserved best to be of your Counsell But doe you not remember your owne Law the which doth forbid that the Pope in any wise or for any necessity â—hould alienate the goods of the Church except it be old houses which cannot be kept without great charges This is your owne Law and against this will you sweare then must you needes be perjured for if you alienate your goods with the Popes licence then is this decree against you and curseth you Wherefore then put you this in your Oath seeing you cannot alienate your goods with his consent nor yet without it It followeth in your new Oath Decrees Ordinances Sentences Dispositions Reservations Provisions and Commandments Apostolicke with all my power I will observe and shall cause other men to observe them These things were added when this Idoll was brought so high that no man durst winch against him and when he might say doe what he would And as your Law Commandeth no man so hardy to aske him why he doth so Then began Decrees Ordinances Depositions Dispositions Reservations Provisions with like shamefulnesse for to spring and there is no remedie but they must continue And why Because you are sworne to keepe them your selfe and to compell other men also to keepe them And out of the keeping of this part of your Oath springeth forth another sentence thâ—â—â—â—â—loweth which is this All Heretickes Schismatickes and 〈◊〉 towards our sayd Lord the Pope to my power I shall prosecute and withstand This is the cause that made us poore men so great Heretickes For it can never be proved that ever wee spake against God or our King and yet we be Heretickes And why forsooth because the Bishops are sworne to the Popes Decrees the which condemneth all them for Heretickes that speaketh against his holinesse though he be as holy as my horse for he saith himselfe in his law that he needeth not to be holy himselfe but it is sufficient that he sitteth in an holy seate theâ—e be his words who doubteth but he is holy the which is exalted to so great a dignity In whom though good workes of his owne merits be wanting yet are those good workes sufficient the which were done by his predecessours upon the which text their glosse saith that if it bee openly knowne that the Pope be an Adulterer or a Murderer yet ought he not to be accused c. Now we poore men cannot suffer such mischievous voyces wherefore we must be Heretickes But why because my Lords the Bishops are sworne to persecute us but neverthelesse I trust to Gods grace and the Kings that my Lords the Bishops will not be so hard in this point of their Oath as they have beene And why because men may now come to their answere Surely there be many clauses in his last Oath added that be cleare injurie unto Pâ—inces and against Gods Law and mans Law and yet our Bishops will sweare them yea and that which is worst of all they will accuse other men of Treason and Rebellion and there is no man sworne to treason nor Rebellion but they onely Wherefore most gracious Prince with all meekenesse and lowlinesse that is due to so noble a Prince and also that doth become a true subject to doe I lowly and meekely require and desire your grace to judge betweene the Bishops and me which of us is truest and faithfullest to God and to your Grace I speake all onely of those that hath and also would now if they durst defend the Pope and his Lawes Against them I make this supplication and against them have I declared the learning and Doctrine that I have both taught and written And as for my facts and deeds what I have done against God and your grace I require them to say 〈◊〉 uttermost that they can prove or else by your graciouâ—â—â—vour I am here present and offer my selfe to prove them lyars and that under any manner of paine that your grace shall assigne and against them I have declared the learning and Doctrine of their Church and also brought examples of their facts and deedes with the which they have put their Doctrine in exercise Now if they be grieved or thinke themselves wrongfully handled of me then I require no more of your grace but indifferently and graciously to heare both them and me the which thing no doubt as your grace doth know our heavenly Father doth require of you who preserve your highnesse in all honour and dignity Amen Thus far Dr Barnes But to returne againe from these Trayterly disloyall Oathes to our Arch-Bishops William Warham the next Arch-Bishop as he received his confirmation consecration Pall together with a power Legatine from Pope Iulius by sundry Bulls against the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme and tooke the forenamed Oath to the Pope which made him no good Subject to his Prince so the Royall Pompe at his instalment and inthronization was meerely Anti-Christian The day before his comming to Canterbury went thither the Duke of Buckingham who was his Steward a goodly Office â—or the greaâ—est Peere of the Realme attended with 140. horse to see all things in a readinesse This Duke had also the Office of Chiefe Butler and being unable to execute both duties he deputed Sir George Bourchier unto the Butlership The Duke himselfe tooke great paines to see that nothing requisite for the performance of this Solemnity in the most magnificent manner might be wanting The next day being Sunday he meâ— the Arch-bishop over against S. Andrewes Church and doing low obeysance
unto himâ— went before him bareheaded to Christ Church from which Church he was attended by the Duke in like â—ort as he was thither ward The Cheere at dinner was as great as for money it might be made with severall Verses Pageants Theaters Sceans and Player-like representations in natuâ—e oâ— a Puppet-play made in puffe-past or March-pane before every Course deâ—cribed more largely by Matthew Parker fitter for a Maske than a Bishops Consecration and savoring of more than Asian Luxurie as this his Sucâ—essor confesseth Beâ—ore the first Messe the Duke himselfe came riding into the Hall upon a great Horse bare headed with his white staffe in his hanâ—â— and when the first dish was set on the Table made obey â—anâ—â—â—â—â—y bowing his body to the Arch-bishop Such Vassals did â—hoâ—e proud Popes of Canterbury make the very greatest Nobles as thus to become their Servants and waite upon their Rocheâ—s In this Arch-Bishops time there fell out great contestations and sâ—ites at Rome betweene him and the Bishops of Winchester London Lincolne Exeter and other his Suffragans touching the Iurisdictions of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury which cost much money After this he and Cardinall Wolsiâ— who by his power Legatine invaded and swallowed up all the Jurisdiction Rightes of the other Prâ—â—aâ—es and of the See of Canterbury had divers contests and bickerings Anno 1512. This Arch-Prelate by an Oration in Parliament against the French King raised up a bloody warre betweene England and France towards which two fifteenes were granted by the temporalty and two tenths by the Clergie after which Anno. 152â— When the Commons were assembled in the nether house they began to Commune of their grieâ—es wherewith the Spiritualty had before time grievously oppressed them both contrary to the Law of the Realme and contrary to all right and in speciall they were sore moved with sixe great causes The first for the excessive fines which the Ordinaries tooke for Probate of Testaments insomuch that Sir Henry Guildford Knight of the Garter and Controller of the Kings house declared in the open Parliament on his fidelity that he and others being Executors to sir William Crompton Knight payed for the Probate of his Will to the Cardinall and the Bishop of Canterbury a thousand Markes sterling After this Declaration where shewed so many extortions done by Ordinaries for Probates of Wills that it were too much to rehearse The second was the great polling and extreame exaction which the Spirituall men used in taking of Corps Presents or Mortuaries For the Children of the desunct should all dye for hunger and goe a begging rather than they would of Charity give to them the seely Cow which the dead man ought if hee had but onely one such was the Charity then The third cause was that Priests being Surveiors Stewards and Officers to Bishops Abbots and other Spirituall headsâ— had and occupied Farmes Granges and Grasing in every Country so that the poore Husband men could have nothing but of them and yet for that they should pay deerely The fourth cause was that Abbats Priors and Spirituall men kept Tan-houses and bought and fold Wooll Cloath and all manner of Merchandize as other Temporall Merchants did The fifth cause was because that Spirituall Persons promoted to great benefices and having their Livings of their Flocke were lying in the Court in Lords houses and tooke all of the parishioners and nothing spent on them at all so that for lacke of Residence both the poore of the Parish lacked refreshing and universally all the Parishioners lacked Preaching and trueâ— Instruction of Gods Word to the great perrill of their Soules The sixth cause was to see one Priest little learned to have ten or twelve Benefices and to be resident upon none and to know many well learned Scholars in the Universities which were able to preach and teach to have neither Benefice nor exhibition These things before this time might in no wise be touched nor yet talked off by any man except hee would be made an Hereticke or lose all that he had For the Bishops were Chancellors and had all the rule about the King so that no man durst once presume to attempt any thing contrary to their profit or commodity But now when God had illuminated the eyes of the King and that their subtile doings were once espied then men began charitably to desire a Reformation and so at this Parliament men began to shew their grudges Whereupon the Burgesses of the Parliament appointed â—uch as were learned in the Law being of the Commons house to draw one Bill of the Probates of Testaments another for Mortuaries and the third for Non-residence Pluralities and taking of farmeâ— by spirituall men The learned men tooke much paines and first set forth the Bill of Mortuaries which passed the Commons house and was sent up to the Lords To this Bill the Spirituall Lords made a faire face saying that surely Priests and Curats tooke more than they should and therefore it were well done to take some reasonable order thus they spake because it touched them little But within two dayes after was sent up the Bill concerning Probate of Testaments at the which the Arch-bishop of Canterbury in especiall and all other Bishops in generall both frowned and graâ—nted for that touched their profit Insomuch as D. Iohn Fisher Bishop of Rochester said openly in the Parliament Chamber these words My Lords you see dayly what Bills come hither from the Commons house and all is to the destruction of the Church For Gods sake see what a Realme the Kingdome of Bohemia was and when the Church went downe then fell the glory of the Kingdome now with the Commons is nothing but downe with the Church and all this me seemeth is for lacke of faith onely When these words were reported to the Commons of the nether House that the Bishop should say that all their doings were for lacke of faith they tooke the matter grievously for they imagined that the Bishop esteemed them as Heretickes and so by his slanderous words would have perswaded the Temporall Lords to have restrained their consent from the sayd two Bills which they before had passed Wherefore the Commons after long debate determined to send the Speaker of the Parliament to the Kings highnesse with a grievous complaint against the Bishop of Rochester and so on a day when the King was at leasure Thomas Audley speaker for the Commons and thirty of the chiefe of the Commons House came to the Kings presence in his Palace at Westminster which before was called Yorke-place and there very eloquently declared What a dishonour to the King and the Realme it was to say that they which were elected for the wisest men of all the Shires Cities and Boroughs within the Realme of England should be declared in so Noble and open a presence to lack faith which was equivalent to say that they were infidels and no Christians as
Mary getting the Crowne and putting by the Lady â—ane Cranmer who also aided the Duke of Northumberland with horse and men against the Queene was thereupon committed prisoner to the Tower and soone after condemned of high treason and that by an ordinary Iury for seeking thus to disinherit the Queen who pardoning all the rest that were guilty of this crime released likewise the Treason against him though shee excepted him out of her generall pardon and some other Bishops and accused him onely of heresie as those times deemed it for which hee was deprived degraded and burnt at last for a Martyr repenting of that Recantation which he had over-cowardly made before out of feare and humane frailty And here not to detract any thing from the due praise of this our glorious Martyr give mee leave onely to observe First that hee had a hand in the condemnation and execution of Lambert Frith and some other of our godly Marryrs before hee was thoroughly instructed in the points of our Religion Secondly that hee was the chiefe man in accomplishing the divorce betweene Henry the 8 and Queene Katharine which occasioned much trouble dissention warre and a furtherer of this Kings subsequent lustfull if lawfull marriages Thirdly that the Lincolne-shire rebels in the sixt Article of their grievances presented to King Henry the 8. complaine thus against this Archbishop and other Prelates That wee your true Subjects find them grieved that there be divers Bishops of England of your Graces late promotion that have subverted the faith of Christ as wee thinke which is the Archbishop of Canterbury the Bishop of Rochester the Bishop of Salisbury the Bishop of S. Daveyes and the Bishop of Develin And in speciall as we thinke the beginning of all the trouble of this Realme and the great exactions that hath beene taken of your poore Communalty have risen by the occasion of the Bishop of Lincolne by whose Officers and by other of the Lord Cromwells servants a great rumor and noyse is risen and the common voyce is that such jewels plate and other ornaments of our Parish Churches which wee occupy in the service and honour of God should be taken from us and spoyled in like manner and fashion as the houses of Religion have beene Adde to this Fourthly that though the Popes Supremacy were abolished in his time by sundry Acts of Parliament yet the Bishops of that age laboured underhand to support it what they might and were both willing to continue set it up againe as is cleare by â—1 Hâ— 8. c. 14. the two notable Statutes of 37. H. 8. c. 17. and 1. Ed. 6. c. 2. worthy consideration And likewise by M. Tindall in his obedience of a Christian man and practise of Popish Prelates by Rodoricke Mors his complaint to the Parliament c. 19 20 21. by VVilliam VVraghtons hunting and finding ouâ— of the Romish Fox among the English Bishops and his rescuing of the Fox by Henry Stalbridge his exhortatory Epistle D. Barnes his supplication to King Henry the 8. M. Fox and other Treatises written in those dayes even by Protestants which prove the Bishops of those times to be Traytors to the King close enemies to the Kings Prerogative and fast friends to the Popes unjust usâ—rpation as Bonner Stephen Gardener with other of them shewed themselves in Queene Maries daies By which it appeares that the Bishops in those times were generally disliked and complained against on all hands Fifthly that the bloody Statute of 31. H. 8. c. 14. called by some the sixe Articles by others the whip with sixe strings and by the most part the bloody statute was made and devised in this Archbishops time by the cruelty and policy of the Bishops especially of Stephen Gardener Bishop of VVinchester which Statute for the miserable and pernicious tyranny rigid execution of the same is worthy of no memory among Christian men but rather to be buried in perpetuall silence of oblivion as M. Fox determines Maâ—thew Parker indeed records that Cranmer opposed this Act at first then caused it to be moderated and at last to be repealed in King Edwards dayes but others seeme to imply that he gave consent thereto at first Sixtly that he is the onely Martyr of all the Archbishops of Canterbury none ever dying in defence of the Gospell of Christ but he alone the others making many Martyrs in all ages by their persecutions but never being any themselves Hence Matthew Parker his Successour writes thus Cranmerus fide integra non Pontificia censura in libro vitae scriptus coelestem hâ—â—reditatatem cum Christo consecutus est ut si in hominibus gloriari fas esset non ab Augustino Dunstano Elphego Anselmo Thoma Becket Edmundo reliqua pontificia â—urba sed ab hoc uno qui solus in Christi causa contra Antichristum Flammarum incredibili doloreâ— ad coelos sublaâ—us est Cantuariensis sedes nobilitata esse videatur Seventhly that as this Prelate at first was unwilling to be made a Bishop so he suffered Martyrdome onely after his deprivation and degradation from his Bishopricke not whilst hee was a Bishop Eightly that hee failed more in his Martyâ—dome by reason of his cowardly recantation than any of his fellow Martyrs and that through promises and hopes of life and restitution to his former dignity and Archbishopricke the chiefe motives inducing him to this shamefull recantation Ninthly that though he suffered Martyrdome for Religion only as a private Christian after he was put from his Bishoprick not whiles he continued Archbishop yet he was condemned as a Traytor for-high treason and that justly as he confessed whiles hee was an Archbishop for an Act done by him as an Archbishop and Counsellour of State for which he professed both his sorrow and repentance And this Archprelate and Bishop Ridley committed likewise for Treason were very importunate suitors to King Edward the 6. to tolerate the use of Masse in his Sister Maries familie pressing him with divers politicke reasons to condescend to this their importunate suite which the infant King not onely rejected with strong pious reasons but teares to these Bishops great reproach who thereupon said to M. Cheeke the Kings Tutor Ah M. Cheeke you may be glad all the dayes of your life that you may have such a Scholler for he hath more Divinâ—â—y in his little finger than all we have in all our bodies But to passe from this Martyr to Cardinall Poole his immediate successor This Archprelate though almost if not quite a Protestant in the point of justification was yet a notori-Traytor and so procliamed by King Henry the 8. who thereupon gave his Dâ—anery of Exeter to another and that noâ— without just cause for he refused to come out of Italy to the King his Soveraigne when he sent for him hee was sent twice by the Pope as his Legate both
onely stoutly repugned them but likewise affirmed their owne rites and ceremenies to be farre ancienter and better than those hee prescribed them which having received from their ancesters who were followers of the Apostles and having so long observed they ought not to change propter no vos dogmatistas for new dogmatists pleasures They further added that they would not account him for their Archbishop sâ—eing they had an Archbishop of their owne already resident at Leicester to whom tâ—ey ought to and would obey and that they would not subject themselves to a forraine Bishop With which answer Augustineâ—eing â—eing enraged fiercely threatned future warres and revenge of death unto them which followed soone after For Augustine requesting the Britons in this Synode that they would receive him for their Archbishop and joyne in common labour with him to preach the Gospell to the English Saxons The Britons who were driven out of their owne country by them refused to doe it adding that they had worthily hated the English and their religion which were esteemed by them but as dogs and therefore unworthily contemned This answer of the Britons Augustine gladly â—aid hold on imagining that he had gained an occasion from them whence hee might revenge their neglect and contempt of him Therefore hee greedily carries the newes of this contumely to King Ethelbert which this King not unwillingly laid hold on and thereupon instigated Edelfred King of the Northumbrians his kinsman although a Pagan against the Britons who thereupon Anno Dom. 613. comes with a numerous and almost â—tupendious army to Leicester called by the Britons Caâ—â—legan now Chester where Brochinal the Captaine of the Britans expected his comming and whether Abbot Dinoth-with a great number of Priests Hermites and Monkes â—specially such as were of Bangor monastery had fled These keeping a fast for three dayes space prayed to God to protect his people from the swords of the Barbarians The King commanded them to turne their armies first of all upon those who fought against him though not with armes yet with their prayers which was more whom Brochinal their Generall also terrified with the first comming of the enemies flying most shamefully exposed weaponlesse and naked to the swords of the enemies 50. men onely of them escaped by flight the residue to the number of 1200 were slaine with the sword of â—delfred Beda relates that Augustine taught by divine Oracle foretold this warre to the British Bishops and Clerkes in the Augustinian Councell when as it is more likely that hee having communicated counsell with King Ethelbert was not onely consâ—ious to the inferring of that warre but also the cause thereof For he was familiar with the King by whose perswasion and instigation Edelfred inflicted this calamity on the Britons And verily it is reported that Augustine in his first conference concerning these Rites when hee could not perswade them by entreaties threatned them Moreover Amandus Xierixiensis a man of the order of the Friers Minorites seemes to suffragate to this conjecture whose very words I will subjoyne VVhereas the â—ritains saith he were Catholikes the Saxons were Gentiles to convert whom S. Gregory sent Augustine and Mellitus who converted the Saxons But when as Augustine with his Apostolicall authority would perswade the Brittish Bishops and Abbots to receive him for their Legate and to preach with him to the English discord was moved for their disobedience to Saint Augustine so a warre was raised betweene the King of the Britons and the King of the Saâ—ons who now being converted would make the Britons subject to Augustine by whom writes Matthew Parker we are able to prove out of historians that Religion was overturned and rooted out or at least depraved and corrupted And this they say was predicted by Merlin in these wordsâ— Religion shall be blotted out againe and there shall be a transmutation of the chiefe Sees The dignity of London shall adorne Canterbury which was fulfilled by Augustine who caused 1200. of the Monkes of Bangor in Wales to be slaine because they obeyed him not in the councell as Alexander Essebiensis plainly teacheth It is marvellous that Merlin in one prophecie and in coherent words should thus foretell the deletion of religion the transmutation of the Principall Sees and the transferring of the dignity of London to Canterbury This slaughter of these Monkes of Bangor by Edelfred the avenger of Augustines wrath was avenged soone after by God who hated his cruelty for whiles the King hastned to â—oote out the remainder of them and burne their famous Monastery three Dukes of the Britaine 's met him slew ten thousand and sixty of his souldiers routed his whole army wounded the King himselfe and put him to a shamefull flight This was the fruit of this first Archbishop of Canterbury to raise up such a bloody warre within the bowels of our Kingdomes to the ruine of both parties and all to advance his owne jurisdiction and introduce his Roman ceremonies And verily writes Matthew Parker his successour that first contention raysed by Augustine about the introducing of Roman Rites which could not be appeased but with the overthrow and blood of the innocent Britaines ad nosâ—ra recentiora tempora cum simili pernicie coedeque Christianorum pervenit is desceuded to our latter times with the like destruction of Christians And had he lived to have seen and heard the violent actions practises of his present successor William Laud whose minâ—on D. Iohn Pocklinton in two severall pernitious Pamphlets adjudged solemnely to be burnt in both Universities by the Lords House of Parliament though licensed for the Presse by D. Bray this Canterburies owne domesticke Chaplain who by like order fron the Lords House hath publikely recanted his licensing of these Pamphlets in a Sermon at Saint Margarets in VVestminster before sundry of the Commons House hath proclaimed to the World that this present Prelate of Canterbury derived his lineall succession from this Augustine first Prelate of this See and so through his loynes from Pope Gregory the first founder of it and through his predecessours from S. Peters Chaire at Rome though I doubt Peter never sate Bishop nor ever had any chaire there I say had he but survived to have seene Bishop Lauds strange violent acts and tyrannoâ—s proceedings to advance his Archiepiscopall authority and erect Romes superstitions rites and ceremonies in the Churches of England Scotland and Ireland and that even by warre by blood shed rather than saile in his designes by cutting of Ministers Lawyers Physitians and Mechanicks eares searing their cheâ—kes slitting their noses whipping them openly through the streetes at carts tailes banishing them their Country shutting them up close Prisoners in remote Ilands where neither their kindred friends wives nor children must have any accesse to them no nor yet once set footing in those Ilands to enqâ—ire how their husbands did under paine of like imprisonment noâ— they have pen inke or
them Morally as they stand in opposition to the light of Nature to right reason and the principles of humane society you will then perceive pride without any moderationâ— such a Pride as that is which exalts it selfe above all that is called God Malice without any provocation Malice against vertue against innocencie against piety injustice without any meanes of restitution even such injustice as doth robbe the present times of their possessions the future of their possibilities Iâ— they be examined My Lords by Legall Rules in a Civill way as they stand in opposition to the Publiquâ— Good and to the Lawes of the Land Hee will be found to be a Traytor aâ—gainst his Majesties Crowne an incendiary against the Peace of the State hee will be found to be the highest the boldest the moâ—t iâ—pudent oppressour that ever was an oppressor both of King and Peopleâ— This Charge my Lords is distributed and conveyed into â—oâ—â—teene severall Articles as you have heard and those articles are onely generall Iâ— being the intention of the House of Commons which they have commanded mee to declare to make them more certaine and particular by preparatory Examinations to be taken with the helpe of your Lordships house as in the Case of my Lord of Strafford I shall now runne thorough them with a light touch onely marking in every of them some speciall point of venome virulency and malignity 1 The first Article my Lords doth containe his â—ndeavour to introduce into this Kingdome an Arbitrary power of Government without any limitations or Rules of Law This my Lords is against the safety of the Kings Person the honour of his Crowne and most destructive to his people Those Causss which are most perfect have not onely a power to produce effects but to conserve and cheriâ—h them The Seminary vertue and the nutritive vertue in vegetables do produce from the same principles It was the defect of justice the restraining of oppression and violence that first brought government into the World and set up Kings the most excellent way of Government And by the maintâ—nance of Justice all kinds of government receive a sure foundation and establishment It is this that hath in it an ability to preserve and secure the royall power of Kings yea to adorne and encrease it 2 In the second Article yoâ—r Lordships may observe absolute and unlimited power defended by Preaching by Sermons and other discourses printed and published upon that subject And truely my Lords it seemes to be a prodigious crime that the truth of God and his holy Law should be perverted to defend the lawlesnesse of men That the holy and sacred function of the Ministry which was ordained for instruction of mens soules in the wayes of God should be so abused that the Ministers are become the trumpets of sedition the promoters and defenders of violence and oppression 3 In the third Article my Lords you have the Judges who under his Majesty are the dispersers and distributers of Justice frequently corrupted by feare solicitation you have the course of Justice in the execution of itâ— shamefully obstructed And if a wilfull Act of injustice in a Judge be so high a crime in the estimate of the Law as to deserve death under what burthen of guilt doth this man lye who hath beene the cause of great numbers of such voluntary and wilfull acts of injustice 4 In the fourth Article hee will be found in his owne person to have sold justice in Causes depending beâ—ore him And by his wicked counsâ—ll endeavouring to make his Majesty a Merchant of the same commodity onely with this difference that the King by taking money for places of judicature should sell it in grosse whereas the Archbishop sold it by retaile 5 In the fiâ—t Article there appeares a power usurped of making Canons of laying obligations on the Subjects in the nature of Lawes and this power abused to the making of such Canons as are in the matter of them very pernicious being directly contrary to the prerogative of the King and the liberty of the people In the manner of pressing of them may be found fraud and shufâ—ling in the conclusion violence and constaint men being forced by terrour and threatning to subscribe to all which power thus wickedly gotten they laboured to establish by perjury injoyning such an Oath for the maintenance of it as can neither be taken nor kept with a good conscience 6. In the sixth Article you have the King robbed of his Supremacy you have a Papall power exercised over his Majesties Subjects in their consciences and in their persons You have Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction claimed by an Incident right which the Law declares to proceede from the Crowne And herein your Lordships may observe that those who labour in civill matters to set up â—he King above the Lawes of the Kingdome doâ—e yet in Ecclesiasticall matters endevour to set up themselves above the King This was â—irst procured by the Arch-bishop to be extrajudicially declared by the Judges and then to be published in a Proclamation In doing whereof he hath made the Kings Throne but a footstoole for his owne and their pride 7. You have my Lords in the seventh Article Religion undermined and sâ—bverted you have Popery cherished and deâ—ended you have this seconded with power and violence by severe punishment upon those which have opposed this mischievous intention and by the subtile and eager prosecution of these men hath the power of Ecclesiasticall Commissioners of the Starre-Chamber and Councell Table beene often made subservient to his wicked designe My Lords 8. You may observe in the eighth Article great care taken to get into his owne hand the power of nominating to Ecclesiasticall Livings and promotions you have as much mischievous as much wicked care taken in the disposing of these preferments to the hinderance and corruption of Religion And by this meanes my Lords the Kings sacred Majesty instead of Sermons fit for spirituall instructours hath often had invectives against his people incouragement to injustice or to the overthrow of the Lawes Such Chaplaines have beene brough into his service as have as much as may bee laboured to corrupt his owne Houshold and beene eminent examples of corruption to others which hath so farre prevailed as that it hath exceedingly tainted the Universities and beene generally disperâ—t to all the chiese Cities the greatest Townes and Auditories of the Kingdome The grievous Effects whereof is most manifest to the Commons House there being diverse hâ—ndred complaints there depending in the House against scandalous ministers and yet I beleeve the hundred part of them is not yet brought in 9. The ninth Article sets out the like care to have Chaplaines of his owne that might be promoters of this wicked and trayterous designe Men of corrupt judgements of corrupt practice extreamely addicted to superstition and to such mens cares hath beene committed the Licensing of Bookes to the Presse by meanes whereof many have beene published
Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury about the yeare of our Lord 1036. against his Alleagiance and Oath crowned Harold a bastard having no right to the Crowne King of England Hardi-Canute the right heire being put by his right At first this Prelate seemed unwilling to performe that service for it is reported that hee having the Regall Scepter and Crowne in his custodie with an oath refused to consecrate any other for King so long as the Queenes Children were living for said he Canutus committed them to my trust and assurance and to them will I give my faith and allegiance This Scepter and Crowne therefore I here lay downe upon this Altar neither do I deny or deliver them to you but I require by the Apostolique authority all Bishops that none of them presume to take the same away neither therewith that they consecrate you for King as for your selfe if you dare you may usurpe that which I have committed to God on this his Table Notwithstanding that great thunderclap was allayd with the showers of golden promises of his just and religious Government intendâ—d though present experience manifested the contrarie and hee perswaded without much intreaty to crowne this usurper King And now having thus long sayled in this troublesome See of Canterbury I shall onely trouble you with a passage out of William Harrison touching the Archbishops of Canterbury in generall and Robert the Norman in particular and then hoise up my sailes and steare my course into the Northernâ— See of Yorke The Archbishop of Canterbury writes hee is commonly called Primate of all England and in the Coronations of the Kings of this Land and all other times wherein it shall please the Prince to weare and put on his Crowne his office is to set it upon their heads They beare also the name of their high Chaplins continually although not a few of them have presumed in time past to be their equals and void of subjection unto them That this is true it may easily appeare by their owne acts yet kept in record besides their Epistles and Answers written or in Print wherein they have sought not onely to match but also to maâ—e them with great rigour and more than open tyranny Our adversaries will peradventure deny this absolutely as they do many other things apparent though not without shamelesse impudencie or at leastwise deâ—end it as just and not swerving from common equity because they imagine every Archbishop to be the Kings equall in his owne Province But how well their doing herein agreeth with the saying of Peter and examples of the Primitive Church it may easily appeare some examples also of their demeanour I will not let to remember lest they should say I speake of malice and without all ground of likelihood of their practices with meane persons I speake nor neither will I beginne at Dunâ—tane the author of all their pride and presumption here in England but for so much as the dealing of Robert the Norman against Earle Goodwine is a rare History and deserveâ—h to be remembred I will touch it in this place protesting to deale with all in more faithfull manner than it hath heretofore beene delivered unto us by the Norman Writers or French English who offer purpose have so defaced Earle Goodwine that were it noâ— for the testimony of one or two meere English men living in those dayes it should be impossible for mee or any other at this present to declare the truâ—h of that matter according to the circumstances marke therefore what I say for the truth is that such Normanâ— as came in with Emma in the time of Ethelred and Canutus and the Confessor did fall by sundry meanes into such favour with those Princes that the Gentlemen did grow to beare great rule in the Court and their Clerkes to be possessors of the best benefices in the Land Hereupon therefore one Robert a jolly ambitious Priest got first to be Bishop of London and after the death of Eadsius to be Archbishop of Canterbury by the gift of King Edward leaving his former See to VVilliam his Countriman Vlfo also a Norman was preferred to Lincolne and other to other places as the King did thinke convenient These Norman Clerkes and their friends being thus exalted it was not long ere they began to mocke abuse and despise the English and so much the more as they daily saw themselves to encrease in â—avour with King Edward who also called divers of them to be of his secret Councell which did not a little incense the hearts of the English against them A â—â—ay also was made at Dover betweene the servants of Earle Goodwine and the French whose Masters came over to see and salute the King which so inflamed the minds of the French Clergie and Courtiers against the English Nobility that each part sought for opportunity of revenge which ere long tooke hold betweene them for the said Robert being called to be Arcâ—bishop of Canterbury was no sooner in possession of his See than hee began to quarrell with Earle Goodwine the Kings Father in Law by the marriage of his daughter who also was ready to acquit his demeanour with like malice and so the mischiefe began Hereupon therefore the Archbishop charged the Earle with the murther of Alfred the Kings brother whom not he but Harald the sonne of Canutus and the Danes had cruelly made away for Alfred and his brother comming into the Land with five and twenty â—aile upon the death of Canutus being landed the Normans that arrived with them giving out how they came to recover their right to wit the Crowne of England and thereunto the unskilfull young Gentlemen shewing themselves to like of the â—umor that was spread in this behalfeâ— the report of their demeanour was quickly brought to Harald who caused a company â—orthwith of Danes privily to lay in wait for them as they rodâ— toward Gilford where Alfred was slaine and whence Edward with much difficulty escaped to his ships and so returned into Normandy But this affirmation of the Archbishop being greatly soothed out with his crafty utterance for he was learned confirmed by his French friends for they had all conspired against the Earle and thereunto the King being desirous to revenge the death of his Brother bred such a grudge in his mind against Goodwine that he banished him and his Sonnes cleane out of the Landâ— hee sent also his wife the Earles daughter prisoner to Wilton with one onely maiden attending upon her where shee lay almost a yeare before shee was released in the meane season the rest of the Peeres as Siward Earle of Northumberland surnamed Digara or â—ortis Leofrick Earle of Chester and other went to the King before the departure of Goodwine endeavouring to perswade him unto the revocation of his sentence and desiring that his cause might be heard and discussed by Order of Law But the King incensed by the Archbishop and his Normans would not heare on that side
saying plainly and swearing by Saint Iohn the Evangelist for that was his common Oath that Earle Goodwine should not have his Peace till hee restored his brother Alfred alive againe unto his presence with which answer the Peeres departed in choler from Court and Goodwine towards the Coast. Comming also unto the shore and ready to take shipping hee kneeled downe in presence of his conduct to wit at Bosenham in the moneth of September from whence hee intended to saile into Flanders unto Baldwine the Earle and there wished openly before them all that if ever hee attempted any thing against the Kings person of England or his Royall estate that he might never come safe unto his Cousin nor see his Country any more but perish in this voyage and herewith he went aboard the ship that was provided for him and so from the Coast into the open Sea But see what followed hee was not yet gone a mile away from the Land before he saw the shore full of armed Souldiers sent after by the Archbishop and his friends to kill him ere he should depart and goe out of the Country which yet more incensed the hearts of the English against them Being come also to Flanders hee caused the Earle the French King and others of his friends among whom also the Emperour was one to write unto the King in his hehalfe but all in vaine for nothing could be obtained from him of which the Normanâ— had no liking whereupon the Earle and his Sonnes changed their minds obtained aid and invaded the Land in sundry places Finally joyning their powers they came by the Thames into Southwarke neere London where they lodged and looked for the King to encounter with thâ—m in the field the King seeing what was done commanded the Londonerâ— not to aide nor victuall them but the Citizens made answer how the quarrell of Goodwine was the cause of the whoâ—e Realme which hee had in a manner given over unto the spoyle of the French and thereupon they not onely victualled them abundantly but also received the Earle and his chiefe friends into the City where they lodged them at their ease till the Kings power was ready to joyne with them in battle great resort also was made unto them from all places of the Realme so that the Earles Army was wonderfully increased and the day and place chosen wherein the Battle should be fought But when the Armies met the Kings side began some to flee to the Earle other to lay downe their weapons and not a few to â—unne away outright the rest telling him plainly that they would never fight against theiâ— owne Countâ—y men to mainaine Frenchmens quarrelâ— the Normans also seeing the sequell fled away so fast as they might gallop leaving the King in the field to shift for himselfe as hâ— best might whilst they did save themselves elsewhere In the meane season the Earles Power would have set upon the King either to his slaughter or apprehension but hee stayed them saying after this manner The King is my Sonne as you all know and it is not for a father to deale so hardly with his child neither a subject with his Soveraigne It is not he thaâ— hath hurt or done mee this injury but the proud Normans that are about him wherefore to gaine a Kingdome I will doe him no violence and therewithall casting aside his battell axe hee ran to the King that stood altogether amazed and falling at his feete he craved his peace accused the Archbishop required that his cause might be heard in open assemblie of his Peeres and finally determined as truth and equity should deserve The King after hee had paused a pretty while seeing his old Father-in-Law to lie groveling at his feete and conceiving with himselfe that his suite was not unreasonable seeing also his children and the rest of the greatest Barons of the Land to kneele before him and make the like request hee listed up the Earle by the hand bad him be of good comfort pardoned all that was past and friendly having kissed hâ—m his sonnes upon the cheekes he lead them to his pallace called home the Queene and Summonned all his Lords unto a Councell wherein it is much to read how many â—ils were presented against the Bishop and his Normans some containing matter of rapes other of robbery extortion murder manslaughter high tâ—eason adultery and not a few of battery wherewith the King as a man now awaked out of sleepe was so offended that upon consultation had of these things he banished all the Normans out of the Land onely three or foure excepted whom he retained for sundry necessary causes albeit they never came more so neere him afterward as to be of his Privie Councell after this also the Earle lived almost two yeares and then falling into an apoplexie as he sate with the King at the table hee was taken up and carried into the Kings bedchamber where after a few dayes hee made an end of his life and thus much of our first broyle raised by the Clergie practice of the Archbishop I would intreat of all the like examples of Tyranny practised by the Prelates of this See against their Lords and Soveraignes but then I should rather write an History than a Description of this Iland Wherefore I referre you to those reports of Anselme and Becket sufficiently penned by other the which Anselme also making a shew as if hee had beene very unwilling to be placed in the See of Canterbury gave this answer to the Letters of such his friends as did make request unto him to take the charge upon him Secularia negotia nescio quia scire nolo c. Of secular affaires I have no skill becuase I will not know them for I even abhorre the troubles that rise about them as one that desireth to have his mind at Liberty I apply my whole endeavour to the rule of the Scriptures you lead mee to the contrary and it is to be feared lest the plough of holy Church which two strong men of equall force and both like earnest to contend unto that which is good that is the King and the Archbishop ought to draw should thereby now swarve from the right furrow by matching of an old sheepe with a wild untamed Bull. I am that old sheepe who if I might be quieâ— could peradventure shew my selfe not altogether ungratefull to some by feeding them with the milke of the word of God and covering them with wooll but if you match mee with this Bull yoâ— shall see that through want of equality in draught the plough will not goe too right c. as followeth in the processe of his Letters The said Thomas Becket was so proud that hee wrote to King Henry the second as to his Lord to his King and to his Sonne offering him his Counsell his reverence and due correction c. Others in like sort have protested that they oug't nothing to the Kings of this Land
two severall Councels and thereupon thrust him from his Bishopricke which Theodore divided into foure Diocesses After ten yeares exile Egfrid dying Alfrid his Successour restored VVilfrid but five yeares after this King likwise fell out with him and forced him to Rome where though the Pope restored him yet the King would never admit him to his See during his life What the true cause of these displeasures was the Historians of those times who favoured VVilfrid are sparing to relate belike it was some notorious offences against these Kings else they would not be so unjust as without cause to keepe him from his Bishopricke and to imprison him in chaines as one of them did Some record that it was because hee favoured and aided the Rebellious Danes which is most probable Malmesbury and others out of him say it was onely the malice of Queene Ermenburga who envied him for that hee had many Abbots and Abbies under him was served with Gold and Silver plate had a great traine of followers and was very gorgeous in his Pontificall Robes and because hee would never yeeld to have his Diocesse divided into three mote Bishopricks though it were sufficient to maintaine foure Bishops beside himselfe of which there was need And some impute it to the envie and malice of Theodore Arch-Bishop of Canterbury The first of these could not be the sole cause for that ended upon VVilfrids exile and the Kings death The second is as unlikely since VVilfâ—id himselfe with all the Bishops of that time and the Councell of Hertford Can. 9. Anno 677. decreed that the number of â—eleevers increasing more Bishops and Bishoprickes should bee made and erected Whereupon Acca and Boâ—win were made Bishops instead of Bosa and his Bishopricke divided into foure parts to which partition VVilfâ—id had good reason to consent it being the Kings expresse pleasure and the Councels decree to which himselfe subscribed The envie of Theodore was in likelihood a partiall but not principall cause of his first Troubles onely Hee was therefore in all likelihood an aider and assister of the Rebellious Danes and a great opposite and Rebell against these two Kings yea and against Edulfus their successour who all three successively refused to restore him notwithstanding the Popes Letters and Command which then it seemes were of little force Many Councels were assembled about this VVilfrid and the whole Church and Kingdome much disquietted and vexed with the many Schismes and contentions concerning him too tedious to relate Anno 872. Vlferus Arch-Bishop of Yorke was by his Diocesans driven out of the Countrey for what cause is not expressed and therefore likely for some notorious offence because the Monkes conceale it out of favour to him Anno 952. VVolstan Arch-Bishop of Yorke was convict of an hainous crime who forgetting that dutifull affection hee ought to beare unto Edred his King if for no other cause yet for Athelstane his Brothers sake who preferred him forgetting his Oath and Allegeance unto the same King being his naturall Prince yea forgetting that hee was either an English man or a Christian was not ashamed to revolt from King Edred and cleave to the Danes and favour them an Heathen people and such as sought not onely to destroy his Countrey but also to root out Christian Religion For which Treason and for setting up Eâ—ricâ—us King in Edreds stead though hee deserved a thousand deaths he was onely deprived committed to Prison and one yeare after enlarged again because he was a Bishop whereas for this cause as his Treason was the more hainous and execrable so hâ—s punishment should have beene the greater But hee being released upon his repentance grew so angry with himselfe that hee was thus pardoned against right and justiceâ— that vâ—tâ—m eâ—veâ—tigio exuit hee presently made away himselfe being his owne executioner Some say that hee was thus imprisoned for killing divers Citizens of Thetford in revenge of the death of one Anselme an Abbot whom they had slaine without cause belike hee was guiltie of both those crimes and punished for both in this mild manner after divers complaints Anno 975. Oswald Arch-Bishop of Yorke assisted Dunstan of Canterbâ—ry and the other Bishops to put Egelred the right Heire from the Crowne and to set up Edward an Usurper whom they crowned as more fit for their behoofe and ends Elfricke Arch-Bishop of Yorke surnamed Puttoc was reputed detestable for two barbarous Acts He caused Hardeâ—nute the Kingâ— to command the dead body of his Brother King Harold to be digged up out of his Grave after that to be beheaded and cast into the Thames as an infamous example to men And not content with this crueltie towards the dead he perswaded the same King by way of revenge on VVorcester men because they would not suffer him to hold that See in commendam with Yorke as three of his predecessours had done before him to fire that goodly Citie and seize on all the Citizens goods pretending that they had stubbornely resisted those who collected the Kings tributes And as if this were not sufficient revenge to kill all the men and waste the whole Countrey which was mostâ— cruelly executedâ— hee likewise caused this King to thrust the living Bishop of VVorceter out of his See and to bestow it on himselfe and incensed this King so farre against Earle Godwin that hee was enforced to buy his peace of the King with the gift of the richest and costliest Shippe that wee reade of in that Age. Aldredus his Successour who gat that See by Symonie and held VVorcester in commendam with it and was one of the first who distinguished the Clergie from the Laitie in their externall habits crowned Harold invading the Dignitie Royall no way due unto him After which though hee purposed â—o Crowne Edgar the right Heire King to whom he and the Nobilitie had first adhered yet like a wily Bishop siding with the strongest he altered his purpose and crowned VVilliam the Conquerour King requiring first an Oath of him to dâ—fend the Church to minister justice and te vse Englishmen as favourable as Normans This Oath it seemed to Aldred that the King had broken by laying heavie taxes on the people of which he admonished the King who was very angry at it He therefore like a couragious Prelate but like a disloyall Subject thundered out an Excommunication against him sayingâ— That now worthily he had cursed whom once unworthily hee had blessed This bold pranke being reported to the King incensed him very much at first but thinking better of it hee determined to give him good words a while and so sent some to intreat for his absolution The Messengers came too late for the Bishop being troubled much in mind after the performance of that Action and either amazed with feare of what might happen after it or overcome with griefe and repentance for what he had done never could be
that they did not onely promise them ayde and succour by words but also by their writings and seales confirmed the same After this Anno 1405. This Arch-Bishop conspiring with the Earle of Northumberland and others aforesaid devised like Articles as before of such matters as was supposed not onely the Commonaltie of the Realme but the Nobilitie found themselves grieved with which Articles he and his Confederates first shewed to such of their adherents as were neere about them and after sent them abroad to their friends further off assuring them that for redresse of such oppressions they would shed the last drop of bloud in their bodies if need were Whereupon great multitudes flocking to the Arch-Bishop to Yorke to take his part in this quarrell hee not meaning to stay after hee saw himselfe so well accompanied with so great number of men forthwith discovered his enterprise causing the Articles aforsaid to be set up in the publicke streets of the Citie of Yorke and upon the gates of the Monasteries that each man might understand the causes that moved him to rise in Armes against the King the reforcing whereof did not yet appertaine unto him Hereupon the Knights Esquiâ—es Gentlemen Yeomen and others of the the Commons as well of the Citie as of the Townes and Countries about being allured for desire to see a Reformation of the things mentioned in the Articles assembled in great number and the Arch-Bishop comming forth amongst them clad in armour encouragedâ— exhorted and by all meanes he could pricked them forth to take the enterprise in hand and manfully to continue in their begun purpose promising forgivenesse of sinnes to all them whose hap it was to dye in the quarrell And indeed the respect men had of the Arch-Bishop caused them to like better of the cause since the gravitie of his age integritie of his lifeâ— incomperable learningâ— and reverent aspect of his personage moved all men to have him in no small estimation The Earle of Westmerland and Duke of Lanâ—aster the Kings sonne being in those parts with the Kings Forces inquired of them in a peaceable manner What their intent should be in taking Armes The Arch-Bishop answered That hee meant nothing but the good of the Realme as hee would gladly certifie them if hee might have secure and safe conduct to them and thereupon shewed a writing containing certaine Articles which hee had devised wherein he charged King Henry with treason against his Soveraigne King Richard oppression of the Church and Common-weale whose Liberties hee had sworne to defend Tyrannie and cruelty in putting to death thâ— said King many of the Nobilitie and great numbers of the Commons with impietie and sacriledge in defrauding the Church of Rome of her Rights and lastly with â—vill government perfidiousnesse perjury and divers other like hainous crimes for which hee pronounced the King excommunicate requiring all men to joyne with that company whose endeavour should bee but to reforme what was amisse to seate and settle in the kingdomeâ— the right Heire to establish peace in Wales and Ireland and to free the whole Realme from the great and intollerable burthen of exactions no longer to be endured The Earle of Westmerland having read this writing containing sundry treasons and conlumelies with a witnesse and fit for an Arch-Bishop to publish professed to allow of the Enterprise and praised it for honest and reasonable insomuch as meeting with the trayterous Arch-Bishop at a parley after a very few speeches they seemed to become friends shaking hands together and drinking to each other in the sight of both their Armies The Arch-Bishop now doubting of nothing suffered his men to disperse them for a time But the Earle contrary-wise waxing stronger and stronger and seeing him selfe able to deale with the Bishop came upon him suddenly and arrested him little thinking of any such matter The King by this time was come North and as farre as Pomfret Thither the Arch-Bishop with other prisoners arrested with him were brought and carryed with the King to Yorke or as some say to Thorpe where Sir William Fulford a Knight learned in the Law and another Justice called Gascoine sitting on an high Stage in the Hall condemned the Arch-Bishop to be beheaded without being judged by his Peeres Bishops being as some say properly no Peeres of the Realme and so not to be judged by their Peeres who certainely would have acquitted or saved his life had they beene Bishops they ever using to boulster out their fellow Bishops in their treasons and to save them from the Gibbet Presently after this judgement given the Arch-Bishop was set upon an ill favoured Jade his face toward the Horse taile and carried with great scorne and shame to a Field hard by where his head at last was chopped off by a fellow that did his office very ill not being able to dispatch him with lesse then five strokes Grafton writes that Thomas Arundel Arch-Bishop of Canterbury as great a Traytor as hee came to the King and said Sir if the Bishop of Yorke have offended you so greatly as it is said yet I pray you consider that I am your Ghostly Father and the second Peere in your Realme and that you ought not to hearken to any mans voyce before me wherefore I counsell to reserve the paine and punishment of the said Bishop to the Popes judgement and hee will take such order as yee shall be pleased And if ye will not so doe yet let him be refâ—rred to the Parliament and keep your hands defiled from his bloud a sweet Counsellour Then the King answered I may not stay him for the rumour of the people whereupon the Arch-Bishop called for a Notary to make an instrument of the Kings answer that if need were it might be shewed to the Popeâ— but the King would not stay but caused execution to be done Though many of our Arch-Bishops and Bishops before him had beene desperate Traytors yet he is the first Bishop the more the pittie for that made them so presumptuous in their Treasons that was put to death by order of Law This just execution on such a Traytorly Rebell so unwontedly and extraordinarily performed on an Arch-Prelate in this contumelious though deserved manner without any preceding degradation was so distastefull to his fellow Prelates none of the best Subjects and so dangerous a president for the future that they accounted this Arch-Traytor no lesse then a Martyr ascribing many miracles to have beene done by vertuâ— of his holinesse both at his Tombe and at the place where he was beheaded pittie that more of them had not been so served that wee might have had more such Holy Saints and wonderous Miracles of this kind They reported abroad That the Bishop at the time of his Execution desired the Executioner to have five strokes in remembrance of the five wounds of Christ that the King at the same time sitting at dinner had five strokâ—s in his necke by a person invisible
tuum dilectum filium nostrum Stephanum insignem Regem Anglorum efficere studeas ut monitâ—s hortatu consilio tuo ipsum in benignitatem dilectionem suam suscipiat pro beati Petri nostra reverentia propensius habeat commendatum Et quia sicut veritate teste attendimus eum sine salutis sui ordinis periculo praefato filio nostro astringi non posse volumus paterno sibi tibi affectu consulumus ut vobis sufficiat veraci simplici verbo promisstonem ab eo suscipere quod laesionem vel detrimentum ei vel terrae suae non inferat Dat. ut supra Is it not strange that a peevish order of Religion devised by a man should breake the expresse Law of God who commandeth all men to honour and obey their Kings and Princes in whom some part of the power of God is manifest and laid open to us And even uuto this end the Cardinall of Hosâ—ia also wrote to the Canons of Pauls after this manner covertly incouraging them to stand to their election of the said Robert who was no more willing to give over his new Bishopricke than they carefull to offend the King but raâ—her imagined which way to keepe it still maugre his displeasure and yet not to sweare obedience unto him for all that he should be able to doe or performe unto the contrary Humilis Dei gratia Hostiensis Episcopus Londinen sis Ecclesiae canonicis spiritum consilii in Domino Sicut rationi contraria prorsus est abiicienda petitio ita in hiâ—s quae juste desiderantur effectum negare omnino non convenit Sane nuper accepimus quod Londinensis Ecclesia diu proprio destituta Pastore communi voto pari assensu cleri populi venerabilem â—ilium nostrum Robertum ejusdem Ecclesiae Archidiaconumâ—in Pastorem Episcopum animarum suarum susceperet elegerit Novimus quidem eum esse personam quam sapientia desuper ei attributa honestas conversationis morum reverentia plurimum commendabilem reddidit Inde est quod fraternitati vestroe mandando consulimus ut proposito vestro bono quod ut credimus ex Deo est ut ex literis Domini Papae cognoscetis non lente dehitum finem imponatis ne tam nobilis Ecclesia sub occasione hujusmodi spiritualium quod absit temporalium detrimentum patiatur Ipsius namque industria credimus quod antiqua religio forma disciplinae gravitas habitus in Ecclesia vestra reparari si quae fuerint ipsius contentiones ex Pastoris absentia Dei gratia cooperante eodem praesente poterint reformari Dat. c. Hereby you see how King Stephen was dealt withall And albeit that Canterbury is not openly to be touched herewith yet it is not to be doubted but he was a doer in it so farre as might tend to the maintenance of the right and prerogative of the holy Church Thus farre verbatim out of Harrison Mariaâ— Bishop of London was one of those undutifull Bishops who about the yeare of our Lord 1208. interdicted the whole Realme and excommunicated King Iohn by the Popes Commandement they all endured five yeares banishment for this their trechery and conâ—umacy together with confiscation of their goods and the King being specially incensed against this man in token of his great displeasure Anno 1211. threw downe to the ground his Castle of Stortford which William the Conqueror had given to his Church Besides he joyned in the publication of the Popes sentence for deposing the King and stirred up the French King and all other Christians to invade England in an hostile manner and to depose King Iohn from the Crowne and promised them remission of all their sinnes for this good Service After which hee voluntarily resigned his Bishoppricke Anno. 1221. Roger Niger Bishop of London excommunicated the Kings Officers Ano 1233. for that they acâ—ording to their duty had laâ—d hands upon and hindred Walter Mauclerke Bishop of Carlile to passe over the Seas he having no license to depart the Realme and riding flreight unto the Court he certified the King what hee had done and there renewed the same sentence againe the King himselfe not a little murmuring at this his insolent act as he had cause and prohibiting him to doe it the Bishops then at Court notwithstanding the inhibition excommunicated these his Officers likewise for doing their duty About the same time King Henry the third gave commandement for the appehending of Hubert de Burge Earle of Kent upon some pretence of Treason who having suddaine notice thereof at midnight fled into a Chapple in Essex belonging to the Bishop of Norwich The King hearing this was exceeding angry and fearing least he should raise some tumults in his Realme if he escaped thus sent Sir Godfrey de Cranecombâ— with 300. armed men to apprehend and bring him to the Tower of London under paine of death who hasting to the Chapple found the Earle who had some notice of their comming kneeling there upon his knees before the high Altar with a Crucifix in one hand and the Hostia in the other Godfrey and his associates entring into the Chapple commanded him in the Kings name and by his direction to come out of the Chapple and repaire to him to London which he refusing saying that hee would upon no tearmes depart from thence they taking the Crosse and Lords body out of his hands bound him in chaines carried him to the Tower and acquainted the King therewithâ— who was glad of the newes Roger hearing this and taking it to be a great infringment of the Churches liberties goeth in post hast to the King and boldly reproves him for violating the peace of the Church and threatens to excommunicate all those that apprehended him unlesse the King would immediatly restore him to the Chappell whence he was extracted and thereupon enforceth the King sore against his will to remit him o the Chappell The King hereupon commanded the Chapple to be strictly guarded by the Shrieffe of Essex till Hubert should be starved or forced out thence About a yeare or two after this Hubert being imprisoned in the Castle of the Devises within the Diocesse of Salisbury escaped and fled to the Church there his keepers missing him ranne out to seeke him with lanternes clubbes and weapons and finding him in the Church carrying the Lords crosse in his hands before the Altar they bastinadoed and dragged him thence into the Castle where they imprisoned him more strictly than before Hereupon the Bishop of Salisbury excommunicated them because they refused to bring the Earle backe againe to the Church saying they would rather the Earle should be hanged than they for suffering him to escape whereupon the Bishop of Salisbury and this Robert Niger Bishop of London with other Bishops went to the King and never left till they had by perswasions and threats against his will procured
a spirit of divination to be alive The Bishop was permitted to goe at liberty under sureties for his good behaviour and forth comming but the Earle was condemned of high treason and beheaded though set on by the Bishop the greatest delinquent In the yeare 1378. Robert Hall and Iohn Shakell Esquires were committed Prisoners to the Tower whence they both escaped to Westminster and there kept sanctuary Sir Alane Boxhul Constable of the Towerâ— grieved not a little that these Prisoners were broken from him and sheltered in that Sanctuary taking with him Sir Ralph â—errers with other men in armour to the number of fifâ—ie and some of the Kings servants on the fifth of August entred into Westrainister Church whilst Masse was sayingâ— at which the said two Esquires were present And first laying hands upon Iohn Shakell they used the matter so that they drew him forth of the Church and led him streight to the Tower but Robert Hall drawing his short sword resisted them along time traversing twise round about the Monkes Quire so as they could doe him no hurt till they had beset him on each side and then one of them cleaft his head to the very braines and another thrust him through with a sword and so they murthered him among them and one of the Monkes who would have had them save his life Much adoe was made about this matter for this breach of the Sanctuary insomuch that the Archbishop of Canterbury Simon Sudbury and five other Bishops his Suffragans openly pronounced all them that were present at this murder accursed and likewise all such as ayded and counselled them to it chiefely the said Sir Alane and Sir Ralph The King Queene and Duke of Lancaster were yet excepted by speciall names The Bishop of London William Courtney along time after every Sunday Wednesday and Fryday pronounced this Excommunication in Pauls Church in London The Duke of Lancaster though excepted in the same yet in the behalfe of his friends was not a little offended with the Bishops doings for justifying these leude persons and making the Church a sanctuary for Rebells and Traytors and his excommunications a scourge to punish the Kings Officers for doing their duties in reapprehending these fugitives insomuch that in a Councell held at Windsore to the which the Bishop of London was called but would not come such was his pride and disdaine nor yet cease the pronouncing of the curse albeit the King had requested him by his Letters the Duke said openly That the Bishops forward dealings were not to to be borne with but saithe he if the King would command me I would gladly goe to London aud fetch this disobedient Pâ—elate in despite of those Ribauds so he then termed the Londoners which procured the Duke much evill will who caused the next Parliament hereupon to be held at Gloster Anno. 1388. King Richard the second by the advise of the Archbishop of Yorke and others retained men of warre against his faithfull and Loyall Lords who were stricken with great heavinesse at the newes The Duke of Glocester meaning to mitigate his displeasure received a solemne Oath before Robert Braybrooke Bishop of London and divers other Lords that he never imagined nor went about any thing to the Kings hinderance c. and besought this Bishop to declare his words unto the King The Bishop comming hereupon to the King made report of the Dukes protestation confirmed with his Oath in such wise that the King began to be perswaded it was true which when the Earle of Suffolke perceived he began to speake against the Duke till the Bishop bad him hold his peace and told him that it nothing became him to speake at all And when the Earle asked why so Because said the Bishop Thou wast in the last Parliament condemned for an evill person and one not worthy to live but onely it pleaseth the King to shew thee favour The King offended with the Bishops presumptuous words commanded him to depart and get him home to his Church who forthwith departed and declared to the Duke of Glocester what hee had heard and seene Hereupon the great misliking that had beene afore time betwixt the King and the Lords was now more vehemently encreased the Duke of Ireland the Earle of Suffolk the Archbishop of Yorke and the Lord chiefe Iustice Robert Trisilian still procuring stirring and confirming the Kings heavy displeasure against the Lords The yeare before this Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster giving some ill words to this Bishop the Londoners thereupon rose up in a tumultuous manner in armes purposing to kill the Duke and to burne his house at the Savoy which they furiously assaulted reversing the Dukes armes whereupon the Duke complaining to the King the Major and Aldermen of London were put out of office and others Surrogated in their places Nicholas Ridley a Martyr after his deprivation from his Bishopricke and one of the best Bishops that ever satâ— in this See in thâ— yeare 1553. being the first of Queene Maries raigne was hastily displaced deprived of the Sea of London and committed Prisoner to the Tower The cause of which extremity used towards him was for that in the time of Lady Iane he preached a Sermon at Pauls Crosse by commandement of King Edwards Councell wherein he disswaded the people for sundry causes from receiving the Lady Mary as Queene though lawfull heire to the Crowne Anno. 1558. One Robert Farrier said of the Lady Elizabeth afterwards Queene That this Gill hath beene one of the chiefe doers of this rebellion of Wiat and before all be done she and all Heretiques her partakers shall well understand it Some of them hope that she shall have the Crowne but she and they I trust that so hope shall be headlesse or be fried with fagots before she corae to it Laurence Sherieffe the Lady Elizabeth sworne servant complaining of these contumelious words to Bonner the Bishop of London and the commissioners sitting in Boners house Bonner excused Farrer saying that he meant nothing against the Lady Elizebeth and that they tooke him worse than he raeant And so Sherieffe came away and Farrer had a flap with a Foxe taile This Edmond Bonner an hypocriticall zealous Protestant at first after an Apostate whiles the Bishop of London was a most bloody persecuter and murtherer of Gods Saints all Queene Maries dayes a chiefe reviver and advancer of the Popes Supremacy which he had abjured to the great ecclipse and diminution of the prerogative royall yea a most furious Bedlamâ— and most unnaturall beast sparing none of any condition age or sexe and burning hundreds of good subjects into ashes He was a great enemie to Queene Elizabeth and the first Author of Bishops Visitation Oathes and Articles that I have met with He commanded the Scriptures written on Church walls to be blotted out as Bishop Wren and Bishop Peirce have since done in some plaees by his
Arch-Bishop being desirous to place his own Countrey-men in all roomes of speciall Authoritie and besides having a private grudge at Stigand for forcing him to yeeld Kentish men their ancient Liberties whereof see more in Canterbury procured him to be deprived of both his Bishoprickes upon this point that he had contrary to the Law held them both together He was deprived An. 1069. and dyed a prisoner in the Castle of Winchester soon after About the yeare 1107. King Henry the first taking upon him to bestow Bishoprickes giving investiture and possession of them by delivering the Ring and the Crosier placed divers of his Chaplaines in Bishoprickes without election commanding the Arch-bishop to consecrate them Among divers others hee appointed William Giffard Bishop of Winchester and required Anselme the Arch-bishop to consecrate him Anselme utterly denyed to afford consecration either to him or any other in the like case The King then sent unto Girard Arch-bishop of York whom he found nothing strange but Gâ—ffard saith Matthew Westminster timens rigorem sancti Anselmi spernit consecrationem ejus stood so much in awe of Saint Anselme as hee durst not but reject the offer of the others consecration The King angry hitherto with the Arch-bishop onely was now much more incensed against this Giffard and in great displeasure banished him the Realme In the end the King and the Arch-bishop grew to this agreement that the gifts of the King already passed should be ratified and his Clerkes nominated to Bishoprickes have consecration upon promise that hereafter he should not disturbe Canonicall Elections and utterly renounce his pretended priviledge So after much adoe he was consecrated togegether with divers others An. 1107. Henry de Bloys being Bishop of Winchester when King Henry the first dyed although he with the other Bishops of the Land had sworne fealtie unto Maud the Empresse yet she being absent in Normandy this Bishop doubting left some other stepping up before her arrivallâ— the Kingdome might be rent away quite from his kindred and passe to some strangerâ— by vertue of his power Legantine called a Councell of the Clergie who swayed all in those dayes and drawing Roger Bishop of Saliâ—bury to his partie easily procured his Brother Stephen Earle of Boloigne to be elected King whom they crowned and submitted to as their Soveraigne disinhereting Maud the right Heire The King not long after falling out with these two Bishops seized upon their Castles and imprisoned the Bishop of Salisbury who dyed for griefe The Bishop of Winchester summons a Counsell there to which the Bishop was cited the Case of the Bishops concerning their Castles was there long debated betweene the Pope the Bishops and those on the Kings side he would yeeld to nothing whereupon they moved the Legate to Excommunicate him who replied he durst not doe it without the Popes privitie The Kings unthankefulnesse to the Bishops who onely had set him up did so alienate them from him that thereupon they joyned with Maud the Empresse against him who by their meanes became able to make her part good with Stephen and tooke him prisoner the Bishop of Winchester and a great part of the Realme too receiving her for their Queene Hereupon this Prelate accurseth and excommuncates al the opposites of Maud the Empresse who denying him a suite in the behalfe of his Brother Eustace He thereupon revokes hâ—s Excommunication secretly falls from her stirres up the discontented Londoners against her mans divers Castles to resist her equivocates in his words and actions with her to worke her ruine fiers Winchester upon her and at last entraps her Thus this turne-coat trecherous Prelate with the rest were Traytors and Rebels on both sides of which see more in William Corbell Arch-Bishop of Canteâ—bury and Roger of Salisbury and in the Historians hereunto quoted The Pope sent a Pall to this Bishop desirous to constituâ—e a new Arch-Bishoprick at Winchester and to assigne 7. Bishops to him Peter de la Roche or de Rupibus Bishop of Winchester who was Protectour and had greatest sway in the Government of the Realme in the beginning of King Henry the 3. his Raigne by his evill Counsell to the King became the chiefe Incendiary and occasion of the Barons warres For having by his false accusations and policies wrought Hubert Earle of Kent out of the Kings favour and plotted his death that hee might solely raigne and predominate over the gentle young King The better to effect this his designe he procures him to displace the English Officers and in their roomes to surrogate Poictovines and Britons who comming over to the number of about 2000. hee stuffed his Castles with them and did as it were wholly intrust himselfe his Treasures strength and the Realme to them So that Judgements were committed to the unjust Lawes to the out-lawesâ— peace to wranglers and Justice to wrong-doers Such as would have prayed redresse for these abuses were interrupted and put off by this Bishop of Winchester Among them who were removed from their places in Court was one Sir William de Redune a Knight and Deputie Marshall to Richard Earle of Pembroke This was to the Earle very displeasant which joyned with a consideration of the publicke cause and danger hee associates to him certaine of the great Lords as was the fashion of those Lording times upon every discontent and in the company of them advanceth confidently to the Kingâ— whom in the hearing of many he reproveth for that hee had through finister advice called in the â—oictovins to the oppression of the Realme and of his naturall Subjects of their Lawes and Liberties humbly therefore hee beseecheth him that he would speedily reforme such abuses which threatned the imminent subversion both of the Crowne and Kingdome which if hee did not himselfe and other Lords would so long withdraw their attendance as hee entertained strangers The Bishop hereunto makes answer That the King might well and lawfully call in what strangers himselfe thought good for the defence of the Crowne and Realme and such and so many of them as might be able to compell his proud and rebellious people to due obedience When the Oracle would speake no otherwise they departed from Court greatly discontented firmly promising one to the other that in such a cause which did so touch them all they would like men stand together while any breath was in their bodies Those who were now most potent about the King nothing sorry for the discontentment of so great a Peere as the Earle Marshall but counting it a part of their strengths to use the Regall power towards the weakning of the English nourish in the King his aversion The Poictovins and other strangers thus bearing the swayâ— so as the Kings person went guarded with troopes of such the Earles and Barons being by the Kings command summoned to antoher Parliament at Oxford refused to come While the King was there one Robert Bacon who
used there to preach before the King and Prelates fâ—eely told him That if hee did not remove from him Peter Bishop of Winchester and Peter de Rivallis he could never be in quiet The King did hereupon a little come to himselfe and Roger Bacon a Clergie-man also of a pleasant wit did second Roberts advise telling the King that Petrae and Rupes were most dangerous things at Sea alluding to the Bishops name Petrus de Rupibus The King therefore as hee had the happinesse in his mutabilitie to change for his more securitie taking that good advise of Schollers which he would not of his Peeres summons a Parliament to be holden at VVestminster giving the World to know withall that his purpoâ—e was to amend by their advise whatsoever ought to be amended But the Barons considering that still there arrived sundry strangers men of warre with Horse and Armourâ— and not trusting the Poiâ—â—ovine faith came not but presumed to send this message to the King that if out of hand he removed not Peter Bishop of Winchester and the Poictovines out of his Courtâ— they all of them by the common consent of the Kingdome would drive him and his wicked Counsellours together out of it and consult about creating a new Soveraigne The King whom his Fathers example made more timerous could easily have beene drawne to have redeemed the love of his naturall Liege-men with the disgrace of a few strangers but the Bishop of VVinchester and his Friends infused more spirit into him Whereon to all those whom hee suspected the King sets downe a day within which they should deliver sufficient pledges to secure him of their loyalty Against that day the Lords in great numbers make repaire to London but the Earle Marshall admonished of danger by his Sister the Countesse of Cornewall â—lyes backe to VVales and chiefely for want of his presence nothing was concluded The King not long after is at Gloster with an Armie whither the Earle and his Adherents required to come refused the King therefore burnes their Mannors and gives away their inheritances to the Poictovines This Rebellion had not many great Names in it but tooke strength rather by weight then number the knowne Actors were the Earle Marshall the Lord Gilbert Basset and many of the inferiour Nobles The Bishops arts had pluckt from him the Kings brother and the two Earles of Chester and Lincolne who dishonourably sold their love for a thousand Markes and otherwise as it seemed secured the rest Neverthelesse they may well bee thought not to have borne any evill will to their now forsaken confederate the Earle Marshall who tooke himselfe to handle the common cause certainely hee handled his owne safety but ill as the event shall demonstrate The Earle hearing these things contracts strict amity with Lewelin Prince of Wales whose powers thus knit together by advantages of the Mountaines were able to counterpoise any ordinary invasion To the kings ayde Balwin de Gisnes with many Souldiers came out of Flanders The king now at Hereford in the midst of his Forces sends from thence by VVinchesters counsell the Bishop of Saint Davids to defie the Earle Marshall How farre soever the word defie extends it selfe sure it seemes that the Earle hereupon understood himselfe discharged of that obligation by which hee was tyed to the king and freed to make his defence the king notwithstanding after some small attempts and better considerations did promise and assume that by advise of counsell all that was amisse should at a day appointed bee rectified and amended About which time Hubert de Burgo having intelligence that the Bishop of VVinchester who was a Poictovine plotted his death escaped out of the Castle of Devises where hee was prisoner to a Neighbour Church but was haled from thence by the Castle-keepers The Bishop of Sarisbury in whose Diocesse it hapned caused him to be safe restored to the same place from whence by the Earle Marshall and a troope of armed men his friends hee was rescued and carryed into VVales The king at the day and place appointed holds his great Counsell or Conference with the Lords but nothing followed for the peace of the Realme it was not an ordinary passage of speech which hapned there betweene the Lords and Bishop of VVinchester For when the English Bishops and Barons humbly besought the king for the honour of Almightie God to take into grace his naturall Subjects whom without any tryall by their Peeres hee called Traytors the Bishop offended it seemes at Peeres takes the words out of the kings mouth and answers That there are no Peeres in England as in the Realme of France and that therefore the king of England by such Justiciars as himselfe pleaseth to ordaine may banish offenders out of the Realmeâ— and by judiciall processe condemne them The English Bishops relished his speech so sharply that with one voyce they threatned to excommunicate and accurse by name the kings principall wicked Councellours but VVinchester appealed Then they accursed all such as alienated the heart of the king from his Naturall Subjects and all others that perâ—urbed the peace of the Realme Matthew VVestminster writes of this Peter de la Roche that hee was more expert in Military than Scholasticall affaires That the king by his Counsell removed all English Officers out of his Court and precipitately cast away all his Counsellours as well Bishops as Earles Barons and other Nobles of his kingdome so as hee would beleeve none but this Bishop whom hee adored as his God and his Darling Peter de Rivales Whence it came to passe that expelling all Gardians of Castles almost through all Englandâ— the King committed all things under the custodie of this Peter Then this Prelate drew into his confederacie Stephen de Segrave too much an enemie both to the kingdome and Church who had given most detestable counsell formerly to Stephen the Popes Chaplaine to the inestimable dammage of the Church many wayes and Robert de Passelewe who with all his might and with effusion of no small summe of money had plotted treason and grievances at Rome against the king and kingdome This man kept the kings treasure under Peter de Rivalis and so it came to passe that the Reines of the whole kingdome were committed to Strangers and base persons others being rejected Yet Godwin for the honour of his Rochet magnifies this Prelate for his notable Wisdome so as the Counsell of England received a great wound by his death though it and the whole Realme received such prejudice by his life The Earle Marshall writes Speed encreasing in strength and hatred against such as were the kings reputed Seducers makes spoile and bootie on their possessions and after joyning with the power of Leoline Prince of Wales puts all to fire and sword as farre as Shrewesbury part whereof they burnt to Ashes and sackt the Residue The king then
the King and his Barons to complaine against the blanke Bulls found in the chests of Beâ—ard de Nympha the Popes agent after his death and of the many machinations of the Romanes to disquiet the Realme Iohn Gerâ—sey next Bishop of Wâ—nchester consecrated at Rome where â—e payd 6000. markes to the Pope and so much more to his Chancellour for his consecration was a great stickler in the Barons warres against King Henry the third as appeares by the forecited passages of Matthew Westminister and was excommunicated by Octobon the Popes Legate for taking part against the King in the Barons warres and forced to goe to Rome for his absolution where he died Henry Woodlocke Bishop of Winchester made request to King Edward the first for Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury whom the King had banished for high Treason in which request he called the Archbishop an arch-Traytor his good Lord which the King as he had cause tooke so hainously that he confiscated all his goods and renounced all protection of him Adam Tarleton or de Arleton Bishop of Winchester about the yeere 1327. was arrested and accused of high Treason for aiding the Mortimers against King Edward the second both with men and armour when he was brought to the barre to be arraigned for this Treason the Archbishops of Canterbury Yorke and Dublin with their suffragans came with their Crossesâ— and rescued him by force carrying him with them from the barre in such manner as I have formerly related more at large in the Acts of Walâ—er Rainolds pag. 55.56 Notwithstanding the indictment and accusation being found true his temporalities wereseized into the Kings hands untill such time as the King much deale by his imagination and devise was deposed of his Kingdome If he which had beene a traytor unto his Prince before after deserved punishment for the same would soone be intreated to joyne with other in the like attempt it is no marvell No man so forward as he in taking part with Isabell the Queene against her husband King Edward the second She wiâ—h her sonnes and army being at Oxford this good Bishop steps up into the pulpit and there taking for his Text these words My head grieved me he made a long Discourse to prove that an evill head not otherwise to be cured must be taken away applying it to the King that hee ought to be deposed A Bishoplike application Hereupon they having gotten the King into their power the Bishop fearing least if at any time recovering his liberty crowne again they might receive condigne punishment councelled the Queene to make him away good ghostly advice of a Prelate wherupon she being as ready and willing as he to have it done they writ certaine letters unto the keepers of the old King signifiing in covert termes what they desired they either not perfectly understanding their meaning or desirous of some good warrant to shew for their discharge pray them to declare in expresse words whether they would have them put the King to death or no. To which question this subtile Fox framed this answer Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonumâ—est without any point at all If you set the point betweene nolite and tâ—aere it forbiddeth if betweene nolite and bonum it â—xhorteth them to the committinng of the fact This ambiguous sentence unpointed they take for a sufficient warrant and most pittifully murthered the innocent King by thrusting an hot spit into his fundament and who then so earnest a persecuter of those murthereâ—s as this Bishop that set them a worke who when diverse of his Letters were produced and shewed to him warranting this most trayterly inhumane Act eluded and avoided them by Sophisticall interpretations and utterly denied that he was any way consenting to this hainous fact of which in truth he was the chiefe occasion How clearely he excused himselfe I â—now not But sâ—re I am he like many Arch-trayterly Prelates before himâ— who were oftner rewarded than punished for their Treasons was so farre from receiving punishment as within two moneths after he was preferred unto Hereford than to the Bishoppricke of Worceâ—er and sixe yeares after that translated to Winchester by the Popeâ— at the request of the French King whose secret friend he was which King Edward the third taking in very ill part because the French King and he were enemies detained his temporalties from him till that in Parliament at the suite of the whole Cleargie he was content to yeeld them unto him after which he became blinde in body as hee was before in minde and so died deserving to have lost his head for these his notorious Treasons and conspiracies long before he being the Archplotter of all the Treacheries against King Edward the second Anno. 10. Richard the third 1366. thirteene Lords were appointed by Parliament to have the government of the Realme under the King in diminution of his Prerogative among these Williara Edingdon Bishop of Winchester Iohn Gilbert Bishop of Hereford Lord Treasurer of England Thomas Arundle Bishop of Ely and Chancellour Nicholas Abbat of Waltham Lord Keeper of the privy Seale VVilliam Archbishop of Canterbury Alexander Archbishop of Yorke and Thomas Bishop of Exeter were chiefe and the principall contrivers of this new project which fell out to be inconvenient and pernicious both to the King and Realme the very procurers of this Act as some of the Jâ—dges afterwards resolved deserving death which resolution afterward cost some of them their livesâ— as the Stories of those times declare It seemes this Bishop made great havocke of the goods of his Church for his successor Vâ—illiam VVicham sued his Executors for dilapidations and recovered of them 1672. pound tenne shillingsâ— besides 1566. head of neate 386. Weathers 417. Ewes 3521. Lambes and 127. Swine all which stocke it seemeth belonged unto the Bishoppricke of VVinchester at that time William Wicham his next successor was a great Pluralist the yearely revenues of his spirituall promotionsâ— according as they were then rated in the Kings bookes beside his Bishoppricke amounting to 876. poundâ— thirteene shillings and foure pence besides these Ecclesiasticall preferments he held many temporall offices at the Secretariship the Keepership of the Privy Seale the Mastership of Wards the Treasurership of the Kings revenues in France and divers others Being consecrated Bishop of VVinchester in the yeare 1367. he was made soone after first Treasurer then Chancellor of England It seemes that he was a better Treasurer for himselfe than the King who though hee received hugh summes of money by the ransome of two Kings and spoile of divers large Countries abroad and by unusuall subsedyes and taxations at home much grudged at by the Commons was yet so bare as for the payment of his debts he was constrained to find new devices to raise mony whereupon a solemne complaint was framed against this Bishop for vainely wasting or falsely imbezelling the Kings
unduly and against reason by the commandement of the said Lord of VVinchester and afterward in approving of the said refusall he received the said VVoodvile and cherished him against the State and worship of the King and of the said Lord of Glocester Secondly The said Lord of Winchester without the advise and assent of the said Lord of Glocester or of the Kings Councell purposed and disposed him to set hand on the Kings person and to have removed him from Eltham the place that he was in to Windsor to the intent to put him in governance as he list Thirdly that where the said Lord of Glocester to whom of all persons thaâ— should be in the Land by the way of Nature and birth it belongeth to see the governance of the Kings person informed of the said undue purpose of the said Lord of Winchester declared in the Article next above said and in setting thereof determining to have gone to Eltham unto the King to have provided as the cause required and the said Lord of Winchester untruely and against the Kings peace to the intent to trouble the said Lord of Glocester going to the Kingâ— purposing his death in case that he had gone that way set men of armes and Archers at the end of London bridge next Southwâ—rke and in forbearing of the Kings high way let draw the chaine of the stoopes there and set up pipes and hurdles in manner and former of Bulworkes and set mâ—n in cellers and windowes with Bowes and Arrowesâ— and other weapons to the intent to bring finall destruction to the said Lord of Glocesters person as well as of those that then should come with him Fourthly The said Lord of Glocester saithâ— and affirmeth that our soveraigne Lord his Brother that was King Henry the fift told him on a time when our Soveraigne Lord being Prince was lodged in the Pallace of Westminster in the great Chamber by the noyse of a Spaniell there was on a night a man spied and taken behind a carpet of the said Chamber the which man was delivered to the Earle of Arundell to be examined upon the cause of his being there at that time the which so examined at that time confessed that he was there by the stirring and procuring of the said Lord of Winchester ordained to have slaine the said Prince there in his bed wherefore the said Earle of Arundell let sacke him forthwith and drownes him in the Thames Fiftly Our Soveraigne Lord that was King Henry the fifth said unto the said Lord of Glocester that his Father King Henry the fourth livingâ— and visited then greatly with sicknesse by the hand of God the said Lord of Winchester said unto the King Henry the fifth being then Prince that the King his Father so visited with sicknesse was not personable and therefore not disposed to come in conversation and governance of the people and for so much councelled him to take the governance and Crowne of this Land upon him Such a loyall Prelate was he To these Articles the Archbishop gave in his answer in writing too tedious to recite whereupon the Lords in Parliament tooke an Oath to be indifferent umpiers betweene the Bishop and Duke and at lastâ— with much adoe made a finall accord and decree betweene them recorded at large by Hall and Holinshed wherâ—by they both were reconciled for a season But in the yeare 1427. the Bishop passing the sea into France received the habit hat and dignity of a Cardinall with all ceremonies to it appertaining which promotion the late King right deepely piercing into the unrestrainable ambitions mind of the man which even from his youth was ever wont to checke for the highest and also right well ascertained with what intollerable pride his head should soone be swollâ—n under such a hat did therefore all his life long kepe this Prelate backe from that presumptuous estate But now the King being young and the Regent his friend hee obtained his purpose to the impoverishiâ—g of the spiritualitie of this Realme For by a Bull Legantine which he purchased from Rome he gathered so much treasure that no man in manner had money but he so that hee was called the rich Cardinall of Wincester Afterwards An. 1429. the Pope unleagated him and set another in his place to his great discontent Anno. 1441. the flames of contention brake out afresh betweene the said Duke and the Cardinall for after his former reconciliation to the Duke he and the Archbishop of Yorke Iohn Kerap ceased not to doe many things without the consent of the King or Duke being during the minority of the King Governour and Protector of the Realme whereat the Duke as good cause he had was greatly offended and there upon declared to King Henry the â—ixth in writing wherein the Cardinall and the Archbishop had offended both his Majesty and the Lawes of the Realme This complaint of the Duke was contained in twentie foure Articles which chiefely rested in that the Cardinall had from time to time through his ambitious desire to surmount all other in high degree of honor sought to enrich himself to the great and notorious hinderance of the King as in defrauding him not onely of his treasure but also in doing practising things prejudiciall to his affaires in France and namely by setting at liberty the King of Scots upon so easie conditions as the Kings Majesty greatly lost therehy as in particulars thus followethâ— and out of the Dukes owne coppie regestred by Hall and Holinshed 1. These be in part the points and Articles which I Humphrey Duke of Gloster for my truth and acquitall said late I would give in writing my right doubted Lord unto your Highnes advertising your Excellence of such things as in part have bin done in your tender age in derogation of your noble estate and hurt of both your Realmes and yet be done and used dayly 2. First the Cardinall then being Bishop of Winchester him took upon the state of Cardinall which was naied and denaied him by the King of most noble memory my Lord your Father saying that he had as lefe set his Crowne beside him as to see him weare a Cardinalls Hat he being a Cardinall for he knew full well the pride and ambition that was in his person then being but a Bishop should have so greatly extolled him into more intollerable pride when that he were a Cardinall and also he though it against his freedome of the chiefe Church of this Realme which that he worshipped as duly as ever did Prince that blessed be his soule And howbeit that my said Lord your Father would have had certaine Clarkes of this Land Cardinalls and to have no Bishopricks in England yet his intent was never to doe so great dâ—rogation to the Church of Canterbury as to make them that were his suffragans to sit above their Ordinary and Metropolitan But the cause was that in generall and in all matters which might concerne the weale
and Nudigate three Monkes of the Charterhouse a Priest neare Winsor the Abbots of Ierney and Rivers Freer Forrest Crofts and Collines Priests Thomas Epsara Monke five Priests of Yorkeshire and Robert Bockham John Tomson Roger Barret John Wolcocke William Alse James Morton John Barrow Richard Bruneâ— Priests chiefe stirrers in the Devonshire rebellionsâ— and principall doers therein and one Welch a Priest Vicar of St. Thomas neare Exbridge hanged on the Tower there in his Priests apparell with a holy-water bucket and sacring Bell a paire of Bedes and such other Popish Trinkets about him for his rebellion were all executedâ— This Bishop imploed by King Henry the eight with Sir Henry Knevet as his Embassador at the Diâ—t at Ratisbond he held private intelligence and received and sent letters under hand to the Pope whose authority the King had utterly abolished and had then mortall enmity with for which false and trayâ—erly practise of which the King had certaine intelligence he caused in all Pardon 's afterwards all Treasons committed beyond the seas to be excepted which was most meant for the Bishops cause whom he exempted out of his Testament as being willfull and contentious and one that would trouble them all and exempted also out of his said Testament the Bishop of Westminsâ—er for that he was Schooled in Winchesters Schoole whom this King before his death was certainely beleeved to abhorre more than any English man in his Realme He was found to be the secret workerâ— that three yeares before the Kings death divers of the Privy Chamber were indited of heresie for the which the said King was much offended Anno. 1548. he was committed Prisoner to the Fleet and after to the Tower for a Sermon preached before King Edward and disobeying the Kings Injunctions when he had there continued two yeares and an halfe he was by authority deprived of his Bishoppricke and sent to prison againe where he continued till Queene Maries time when hee was not onely restored unto his Bishoppricke but likewise made Lord Chancellor of England For the extreame malice he bare to our Religion he not onely cruelly burnt many poore men but likewise wrought all the meanes his cunning head could devise to make away our late famous Quueene Elizabeth saying often it was in vaine to strike off a few leaves or branches when the roote remained he not onely caused this innocent Princesse to be imprisoned and barbarously handled both in the Tower and after at Woodstocke being the Queenes owne Sister and heire apparent to to the Crowne procuring to her so great vexation by his rigorous usage that she wished her selfe borne a Milkemaide but proceeded so farre in his treacherous plots against her that in all probabilities his cursed policy must have prevailed had not God moved the heart of Queene Mary her Sister with a very kinde and naturall affection towards her and in mercy taken him the more speedily out of the way by death till which time she had no securitie release or hope of life The whole Story of his treachery and Gods mercy towards this blessed Queene is at large related by Master Foxe He was a bitter opposite and enemy to Cranmer Ridley and Latimer refusing to eate his dinner that day the two last of them were burnt at Oxford before hee heard from thence of their death He was the bane of Queene Anne the Lady Anne of Cleave the Lord Cromwell Dr. Barnes and others And though in King Henries dayes he proved Queene Mary a Bastard and the Bishop of Rome to be an usurper yet afterwards when Queene Mary came to the Crowne he was her chiefest instrument the forwardest man to advance the Popes Supremacy and the sorest Persecutor Anno. 1554. On the Cunduit in Gracious streete King Henry the eight was painted in harnesse having in one hand a sword and in the other hand a Booke whereon was written Verbum Dei delivering the same as it were to King Edward his Sonne who was painted in a corner by him hereupon was no small matter made for Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester sent for the Painter and not onely called him Knave for painting a Booke in King Henrâ—es hand and specially for writing thereon Verbum Dei but also Traytor and villaine commanding him to wipe out the Booke and Verbum Dei too Whereupon the Painter fearing that he should leave some part of the Booke or of Verbum Dei in King Henries hand wiped away a peece of his finger withall England had great cause to blesse God for his death which happened so opportunity not so much for the great hurt he had done in times past in perverting his Princesse bringing in â—ixe Articles in murthering Gods Saints in defacing Christs sincere Religion as especially for that hee had thought to have brought to passe in murthering also Queene Elizâ—beth for whatsoever danger of death it was shee was in it did no doubt proceede from this Bloody Bishop who was the cause thereof and if it be certaine which we heard that her Highnesse being in the Tower a writ came downe from certaine of the Counsell for her execution it is out of controverâ—ie that wily Winchester was the onely Dedalus and framer of that Engin. He was an enemy to this Queene and with divers of the Lordsâ— strictly examined her at the Tower And when shee recovered from her dangerous sicknesse he and other Bishops repined looked blacked in the mouth and told this Queene they marvelled that she submitted not her selfe to her Majesties mercy considering that she had offended her highnesse Winchester after talking with her perswaded her to submit her selfe which she refusing he replied that she must tell another tale ere that she should he set at liberty least she should have advantage against him for her long and wrong imprisonment more English blood by his meanes was spilled in Queene Maries time by hanging heading burning and prisoning than ever was in any Kings raigne before her This treacherous Prelate who called King Edward his Soveraigne usurper being hated of God and all good men had a miserable death sutable to his life for the old Duke of Norfolke comming so visite him the same day that Ridly Latimer were burnt at Oxford the Bishop would not sit downe to dinner till one of his servants about foure of the clocke comming post from Oxford brought most certaine intelligence that fire was set to these Martyrs whereupon comming out rejoycing to the Duke Now saith he let us goe to Dinner They being set down meate immediatly was brought and the Bishop began merrily to eate but what followed The bloody Tyrant had not eaten a few bits but the sudden stroke of Gods terrible hand fell upon him in such sort as immediatly hee was taken from the Table and so brought to his bed where he continued the space of fifteene dayes in such intollerable anguish torments within rotting even above ground that all that while
the King with his determination The King thereupon seised into his hands the Bishops liberties appointed a new Chancellour new Justices and other officers of Durham Hee writ also to the Pope in favour of the Prior who delivering the Kings Letters himselfe the Pope adjudged him a sober and discreet man what ever the Bishop had reported of him and restored him to his place during the Bishops disgrace for this contempt the King tooke â—hree Mannors with the Church of Symondbury from the Bishopricke with divers Castles and Lands forfeited to him by Iohn Bayliol King of Scots and others The Bishop at last submitted himselfe and bought his peace Anno Dom. 1298. in the battell of Foukirke betweene the English and Scots this Bishop of Durham Anthony Beake led the second battell of the Englishmen conâ—isting of 39. standards who hasting forth to be the first that should give the on â—et when his men approached neere the enemies the Bishop commanded them to stay till the third battell which the King Edward the first led might approach But that valiant Knight the Lord Ralph Basset of Draiton said to him My Lord you may goe and say Masse which better becommeth you than to teach us what wee have to doe for wee will doe that which belongeth to the order and custome of warre About the yeare 1318. at the importunate suite of the Kings of England and France the Pope gave the Bishopricke of Duâ—ham unto one Lewes Beaumont a Frenchman borne and of the blood Royall there hee was lame of both his legges and so unlearned that hee could not read the Bulls and other instruments of his consecration When hee should have pronounced this word Metropoliticae not knowing what to make of it though hee had studied upon it and laboured his Lesson long before after a little pause Soyt pur dit saith he let it goe for read and so passed it over In like sort he stumbled at In aenigmate when hee had fumbled about it a while Par Saint Lewis quoth hee il n'est pas curtois qui ceste parolle ici escrit that is by Saint Lewes he is to blame that writ this word here Not without great cause therefore the Pope was somewhat strait laced in admitting him He obtained conâ—ecration so hardly as in foureteene yeares hee could scarce creepe oâ—t of debt Riding to Durham to be install'd there hee was robbed together with two Cardinals that were then in his company upon Wiglesden More neere Derlington The Captaines of this rour were named Gilbert Middleton and Walter Selby Not content to take all the treasure of the Cardinals the Bishop and their traine they carried the Bishop prisoner to Morpeth where they constrained him to pay a great ransome Gilbert Middleton was soone after taken at his owne Castle of Nitford carried to London and there drawne and hanged in the presence of the Cardinalls After this one Sir Iosceline Deinvill and his brother Robert came with a great company to divers of this B. of Durhams houses in the habits of Friers spoyled them leaving nothing but bare walls and did many other notable robberiesâ— for which they divers of their company were soone after hanged at York This B. stood very stoutly in defence of the Liberties of his See recovered divers lands taken away from Anthony Beake his predeâ—essor and procured this sentence to be given in the behalfe of his Church quod Episcâ—pus Dunelmensiâ— debet habere forisfacturas guerrarum intra libertates sicut Rex extra that the Bishop of Durham is to have the forfeitures of warre in as ample sort within his owne Liberties as the King without Iâ—mediately after this Bishops death in great hast but with no great good speed the Covent of Durâ—am proceeded unto the Election of a new Bishop the old being yet scarcely buried and they made choise of one of their owne company a Monke of Durham This election the Arch-Bishop of Yorke confirmed yea the matter grew so forward as the same Arch-bishop was content to give him consecration also All this while the Kings good will was not sought no nor which was a greater oversight as the world then went the Popes neither The King therefore not onely refused to deliver possession of the Temporalties unto this elect but also laboured the Pope ex plenitudine potestatis to conferre the Bishopricke upon a Chaplaine of his named Richard de Bury the Deane of Wells Partly to pleasure the one that requested partly to displeasure the other for not requesting he did so and commanded the Bishop of Winchester to consecrate him which being performed at Chertsey soone after Christmasse the King presently invested him in the temporalties belonging to that See Now was the Monke a Bishop without a Bishopricke having no other home he was faine to returne to his Cloyster and there for very griefe as it is supposed within a few dayes after dyed This Richard dé Bury at what time Edward of Windsor Prince of Wales fled into France with his Mother was principall receiver of the Kings Revenewes in Gascoigne Their mony failing he ayded them secretly with a great summe of that he had received for the King It had almost cost him his life he was so narrowly pursued by some of the Kings friends that got understanding of it as hee was glad to hide himselfe in a steeple in Paris the space of seven dayes The Queene we know was then contriving an open rebellion and plotting a mischeivous treason against her husband King Edward the second whom she shortly after seised upon in an hostile manner and afterwards caused to be deprived and murthered so that this Prelates furnishing of her thus with the Kings owne monies to further this her designe was high Treason at the least Not to mention how the Pope upon King Edward the third his request consecrated Thomas Hatfield his Secretary Bishop of this See without any regard or examination of his worthinesse being a man altogether illiterate and that when some of the Cardinalls tooke exceptions against him saying that he was not onely a meere lay man but a fellâ—w of light behaviour and no way fit for that place how the Pope answered that if the King of England had requested him for an Asse at that time he would not have denyed him and thereupon made this Aâ—se a Bishop Iohn Fordham Bishop of Durham Anno 1388. was by Parliament banished the Court as a pernicious instrument and corrupter of King Richard the second a Traytor a flatterer a whisperer a slanderer and wicked person Iohn Sherwood the 52 Bishop of Durham Solliciter of all King Edward the fourths causes in the Court of Rome fell off from his Masters Sonne King Edward the fifth to that bloody usurper Richard the third at whose Coronation this Bishop of Durham went on the one side of him and the Bishop of Bath on the other the Arch-bishop of Canterbury
and Lincolne both detained Prisoners affirming that it was a miserable wickednesse that the king was so farre seduced by incendiaries that he should command hands to be layd on his owne people especially on his Bishops in the peace of his Court That a Celestiall injury was hereby added to the kings dishonour that under pretence of the defaults of the Bishops Churches should be spoyled of their possessions That the kings excesse against the Law of God did so farre grieve him that he would rather suffer much losse both in his body and estate than the Episcopall celsitude should be cast downe with so great indignity that he ofâ— admonishedâ— the king to amend this same who even then refused not the calling of the Councell that therefore the Arch-bishop and the rest should consult together what was needfull to be done and hee would not be wanting to the execution of their advise neither for love of the king who was his brother nor for the losse of his possessions no nor yet for the perill of his head The King not distrusting his cause sent some Earles unto the Councell demaunding why he was summoned thither The Legate answered them in briefe that he who remembred that he had subjected himselfe to the faith of Christ ought not to be angry if he were called by Christs Ministers to make satisfaction being conscious of so great guilt as these ages had never seene For it was the act of secular Gentiles to imprison Bishops and strip them of their possessions Therefore they should tell his Brother that if he would give a willing assent to his Councell he would by Gods direction give him â—uch as neither the Church of Rome nor the Court of the king of France nor Count Theobald brother to them both should contradict but ought favourably to embrace that the king for the present should doe advisedly if either he would give an account of his fact or undergoe the judgement of the Canons for he ought of duty to favour the Church by reception into whose bosome and not by a â—and of Souldiers he was promoted to the kingdome Whereupon the Earles departing returned not long afâ—er wâ—th Albin Deâ—er an experienced Lawyer Who pleaded that Roger the Bishop had many wayes inâ—ured king Stephen that he came very seldome to his Court thaâ— his men presuming on his power had raised seditions that as often in other places so of late at Oxford they had made assaults on men and that upon Earle Alans owne Nephew and upon the Servants of Henry de Lyons a man of so great Nobility so haughty a brow that he would never upon king Henries request condescend to come into England That this injury redounded to king Stephen for whose loves sake hâ—e came that so great violence was offered to him that the Bishop of Lincolne out of his inveterate hatred against Alan had by his Servants beene the Author of Sedition that the Bishop of Salisbury secretly favoured the kings enemies dissembling his double dealing in the interim till a fiâ— occasion that the king had undoubtedly discovered this by many things and by this especially that he would not suffer Roger Mortimer with the kings Souldiers which he led in great â—eare of the Bristow men so much as to stay one night at Malmesbury that it was in every mans mouth that as soone as ever the Empresse should arrive that he with his Nâ—phewes and Castles would revolt to her that Roger was thus taken not as a Bishop but as the Kings Servant who both administred his affaires and received his wages that the King had not taken away the Castles from them by violence but that both the Bishops thankefully rendered them that they might excuse the calumny of the tumult which they had raised in the Court that the King found some money in the Castles which were lawâ—ully his owne because the Bishop had collected it out of the Rents of the Royall Exchequer in the time of King Henry his Uncle and antecessor that the Bishop for feare of his offences against the King willingly parted from them as he did from his Castles of which â—he King wanted not witnesses that therefore he desired the agreements betweene him and the Bishops should remaine firme Roger on the other side alleaged that he was never a Servant to the King nor received his wages moreover some threatnings were uttered by this generous Prelate who scorned to be dejected with mis-fortunes that if he found not justice in that Councell for the things taken from him that he would complaine thereof in the audience of a greater Court. The Legate answered mildlyâ— That they ought first to inquire as of other things so of all things which are spoken against Bishops in an Ecclesiasticall Councell by way of accusation whether they be true or not rather then to pronounce sentence against men uncondemned contrary to the decrees of the Canons let the King therefore doe that is lawfull to be done in secular judgements revest the Bishop of the things taken away by the Law of the Nations disseised men shall not plead Many things being spoken on both sides after this manner the cause at the Kings request was deferred 3. dayes longer till the Archbishop of Rhoan came Who sayd he granted that Bishops might have Castles if they could prove by the Canons that by law they ought to have them Which because they could not that it was extreame dishonesty to contend against the Canons And grant saith he that they may enjoy them yet verily because it is a suspitious time all the great men according to the custome of other Nations ought to deliver up the Keyes of their Fortresses to the Kings pleasure who ought to wage warre for the peace of all men Thus all the controversie of the Bishops was weakned For either according to the Decrees of the Canons it is unjust they should have Castles or if this be tolerated by the Kings indulgence they ought to yeeld up the keyes tâ— the necessity of the time To this Albric the Kings Lawyer added that the King was informed that the Bishops threatned among themselves and provided to send some of them to Rome against him And this saith he the King commendeth to you that none of you presume to doe it for if any one against his will and the dignity of the Kingdome of England shall goe any where from England peradventure his returne shal be difficult Moreover he because he seeth himselfe grieved of his own accord appeales you to Rome After the King partly by commending partly by way of threatning had commanded these things it was understood whither it tendedâ— Wherefore they so departed that neither he would suffer the censure of the Canons nor be judged by them neither did the Bishops thinke fit to exercise it and that for a double reason Either because it would be temerarious to excommunicate the King without the Popes privity Or else because they heard and some also
saw that there were swords drawne round about them for words were no jests but there was a contention almost about life and blood Yet the Legate and Archbishop gave not over but prosecuted the tenor of their office for casting themselves humbly downe at the Kings feete in his Bedchamber they beseeched him to compassionate the Church to compassionate his owne sâ—ule and fame that he would not suffer a dissention to be made betweene the Kingdome and Priesthood He rising up courteously although he removed the envie of the things done â—rom himselfe yet he made no effectuall performance of his good promises And so this great suite wherein the Prelates presumed to convent the king himselfe before them to try his title to Castles being temporall possessions ceased and the pretended execution of their owne Canons never pressed before that I read of vanished into nothing These bickerings betweene the Bishop his Nephewes and the king to whom he owed even the Crowne he wore caused all the Bishops to fall off from him againe and joyne with Maude This their treachery to King Stephen is most fully recorded by William Malmesbury who relates that the Bishop of Winchester brother to king Stephen and the Popes Legate taking some offence against the king came to a Parley with Maude in the fields neere Winchester where Maude the Empresse swore and vowed to him that all the greatest businesses in England and especially the Donations of Bishoprickes and Abbies should be at his disposall if he with the holy Church would receive her for their Soveraigne and be continually loyall to her some of the greatest Nobles of her party making the same oath Whereupon the Bishop made no scruple to receive the Empresse as Lady of England and to sweare to her by himselfe and some others that as long as she brake not this agreement that he would be faithfull to her which done the next day she was received by the Bishop in the Cathedrall Church of Winchester with an honourable Procession the Bishop of Winchester going on her right hand and Barnard Bishop of Saint Davids on her left there were other Bishops present beside these as Alexander Bishop of Lincolne Robert of Hereford Nigellus of Ely Robert of Bath with sundry Abbotsâ— a few dayes after Theobald Arch-bishop of Canterbury came to the Empresse at Winchester being invited by the Legate but deâ—erred to sweare fealty to the Empresse without the kings privity being as hee thought a dishonour to his fame and person but after some conference had with the king by the Cardinall and most of the Prelates who intreated leave of him to yeeld to the necessity of the time they condescended to the Legates motion and fell off to the Empresse Whereupon about a fortnight after Easter Theobald Arch-bishop of Canterbury held a Councell of all the Bishops of England and of many Abbots in great state at Winchester wherein the Bishop of Winchester made this speech That by vertue of his Legatine power which he derived from the Pope he had summoned the Clergie of England to this Councell that they might consult in Common of the peace of the Country which was in great danger of Shipwrack that in the time of King Henry his Uncle England was a singular houshold of peace c. Which King some yeares before his death caused all the Bishops and Barons to sweare to the Empresse his Daughter and onely Childe that the whole kingdome of England with the Dutchy of Normandy should descend to her if he had no issue male by the Duke of Loraines daughter That dismall fortune envied his most excellent Uncle so as he dyed in Normandy without issue male Therefore because it seemed long to expect the Lady who resided in Normandy and delayd to come into England to provide for the peace of the Country my Brother was permitted to raigne And although I became a surety betweene God and him that hee should honour and exalt the holy Church maintaine good Lawes and abrogate evill yet it grieves me to remember it shames me to relate what a one he hath shewed himselfe in his kingdome how no justice hath beene exercised upon the presumptuous how all peace was presently abolished almost the same yeare the Bishops apprehended and compelled to a reddition of their possessions Abbies sold the Churches rob'd of their treasures the Counsells of wicked men heard of good men either suspended or altogether contemned You know how often I have convented him both by my selfe and by the Bishops especially in the Councell the last yeare summoned to that purpose and that I got nothing but hatred thereby Neither can it be unknowne to any who will rightly consider it that I ought to love my mortall brother but ought much more to esteeme the cause of my immortall Father Therefore because God hath exercised his judgement touching my brother that he might permit him without my knowledge to fall into the power of the Mighty left the kingdome should â—ottet if it wanted a king I have invited you all by the right of my Legation to assemble together at this place Yesterday the cause was secretly ventilated before the greater part of the Clergie of England to whose right especially it belongs both to elect and ordaine a king Therefore having first invocated as it is meete Gods assistance we have â—lected the Daughter of a peace-making king a glorioâ—s king a rich king a good king and in our time incomparable to be Queene of England and Normandy and we promise fidelity and maintenance to her When the Bishop of Winchester had thus spoken all the Bishops and Clergie present as William of Malmsbury then present at the Councell relates did either modestly give their acclamation to the sentence of Mauds election and Stephens rejection or keeping silence did not contradict it In this Councell many who tooke king Stephens part were excommunicated and by name William Martell who had intercepted some of the Legates goods aâ—ter this Councell the City of London formerly addicted to king Stephen and the greatest part of England willingly submitted to the dominion of Maude who was principally counselled by Robert her brother and by the Legate of Winchester who pretended that hee sought her welfare but within few dayes after there fell out a difference betweene the Legate and Maude which occasioned a great alteration and was the cause of many new mischiefes in Englâ—nd Whereupon the Bishop Legate departed from the Court absolved all those whom he â—ormerly excommunicated in the Councell without the consent of the Bishops raised up a complaint against the Empresse that she intended to apprehend him and made no account of any thing she had sworne to Which report was spred over all England Whereupon he stirred up the Londoners and Barons against the Empresse whom he beseiged and restored Sâ—ephen not onely to his liberty but to the Crowne In the meane time â—his Roger Bishop of Salisbury dyes of a Quarâ—aine Fever which
he fell into out of griefe of minde This Prelate was so high in king Henries favour that he denyed little or nothing to him that he demanded he gave him Lands Churches Prebends of Clarkes whole Abbies of Monkes and committed the kingdome to his trust making him Chancellor of England Roger therefore pleaded causes he moderated expences he kept the kings treasure and that without a companion and witnesse both while the king was present in England and absent in Normandy and not onely by the king but likewise by the Nobles and even by those who secretly envied his felicity and especially by the kings Servants and debtoâ—s all things almost that he could thinke of were conferred on him if any thing was contiguous to his possessions which might conduce to his utility that he either begged or bought if not he extorted it by violence he alone was in greatest honour abounding in wealth pompe â—riends authority stately houses and Castles and seemed the onely happy man on earth Yet at last in a moment fortune cruelly stung him with her Scorpions tayle so as he saw many of his friends wounded and his most familiar Souldiers beheaded before his face himselfe captivated two of his Nephewes most potent Prelates to be put to flight and taken prisoners and a third a young man whom he most loved to bee bound in chaines his Castles to be rendred up his treasures spoyled himself afterwards in a Councell torne with most foule reproaches the residue of his money and plate which he had layd upon the Altar to finish a Church to beâ— carried away against his will and which is the extremity of calamity Cum multis miser videreturâ— paucissimis miserabilis erat So much envy hatred had he contracted out of his over great power and that undeservedly with some whom he had advanced to honours So Malmesbury writes of him of whom you have heard sufficient Anno Dom. 1223. Huberâ— de Burgo Earle of Kent being taken and proclaimed a traytor escaped out of the Castle of Veâ—â— or Devises and tooke sanctuary in the next Church those who kept the Castle hearing of it sent and tooke him with those that helped him to make his escape out of the Church and imprisoned him againe in the Castle Robert Bingham the Bishop of Salisbury hereupon came to the Castle and threatned to curse them if they would not deliver the Earle restore him to sanctury againe They made answer they had rather the Earle should hang for them than they for him and so because they would not deliver him the Bishop excommunicated them and after riding to the Courâ— and taking with him the Bishop of London and other Bishops prevailed so much by complaint to the King that the Earle though a traytor was restored to the Church againe but so as the Sheriffe of the Shire had commandement to compasse the Church about with men to watch that no reliefe came unto him whereby he might bee constrained through famishment to submit himselfe but hee shortly armed was there rescued by a power of armed men who conveyed him armed and oâ— horsebacke into Wales where he joyned with other of King Henry the thirds enemies And all through the pride and practise of this Prelate to whose pretended jurisdiction even in case of Treason the King himselfe must submit William of Yorke the ninth Bishop of Salisbury about the year 1247. was a Courtier from his childhood and better seene the in Lawes of the Realme which hee chiefly studied than in the Law of God a great deale Matthew Paris reporteth that he firâ—â— brought in the custome that tenants should be suiters unto the Courts of their Landlords This Matthew Paris stiles a very bad custome in magnum subditorum damnum detrimentum superiorum parvum vel nullum emolumentum unde qui nunquam hoc fecerant mirabantur se ad hoc fuisse coactos And speaking of this Bishops death he saith This Bishop passed from these worldly cares and imployments to the dangers which secular men and Courtiers are beleeved to undergoe for their workes follow them Anno 1392. King Richard the second picked a quarrell against the Major and Sheriffes of London upon this occasion Walter Romay one of Iohn Walthams servants then Bishop of Salisbury and high Treasurer of England tooke a horseloafe from a Bakers man as hee passed by in Fleetstreet and would not deliver it againe but broke the bakers mans head when he was earnest to recover his loafe the cohabitants of the streete hereupon rose and would have had the Bishops man to prison for breaking the Kings peace but hee was rescued by his fellowes and escaped to the Bishops house in an Allie close by The people set in a rage for this rescue gathered in great multitudes about the Bishops Palace gate and would have fetched out the offender by force assaulting the house to breake it open but the Major and Sheriffes comming thither after some perswasions used appeased the people who retired quietly to their houses The Bishop being then at Windsor where the Court lay being informed of this riot tooke such indignation therewith that taking with him Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Yorke then Lord Chancellor of England he went to the King and made an hainous complaint against the Citizens for their misdemeanour whereupon the Major Sheriffes and great sort more of the Citizens were sent for to the Court and charged with divers misdemeanors notwithstanding their excuses they were all arrested and imprisoned the Major in the Castle of Windsor the rest in other places to be safely kept till the King by the advice of his Counsell should further determine what should be done with them Moreover the liberties of the City were seised into the Kings hands the authority of the Major utterly ceased and the King appointed Sir Edward Darlingrug to governe the City by the name of Lord Warding and to see that every man had justice ministred as the case required who because hee was thought to be overfavourable to the Citizens was removed and Sir Baldwin Radington put in his roome At length the King through suit and instant labour of certaine Noblemen especially of the Duke of Glocester began somewhat to relent and pacifie his rigorous displeasures against the Londoners and releasing them out of prison and confirming some of their priviledges and abrogating others hee was at last reconciled to them after they had purchased his pardon with many rich presents to him and his Queene whom they royally intertained and the payment of ten thousand pounds which they were compelled to give the King to collect of the Commons of the City not without great offence and grudging in their minds And aâ—l this came through the pride and malice of this Prelate of Salisbuâ—y whose servant had occasioned this riot and yet went Scotfree when the innocent Major and Citizens were thus rigorously dealt withall M. Fox observes truly
his reproachfull speeches so as he commanded him to be disseised of his Archbishopricke and Visâ—ountship of Yorke In the meane time Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury procured himselfe to be the Popes Legate with a speciall clause in his Buls a mandate to the Archbishop of Yorke and all other to submit to his jurisdiction as Legate to the Apostolicke Sâ—e whereupon he summoned the Deane and Chapter of Yorke to appeare before him and yeeld subjection to him in their owne Cathedrall as Popes Legate who thereupon received and submitted to him not as he was Archbishop of Canterbury but Legate onely which done hee summons and holds a councell in the Cathedrall Church of Yorke wherein he made divers canons for the government of the Church and Clergy and heard the controversie betweene thâ— Archbishop and the Deane and chapter of Yorke touching the Archdeaconry of Westring which they contended for but they appealed to Rome about it Anno 1195. The Canons of Yorke solicited 〈◊〉 Bishop of Lincolne by virtue of the Popes Commission directed to him to pâ—onounce sentence of interdict and suspention against Geoffry their Bishop who answered That he would rather be suspended himselfe then suspend him whereupon the canons sent messengers to Rome to complaine to Pope Caelestine of the Bishop of Lincolne and the other Judges Delegates that they proceeded not according to the Popes injunction Who thereupon sends three letters into England one to Simon the Deane wherein he suspends the Archbishop from his Episcopall function as a man every way unworthy of it and gives Simon power to execute the same during this suspension Another to all the Abbots Clergy and people of the Diocesse of Yorke to notifie this suspention to them and to command them not to obey the Archbishop or answer before him in any case but onely before the Deane Simon to whom he had delegated his Arch-Episcopall authority A third to the Bâ—shop of Lincolne and others expressing all the complaints against the Archbishop and his excesses and commanding them to publish this his suspension from his Bishopricke and to absolve those of his Diocesse from any subjection or obedience to him as Archbishop And in all these letters this is one great cause which they alledge for this his suspension Quod pastoralis officii debito praetermisso secularibus negotiis implicari non divinis obsâ—quiis sed venatione aucupio aliis militaribus curis animi sui studium applicare exercere alia quae commisso sibi Officio Pontificali honori non modicum derogant c. Hereupon the Archbishop goes to Rome where after a long delay the Pope acquits him from all the Deanes and Canons accusations takes off his suspensions and restores him to his Archiepiscopall authority the rather because the King being angry with him had long before spoyled him of his temporalâ—ies and sought to deprive him The Archbishop hereupon by reason of this Kings indignation goes into France not daring to come into England and seeing he could not finde grace in the Kings eyes to obtaine either his temporalties or his spiritualties he returnes backe againe towards Rome In the meane time the Deane and Chapter of Yorke conferre the Archdeaconry of Westrising upon Peter Imant during life by the Kings consent which the Archbishop hearing of excommunicated and suspended him for intruding thereunto without right and declared his institution thereunto a nullity which excommunication he sends over into England Soone after Ralph Wigstof Clerke the Archbishops agent at Rome falling desperately â—icke there consessed before the Pope and all his Cardinals that he had gotten many false letters in the Court of Rome touching the Archbishops affaires whereupon the Pope writ to Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury to intercept these letters which were found hid in the hands of Roger Ripunt clerke together with poysoned rings girdles and other poysons which the Archbishop sent to destroy the Deane and Canons of Yorke all which were publikely burnt at Totehill before a great multitude of men and women the bringer of them was imprisoned and the Archbishop had the blame of all imputed to him After this the King sent for the Deane and Canons of Yorke and Geoffry the Archbishop to meete him in Normandy to reconcile them Geoffry comming before them was reconciled to the King his brother who restored him to his temporalties and spiritualties which done he departed to Rome but the Deane and Canons coming three daies after hindered his restitution till the Archbishop and they were accorded of which they much vaunted Not long after there arose many new contestations and schismes between this Archbishop and the Deane and Canons of Yorke about Roger and Honorius Archdeacons of Richmond which Hoâ—â—den relates at large of which God willing I shall give a larger account in my History of the Schismes of English Prelates betweene themselves which how many great and violent they have beene you may in part conjecture by this one Prelates story After this the Pope writ earnestly to King Richard to desire him to be reconciled to this Archbishop his brother and to embrace him with peacâ— least he should be forced in his behalfe to punish him and his Kingdome by an Ecclesiasticall censure hereupon the King sent the Bishops of Durham Ely Winchester Worcester and Bath to the Archbishop desiring him in the spirit of humility to confirme all the Kings grants upon which the King would intirely restore him to his Archbishopricke This he profered to doe if these Bishops by a writing under their hands and seales would warrant this counsell before the Pope Which they refusing telling him he was of age to answer for himselfe departed without any accord whereupon the Archbishop went to Rome whither the King sent messengers against him who writ to the King from Rome that the Pope earnestly desired him to restore the Archbishop intirely into his Bishopricke so as he satisfie him the money he owed which if he refused he would first by an interdict of the whole Province of Yorke after that by an interdict of the whole Kingdome without any appeale enforce him to it and compell his Clerks to resigne their rents which they have received and the Deane and Canons of Yorke to make an agreement with the Bishop unlesse some new cause should arise King Richard dying and King Iohn succeeding while Geoffry of Yorke was beyond sea when Iohn was to be crowned Philip Bishop of Durham was so presumptuous as to appeale against the Kings owne Coronation that it should not be accomplished in the absence of Geoffry Archbishop of Yorke and Primate of England After this the King commanded the Lands of the Archbishop which had beene sequestred almost two yeeres into the hands of Stephen Turnham to be delivered to three others for this Archbishops use yet afterwards he retained them in his owne hands promising to restore them when as the Archbishop and hee met who meeting together soone after in Normandy the
generall prohibitions to all or most of the Sheriffes of England as is evident by the Râ—gister of Writs Fitz herberts natura Brevium Rastall and others commanding the Sheriffe to inhibite Bishops and their Officers to cite Laymen before them to take an oath in any case whatsoever except of Matrimony or Testament only and not to suffer the people to appeare before them to take such oathes The continuer of Matthew Paris his History of England p. 966 967. writes of this Bishop of Lincolne That Simon Earle of Leicester who most opposed Henry the third and warred against him adhered to him and delivered his children to him to be educated That by his counsell tractabat ardua tentabat dubia finivit inchoata ea maximè per quae meritum sibi succrescere aestimabat And this Bishop is said to have enjoyned the Earle in remisâ—ion of his sinnes that he should undertake this cause of the Barons against the King for which he contended even unto death affirming that the peace of the Church of England could not be established but by the materiall Sword and that all who died for it should be crowned with martyrdome And some say that this Bishop laying his hand sometimes on the head of this Earles â—ldest sonne said unto him Oh my deere sonne both thâ—u and thy father shall both die in one day and with one kind of death yet for justice and vâ—rity Such an animater was he both of rebellion and warres Henry Lexinton the next Bishop of this See Anno 1257. offered some kind of hard measure unto the University of Oxford by infringing certaine liberties thâ—t of old belonged unto it For redresse hereof they were forced to make their complaint unto the King lying then at S. Albons and sent nine Masters of Art to the Court for that purpose Matthew Paris a Monkâ— of S. Albons was present at the delivery of the petition and as himselfe writeth was bold to sâ—ep unto the King using these speeches to him in private I beseech your Grace even for Gods sake to have compassion upon the Church now tottering and in great danger of utter subversion The Vniversity of Paris the nurse of â—o many excellent and famous Prâ—lates is now greatly troubled If the Vniversity of Oxford be disquieted and moleâ—ted also especially at this time being the second Vniversity of Christendome and even another foundation of the Church it is much to be feared leaâ—â— it cause a generall confusion and uâ—â—â—r ruine of the whole Church God forbid said the King that that should happen especially in my time I will endeavour to prevent it I doubt not he was as good as his word for I finde no more mention of any further stirres This I have thought good the rather to set downe to shew what was the reputation of our University of Oxford in those daies and what indignities this Bishop offered to it to cause a publike combustion Henry Burwash the 15. Bishop of Lincolne though advanced to that See by King Edward the second his speciall favour within two yeeres after his consecration for some contempts and misdemeanors he fell so faire into the Kings displeasure that his temporalties were seized upon into the Kings hands for two yeeres space Anno 1324. they were restored to him againe and he to the Kings favour but the grudge thereof so stâ—cke in his stomacke as the Queene rising against her husband seeking to depose him as afterward shee did no man was so forward to take her part no man was so eager against the King his undoubted true and naturall Prince as this Bishop Thomas Walfingham writes that almost all the Prelates joyned with the Queene against the King precipuè c. but especially the Bishop of Lincolne Hâ—reford Dublin and Ely who raised a great Army for herâ— others and principally the Archbishop oâ— Canterbury â—urnished her with money and when the Queene had taken the King prisoner Anno 1327. keeping her Châ—istmas aâ— Walâ—ingford the Archbishop of Canterbury and Yâ—rke the Bishop of Winchâ—ster whom she mâ—de Lord Treâ—surer the Biâ—hâ—p of Norwich her Lord Chaâ—cellour this good Bishop of Lincolne the Bishops of Ely Coventry and other Prelates kâ—pt their Christmas with her with great honour joy and triumph whence comming to Westminster prâ—sently after Twelftide they assembled in Parliament deposed the King from his Crowne and elected his sonne in his steed to which election the Archbishop of Canterbury there present consented ET OMNES PRAELATI and all the Prelates the Archbishop making an oration to them to confirme and justifie this election taking for his text Vox Populi vox Dei Such good Subjects were all the Archbishops and Bishops at that time and this Prelate one of the ringleaders who not content thus to spoyle his Soveraigne of his Crown Kingdome and life too not long after making a new Paâ—ke at Tyinghurst he inclosed in the same ground belonging to divers poore men his tenants for which he had many a bitter curse of them whereupon it is reported that after his death he appeared to one of his Gentlemen in the likenesse of a Keeper with a Bow and Arrowes in his hand a horne by his side and a greene jerkin on his backe telling him that for the injurious enclosing of that Parke he was appointed to the keeping of the same there to be tormented till it were disparked againe desiring him to intreat the Canons of Lincolne his brethren that this wrong done by him by their good meanes might be righted who upon this information sent one William Batchellour of their Company to see it utterly disparked which was effected Anno 1351. the Univeâ—sity of Oxford presented unto Iohn Synwall Bishop of Lincolne unto whose jurisdiction Oxford then appertained one William Palmarin for theiâ— Chancellour and prayed him to admit him The Bishop I know not for what cause delayed hâ—s admission from time to time and enforced the University to complaine of this hard dealing unto the Archbishop He presently set downe a day wherein he enjoyned the Bishop to admit this Chancellour or else to render a reason of his refusall At the time appointed the Proctours of the University were ready together with this William Palmorie to demand admission And when the Bishop of Lincolne came not trusting belike to this priviledge procured from Rome to exempâ— himsâ—lfe his authority and jurisdiction the Archbishop causes his Chancellour Iohn Carâ—ton Deane of Wels to admit him writ to the Uniuersity to receive him and cited the Bishop to answer before him for his contempt He appealed to the Pope would not come and for his contumacy was convicted Much money was spent in this suite afterwards at Rome The event was that the Archbishop prevailed and the others priviledge was by speciall order of the Pope revoked who also granted unto the University at the same time that the Chancellour hereafter should onely be elected by the
though maliciously placed that the King tooke yet more offence with him than before insomuch that he led him with him into the Parliament house for then was that Court holden and there before the Lords accused him of no small misdemeanor towards his person by his rude and threatning speeches but the Bishop eagerly denieth the Kings Obiections which he still avoucheth upon his Honour and in the end confirmes his Allegations by Witnesses whereupon he was banished from the Kings presence during his naturall life by verdict of that House In the meane time the Dutchesse hearing what was done beginneth anew to be dealing with him and in a brabling fray betweene their servants one of her men were slaine for which the Bishop was called before the Magistrate as chiefe accessary unto the fact but he fearing the sequell of his third cause by his successe had in the two first hideth himselfe after he had sold all his moveables and committed his money unto his trusty friends and being found guilty by the Inquest the King seizeth upon his possessions and calleth up the Bishop to answer unto the trespasse To be short upon safe conduct the Bishop commeth to the Kings presence where he denieâ—h that he was accessary to the fact either before at orafter the deede committed and thereupon craveth to be tried by his Peeres But this Petition is in vaine for sentence passeth against him also by the Kings owne mouth whereupon hee craveth helpe of the Archbishop of Canterbury and priviledges of the Church hoping by such meanes to be solemnly rescued But they fearing the Kings displeasure who bare small favour to the Cleargie of his time gave over to use any such meanes but rather willed him to submit himselfe to the Kings mercy which he refused standing upon his innocencie from the first unto the last Finally growing into chollor that the malice of a woman should so prevaile against him hee writeth to Rome requiring that his Case might be heard there as a place wherein greater Justice saith he is to be looked for than is to be found in England upon the perusall of these his Letters also his accusers were called thither but for so much as they appeared not at their peremptory times they were excommunicated Such of them also as died before their reconciliations were taken out of the Church-yards and buried in the Fields and Dunghills Vnde timor turba saith my Note in Anglia For the King inhibited the bringing in and receipt of all Processes Bulls and whatsoever instruments should come from Rome Such also as adventured contrary to this Prohibition to bring them in were either dismembred of some joynt or hanged by the neckes which rage so incensed the Pope that hee wrote in very vehement manner to the King of England threatning farre greater curses except hee did the sooner stay the fury of the Lady reconcile himselfe unto the Bishop and finally make him amends for all his losses sustained in these bâ—oyles Long it was yeâ— that the King would be brought to peace neverthelesse in the end he wrote to Rome about a reconciliation to be had betweene them but yeâ— all things were concluded God himselfe did end the quarrell by taking away the Bishop Anno 1388. the Nobles being assembled at Westminster said to King Richard the second that for his honour and the weale of the Kingdome it behoved that Traytors Whisperers Flatterers Malefactorsâ— Backbitersâ— and unprofitable persons should be banished out of his Palace and company and others substituted in their places who knew were willing to serve him more honourably faithfully which when the King had granted Licet merens they determined that Alexander Nevell Archbishop of Yorkeâ— Iohn Fordham then Bishop of Durham and afterwards of this See of Ely Thomas Rushoke the Kings Confessor Bishop of Chichester who being conscious to himselfe fled away and hid in Yorkeshire Richard Clifford Nicholas Lake Deane of the Kings Chappell all Clergy men whose words did many things in the Court should be removed all these they sent to divers prisons to be strictly gardedâ— till they should come to their answers the next Parliament Nicholas West Bishop of Ely in Henry the eigâ—h his dayes who kept daily an hundred servants in his house to attend him and gave them great wages fell into the Kings displeasure for some matters concerning his first marriage who for griefe thereof fell sicke and died Thomas Thirlby was advanced by Queene Mary not onely to the Bishoppricke of Ely but also made of her privy Councell After her death for resisting obstinatly the reformation intended by our gracious Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth hee was committed to the Tower and displaced from his Bishoppricke by Parliamentâ— Having endured a time of imprisonment neither very sharpe nor very long his friends easily obtained license for him and the late Secretary Roxall to live in the Archbishops house where they had also the company of Bishop Tunstall till such time he died To these I might adde Bishop Buckeridge Bishop White and Bishop Wren late Prelates of this Sea who occasioned much mischiefe and distraction in our Church and State but I shall referre them to another placeâ— and passe on to the Prelates of Exeter Exeter About the yeare 1257. Walter Bronscome 12. B of Exeter had a Fryer to his Chaplaine and Confessor which died in his house of Bishops Clift and should have beene buried at the Parish Church of Farringdon because the said house was and is in that Parish but because the Parish Church was somewhat farre off the wayes fouleâ— the weather rainy or for some other causes the Bishop commanded the corps to be carried to the Parish Church of Sowton then called Clift Fomeson which is very neere and bordereth upon the Bishops Lordship the two Parishes there being devided by a little Lake called Clift At this time one Fomeson a Gentleman was Lord and Patron of Clift Fomeson and he being advertized of such a buriall towards his Parish and a leach way to be made over his Land without his leave or consent requited therein calleth his Tenants together goeth to the bridge over the Lake betweene the Bishops Land and his there meeteth the Bishops men bringing the said corpsâ— and forbiddeth them to come over the water The Bishops men nothing regarding this Prohibition doe presse forwards to come over the water and the others doe withstand so long that in the end my Lords Fryer is fallen into the water The Bishop taketh this matter in such griefe that a holy Fryer a religious man his own Chaplaine and Confessor should so unreverently be cast into the water that he falleth out with the Gentleman and upon what occasion I know not he sueth him in the Law and so vexeth and tormenteth him that in the end he was faine to yeeld himselfe to the Bishops devotion and seeke all the wayes he could to curry the Bishops good will
like the Ninivites they replied neither of these shall be because neither shall they repent neither shall God have mercy on them And I demanding when remission of so great calamities might be expected To this they answered concerning this it shall be so as in case of a greene tree if it be cut in the midest and the part 〈◊〉 off be carried farre from the Trunke when that without any helpe shall be reannexed to the Trunke and begin to flourish and bring forth fruit then a remission of such evills may be hoped for The truth of which prophesie writes Matthew Wstminster the English soone after had experience of in this that England became the habitation of strangers and the dominion of forreiners for a little after no English man was either a Duke Bishop or Abbot upon the comming in of the Conqueror neither was there any hope of ending this misery The Conqueror comming to the Crown had some contests with this Bishop whom he would have removed from his Bishoppricke for insufficiency in point of learning but being found more able than he was reputed he held his Bishoppricke and recovered some Lands from the Archbishop of Yorke taken by the Archbishops from this See which some three or foure Archbishops before had held in Commendam with Yorke The Cathedrall of Worceter being stately built a new from the ground in his time the Monkes thereupon forsaking their old habitation built by Oswald which they pulled downe betooke themselves to this new stately building Which Wulstan seeing burst out into teares and being demanded a reason thereof by some that told him he had rather cause to rejoyce our predecessors saith he whose Monuments wee deface rather I doubt to set up the banners of our vaine-glory than to glorifie God they indeede quoth he were not acquainted with such stately buildings but every place was a Church sufficient for them to offer themselves a reasonable holy and lively sacrifice unto God we contrariwise are double diligent in laying heapes of stones so to frame a materiall Temple but are too too negligent in setting forward the building of that lively Temple the Church oâ— God In King William Rufus time this Bishop arming such an number of people as the city of Worceter could afford caused to sally out and set upon Roger Earle of Mountgomery and others who attempted to take it whom they discomfited killing and taking a number of them prisoners Maugere the 36. Bishop of Worceter was one of those foure Bishops who Anno. 1208. upon the Popes command excommunicated King Iohn and put the whole Kingdome under interdict whereupon his goods and temporalities were seised and he inforced to flie the Realme dying at last in exile at Pontiniac in â—rance during the time of this interdict the King writes Matthew Parts had most wicked Councellors Qui Regi in omnibns placere cupientes cousiliura non pro ratione sed pro voluntare dederunt who dâ—sirous to please the King in all things gave counsell not according to reason but will among these he reckons up Tres Episcopi curiales three Court Bishops to wit Philip Bishop of Durham Peter Bishop of Wincester and Iohn Bishop of Norwhich Walter de Cantelupo the 40. Bishop of Worceter as he stoutly opposed the Popes exactions in England so in the yeare 1264. he tooke great paines to worke a peace betweene the King and the Barons in whose behalfe when he had offered the King conditions as he thought most reasonable which might not be accepted he addicted himselfe unto their party exhorted them to fight valiantly in the cause and promised heaven very confidently to them that should die in defence of the same For this he was after justly excommunicated by the Popes Legate and being sicke unto death repenting much this fault of disobedience unto his Prince he humbly craved and received absolution from that excommunication whereupon ensued bloody warres and rapines soâ— as Matthew Paris writes Nec Episcopi nec ahbates nec ulli religiosi de villa in villam progredâ— potuerunt quin à vespilionibus praedaâ—ontur And concludes this yeare thus Transâ—it annus iste frugifer benè temperatus sanusâ— sed in cunctis eventibus Angliae dispendiosus propter bellum commune propter rerum coramunium privatarum flebilem direptionem Most of the succeeding Bishops of Worceter as Adam de Orleton that Arch-traytor and such like were translated to other Sees where I shall meete with them and therefore pretermiting them here I passe to those of Hereford The Bishops of Hereford Iune 16. An. 1056. Griffin King of Wales having overthrowne the forces of the Engishmen about two miles from Hereford immediatly assaulting the city tooke it slew Leovegar the Bishop and seven of the Canons there who denied him entrance into the Church and held it against him spoiled it of all the reliques and ornaments that were portable and lastly fired both Church City and all This See continued voyd foure yeares after the death of Leofuegar after which Walter Chaplaine to Queene Edith was consecrate at Rome by the Pope in the yeare 1060. his end was much more unhappy than his Predecessors He chanced to fall in love with a certaine comely woman that he met in the street A long time he contended with this vile and unseemely affection and he thought hee had quenched the same when a small occasion renewed it to his destruction having certaine linnen to cut out this woman was commended to him for a very cunning Seamster He sent for her and his old flame of filthy desire easily kindling by this little sparke he found errands to send his men out of the way while he set upon her first with words and they not prevailing by force she resisted what shee might but finding him too strong for her thrust her Sheeres into his belly and gave him his deaths wound The King being desirous it should be esteemed false forbid the report of it by a Proclamation which afterwards came to be Chronicled Raynelmus the 30 Bishop of this Diocesse received that Bishoppricke at the hands of King Henry the first who bestowed it freely on him and was invested into it as the manner of those times was by the delivery of the Ring and the Crosier Anselme then Archbishop refused to consecrate him and divers others who received their investitures in this manner from the King he was so farre from importuning him in this matter as being now perswaded this his election to be insufficient he renounced the same delivering againe unto the Kings hands the Ring Crosier that he had received Herewith the King was so offended as he had cause that presently he banished him the Realme after much ado betweene the King and Anselme a reconciliation was wrought and this man consecrated Gyles de Bruse the 30. Bishop of Hereford in the Barons warres was a great stickler wjth them against
King Iohn and at last was glad to flie the Realme with other Prelates the King seising on his and their goods and banishing him the Kingdome Peter de Egueblancke the 42. Bishop of that See Cujus Memoria sulphureum faetorem exhalat ac deterrimum writes Matthew Paris An. 1255. put King Henry the 3. upon a strange and intolerable kinde of exaction such and so great as even beggered all the Clergie of that time he got certaine authenticke seales of the Bishops of England wherwith he sealed Indentures Instruments and Writings wherin was expressed that he had received divers summes of money for dispatch of businesses for them and their Churches of this or that Marchant of Florence or Spaine whereby they stood bound for payment thereof by the same Instruments and Writings so made by him their agent in their name This shift was devised by the said Bishop with license of the King and Pope into whose eares he distilled this poysonous councell the maner whereof Matthew Paris relates at large These debts being afterwards demanded the Prelates denied them to be true and said there was a greater occasion for them to suffer Martyrdome in this cause than of that of Thomas Becket of Canterbury whereupon the Bishops of London and Worceter protested they would rather lose their lives and Bishopprickes than consent to such an injury servitude and oppression Haec alta detestabilia à sulphurto fonte Romanae Ecclesiae proh pudor imo proh dolor tunc temporis emanarunt Writes Matthew Paris of this and such like cheating projects to get mony An. 1263. the Barons arrested this Bishop who plotted much mischiefe against them in his owne Cathedrall Church seised upon his goods devided his Treasure unto their souldiers before his face imprisoned him a long time in the Castle of Ordley as a meere pest and Traytor both to Church and State He was accursed of so many for his strange Oppressions Treacheriesâ— and Extravagances that it was impossible many calamities should not light upon him Long before his captivity his face was horribly deformed with a kind of Leprosie Morphea or Polypus which could by no meanes be cured till his dying day this disease made him hide his head so that none within his Diocesse knew where he lurked Some reported that he went to Mount Pessula to be cured of this his infirmity Tot in caput suum congessit imprecationes multipliciter à Doraino meruit flagellari ad sui ut sperandum est correctionem Writes Matthew Paris who further addes Episcopus Herefordensis turpissimo morbo videliceâ— Morphea Domino percutiente merito deâ—ormatur qui totum Regnum Angliae PRODITIOSE damnificauit About the yeare of our Lord 1256. the Archbishop of Burdeaux being old and decrepit began to be deadly sicke and being thought to be dead who was but halfe alive this Bishop of Hereford who most earnestly gaped after this Archbishoppricke thinking to obtaine itâ— procured the Kings Letters who was very favourable to him because hee was his Tax-gatherer and went with them beyond the Seas but when the truth appeared that the Archbiâ—hop was still aliveâ— hee lost both his journey labour travell and expenses and received many scoffes as one Mr. Lambin did in the like case of whom these two Verses were composed Aere dato multo nondum pastore sepultâ— Lambiâ— ad optatum Lambinus Pontificatura He to reimburse his expences not regarding the publike good but his owne privaâ—e benefit by license from the King and Pope collected a tith for himselfe in the borders of Irelandâ— and the places adjoyning which amounted to no small quantitie of money this he reputed the price of his paines and the reward of his treason and he caused it to be so strictly exactedâ— that shame prohibites the relation of the manner of the extortion And because fraud is not accustomed to want feare meticulosus armatus armatus vallatus incessit being fearefull he went armed and being armed hee went with a guard about him Adara de Orleton the 46. Bishop of Hereford was a notable wicked Traytor and Rebell against his Soveraigne King Edward the second who advanced him and was the chiefe cause both of his deprivation and murther Of whom you may read more at large in Winchester p. 265.266 Iohn Bruton or Briton was the 43. Bishop of Hereford on him the King bestowed the keeping of his wardrobes which he held long time with great honour as his Regester saith A wonderfull preferment that Bishops should be preferred from the Pulpit to the custody of Wardrobesâ— but such was the time neverthelesse his humble custody of that charge is more solemnely remembred then any good Sermon that ever he made which function peradventure hee committed to his Suffragane sith Bishops in those dayes had so much businesse at Court that they could not attend to Doctrine and Exhortation This Bishop was Doctor of both Lawes and very well seene in the common Lawes of the Land and writ a great volume De juribus Anglicanis yet extant but that he ever Preached or writ any thing of or had any skill at all in the Law of God I finde nothing at all in story Iohn Trevenant the 51. Bishop of Hereford sided with King Henry the 4th against Richard the second who advanced him and was sent to Rome to informe the Pope what good Title King Henry the 4th had unto the Crowne of England which he usurped So the Bishop of Duresme was then sent unto France the Bishop of Saint Asaph to Spaine the Bishop of Bangor to Germany armed with all â—orts of instructions for the justification of their new advanced King his Title too and usurpation of the Crowne So ready have Prelates beene not onely to act but to justifie defendâ— and boulster out Treasons and Rebellions of the highest nature with the depositions and murthers of their lawfull Princesâ— Anno. 1499. this Bishop of Hereford had a chiefe hand in deposing King Richard the second and was the second commissioner sent from the States in Parliament named in the Instrument wherein they declare his voluntary resignation and he with the Archbishop of Yorke made report to the Parliamentâ— of the Kings voluntary resignation of his Crowne and Kingdome the instrument whereof subscribed in their presence was delivered unto Thomas Arundels hands then Archbishop of Canterbury an Arch-traytor as I have formerly manifested The most of the succeeding Bishops of this See were translated to other bishopprickes where you may meete with them who were most obnoxious onely I observe that in the generall pardon of 22. H. 8. c. 15. the Bishop of Hereford then Charles Booth is specially excepted out of the pardon of the Premunire It seemes his crime was very great And for the present Bishop of Hereford George Cooke he stands now impeached by the Commons in Parliament for the late Canons Oath and benevolence in the pretended Synod
in which he had a finger which proceeding of our Prelates may justly induce us to passe the same censure on them now as famous Henry Bullenger did of old on the Bishops then in his Booke De Episcoporum Functione Iurisdicâ—ione Tiguri 1538. â— 112.113.143.1150.159 to 163. and 172. and as Mr. Calvin after him did in his notable Booke De Necessitate Reformandae Ecclesiae Edi. 1543 p. p. 24.25.26.104.105.106 to which I shall referre the reader As for Dr. Manwaring who had some relation to this church we all know that he received a Censure in the Parliament House 3. Caroli for two seditious Sermons Preached at the Court before his Maiestie and then published in Print by the now Archbishop of Canterburies meanes wherein he indeavoured to undermine the Subjects liberties and the proprietie of their goods â—etled in them by our Lawes by false divinityâ— and to give the King an absolute power against Law to impose what taxes he pleased and to take away such a proportion of goods and treasure from his people as himselfe should thinke meete upon any occasion For which Sermons though he were censured by both Houses to be never more capable of any future preferment in Church or Common-wealth yet immediatly after the dissolution of the Parliament he was by Canterburies meanes in affront of that Sentenceâ— advanced first to a great living granted formerly to another then to a Deanery and soone after to the Bishopricke of St. Davids where he so demeaned himselfe in advancing of superstition prophanesse and idolatry that now he dares not shew his face in Parliament and lies lurking in obscure Places and Ale hoâ—ses as some report fearing a deprivation from this usurpedâ— dignityâ— given him in contempt of his former sentence in Parliament And thus much for the Bishops of these Sees I now proceede to others CHAP. V. Containing the Treasons Conspiracies Contumacies and disloyalties of the Bishops of Chichester Carlile Norwich Chester Coventry and Litchfield NOt to mention how Agilricke Bishop of the South-Saxons with divers other Bishops and Abots were deprived by William the Conqueror Anno 1076. 〈…〉 in the Councels of Winchester and Windsor and after that committed to perpetuall Prison upon suspition of Treason and Rebellion against the Conqueror to deprive him of the Crown Ralph the third Bishop of Chichester a man of high Stature and no lesse high of mindâ— stood very stoutly in defence of Bishop Anselme in so much that when King William Rufus threatned him for the same he offered him his Ring and Crosier saying It should better become him to loose his placeâ— than his duety to the Archbishop whom he could never be induced to forsake untill he seemed to forsake his owne cause by flying the Country After this when King Henry the first was content to dispense with the marriage of Priests to which Anselme was an heavy enemy notwithstanding the Canons lately made in the Councell of London to the contrary the Priests granting him an yearely summe of money to defend them against Anselme this Bishop resisted the collection of that money in his Diocesse calling it the tribute of Fornication and when notwithstanding his resistance it was payd he interdicted his owne Diocesse commanding the Church doores to be every where stopped up with thornes The King whether not vouchsafing to contend with him or taking his well meaning in good part was not onely content to pardon this his contemptuous disobedience but also bestowed the money so gathered in his Diocesse upon him saving It was a poore Bishoppricke and needed such helpes This Bishop went every yeare thrice about his Diocesse Causa praedicandi onely to Preach the Gospell to the people exacting nothing from his Provincialls by his Episcopall power but receiving onely what they willingly presented to him as a free gift rebuking those who offended which was the sole kind of Visitation in those dayes without any such Visitation Articles Procurations presentments Fees c as are this day practised imposed exacted both against Law and Canon too Hilary the fifth Bishop of this See though hee was content absolutely to allow of the Declaration after published at Claridon without mention of that odious clause saluo ordine suo being shreudly baited of his brethren for his labour yet afterwards hee had some contests with the King and sought to impeach his prerogative royall as appearâ—s by this notable passage of the Author of the Holy Table name and Thing p. 30.31 Sure I am that according to this advice of Eleutheâ—ius the Danishâ— and first Norman Kings have governed their Churches and Churchmen by Capitulaâ—s and mixed Digests composed as it were of Common and Canon Law and promulged with the advice of the Counsell of the King as wâ—e may see in those particulars set forth by Mr. Lambard Mr. Selden Dr. Powell and others And I doe not beleeve there can be shewed any Ecclesiasticall Canons for the government of the Church of England untill long after the conquest which were not either originally promulgedâ— or afterwards approved and allowed by either the Monarch or some King of the Heptarchy sitting and directing in the Nationall or Provinciall Synod For all the Collections that Lindwood Comments upon are as Theophrastus speakes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but rough and rugged mony of a more fresh later coyning and yet in those usurping times I have seene a Transcript of a Record An. 1157.3o. Henry the 2. wherein when the Bishop of Chichister opposed some late Canons against the Kings exemption of the Abby of Battells from the Episcopall Jurisdiction it is said That the King being angry and much moved therewith should reply Tu pro Papae authoritate ab hominibus concessa contra dignitatum Regalium authoritates mihi à Deo concessas calliditate arguta niti praecogitas Doe you Sir goe about by subtilties of wit to oppose the Popes authority which is but the favour or connivence of men against the authority of my Regall Dignities being the Charters and Donations of God himselfe and thereupon requires Reason and Justice against the Bishop for this soule insolencie A good evidence that the Canon Law had little esteeme or foâ—ce among us in that age and not long after it was prohibited by speciall Writ to be read among us as appeares by the Writ of 19. Hen. 3. directed to the Major and Sheriefes of London commanding them Quod per totara Civitatem London Clamari faciant firmiter prohiberi ne aliquis Scolas regens de Legibus in eadem Civitate de caetero ibidem Leges doceat Decembrisâ— This was five yeares after the Decretalls published and it seemes most probable that these Leges were Canon Lawes perhaps mixt as usually they were in the profession also with the Imperialls for both of them were it seemes studied here under Henry the third by the Clergy more â—han any other part of
May the 13th This Bishop riding a horse somewhat too lusty for him was cast and so brused with the fall as he died by and by to wit May 13â— 1254. Thomas Merkes the Fiftenth Bishop of this See amongst many unworthy preferred to Bishopprickes in those dayes was undoubtedly a man well-deserving that honour for he was both learned and wise but principally to be commended first for his constant and unmoveable fidelity unto his Patrone and preferrer King Richard then for his excellent courage in professing the same when he might safely yea and honestly also have concealed his affection Some other there were of the Nobility that remembring their duety and allegiance when all the world bâ—sâ—de forsoke this unfortunate Prince followed him with their best assistance even till the time of his captivity This man nothing regarding the danger might ensue not onely refused to forsake him when he had forsaken himselfe but defended him and his cause the best he could when he might well perceive his endeavour might hurt himseâ—fe much without any possibility of helping the other when the furious and unstable multitude not contented that King Richard had resigned his Crowne to save the head that wore it and their darling Henry the fourth seated himselfe in his royall throne importuned the Parliament assembled to proceed yet farther against him desiring no doubt that to make all sure his life might be taken from him This worthy and memorable Prelate stepping forth doubted not to tell them that there was none amongst them meete to give judgement upon so noble a Prince as King Richard wasâ— whom they had taken for their Soveraigne and Leige Lord by the space of twentie two yeares and more And proceeding further I assure you quoth he I report his words as I find them in our Chronicles there is not so ranke a Trayter nor so arrant a theefe nor yet so cruell a murtherer apprehended or detained in prison for his offence but he shall be brought before the justice to heare Judgment and will you proceed to the judgment of an annointed King hearing neither his answere nor excuse I say and will avow that the Duke of Lancaster whom ye call king hath more trespassed to King Richard and his Realme the King Richard hath done either to him or us for it is manifest and well knowne that the Duke was banished the Realme by King Richard and his Councell and by the judgement of his owne Fatherâ— for the space of tenne yeares for what cause ye remember well enoughâ— This notwithstanding without Licence of King Richard he is returned againe into the Realme and that is worse hath taken upon him the name title and preheminence of King and therefore I say that you have done manifest wrong to proceede against King Richard in any sort without calling him openly to his answer and defence This Speech scarcely ended he was attâ—ched by the Earle Marshall and for a time committed to ward in the Abbey of St. Albanes Continuing yet his loyall affection unto his distressed Master soone afâ—er his inlargement he trayterously joyned with the Hollands and others in a conspiracy against King Henry the 4th which being bewrayed to the destruction of all the rest he onely was pardoned peradventure in regard of his calling for it had seldome or never been seene hitherto that any Bishop was put to death by order of Law peradventure in some kind of favour and admiration of his faithfull constancy for vertue will be honoured even of her enemies peradventure also to this end that by forcing him to live miserably they might lay a punishment upon him more grevious than death which they well saw he despised The Pope who seldome denied the King any request that hee might afford good cheepe was easily intreated to translate forsooth this good Bishop from the See of Carlile that yeelded him honourable maintenance unto Samos in Greece whereof he knew he should never receive one penny profit he was so happy as neither to take benefit of the gift of his enemy nor to be hurt by the masked malice of his counterfeit friend disdaining as it were to take his life by his gift that tooke away from his Master both life and Kingdome hee died shortly after his deliverance so deluding also the mockery of his Translation whereby things so falling out he was nothing damnified Hall reports that hee died for feare more than sicknesse as one rather desirous to die by deaths dart than the temporall Sword which this his Treason deserved being a great blemish to his former fidelity Owen Oglethorpe the 31. B. of this See was deprived with divers other Bishops for withstanding Q. Eliza. proceedings and refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance in the yeare 1559. Of other Bishops of this See since his dayes I find little mention most of them being translated to other Sees I shall therefore proceede to the Bishops of Norwich The Bishops of Norwich Iohn de Gray the fifth Bishop of Norwich if we beleeve Matthew Paris was one of those three Court Bishops who were consiliarios iniquissimos most wicked counsellors to King Iohn during the time of the inderdict of the Realme who desiring to please the King in all things consilium non pro ratione sed pro voluntate dederunt gave the King counsell not according to Reason but Will and thereby wrought much trouble both to the King and Kingdome Pandulphus the next Bishop of this See consecrated by the Pope at Rome Anno. 1222. was the Popes Legate and the chiefe instument who perswaded King Iohn most ignominiously and shamefully to resigne up his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope to become his Vassall to his eternall infamy and to submit himselfe to Sâ—ephen Langhton and those other Trayterly Prelates who intardicted the Realme excommunicated this King published the Popes deprivation of him from his Crowne and instigated the French King to invade the Realme of England and usurpe the Crowne which the Pope had conferred on him upon King Iohns deprivation from it of which you may read more at large before in Stephen Langhton Archbishop of Canterbury p. 33. to 41. Onely let me informe you that during the time of this inderdict aboue six yeares space all Ecclesiasticall Sacraments ceased in England except Confession and the viaticum in extreame necessity and the Baptisme of Infants so as the bodyes of dead men were carried out of Townes and Villages and burried like dogges in Highwayes and Ditches without prayers and the ministry of Priests as Matthew Paris and others testifie Such was the Prelates piety and charity About the yeare of our Lord 1271. In the time of Roger de Skerwing 12. Bishop of Norwich there was raysed a dangerous sedition betweene the Citizens of Norwich and the Monkes of the Cathedrall Church the History whereof is briefely this At a Faire that was kept before the gates of the Priory there hapned
audacâ—a commendanda Pontificis bellicosi This Act was very commendable I confesse yet unsuitable to his calling There waâ— great contention betweene him and the Monkes of Norwhich for fifteene yeares concerning their priviledges and jurisdictions at last they gave him 400. Markes to enjoy their priviledges Alexander Pâ—yor of Norwich was next elected B. by the Monks but the King so misliked their choise as he not only kept him from his dignity but also imprisoned him at Winsor almost a whole yeare after his election yet afterwards at the request of Thomas Arrundell Archbishop of Canterbury and divers other of the Nobility he was released set at liberty and afforded Consecration Anno. 1408. Richard Nyx 29. Bishop of this Sea had a report of a vicious and dissolute liver and was blind long before his death Hilary 25 H. 8. Coram Rege Rot. 15. he was attainted in a praemunâ—re put out of the Kings protection his person imprisoned Lands Goods and Chattles forfeited to the King for citing Richard Cockerall Major of Thetford and others into his Spirituall Court and enjoyning them under paine of Excommunication to call a Jury of the said towne before them and cause them to revoke and cancell a Presentment they had found upon Oath touching their Liberties to wit that none of the said Towne ought to be cited into any Spirituall Consistory but onely into the Deane of Thetfords Court and that if any one cited any of that Towne into another Spirituall Court he â—hould forfeit sixe shillings eight pence for the same The Glasse-windowes of Kings-Colledge Chappell in Cambridge were bought and set up with part of this Bishops Fine and Forfeiture upon this his attainder as the Author of the Catalogue of the Chancellors and Colledges of Cambridge Recordâ— in his Collegiâ—m Regis Iohn Hopton the 32th Bishop of this Sea was a great persecuter and a cause of putting many of our Martyrs to death as you may read in Mr. Fox his Acts and Monuments Samuel Harsnet Bishop of this Diocesse a turbulent Prelate and great opposer of Godly Ministers in the latter end of King Iames and the beginning of King Charles raigne was questioned and proceeded against in Parliament for divers oppressions Extortions and Superstitious innovations introduced in that Diocesâ—e Of whom See more in Yorke to which he was translated Dr. White and Dr. Corbet his immediate successors were men of the same straine with Harsnet and whereas Dr. White had gained great fame and reputation in our Church for his learning and Bookes against the Papists whilst he continued an ordinary Minister his carriage and change was such that he soone lost all his honour and reputation after he became a Bishop and when as other men grow commonly white in their old age he contrariwise like the Albanes who doe in senectute nigrescere waxed blacke in his declining dayes and as some say deserved the title of that Popish Treatise which he answered in his Orthodox White dyed blacke A strange effect of a white Rochet But his Successor in this See Matthew Wren a man of a more active spirit thinking it a disparagement to him not to transcend his predecessors in superstitious Popish Innovations and extravagant oppressions both of the Ministers and people of that Diocesse hath beene so exorbitantly outragious in his proceedings that upon the hearing of sundry Petitionâ— and complaints against him in Parliament the whole House of Commons have transmitted to the Lords these subsequent Articles of impeachment against him already Printed wherein the malicious venome of his spirit against piety and our Religion with his seditious oppressive practises are Anatomized to the full and most elegantly displaied in their proper colours by Sir Thomas Widdrington in his Speech at their transmission which Articles and Speech here I insert ARTICLES of Impeachment of the COMMONS Aâ—sembled in Parliament in the name of themselves and of all the Commons of England against Matthew Wren Dr. in Divinity late Bishop of Norwich and now Bishop of Ely for severall Crimes and Misdemeanors committed by him THat the said Matthew Wren being Popishly and superstitiously affected did at his first comming to be Bishop of Norwich which was in the yeare 1635. endeavour by sundry wayes and meanes to suppresse the powerfull and painefull Preaching of the Word of God did introduce divers Orders and Injunctions tending to Superstition and Idolatry did disturbe and disquiet the orderly and settled estate of the Ministers and people and Churches of that Diocesse to the great prejudice of His Majestie the great griefe and disquiet and hazard of the estates consciences and lives of many of his Majesties Loyall Subjects there to the manifest bringing in and increasing of prophanenesse ignorance and disobedience in the Common people as by the particulars ensuing may appeare I. Whereas many Chancels of Churches during all the time of Queene Elizabeth King Iames and of his Majestie that now is had laid and beene continued even and flat without any steps ascending towards the East-end of the same and are ordered to continue as they were and so ought to have continued He of his own minde and will without any lawfull warrant of authority in the yeare 1636. being then Bishop of Norwich ordered and enjoyned that the same should be raised towards the East-end some two some three some foure steps that so the Communion Table there placed Altarwise might be the better seene of the people II. He in the same yeare 1636. ordered That the Communion Table which is appointed by the said Rubrick at the time of the celebration of the holy Communion to be placed in the Body of the Church or Chancell where Divine Prayers are usually read and where the people might best heare should be set up close under the Wall at the East-end of the Chancell Altar-wise and not to be removed from thence whereby the Minister who is by the Law to Officiate at the North-side of the Table must either stand and officiate at the North-end of the Table so standing Altar-wise or else after the Popish and Idolatrous manner stand and officiate at the Westside of the Table with his backe towards the people III. He in the same yeare 1636. enjoyned that there should be a Rayle set on the top of the new raised steps before the Communion Table so set Altarwise as aforesaid which Rayl should raise from the Southside of the Chancell to the North within which the Minister onely should enter as a place too holy for the people and some of the people were punished for stepping into it as namely Daniel Wayman and others IV. The more to advance blinde Superstition hee in the same yeare 1636. ordered that all the Pewes in the Church should be so altered that the people might kneele with their faces Eastward towards the Communion Table so set Altarwise as aforesaid And that there should be no seats in the Chancell above or on
dominion of England and had never peace afterwards By the same counsell in our times the Kingdome was troubled and the interdict came and finally the Kingdome was made tributary and the Prince of Provinces alas for griefe is brought under tribute to ignoble persons and warres begun and long protracted your father died like a banished man neither in peace of the Kingdome nor of minde and so by them he incurred a very perillous death By the same counsell the Castle of Bedford was detained against you where you lost much treasure and many valiant men by meanes whereof in the interim you lost Rochell to the ignominy of the whole Realme Item the now imminent perturbation perilous to the whole Kingdome comes to passe through their wicked counsell because if your people had beene handled according to Justice and the right Judgement or Law of the Landâ— this perturbation had not hapned and you should have had your lands undestroyed your treasure unexhausted Likewise we tell you in that allegiance wherby we are obliged to you that your counsell is not of peaceâ— but of trouble to the Land because they that seeke to thrive by the trouble of the Kingdome and the disinherison of others cannot doe it by its peace Item because they have your Caâ—tles and your forces in their handâ— as if you ought to distrust your owne people Item because they have your Exchequor and all the greaâ—est Wards and Escheates in their power such an expectation pleaseth and how they will answer you in the end wee beleeve you shall prove Item because by your Seale or Precept without the Seale of Peter de Rivallis scarce any great businesse is done in the Realme as if they accounted you not to be King Item because by the same counsell the naturall borne subjects of your Kingdome are expelled out of your Court whence wee have cause to be fearefull both of you and the Kingdome when as wee see you to be more in their power than they in yours as appeares by very many examples Item because they have a mayde out of Brittany and your sister under their power with many other noble girles and women who are marriageable with Wards and marriages which they give to their owne creatures and disparage Item because they confound and pervert the Law of the Land sworne and confirmed and ratified by Excommunication and Justice likewise whence it is to be feared least they be Excommunicated and you also by communicating with them Item because they keepe to no man either their promise faith or oath or writing neither feare they Excommunication whence they who have receded from the truth are desperateâ— as remaining diffident in feare Now these things we faithfully relate to you and wee counsell beseech and admonish you before God and man that you would remove such counsell from you and as it is the custome in other Kingdomes that you governe your Kingdomes by your faithfull and sworne men of your Realme Wee denounce to you in verity that unlesse you correct these things within a short time we will proceede against you and all other contradictors by Ecclesiasticall Censureâ— expecting nothing but the Consecration of our venerable Father the Elect of Canterbury These things being thus spoken the King humbly desired a short time of truce saying that hee could not so sodainely remove his counsell untill he had received an account of the treasure committed to him and so the conference was dissolved all men departing with confidence of a concord speedily to be obtained soone after the Archbishop being consecrated upon the fifth of Aprill the King with his Nobles being at Westminster the Archbishop taking all the Bishops and other Prelates that were present with him whereof this Bishop of Chester was one went to the King and shewed him their counsell touching the imminent desolation and danger of the Kingdome repeating the former inconveniences mentioned in the conference and denounced to the King expresly that unlesse hee would speedily reforme his error and make a peaceable composition with the faithfull men of his Kingdome he with all the Bishops who were present would incontinently in ipsum Regem sententiam ferre excommunicationis pronounce a sentence of Excommunication against the King himselfe and against all others contradictors of this peace and perverters of concord The King hearing this humbly answered that hee would obey their counsels in all things Whereupon a few dayes after understanding his error moved with repentance he commanded Peter Bishop of Winchester to goe to his Bishopricke to intend the cure of soules and that from thenceforth Regiis negotiiâ— nequaquam interesset hee should by no meanes intermeddle with the Kings affaires Walter de Langton Bishop of Chester lived in great authority under King Edward the first who favoured him much but his sonne Edward the second molested disgraced him all that eyer he might His Fatherdying in the North country he â—ommanded this Bishop to conduct his corps up to London and when hee had done so for reward of his paines hee caused Sir Iohn Felton Constable of the Tower to arrest him seased upon all his goods and imprisoned him first in the Tower then in the Castle of Wallingford of which imprisonment he was not released in two yeares after In his fathers life time he had often reprehended the young Prince for his insolent and dissolute behaviour which good admonitions he taking in evill part wronged and disgraced him many wayes namely one time he brakâ— downe his Parkes spoyled and drove away his deare c. The Bishop complained of this outrage unto the King his Father who being greatly displeased therewith committed the Prince his sonne for certaine dayes And this was the cause of the grudge between the yong King and him for which he sent him from Castle to Castle as Prisoner seised his Lands Tenements into his own hands gave his moveables to Pierce Gaviston and his Lord Treasurership to Walter Reignold About the same time or I thinke a little sooner to wit in the yeare 1â—01 hee was accused of certaine hainous crimes before the Pope and compelled to answer the accusation at Rome in his owne person Though the proofes brought against him were either none or very slender yet well knowing whom they had in hand Noverant ipsum prae multis bovem valde pinguem saith Matth. Westminster they were content to detaine him there so long as it forced him to spend an infinite deale of mony yet was never a whit the nearer atlast for the Pope remitted the hearing of the cause to the Archbishop oâ— Canterbury and yet reserved the determination of the â—ame unto himself at last The tempests of these troubles being over-blowne the rest of his time he lived for ought I finde quietly and being happily dismissed from the Court attended onely the government of his charge This Bishop setling his See towards his later end at Litchfield I finde no mention at all of any
Oath first and then administred it to others saying that he was glad in his heart that this Oath was imposed upon all the Clergie of England for now the true Children of the Church would bee knowne from the spurious and bastards And further hee hath deâ—yed to conferre Orders upon such who refused to take the said Oath as namely upon one Mr. Gibbonâ— And hath enforced the sayd Oath upon divers he hath ordained Ministers since the making thereof That the sayd Bishop hath beene a great fomentor and incourager of the late divisions and wars betweene the Kingdomes of England and Scotland conventing and urging the Clergie of his Diocesse in the yeares of our Lord 1638. 1639. to contribute a liberall benevolence towards the maintenance of the sayd wars using this speech as one motive to induce them to this contribution that it was Bellum Episcopale and saying that what ever cause the King had expressed in hiâ— Declaration yet in truth this war was for Vs meaning Vs the Bishops And whereas some of the Clergie denyed the payment of so large a Benevolenceâ—s â—s the sayd Bishop demanded in regard of their poverty and because they were still in their first fruites when they were free from Subsidies the sayd Bishop threatned by his power to put more Armes and horses upon them saying that if they would not serve the King with their purses they should serve him with their Armes And thereupon compelled them to pay the summes he demaunded of them against all Law as namely Mr. Roswell Mr. Ioanes Mr. Abbot and others And not contented herewith the sayd Bishop pretending that there were divers poore Vicars and Ministers in his Diocesse that were noâ— able to pay the Benevolence â—o as hee could not raise the summe he expected thereupon directed his Letters to divers of his wealthier Cleâ—gie causing some of them to pay a second contribution 13. That the sayd Bishop not content with this first Benevolence hath since that in the yeare of our Lord 1642. compelled divers of his Clergie to pay all or part of the sixe illegall subsidies or Benevolences imposed by the late pretended Synod without confirmation of Parliament threatning to excommunicaâ—e and deprive them ipsoâ— facto who fayled paymenâ— of it at the dayes prefixed by the Synod and sent out a processe to Master Newton Minister of Tauâ—ton even whiles the sayd Townâ— was much visited by the Pestilence long before the sayd Subsidy or Benevolence was due to enjoyne him to pay it punctually at the day or else he would inflict on him the penalties prescribed by this Synod and used these speeches that if they did not pay the sayd Subsidie or Benevolence they should be ground to powder And the sayd Commons by proâ—estaâ—ion sâ—â—ing to themselves the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other accusation or impeachment against the sayd Bishop And also of replying to the answeres that he the sayd Bishop shall make unto the sayd Articles or to any of them and of offering proofes also of the premisses or any of them or any other impeachment or accusation that shall be exhibited by them as the cause shall according to the course of Parliaments require doe pray that the sayd Bishop may be put to answere to all and every tâ—e premisses And that such proceedings examinations tryalls and judgements may be upon every of them had and used as is agreeable to Law and Justice By these Articles of impeachment you may easily discover what a prophane impious turbulent Prelate this Bishop is even such a one whom no age I thinke in many particulars is able to parallell whose prodigiously prophane speeches and actions proclaime to all the world that our present Prelates impieties have made them fit for judgement yea to be castout and trampled under feere of men as the very excrements and off-scouring of all things I have now runne through all our ancient Bishoprickes with that of Chester lately revived and given you a briefe account of the extravagant actions of some of those Lordly Prelates who possessed them I shall now in the close of this Chapter give you but a touch of some of the late Bishops of Oxford Bristoll Peterborough and Glocester which Bishopricks were erected out of dissolved Monasteries by King Henry the eight towards the end of his Reigne and so conclude Oxford TO passe by the first Bishops of this See none of the best there have beene three successions of Bishops in Oxford since I left the University Houson Corbet and Bancroft all of them Patriots of Innovations Erronious Popish Arminian Doctrines superstitious Ceremonies prophane Sports Revels and Bacchanals on the Lords day scandalous in their lives notoriously given to the flesh enemies to frequent preaching and the true Practise of Piety Of the two first of them I have given a touch in Durham and Norwich page 519. to which I shall referre you and for the last of them a Non-preaching Prelate who for ought I can learne never preached above one or two Sermons if so many all his life time he had a finger in the late Canons Oath lone in pressing whereof he was not negligent and had not death arrested him with the other two I doubt not but the Parliament had bin troubled with many complaints against them all which now being buryed together with them I will not revive Bristoll THE Bishopricke of Bristoll was first possessed by Paul Bush who was deprived in Queen Maries dayes for being married Iohn Holy-man a Papist succeeded him after whose death the See continued voyd some foure yeares Anno 1562. Richard Cheyny Bishop of Glocester and Iohn Bullingham his successor held Bristoll in Commendam so as it stood void oâ— a Bishop otherwise than as it was held by Commendamâ— one and thirty yeares Richard Fletcher next enjoyed it till he was translated to Worcester Anno. 1593. After which it stood vacant ten yeares to 1603. and then Iohn Thorneborough Bishop of Limbrick in Ireland and Commendatory Deane of York was translated to it This Bishop and some of his successors had great contests with the Major Aldermen and Citizens of Bâ—istoll whom he would force to come every Lords day morning and solemne Holiday to the Cathedrall Sermon to dance attendance and doe their homage to their Lordships which they for some yeares refused till at last after sundry complaints to the King and Councel the Bishops and they according the Major and Citizens yeelded to come to the Colledge now and then on solemne days if the weather were faire and sometimes in the Sommer season Robert Wright one of the late Bishops of this See had a great contestation with the Deane and Chapter of Bristoll and Master George Salterne Steward of the City for opposing him in setting up Images in the Cathedrall and other Churches which gave great offence to the people he was a great Innovator and maintainer of Superstitious Ceremonies at Bristoll to humor
Vortigerne but to King Powes named Beuly whose successors in tâ—at part of Wales issued from this Herdsmans race Our learned Martyr Doctor Barnes reciting this story and Legend out of Petrus de Natalibus concludes thus I thinke no man will binde me to prove this thing of the Calfe a lye and yet it must be preached and taught in each Church it must be written in holy Saints lives and he â—ust be a Saint that did it and why because hee deposed a King and set in a Neaâ—esherd Odo Bishop of Bayeux was at first in great estimation with his Brother William the Conquerour and bare great rule under him till at last for envy that Lanfranke was preferred before him he conspired against him who understanding thereof committed him to Prison where he remained till the said Prince then lying on his death bed released and restored him to his former liberty When the King was dead William Rufus took him backe into England supposing no lesse than to have had a speciall friend and a trusty Counsellour of him in all his affaires But ere long after his comming thither he fell againe into the same offence of ingratitude whereof he became culpable in the Conquerours dayes For perceiving that Lanfranke Arch Bishop of Canterbury was so highly esteemed with the King that he could beare no rule and partly suspecting that Lanfrancke had beene chiefe cause of his former imprisonment he suffered Duke Robert to bereave his Brother King William Rufus of the dominion of England all he might and conspired with the rest against his Nephew and thereupon writ sundry Letters unto Duke Robert counselling him to come over with an army in all hâ—ste to take the rule upon him which by his practise should easily be compassed Duke Robert thus animated pawnes the County of Constance to his younger Brother Henry for a great summe of gold and therewith returned answer to the said Bishop that he should provide and looke for him upon the South coast of England at a certaâ—ne â—ime appointed Hereupon Odo fortified the Castle of Rochester and began to make sore warres against â—he Kings friends in Kent and procured his other complices also to doe the like in other parts of the Realme And first on the West part of England Geoffrey Bishop of Constans with his Nephew Robert de Mowbray Earle of Northumberland setting forth from Bristow tooke and sacked Bath and Beâ—kley with a great part of Wiltshire and brought the spoile to Bristow where they fortified the Castle for their greater safety Robert de Bygod over-rode and robbed all the Countries about Norwich and Hugh de Grandwesuit spoyled and wasted all the Counâ—ries abouâ— Leicester And Robert Mountgomery Earle of Shrewâ—bury with William Bishop of Durham and others wasted the Country with fire and sword killing and taking great numbers of people where they came Afterwards comming to Worcester they assaulted the City and burnt the Suburbs But Bishop Wolstan being in the Towne encouraged the Citizens to resist who by his exhortation sallying out of the City when the enemies waxed negligent they slew and tooke above 5000. men of them in one day Archbishop Lanfranke in the meanâ— time whilst the Realme was thus troubled by Odoes meanes on each side writeth to and admonisheth all the Kings friends to make themselves ready to defend their Prince And when they were assembled with their forces he counselled the King to march into the â—ield speedily with them to represse his enemies The King following his counsell commanding first all unjust Imposts Taxes and Tallages to be laid downe and promising to restore such favourable Lawes as the people should dâ—sire to ingratiate himseâ—fe with hâ—s Subjects marcheth with a mighty army into Kent where the sedition beganâ— takes Tunbridge and Horne-Castle and afterward bâ—seigeth Bishop Odo in the Pemseyâ— which the Bâ—shop had strongly fortified Robert landing with a great Army in England during this siege Odo through want of victuall was glad to submit himselfe and promised to cause the Castle of Rochesteâ— to be delivered but at his comming thiâ—her they within the City suffred him to enter and straightwayes laid him fast in Pâ—â—son Some judge that this was done under a colour by his owne consent But the King besieging the City they within were glad â—o deliver iâ— up into his handâ— Thus lost Bâ—shop Odo all his Livings and dignities in England and so returned into Norâ—andy where under Duke Robert he had the chiefe government of the Country committed to him Anno Dom. 1196. Earle Iohn King Richard the first his Brother with his forces riding forth into the Country about Beauvois made havocke in robbing and spoyling all aâ—ore him Anon as Phillip the Bishop of Beauvois a man more given to the Campe then to the Church had knowledge hereof thinking them to be a meeâ—e prize for him with Sir William de Merlow and his Sonne and a great number of other valiant men of warre came forth into the fields and encounâ—ring with the enemies fought very stoutly But yet in the end the Bishop the Arch-deacon and all the chiefe Captaines were taken the residue slaine and chased After this Earle Iohn and Marchades presented the two Prelates with great triumph unto King Richard earely in the morning lying yet in his bed as those that were knowne to be his great enemies saying to him in French Rise Richard rise we have gotten the great Chantor of Beauvois and a good Quire man as we take it to answer him in the same note and here we deliver them unto you to use at your discretion The King seeing them smiled and was very glad for the taking of this Bishop for that he had ever found him his great adversary And therefore being thus taken fighting in the field with armour on his backe thought he might be bold in temporall wise to chastise him sith he not regarding his calling practised to molest him with temporall weapons Whereupon he committed him to close Prison all armed as he was It chanced soone after that two of his Chaplaines came unto the King to Roven where this Bishop was detained beseeching the King of License to attend upon their Master now in captivity unto whom as it is of some reported the King made this answer I am câ—ntent to make you Iudgeâ— in the cause betwixt me and your Master as for the evills which he hath either done or else gone about to doe unto me let the same be forgotten This is true that I being taken as I returned from my journey made into the holy Land and delivered into the Emperours hands was in respect of my Kingly state used according thereunto very friendly and honorably till your Master comming thither for what purpose he himselfe best knoweth had long conference with the Emperour After which I for my part in the next morning tasted the fruite of their over-nights talke being then loaden with as many Irons as a good Asse
might not very easily have borne Iudge you therefore what manner of imprisonment your Master deserved at my hands that procured such ease for me at the Emperours hands These two Chaplaines had their mouthes stopped with these words thus by the King uttered and so departed their wayes The Bishop being still detained in Prison procured suite to be made to the Pope for his deliverance writing a Letter to the Pope against the King for this hard usage recorded by Hoveden whereupon the Pope writ a Letter to the King in his behalfe to importune his release But the Pope being truely informed of the matter and wisely considering that the King had not taken the Bishop Preaching but fighting and kept him prisoner rather as a rough enemy then as a peaceable Prelate would not be earnest with the King for his deliverance but rather reproved the Bishop In that hee had preferred secular warfare before the spirituall and had taken upon him the use of a Speare insteed of a Crosier an Helmet insteed of a Miter an Herbergean instead of a white Rocket a Targeâ— for a Stoale and an iron Sword in lieu of the spirituall Sword and therefore he reâ—used to use any Commandment to King Ricâ—ard for the setting oâ— him at Liberty But yet he promised to doe what he could by way of intreating that he might be released It is reported by some Writers that the Pope at first not understanding the truth of the whole circumstance should send to King Richard commanding him by force of the Canons of the Church to deliver his Sonnes the Bishop and Archdeacon out of their captivity To whom the King sent their Armour with this message written in Latine Vide an tunica filii tui siâ— an non that is See whether these are the garments of thy Sonnes or not alluding to the saying of those that carryed Iosephs coaâ—e to Iacob Which when the Pope saw he said Nay by Saint Peter it is neither the apparell of my Sonnes nor yet of my Brethren but rather they are the vestures of the children of Mars and so he left them still to be ransomed at the Kings pleasure The Bishop thus seeing no hope to be delivered without some agreement had betwixt the two Kings became now through irkesomnesse of his bonds an earnest mediator for peace whereas he had beene before an extreame stirrer up of warre Such a Schoolemaster is imprisonment and plucker downe of lofty courages But not prevailing he plots how to make an escape When Queene Elionorâ—ing â—ing Richards Mother came to Rhoane she sent for this Bishops keepâ—rs to permi the Bishop to câ—me to her lodging to spâ—ake with her which although it were dangerous yet they unwillâ—ng to resist the Queenes suiâ—e peâ—mitâ—ed him to goe out of the Towe gaâ—es feâ—â—eâ—ed with themselves accompanying him As they passed bâ— a Church the Bishop ran to the doore thâ—ugh 〈◊〉 as well as he couâ—d and laying hold on the Ring of the Churâ—hâ— cryed out with a loud voâ—ce saying I demand the peace of God and the Church At which speech his Keepers much troubled laid hands on him pulâ—ed him from the Church doore and brought him backe agaâ—ne to the Tower where they kept him more stricktly then before Which â—he King hearing of sent him to Chine to be kept close Prisoner After this he offered King Richard 10000 markes for his enlargement which he refused But Kâ—ng Iohn comming to the Crown at the Popes request relâ—ased hâ—m â—or 2000. He taking a solemne Oath before the Cardinall and other Ecclesiastickes that he would never all his life after beare armes against Christians as he had causeâ— now noâ— to doe About the same time Walter Arch bishop of Roven at the instigation of the French King puâ— all the Country of Normandy under senâ—ence of inâ—erdiction because King Richard had begun to sort â—he a Caâ—â—le at Lisse Dandely upon a peece of ground which the Archbishop câ—aimâ—d to appertaine unto hiâ— See The Archbishop would â—y no meaneâ— release the interdict So as the bodies â—f dead men lay unbuâ—yed through all the Villages and streetes of tâ—e Câ—ties of Normandy Hereupon the King much troubled at the Aâ—chbâ—shops dealing whom he had advanced and much imployed sâ—nds â—o Rome to the Pope to heare the cause betweene them The matter being brought before the Pope he perceiving the intent of King Richard was not otherwise grounded upon anâ— covetous purpose to defraud the Church oâ— her right but oneâ—y to buâ—ld a fortresse in such place as was moâ—t expedient for defence of the Country about to preserve it from invasion of the enemies counselled the Archbishop noâ— to sâ—and against the King in it but to exchange with him for some other Lands which was done and the interdiction by the Pope released This Archbishop was a great warriour bore great sway in England during King Richards absence and captivity and troubled the Realme very much with taxes and warres Before I come to the Prelates of Scotland I shall insert one story of a Patriarch of Hierusalem who affronted our King Henry the second to his face in a shamefull manner The story is this Heraclius Patriarch of Ierusalem came into England in the thirtyeth yeare of King Henry the second and made busy request to him against the Saracens proffering him the keyes of Ierusalem and of our Lords grave with Letters of Pope Lucius the third charging him that he should take upon him the Kingdome of Ierusalem with the royall Standard of the Kingdome as due unto him and likewise make a royall voyage thither in proper person with an army for the security thereof and to have minde of the Oath that he before time had made The King deferred his answer and Baldwin the Arch bishop Preached and exhorted men to take the Crosse by whose meanes many there were that avowed that journey The King at last by the advise of his whole Councell and Parliament gave this answer that he might not leave his Land without keeping nor yet leave it to the prey and robbery of the French men but he would give largely of his owne to such as would take upon them that voyage With this answer Heraâ—lius was discontented and said we seeke a man and not money well neere every Christian Region sendeth to us money but no Land sendeth to us a Prince But the King laid for him such excuses that the Patriarch departed from him discontented and comfortlesse Whereof the King being advertised entending somewhat to recomfort hâ—m with pleasant words followed him to the Sea side But the more the King thought to satisfie him with his faire speech the more the Patriarch was discontented in so much that at last he said unto him Hitherto thou hast raigned gloriously but hereafter thou shalt be forsaken of him that thou at this time forsakest thinke on him what he hath given to thee and what thou hast yeelded to him againe How first thou wert false to
got him to Edenburgh and assisted with many Lords kept the Queene and her husband out of that Towne whereby great dissention and part-taking was raised amongst the Nobility of the Realme But as I gather peace being made betweene them he was againe made Chancellor After this in the yeare of Christ 1515. he commeth with the Earle of Arrane who submitteth himselfe to the Governour Shortly following the Governour gave to this Archbishop of Glascow the Abbey of Arbroth assigning to the Earle of Murrey a large pension out of the same which Bishop being thus in favour with the Governour was in the yeare of Christ 1517. in May when the Governour went into France appointed amongst others to have the Rule of the Realme untill his returne Two yeares after which the Nobility being divided about the quarrell of the Earle of Angus and Arrane this Bishop in the yeare of Christ 1519. being then also Chancellor with other Noblemen of the Realme kept the Towne of Glascow but after that this Chancellour who would not come to Edenburgh the King of England and of France their Embassadors came to Sterling where a peace was proclaimed amongst the Nobility But what can long continue in one stay or what peace will be long embraced amongst ambitious mindes sith in the yeare following being the yeare of Christ 1â—20 the Noblemen â—ell againe to factions For when divers of the Peeres were come to Edenburgh to aide the Earle of Angus against the Earle of Arrane this Chancellor remaining then in the Towne they pursued the Earle and Chancellour so hotly that they were both constrained to forsake the Towne and to fly through the North locke about the thirteenth day of Aprill But as the events of quarrels be doubtfull now up now downe so this Archbishop not long aâ—ter this disgrace recovered breath and in November following did accompany the Regent come out of France to Edenburgh where was a Parliament holden to summon the Earle of Angus to appeare but he refusing it was agreed that the Earle should passe into England there to remaine The Bishop thus having the better of his enemies Andrew Forman Bishop of Saint Andrewes dyed in the yeare 1522 being about the ninth yeare of Iames the first by occasion whereof this Chancellor Iames Beton Bishop of Glascow was advanced to that See and â—urther made Abbot of Dumfermling Upon which new honour in the yeare of Christ 1524. He was appointed one of the Governours of the Realme by Parliament but he not possessing this honour any long time the Earle of Angus who had gotten the King into his usurped government and denyed the delivery of the King being sent for by this Bishop and the other Nobility sent to the Chancellor for the greaâ— Seale which was delivered to the Messengers upon which this Bishop not forgetting the same hastened the sentence of divorce sued before him between the Queen and the Earle of Angus Whereof the Earle to revenge the same did with the King in the yeare of Christ 1526. seeke for the Queene and the Bishop of Saint Andrewes but because they were kept secretly in their friends houses so that they could not be heard of He spoyled the Abbey of Dumfermling and the Castle of Saint Andrewes taking away all that the Archbishop had Notwithstanding which the Archbishop keeping in favour with the old Queene and the young King did in the yeare of Christ 1529 and in the sixteenth yeare oâ— James the fifth Christen James the Kingâ— Sonne boâ—ne at Saint Andrewes and not long after surrendred his Soule to God Anno 1542. Immediately after the death of James the fifâ—h of Scotland David Beton Cardinall and Archbishop of Saint Andrewes the speciall Minister and factor of the French causes to the advancement and continuance thâ—reof â—orged a Will of the late King departed in which amongst other things he established himselfe chiefe Regent The Protestants to whom this Cardinall was ever a cruell enemy and sharpâ— scourge espyed forth his unjust dealing in this behalfe and thereupon set the Earle of Arran against him who by the helpe of his owne and â—heir friends he removed the Cardinall and his adherents from their usurped roome and Authority and therewith was the said Earle proclaymed Protector and Governour of the Realme The next yeare at a Convention of the Lords at Edenburgh this Archbishop was put in ward in the Castle of Dalkish lest he should goe about to perswade the Nobility not to consent to the Governours desires and the King of Englands match propounded to the Scottish Queene Which match of Prince Edward with Queene Mary of Scotland though concluded on by a Parliament in Scotland this Archâ—ishop Beton hindred fâ—aring lest Scotland should change the Church Orders and reforme Religion as England had begun to doe Whereupon ensued divers Commotions in Scotland and a bloody Warâ—e King Henry the eighth sending an Army into Scotland upon this breach and occasion on the one side and the Pope and French King sending aide to this Cardinall Archbishop and his faction on the other side After this this Archbishop he was removed to his owne Castle of Saint Andrewes with Warders about him to see him safely kept Anno 1â—44 The Patriarch of Hierusalem arriving in Scotland he was honorably received by this Cardinall Arch Prelate and the Bishops of Scotland into the City of Glascow during whose abode there great contentions arose betweene this Arch Prelate and the Archbishop of Glascow who should in that City be of greatest authority and honour Which in the end came to this issue that both families fell together by the â—ares which of them should goe before with his Crosse borne upright For the Cardinall Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and Primate of the Kingdome did affirme that the Archbishop of Glascow should not have his Crosse borne in his owne Church so long as he was present Which the servants of the Archbishop of Glascow tooke so in disdaine that they plucked downe the Cardinals Crosse and threw it to the ground Whereupon the Governour understanding the whole matter and that it was now come from words to swords made haste to appease the factious commotion and caused the Patriarch therewith to be brought to Edenburgh accompanyed with the Clergy and so appeased the controversie That done the Patriarch the Popes Legate comming to Rome procured the â—egantine power to be granted to the Cardinall which he long enjoyed not For being greatly envyed by reason of these honours and some grievous facts by meanes whereof there fell continuall dissentions betweene the Nobility which ended not till this Cardinall was slaine who corrupting his Keepers whiles he was imprisoned in Saint Andrewes Castle he found meanes to escape thence and in the yeare 1543. he came to the Coronation of the young Queene and shortly after perswaded the Earle of Arrane the Governour to leave the part of â—he King of England and wholly to become French At the Coronation the
to be the maine cause of commotions in Kingdomes and states and are knowne to be the true cause of our present troubles were many and great beside the bookes of Ordination and Homiliâ—s 1. Some particular alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon us without order and against Law contrary to the forme established in our Kirk 2. A new booke of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall 3. A Liturgie or booke of Commonâ—prayer which did also carry with them many dangerous errours in matteâ—s of Doctrine Of all which we challenge the â—relate of Canterbury as the prime cause on earth And first that this Prelate wes the Author and urger of some particular changes which made great disturbance amongst us we make manifestâ— 1â— by fourteene letters subscribed W. Cant. in the space of two yeares to one of our pretended Bishops Bannatine wherein he often enjoyneth him and other pretended Bishops to appeare in the Chappell in their whiâ—es connary to the custome of our Kirk and to his promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edenburgh at the Coronaâ—â—on that none of them after that time should be pressed to weare these garments thereby moving him against his will to put them on for that time wherein he directeth him to give order for saying the English Service in the Chappell twice a day for his neglect shewing him that he wes disappointed oâ— the Bishopricke oâ— Edenburgh promising him upon the greater care of these novations advancement to a better Bishopricke taxing him for his boldnesse in prâ—aching the sound Doctrine of the reformed Kirkes against Master Mitchell who had taught the errours of Arminius in the point of the extent of the merit of Christ bidding him send up a list of the names of Counsellours and Senatours of the Colledge of Justice who did not communicate in the Chappell in a forme which was not received in our Kirke commending him when he found him obsequious to these his commands telling him that he had moved the King the second time for the punishment of such as had not received in the Chappell and wherein he upbraideth him bitterly that in his first Synod at Aberdein he had onely disputed against our custome of Scotland of fasting sometimes on the Lords day and presumptuously censuring our Kirke that in this we were opposite to Christianity it selfe and that amongst us â—here were no Canons at all More of this stuffe may be seene in the letters themselves Secondly by two papers of memoirs and instructions from the pretended Bishop of Saint Androis to the pretended Bishop of Rosse comming to this Prelate for ordering the affaires of the Kirke and Kingdome of Scotland as not onely to obtaine warrants to order the Exchequer the Privy Counsell the great Commission of Surrenders the matter of Balmerino's processe as might please our Prelates but warrants also for sitting of the High Commission Court once a weeke in Edenburgh and to gaine from the Noblemen for the benefit of Prelates and their adherents the Abbacies of Kelso Arbroith S. Androis and Lindors and in the smallest matters to receive his commands as for taking downe Galleries and stone-walls in the Kirkes of Edenburgh and Saint Androis for no other end but to make way for Altars and adoration towards the East which besides other evills made no small noyse and disturbance amongst the people deprived hereby of their ordinary accommodation for publique worship The second Novation which troubled our peace wes a Book of Canons and constitutions Ecclesiasticall obtruded upon our Kirke found by our generall Assembly to be devised â—or establishing a tyrannicall power in the persons of our Prelates over the worship of God over the consciences liberties and goods of the people and for abolishing the whole discipline and government of our Kirke by generall and provinciall assemblies Presbyteries and Kirke sessions which was setled by Law and in continuall practise since the time of Reformation that Canterbury wes Master of this Worke is manifest By a Booke of Canons sent to him written upon the one side only with the other side blank for corrections additions putting all in better Order at his pleasure which accordingly wes done as may appeare by interlinings marginalls and filling up of â—he blanke page with directions sent to our Prelates and that it wes done by no other than Canterbury is evident by his Magisteriall way of prescribing and by a new copy of these Canons all written with Saint Androis owne hand precisely to a Letter according to the former castigations sent backe for procuring the Kings warrant unto it which accordingly wes obtained but with an addition of some other Canons and a Paper of some other corrections According to which the Book of Canons â—hus composed wes published in Print the inspection of the Bookes Instructions and his Letters of joy for the successe of the worke and of others Letters of the Prelate of London and the Lord Sterling to the same purpose all which we are ready to exhibite will put the matter out of all debate Besides this generall there be some things more speciall worthy to be adverted unto for discovering his Spirit 1. The fourth Canon of Cap. 8. forasmuch as no Reformation in Doctrine or Discipline can be made perfect at once in any Church therefore it shall and may be lawfull for the Church of Scotland at any time to make remonstrance to his Majesty or his successors c. Because this Canon holdeth the doore open to more Innovations he writeth to the Prelate of Rosse his privy Agent in all this Worke of his great gladnesse that this Canon did stand behind the Curtaine and his great desire that this Canon may be Printed fully as one that was to be most usefull Secondly the title prefixed to these Canons by our Prelates Canons agreed upon to be proponed to the severall Synods of the Kirke of Scotland is thus changed by Canterbury Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall c. Ordained to be observed by the Clergy He will not have Canons come from the Authority of Synods but from the power of Prelates or from the Kings Prerogative Thirdly the formidable Canon Cap. 1.3 threatning no lesse than Excommunication agaiâ—st all such persons whosoever shall open their mouthes against any of these Bookes proceeded not from our Prelates nor is to be found in the Copy sent from them but is a thunder-bolt forged in Canterburies owne fire 4. Our Prelates in divers places witnesse their dislike of Papists A Minister sall be deposed if he be found negligent to convert Papists Chap. 18.15 The adoration â—f the bread is a superstition to be condemned Cap. 6.6 They call the absolute necessity of Baptisme an errour of Popery Cap. 6.2 But in Canterburies Edition the name of Papists and Popery is not so much as mentioned 5. Our Prelates have not the boldnesse to trouble us in their Canons with Altars Fonts Chancels reading of a long Liturgy before Sermon c. But Canterbury is
And as if this had not been sufficient he procured sixe Subsidies to be lifted of the Clergy under paine of deprivation to all that should refuse And which is yet worse and above which Malice it selfe cannot ascend by his meanes a Prayer is framed Printed and sent through all the Paroches of England to be said in all Churches in time of Divine Service next after the Prayer for the Queene and Royall Progeny against our Nation by name of Trayterous Subjects having cast off all obedience to our annoynted Soveraigne and comming in a rebellious manner to invade England that shame may cover our faces as Enemies to God and the King Whosoever shall impartially examine what hath proceeded from himselfe in these two Bookes of Canons and Common Prayer what Doctrine hath beene published and Printed these yeares by-past in England by his Disciples and Emissaries what grosse Popery in the most materiall points we have found and are ready to shew in the posthume writings of the Prelate of Edenburgh and Dumblane his owne creatures his neerest familiars and most willing instruments to advance his counsels and projects â—all perceive that his intentions were deepe and large against all the reformed Kirkes and Reformation of Religion which in his Majesties dominions wes panting and by this time had rendred up the Ghost if God had not in a wonderfull way of mercy prevented us And that if the Pope himselfe had beene in his place he could not have beene more Popish nor could he more zealously have negotiated for Rome against the Reformed Kirkes to reduce them to the Heresies in Doctrine the Superstitions and Idolatry in worship and the Tyranny in Government whâ—ch are in that See and for which the Reformed Kirkes did separate from it and come furth of Babell From him certainely hath issued all this deluge which almost haâ—h overturned all We are therefore confident that your Lordships will by your meanes deale effectually wiâ—h the Parliament that this great firebrand be presently removed from his Majesties presence and that he may be put to tryall and put to his deserved censure according to the Lawes of the Kingdome which fall be good service to God honour to the King and Parliament terrour to the wicked and comfort to all good men and to us in speciall who by his meanes principally have beene put to so many and grievous afflictions wherein we had perished if God had not beene with us We doe indeed confesse that the Prelates of England have beene of very different humours some of them of a more hot and others of them men of a more moderate temper some of them more and some of them lesse inclinable to Popery yet what knowne truth and constant experience hath made undenyable we must at this opportunity professe that from the first time of Reformation of the Kirke of Scotland not onely after the comming of King Iames of happy memory into England but before the Prelates of England have beene by all meanes uncessantly working the overthrow of our discipline and government And it hath come to passe of late that the Prelates of England having prevailed and brought us to subjection in the point of Governement and finding their long waited for opportunity and a rare congruity of many spirits and powers ready to cooperate for their ends have made a strong assault upon the whole externall worship and doctrine of our Kirke By which their doing they did not aime to make us conforme to England but to make Scotland first whose weakâ—nesse in râ—sisting they had before experienced in the Novations of government and of some poynts of Worship and thereafter England conforme to Rome even in these matters wherein England had separated from Rome ever since the time of Reformation And evill therefore which hath issued not so much from the personall disposition of the Prelates themselves as from the innate quality and nature of their office and Prelaticall Hierarchy which did bring furth the Pope in ancient times and never ceaseth till it bringeth furth Popish Doctrine and worship where it is once rooâ—ed and the Principles thereof fomented and constantly followed And from that antipathy and inconsistency of the two formes of Ecclesiasticall Government which they conceived and not without cause that one Island united also under one head and Monarch wes noâ— able to beare the one being the same in all the parts and powers which it wes in the times of Popery and now is in the Roman Church The other being the forme of Government received maintained and practised by all the Reformed Kirks wherein by their owne testimonies and confessions the Kirke of Scotland had amongst them no small eminency This also we represent to your Lordships most serious consideration that not onely the firebrands may be removed but that the fire may be provided against that there be no more combustion after this I shall close up all touching the Prelates of Scotland with the late Act of their generall Assembly at Edenburgh for their utter extirpation out of that Church and the Recantation and abjuration of two of their late Bishops to wit the Bishop of Dunkelden and of the Orcanies The Generall Act for abolishing of Episcopacy and all Innovationâ— lately intended in the Church of Scotland THe Kings Majesty having graciously declared that it is his Royall will and pleasure that all questions about Religion and matters Ecclesiasticall be determined by Assemblies of the Kirke having also by publique Proclamation indicted this frâ—e National Assembly for setling the present distraction of this Kirke and for establishing a perfect peace against such divisions and disorders as hath beene sore displeasing to his Majesty and grievous to all his good Subjects and now his Majesâ—ies Commissioner Iohn Earle of Traquaire instructed and authorized with a full Commission being present and sitting in this Assembly now fully conveened and orderly constitute in all the members thereof according to the Order of this Kirke having at large declared his Majesties good will to the reformed Religion and his Royall care and tender affection to this Kirke where his Majesty had both his birth and Baptisme his great displeasure at the manifold distractions and division of this Kirk and Kingdome and his desires to have all our wounds perfectly cured with a free and fatherly hand And although in the way approved by the Kirke tryall hath beene taken in former assemblies before from the Kirke Registers to our full satisfaction yet the Commissioners grace making particular enquiry from the members of the Assembly now solemnely conveened concerning the reall and true causes of so many and great evills at this time past had so fore troubled the peace of this Kirke and Kingdome it was presented to his Majesties Commissioner by this Assembly that beside many other the maine and most materiall causes was First the pressing of this Kirke by the Prelates with a Service Booke or Booke of Common Prayer without direction or
the Gospell whom they burnt and put to death the story of whose persecutions he that list may reade in Master Fox his Actâ— and Monuments Edit ult vol. 2. p. 605. to 626. to which I shall referre the Reader And thus much briefely touching the disloyall seditioâ—s and Schismaticall acts of the Scottish Prelates I now proceed to those of Ireland in whom I shall be briefe The Irish Bishops IN the yeare of Grace 1197. Hamo de Waâ—is with the other Gardians of Ireland and Earle Iohns men offered some injury to Iohn Cumin Arch-bishop of Dublin whereupon the Archbishop willing rather to be banished then to suffer such great injuries to himselfe and his Church to goe unpunished excommunicated the foresayd presumers and passed a sentence of interdict against his Arch-bishopricke and departed commanding the Crosses and images of the Cathedâ—all Church to bee taken downe and hedged about with thornes that so those malefactors might be terrified and recalled from their will of preying upon the goods of the Church But they still persisting in their maligne purpose there happened a miracle not heaâ—d of in our times There was a Crucifix in the Cathedrall Church of Dublin wherein the image of Christ was more exactly carved than in all others in Ireland or elsewhere which they had in most veneration This Image being layd prostrate on the ground and hedged about with thornes on the sixt weeke fell into a trance and his face I doubt if true by the Arch-bishops or Priests Legerdemaine appeared overspread with a vehement rednesse as if it had beene in a fiery furnace and a great sweate issued out of its face and little drops fell down from its eyes as if it wept and on the sixth houre of that day blood and water issued out of its left side and on the right side of its brest which the ministers of that Church diligently gathering up sent an Ambassie after their Arch-bishop Iohn Câ—min commanding him to certifie the Pope the event hereof under the Testimony and Seales of venerable men Yet the other Bishops of Ireland albeit they had often read En tua res agitur paries cum proximus ardeâ— notwithstanding passed by the dammages and injuries which the servants of Iohn Earle of Morton had done to their fellow Bishop with closed eyes and become like rammes not having hornes they retired from the face of the pursuer But Iohn Bishop of Dublin being in Exile came to Richard the first King of England and Iohn Earle of Morton his brother but could have no justice nor restitution of the things taken from him It seemes his cause therefore was not good After which hee continued long in England leaving both his Churâ—h and Diocesse still under interdiction and the others under the sentence of Excommunication O what impiety and malice is there in Prelates who for a meere supposed injury from one or two will interdict an whole Kingdome or Diocesâ—e and wil rob God of his publicke service as they account it and meâ—s soules of all spirituall food and exercises of Religion to wrecke their malice upon an enemie or two But this hath beene their common Atheisticall practise God and men mâ—st suffer in the highest degree rather than they lose their wills or the smallest punctilio of their usurped Antichristian honour Anno. 1212. this Arch-bishop dying Henry Condies succeeded him who was called Scorch Villeyn by occasion of a certaine treacherous act of his for one day calling his Tenants before him to answere by what tenure they held of him those Tenants shewing him their Deedes and Charters he commanded their Deedes and Charters to be burned of purpose to disinherit them of their rights for which most unjust act the Freeholders ever called him Henry Scorch-Villein he was Justice of Ireland and built Dublin Castle buâ— of his preaching to build men up in grace I finde not one syllable Anno 1313. Fryer Roland Ioce Primate of Armach arrived at the Isle of Houth the morrow after the Annunciation of the bleâ—sed Virgin Mary and rising in the night by stealth tooke up his Crosier and advanced it as â—arre as the Priory of Gâ—ace Dieu whom there encountred certaine of the Arch bishop of Dublins servants Iohn Leekes was then Arch-bishop of this See debasing and putting downe that Crosier and the Primate himselfe oâ— Armach they chased with disgrace and confusion out of Lemâ—ter Anno. 1324. Alexander de Bickner Arch-bishop of Dublin being in England joyned with thâ— Arch-bishops and Bishops of England in rescuing Adam de Arlton Bishop of Hereford even when he was openly arraigned for high Treason against King Edward the second at the Parliament barre the highest affront that ever I read offered to publicke Justice the story whereof is formerly recited at large p. 54.55 Annoâ— 1326. he sided with the Queene and other Prelates against King Edward the second his Soveraigne to his deposall and destruction in which he was very active Anno. 1331. on the vigill of Saint Marke the Evangelist the O-Tothely came to Tavelagh and robbed this Alexander Arch-bishop of Dublin tooke away three hundred sheepe and slew Bichard White and other men of his company the retinue of the Lord Archbishop of Dublin were by a traine or ambush slaine by David O-Tothill in Culiagh Anno. 1337. whiles Iohn Charlton was Lord Justice and held a Parliament at Dublin Doctor David O-Hirraghey Arch-bishop of Armach being called to the Parliament made his provision for house-keeping in the Monastery of Saint Mary neere unto Dublin but because he would have had his Crosier carried before him he was impeached by Alexander Arch-bishop of Dublin and his Clerkes and permit him they would not Anno. 1379. The Arch-bishop of Casselâ— in Ireland came from Rome sent thither for certaine urgent causes bringing backe with him a great power of binding and loosing from the Pope when he came to London preaching to the People he denounced the King of Francâ— and as many as adhered to the Anti-Pope to be involved in the sentence of Excommunication affirming that even now it would be an acceptable time to England as well in the cause of the King of England as of the Pope to invade the Kingdome of France especially since it was probable that a King Excommunicated would not have any confidence of resisting Thus this Messenger of Peace proves a publicke Herald to proclaime warre The King of France on the other side makes Proclamation through all his Kingdome that none should obey Pope Vrban and if any did â—ee should be beheaded and all his goods should be confiscated to the Kings use after which the confederates of Pope Clement and Vrban meeting in the field above 5000. were slaine on Clements part in one battle with Bernard Decksale their Generall and many more afterwards Anno. 1420. there was a Parliament held at Dublin at which time Richard O-Hedian Bishop of
The proud Pope put him out So of his Realme is in doubt But Lords bâ—ware and them defend For now these folk been wondrous stout Moses Law forbade iâ— thâ— That Priests should no Lordships weld Christs Gospell biddeth also That they shoâ—ld no Lordshipâ— held Ne Christs Apostles were never so bold No such Lordships to them embrace But â—â—neren her â—â—eep and keep her fold God amend hem for his grace c. This Booke of Chaucer was authorised to be printed by Act of Parliament in the 34. and 3â— Hen. 8. C. 2. When the Prelates by the same Act prohibited both the printing and reading of the Bible in English such was their piety About the same time there was a device or counterfeit letter fained under the nâ—â—e of Luâ—ifer Prince of darknesse written to the persâ—cuting Prâ—lâ—tes of England in those times and transcribed by Master Fox out of the Register of the Bishop of Hereford and written as some thinke by William Swinderby or some other Lollard The coppy whereof I shall here insert because it lively sets sorth the use and benefit that the Devill makes of our Lordly Prelates and the ill effects of their great wealth and power to the great prejudice both of our Church and State I LVCIFER Prince of Darknesse and profound heavinesse Emperour of the high Misteries of the King of Acharoâ—t Captaine of the Dungeon King of Hell and controuler of the infernall fire To all our children of pride and companions of our Kingdome and especially to our Princes of the Church of this later age and time of which our adversary Jesus Christ according to the Prophet saith I hate the Church or Congregation of the wicked send greeting and wish prosperity to all that obey our commandements as also to all those that be obedient to the Lawes of Satan already enacted and are diligent observers of our behests and the precepts of our decree Know ye that in times past certaine Vicars or Vicegerents of Christ following his steps in miracles and virtues living and continuing in a beggarly life converted in a manner the whole World from the yoake of our tyranny unto their Doctrine and manner of life to the great derision and contempt of our Prison-house and kingdome and also to the no little prejudice and hurt of our jurisdiction and authority not fearing to hurt our fortified power and to offend the Majesty of our estate For then received we no tribute of the World neither did the miserable sort of common people rush at the gates of our deepe dungeon as they were wont to do with continual pealing and rapping but then the easie pleasant and broad way which leadeth to death lay still without great noyse of trampling travellers neither yet was trod with feet of miserable men And when all our Courts were without Suitors Hell then began to howle And thus continuing in great heavinesse and anguish was robbed and spoyled Which thing considered the impatient rage of our stomack could no longer suffer neither the ugly rechlesse negligence of our great Captainâ— generall could any longer endure it But we seâ—king remedy for the time that should come after have provided us of a very trim shift For in stead of these Apostles and other their adherents which draw by the same line of theirs as well in manners as doctrine and are odious enemies to us Wee have caused you to be their Successors and put you in their place which be Prelates of the Church in these later times by our great might and subtilty as Christ hath said of you They have raigned but not by me Once we promised unto him all the Kingdomes of the World if he would fall downe and worship us but he would not saying My Kingdome is not of this World and went his way when the multitude would have made him a temporall King But to you truely which are fallen from the state of grace and that serve us in the earth is that my promise fulfilled and all terrene things by our meanes which wee bestowed upon you are under government For he hath said of us ye know The Prince of this World cometh c. And hath made us to raigne over all children of unbeleife Therefore our adversaries before recited did patiently submit themselves unto the Princes of the World and did teach that men should doe so saying Be ye subject to every creature for Gods cause whether it be to the King as most chiefest And againe Obey ye them that are made rulers over you â— For so their Master commanded them saying The Kâ—ngs of the Heathen have dominion over them c. But I thinke it long till we have powred our poyson upon the earth and therefore fill your selves full And now be ye not unlike those Fathers but also contrary unto them in your life and conditions and extoll your selves above all other men Neither doe ye give unto God that which belongeth to him nor yet to Caesar that which is his but exercise you the power of both the Swordsâ— according to our decrees making your selves doers in worldly matters fightâ—ng in our quarrell intangled with secular labours and businesse And clime ye by little and little from the miserable state of poverty unto the highest Seats of all Honours and the most Princely places of dignity by your devised practises and false and deceitfull wiles and subtilty that is by Hypocrisie Flattery Lying Perjury Treasons Deceiâ—s Simony and other greaâ—er wickednesse then which our internall furies may devise For after that ye have been by us advanced thither where ye would be yet that doth not suffice you but as greedy starvelings more hungry then ye were before ye suppresse the poore scratch and rake together all that comes to hand perverting and turning every thing topsie â—urvey so swolne that ready ye are to burst for pride living like Lechers in all corporall delicatenesse and by fraud directing all your doings You challenge to your selves names of honour in the earth calling your selves Lords Holy yea and most holy Fathers Thus either by violence ye raven or else by ambition subtilly ye pilfer away and wrongfully wrest and by false title possesse those goods which for the sustentation of the poore members of Christ whom from our first fall we have hated were bestowed and given consuming them as ye your selves list and wherewith ye cherish and maintaine an innumerable sort of Whores Strumpets and Bawdes with whom ye ride pompously like mighty Princes farre otherwise going then those poore beggarly Priests of the primitive Church For I would ye should build your selves rich and gorgeous Palaces Ye fare like Princes eating and drinking the most daintiest meates and pleasantest wines that may be gotten Ye hoard and heape together an infinite deale of treasure not like to him that said Gold and silver have I none Ye serve and fight for us according to your wages O most acceptable society
wicked Doctrine at Oxford were brought into judgement before the King and the Bishops of the kingdome who being devious from the catholique Faith and overcome in tryall Facies cauteriata notabiles cunctis exposuit qui expulsi sunt aregno they were stigmatized in the face which made them notable to all and then banished out of the kingdome VVhat this pravum dogma or wicked opinion was for which these men were thus stigmatized and exiled I finde not specified in Paris and Walsingham but Iohn Bale out of Guâ—do Perpinâ—anus de Haeresibus relates that those men were certaine Waldenses who taught That the Church of Rome was the whore of Babylon and the barren Fig-tree whom Christ himselfe had long agoe accursed and moreover said Non obediendum esse Papâ— ET EPISCOPIS Ordinesque Characteres esse magnae bestiae That men are not to obey the Pope AND BISHOPS and that Orders to wit Popish Orders are the characters of the great beast Had these Waldenses lived in our dayes they should not have beene branded onely in the face by our Lordly Prelates procurement but set â—n the Pillory and had both their eares cut off then banished into forraigne Islands and there been shut up close prisoners so strictly that neither their wives children friends should have any accesse unto them nor they enjoy so much as the use of bookes Pen Inke or Paper onely for opposing Episcopacy as we know some others have lately been for this very cause Expertus loquor So dangerous so fatall is it for any to oppose our Lordly Prelacy as these men did in their generation though â—hey smarted for it Yet this could not deterre our most learned â— Gualter Mapes Archdeacon of Oxford flourishing in king Iohns raigne about the yeare of our Lord 1210. from following their footsteps who in his Satyrs doubted not to stile Prelates Animalia bruta stercora Bruit beasts and dung and in his books Ad impios Praelatâ—s and Ad malos Pastores complaines that Alegis doctoribus Lex evacuatur Dilatatur impii regnum Pharaonis comparing the Bishops to wicked Pharaoh for their tyranny and oppression But of him before This Doctrine of his and other our Martyrs was this seconded by Sir Iohn Borthwike knight martyred in Scotland Anno 1540. as appeares by his answers in the sixth and seventh Articles objected against him by the Prelates The sixth Article Agreeable to the ancient Errors of Iohn Wickliffe and Iohn Hus Arch-Heretiques condemned in the Councell of Constance hee hath affirmed and preached That the Clergy ought not to possesse or have any temporall possessions neither to have any jurisdiction or authoritie in temporalties even over their owne subjects but that all things ought to bee taken from them as it is at this present in England Borthwicke The Lord in the eighteenth Chapter of the Booke of Numbers said thus unto Aaron Thou shalt possesse nothing in their Land neither shalt thou have any portion amongst them I am thy portion and inheritance amongst the Children of Israel for unto the sonnes of Levi I have given all the Tithes of Israel that they should possesse them for their Ministry which they doe execute in the Tabernacle of the Congregation Albeit I doe not doubt but that the Order of the Levites and of the Clergy is farre different and variable For the administration of their sacred and holy things after their death passed unto their posterity as it were by right of inheritance which happeneth not unto the posterity of our Clergy in these dayes Furthermore if any heritage be provided or gotten for them I doe not gainâ—-say but that they shall possesse it but still I doe affirme That all temporall jurisdiction should be taken from them For when as twice there arose a contention amongst the Disciples which of them should be thought the greatest Christ answered The kings of Nations have dominion over them and such which have power over them are called beneficiall you shall not doe so for hee which is greatest amongst you shall be made equall unto the youngest or least and hee which is the Prince or Ruler amongst you shall be made equall unto him that doth minister minding thereby and willing utterly to debarre the Ministers of his Word from all terrene and civill dominion and Empire For by these points he doth not onely declare that the office of a Pastor is distinct and divided from the office of a Prince and Ruler but they are in effect so much different and separate that they cannot agree or ioyne together in one man Neither is it to be thought that Christ did set or ordaine an harder Law then hee himselfe did take upon him For so much as in the twelfth of Luke certaine of the company said unto him Master command my brother that he divide his inheritance with mee Hee answered Man who made me a Judge or a divider amongst you Wee see therefore that Christ even simply did reiect and refuse the office of a Judge the which thing hee would not have done if it had beene agreeable unto his office or duty The like thing also hee did in the eighth Chapter of Iohn when as hee refused to give iudgement upon the woman taken in adultery which was brought before himâ— Whereas they doe alleage â—hat Moses did supply both offices at once I answer that it was done by a rare miracle Furthermore that it continued but for a time untill things were brought unto a better state besides that there was a certaine forme and rule prescribed him of the Lord then tooke hee upon him the civill governance and the Priesthood he was commanded to resigne unto his bâ—other and that not without good cause for it is against nature that one man should suffice both charges wherefore it was diligently fore-seene and provided for in all ages Neither was there any Bishop so long as any true face or shew of the Church did continue who once thought to usurpe the right and title of the sword whereupon in the time of Saint Ambrose this proverbe tooke his originall That Emperours did rather wish or desire the office of Priesthood then Priests any Empire For it was all mens opinions at that time that sumptuous palaces did pertaine unto Emperours and Churches unto Priests Saint Bernard also writeth many things which are agreeable unto this our opinion as is this his saying Peter could not give that which hee had not but hee gave unto his succesâ—ours that which hee had that is to say carefulnesse over the Congregation for when as the Lord and Master saith That he is not constituted or ordained Judge betweene two the servant or Disciple ought not to take it scornfully if that he may not judge all men And lest that hee might seeme in that place to speake of the spirituall judgement hee straightway annexeth therefore saith hee your power and authority shall be in offence and transgression not in possessions For
this purpose and not for the other have you received the keyes of the kingdome of Heaven why then doe you invade other mens bounds or borders The rest I will passe over for brevities cause The seventh Article Falsly and against the Honour State and reverence of the sacred Majesty of the King of Scots hee hath said holden and affirmed that our most noble King of Scots defender of the Christian faith would appropriate unto himselfe all the possessions lands and rents of the Church given and granted by his predecessors and also by himselfe and convert them unto his owne private use And for this end and purpose as hee hath many times written unto him so hath he with his whole endeavour perswaded our said noble Lord and King thereunto It is no marvell though these mad dogs doe so barke against mee whom they thinke to have counselled the Kings Majesty I would to God I had also throughly perswaded him that hee should take away from these unjust sacrilegious possessors the riches wherewith all they are fatted and â—ngreased like Swine For this is the nature of dogs if any man goe about to take away the bone out of their mouth by and by to snatch at him and teare him with their teeth It is out of all controversie unto such as have any wit at all that such men were very childish that is to say ignorant of all learning and judgement which did so fat and feed with their possessions these belly beasts For who would not judge it more then childish to bestow the Kings victuals or meate upon the bellies of the prophets of Baal and Iesabel But all they which at this present doe endowe such filthy sinks I will not call them dens of thieves with such revenues they doe follow the steps of Iesabel for what other thing doe they when as daily they are bleating and lowing before their Images burning of Incense and fall flat downe before their Altars but that which in times past the prophets of Baal did when as they transported the worship of God unto an Idoll Wherefore if Daniel and Elias were spotted with heresie when they would have destroyed the Priests of Baal I grant that I also must bee an Heretique But for so much as then hee did nothing but which was commanded him of the Lord that was able to kill the prophet which had allured the people to follow strange gods he could not truly and justly be accused of heresie so neither can my adversaries spot mee therewithall except peradventure they will condemne me that whereas Elias dealt more rigorously with the prophets of Baal for he cast them into the brooke Kidron I required or desired no more but that the riches which was wickedly bestowed upon them and their possessions might be taken from them The ninth Article He hath openly holden said and affirmed preached and taught that the Lawes of the Church that is to say the sacred Canons approved and allowed by the holy Catholique and Apostolique Church are of no force strength or effect alleadging therefore and affirming that they are made and intended contrary to the Law of God God forbid that I should say that those things which are approved by the holy Catholike Church should be of no effect or value For well I know that the holy Apostolique Church hath never been allowed ordained or taught any thing which shee hath not learned of the Lord the Apostles are witnesses therof Peter and Paul whereof the one of them dared not freely utter or speake of any of those things which Christ hath not wrought by himselfe for the obedience of the Gentiles The other exhorteth That if any man speake he should speake the praises of God but I condemne those lawes which the Bishops of Rome have made according to their owne will and mind and say that they are spirituall pertaining unto the salvation of the soule and necessarie unto everlasting life for so much as the writings of the Apostles doe evidently declare that there was no authority knowne amongst them to make or ordaine any ordinances or lawes Furthermore the Scriptures doe manifeâ—tly shew the same how oftentimes even by the Lords owne mouth this foresaid authority is taken from the Ministers of the Church so that no excuse for them remaineth but that they be plaine rebels against the Word of God how many soever doe presume or take upon them to appoint or set any new lawes upon the people of God Which thing is more manifest and evident than the light it selfe in many places of the Scripture For in the three and twentieth chapter of Ioshua it is written You shall observe and doe all that is written in the Law of Moses neither shall you swarve from that either to the right hand or to the left hand But that which is written in the â—welfth chapter of Deuteronomy ought to move them somewhat the more What soever I command saith the Lord that shall you observe and doe thereunto you shall adde nothing neither shall you take any thing from it c. This point hee there excellently prosecutes at large where yoâ— may read more at your leisure M. William Tyndall our famous Martyr in his obedience of a Christian man Printed Câ—m Privilegio at London 1573. p. 98. writes thus of Bishops and their practises God promised David a Kingdomeâ— and immediately stirred up King Saul against him to persecute him to hunt him as men do Hares with Greyhounds and to ferret him out of every hole and that for the space of many yeares to tame him to meere his lusts to make him feele other mens diseases to make him mercifull to make him understand that hee was made King to minister and to serve his brethren and that he should not thinke that his Subjects were made to minister unto his Lusts and that it were lawfull for him to take away from them life and goods at hiâ— pleasure Oh that our Kings were so nurtured nowadayes which our holy Bishops teach of a farre other manner saying your Grace shall take your pleasure yea take what pleasure you list spare nothing wee shall dispense with you wee have power wee are Gods Vicars and let us alone with the Realme wee shall take paine for them and see that nothing be well your Grace shall but defend the faith onely After which he proceeded thus Kings were ordained then as I before said and the sword put in their hands to take vengeance of evill doers that others might feare and were not ordeined to fight one against another or to rise against the Emperour to defend the false authority of the Pope that very Antichrist Bishops they onely can minister the temporall sword their office the preaching of Gods Word laid apart which they will neither do nor suffer any man to do but slay with the temporall sword which they have gotten out of the hand of all Princes them that would The preaching of
unto our most holy Fathers the Bishops that is to say false to God and man If any of the Nobles of the Reâ—lme be true to the King and so bold that hee dare counsell him that which should be to his honour and for the wealth of the Realme They will wait a season for him as men say they will provide a ghostly Father for him God bring this wickednesse to light There is no mischiefe whereof they are not the roote nor bloodshed but thorough their cause either by their counsell or in that they preach not true obedience and teach not the people to feare God If any faithfull servant be in all the Court hee shall have twenty spies waiting upon him hee shall â—e cast out of the Court or as the saying is conveyed to Calice and made a Captaine or an Ambassador hee shall be kept farre enough from the Kings presence The Kings ought I say to remember that they are in Gods stead and ordained of God nor for themselves but for the wealth of their Subjects Let them remember that their Subjects are their brethren their flesh and blood members of their owne body and even their owne selves in Christ. Therefore ought they to pity them and to rid them from such wily tyranny which encreaseth more and more daily And though that the Kings by the falsehood of the Bishops and Abbots be sworne to defend such liberties yet ought they not to keepe their Oathes but to breake them For as much as they are unright and cleane against Gods Ordinance and even but cruell oppression contrary unto brotherly love and charity Moreover the spirituall Officer ought to punish no sinne but if any sinne breake out the King is ordained to punish it and they not but to Preach and exhort them to feare God and that they sinne not And let the Kings put downe some of their tyranny and â—urne some unto a Common wealth If the tenth part of such tyranny were given the King yearely and layd up in the shire townes against the Realme had neede what would it grow to in certaine yeares Moreover One King one Law is Gods Ordinance in every Realme Therefore ought not the King to suffer them to have a severall Law by themselves and to draw his subjects thither It is not meete will they say that a spirituall man should bee judged of a worldly or a temporall man O abomination the King is in the roome of God and his Law is Gods Law and nothing but the Law of nature and naturall equity which God graved in the hearts of men Yet Antichrist is too good to be judged by the Law of God he must have a new of his owne making It were meete verily that they went to no Law at all No more needed they if they would study to Preach Gods Word truely and be contented with sufficient and to be like one of their Brethren Moreover when the spirituall officers have excommunicate any man or have condemned any opinion for heresie let not the King nor temporall officers punish and slay by and by at their Commandement but let them looke on Gods Word and compare their judgement unto the Scripture and see whether it be right or no and not beleeve them at the first chop whatsoever they say namely in things that pertaine unto their owne authorities and power For no man is a right judge in his owne cause The Emperour and Kings are nothing now adayes but even hangmen unto the Pope and Bishops to kill whatsoever they condemne without any more adoe as Pilate was unto the Scribes and Pharisees and the High Bishop to Hang Christ. For as those Prelates answered Pilate when he asked what he had done If he were not an evill doer we would not have brought him unto thee As who should say we are too holy to doe any thing amissâ—â— thou mayst beleeve us well enough yea and his blood on our heads sayd they kill him hardily we will beare the charge our Soules for thine we have also a Law by which hee ought to dye for he calleth himselfe Gods Sonne Even so say our Prelates he ought to dye by our Lawes he speaketh against the Church And your Grace is sworne to defend the Liberties and Ordinances of tâ—e Church and to maintaine our most holy Fathers Authorityâ— our soules for yours ye shall doâ— a meritorious deede therein Neverthelesse aâ— Pilate escaped not the judgement of God even so is it to be feared lest our Temporall powers shall not Wherefore be learned ye that judge the Earth lest the Lord be angry with you and ye perish from the right way Who slew the Prophets Who slew Christ Who slew his Apostles who the Martyrs and all the righteous that ever were slaine The Kings and the Temporall sword at the request of the false Prophets Page 140. He goes on thus Behold the monsters how they are disguised with Miters Croses and Hats with Crosses Pillars and Pollaxes and with three Crownes What names have they My Lord Prior my Lord Abbâ—t my Lord Bishop my Lord Arch-Bishop Cardinâ—ll and Legate if it please your Father-hood if it pleas your lordship if it please your Grace if it please your Holinesse and innumerable such likeâ— Behold how they are esteemed how high they be crept up above al not into worldly seates onely but into the seate of God the hearts of men where they sit above God himselfe For both they and whatsoever they make of their owne heads is more feared and dread than God and his Commandements In them and thâ—ir deservings put we more trust than in Christ and his merits To their promises give we more â—aith than to the promises which God hath sworne in Christs blood The Hypocrites say unto the Kings and Lords These Heretickes would have us downe first and then you to make of all Common Nay ye Hypocrites and right heretickes approved by open Scripture the Kings and Lords are downâ— already and that so low that they cannot goe lower ye tread them under your feete and lead them captive and have made them your bond Servants to waite on your filthy Lusts and to avenge your malice on every man contrary unto the right of Gods Word ye have not onely robbed them oâ— their land authority honour and due obedience which ye owe unto them but also of their wits so that they are not without understanding in Gods Word onely but even in worldly matters that pertaine unto theiâ— offices they are more than Children ye beare them in hand what ye will and have brought them even in case like unto them which when they dance naked in nets beleeve they are invisible We would have them up againe and restored unto the roomâ— and authority which God hath given them and whereof ye have robbed thâ—m And your inward falshood we doe but utter onely wiâ—h the Light of Godâ— Word that your
interdicted They will be avenged on them that never offended Full well prophesied of them Paul in the second Epistle to Timothy 3. Some men will say wouldst thou that men should fight in the 〈◊〉 unpunished Nay but let the King ordaine a punishâ—â—â—â—â—or them as he doth for them that fight in his Palace and leâ— not all the Parish bee troubled for ones fault And as for â—heir hallowing it is the juggling of Antichrist A christian man is the Temple of God and of the Holy-Ghost and hallowed in Christs bloâ—d A Christian man is holy in himselfe by reason of the Spirit that dwelleth in him and the place wherein he is is holy by reason of him whether he be in the field or towne A Christian husband sanctifieth an unchristian wife and a Christian wife an unchristian husband as concerning the use of Matrimony saith Paul to the Corinthians Iâ— now while we seeke to be hallowed in Christ we are found unholy and must be hallowed by the ground or place or walls then dyed Christ in vaine Howbeit Antichrist must have wherâ—with to fit in mâ—ns Consciences and to make them feare where there is no â—eare and to rob them of their faith and to make them trust in that that cannot helpe them and to seeke holinesse of that which is not holy in it selfe After that the old King of France was brought downe out of Italy marke what pageants have â—eâ—ne played and what are yet a playing to seperate us from the Empâ—rour least by the helpe or ayde oâ— us he should be able to recover his right of the Pope and to couple us to the French men whose might the Pope ever abuseth to keep the Emperour from Italy What prevaileth it for any King to marry his daughter or his Sonne or to make any peace or good ordinance for the wealth oâ— his Realme For it shall no longer lâ—st than it is profitable to them Their Treason is so secret that the world cannot perceive it Thâ—y dissimule those things which they are onely cause of and simule discord among themselves when they are most agrâ—ed One shall hold this and another shall dispute the contrary but the conclusion shall be that most maintaineth their falshood though Gods Word be never so contrary What have thâ—y wrought in our dayes yea and what worke they yet to the perpetuall dishonour of the King and rebuke of the Realme and shame of all the nation in whatsoever Realmes they goe I uttered unto you partly the malicious blindnesse of the Bishop of Rochester his juggling his conveying his Fox wilenesse his â—opeepe his wresting renting and shamfull abusing of the Scripture his Oratory and alleadging of Heretickes and how he would make the Apostles Authors of blind Ceremonies without signification contâ—ary to their owne doctrine and have set him for an ensample to judge all other by The cause why Laymen cannot rule Temporall Offices is the falshood of the Bishops Their polling iâ— like a consumption wherein a man complaineth of feâ—â—lâ—neâ—se and of faintnesse and worteth not whence his disease commeth it is like a pocke that fretteth inward and consumeth the very marrow of the bones There seest thou the cause why it is impossible for Kings to come to the knowledge of the truth For these spirits lay awaite for them and serve their appetites at all points and through conâ—ession buy and sell and betray both them and all their true friends and lay â—aites for them and never leave them till they have blinded them with their sophistry and have brought them into their nets And then when the King is captive they compell all the rest with violence of his sword For if any man will not obey be it right or wrong they cite him suspend him and curse or excommunicate him if he then obey not they deliver him to â—ilate that is to say unto the temporall Officers to destroy him All this and much more he â—ully proves and more largely prosecutes in his Booke intituled The Practise of Popish Prelates Concerning Bishops intermâ—dling with temporall matters he thus writes Our Saviour Jesus Christ answered Pilate Ioh. 18. that his Kingdome was not of this world And Mat. 10. he saith The Disciple is not greater than his Masterâ— but it ought to suffice the Disciple that he be aâ— his Master is Wherefore if Christs Kingdome be not of this world nor any of his Disciples may be otherwise than hee was then Christs Vicars which minister his Kingdome here in his bodily absence and hâ—ve the over-sight oâ— his flocke may be none Emperours Kings Dukes Lords Knightâ— Temporall Iudges or any temporall Officer or under false names have any such Dominion or minister any such Office as requireth violence And Mat. 6. No man can serve two Masters where Christ concludeth saying Yee cannot serve God and Mammon that is riches coveâ—ousneâ—se ambition and temporall dignities And Christ called his Disciples unto him and saydâ— Ye know that the Lords of the Heathen people have dominion over them they that be great do exercise power over them Howbeit it shal not be so among you but whosoever wil be great among you shall be your minister and he that will be chiefe shall be your servant even as the Son of man came not that men should minister unto him but for to minister and give his life for the redemption of many Wherefore the Officers in Christâ— Kingdome may have no temporall dominion or jurisdiction noâ— execute any temporall authoriâ—y or Law of violence nor may have any like manner among them But cleane contrary they must cast themselves downe under all and become servants unto all suffer oâ— all and beare the burthen of every mans infirmities and goe before them and â—ight for them against the world with the â—word of Gods Word even unto the death after the example of Christ. And Mat. 18. when the Disciples asked Who should be greatest in the Kingdome of heaven Christ called a young Child unto him and set him in the midst among them saying Except ye turne backe and become as children ye shall not enter into the Kingdome of heaven Now young children beare no rule one over another but all is fellowship among them and he sayd moreover Whosoever humbleth himsâ—lfe after the ensample of this Child he is greatest in the Kingdome of heaven that is to be as concerning ambition and worldly desire so childish that thou couldst not heave thy selfe above thy Brother is the very bearing of rule and to be great in Christs Kingdome And to describe the very fashion of the greatnesse of his Kingdome he sayd He that receiveth one such child in my name receiveth me What is that to receive a childe in Christs name verily to submit to meeke and to humble thy selfe under all men and to consider all mens infirmities and weakenesses and to helpe to heale their diseases with â—he word of truâ—h and to live
schismatickesâ— Church-robbers rebels and traytors to God and to man where are any to be looked for in all the world Another thing yet there is which causeth mee sore to lament the inconveniences thereupon considered And that is this although the Scriptures Chronicles Canons Constitutions Councels and private hystories with your manifest acts in our time doth declare your Foreâ—athers and you such Heretickes Theeâ—es and Traytors to the Christian Commonwealth as hath not beene upon the earth but you yet you are still taken into the privy councels both of Emperour and King But what a plague it is or miserable yoke to that Christian Realme whereas yee beare the swinge I thinke it truly unspeakable though it be not seene O eternall Faâ—her for thy infinite mercie sake graunt thy most faithfull servant the Kings Majestie our most worthy Soveraigne Lord and Governour under thee cleerly to cast out of his privie Counâ—ell House these â—echerous Locusts of Egypt and daily upholders of Sodome and Gomorrah the Popes cruell cattle tokened with his owne proper marke to the universall health of his people as thou hast now constituted him an whole compleate King and the first since the Conquest For never shall hee have of them but deceitfull workemen and hollow hearted Gentlemen and not onely that good Lord but also deprive them of their usurped authority and power restoring againe hereunto his temporall Majestraâ—es whom their proud Pope hath hitherto most tyrannously thereof deprived Finally to take from them their inordinate pompe and riches and more godly to bestow them that is to say to the aide of his poveâ—ty as for an example the noble the noble Germans have graciously done before him After a farre other sort defended the Apostles the spirituall Kingdome of Christ then they their armour was righteousnesse poverty patience mâ—eknesse tribulation contempt of the world and continuall suffering of wrongs their strong shield was faith and their sword the Word oâ— God Eph. 6. Wiâ—h the Gospell preaching drove they down all superstitions as you by your Lordlinesse have raised up againe in the glorious Church of Antichrist The Kingdome that hee â—orlooke Ioh. 6. and the Lordâ—hip that hee so straitly forbad you Luke 22. have â—ou received of the devill with that ambitious raigne of covetousnesse which hee left behind him on the high Mountaine Matth. 4. What ruinous decaâ—es hath chanced to all Christian Regionâ— and their Babylonish bâ—ood it weâ—e much to writeâ— It shall be therefore necessary for our most worâ—hâ— King to looke upon in time and both to diminish you authority and riches lest yee hereafter put all his godly enterpâ—ises in hazard For nothing else can yee doe of your spiritual naâ—ure but worke daâ—ly mischiefe As well may yee be spared in the Commonwealth as may Kites Crowes and Buzzards Pâ—lâ—ats Wesels and Rats Oâ—ters Wolves and Foxes Bodilice Fleas and Fleshflies with other devouring and noysome vermâ—ne for aâ— unprofitable are yee unto it as they and as liâ—â—le have yee in the word of God to uphold you in these vaine offices of Papistry as they This uncommodious commodity hath Enâ—land had of you alwayes when yee have beene of the Kings privie Councell and I thinke hath now at this present hower that whatsoever godly enterprize is there in doing be â—hey never so privily handled yet shall the Popish Prelates of Iâ—aly Spaine France Flanders and Scotland have sure knowledgde thereof by your secret Messengers and you againe their crafty compassings to deface it if may be Neither shall thâ—se â—ealmes conâ—inue long after without waâ—â—e specialâ—y if an earnest reformation of your sâ—â—ainefull abuses be sought there and never shall the originall grounds of that warre be known but other causes shall be laid to â—olour it with as that the King seekes his rigâ—â— his Princely honour the maintenance of his titles or the Realmes Commonwealth â—eâ—â—g nothing lesse in the end but an upholding of you in your mischiefes So long as you beare rule in Parliament Hoâ—se â—â—e Gospell shall be kept under and Christ persecuted in his â—aithâ—ull members So that no godly Acts shall come out from â—henâ—e to the glory oâ— God and Christian Commonwealth but you will so sawce them with your Romish Sorceries that they be ready to serve your turne Although the Kings Majestie haâ—h peâ—mitted us the Scriptures yet must the true Ministers thereof at your most cruell appointment either suffer most tyrannous death or else with open mouth deny Christs veriâ—y which is worse than death Thus give ye strength to his laweâ— nourish up his Kingdome whom ye say with your lips yee have refused your pestilent Pope of Rome Ye play altogether Hick-sâ—oâ—neâ— under the figure of Ironia That yee say yee hate yee lovâ— and that yee say yee love yee hate Late all faithfull men beware of such double day dreamers and hollow hearted Traytors and thinke whereas they beare the rule nothing shall come rightly forward either in faith or Commonwealth What other workes can come from the Devills working tooles than commeth from the hands of his owne malignant mischiefe who can deny the Bishops to be the instruments of satan understanding the Scriptures and beholding their daily doings Thinke yee â—here can be a greater plague to a Christian Realme than to have such Ghostly Fathers of the Kings Privie councell If wise men do judge it any other than a just plague for our sinnes and a yoke laid upon us for our unreverent receiving of that heavenly treasure the eternall Testament of Christ to have such hypocrites theeves and traytors to raigne over us truly they judge not aright If wee would earnestly therefore repent of our former being and unâ—ainedly turne to our everliving God as wee find in the Testament I would not doubt it to jeopard both my body and soule that wee should in short space bee delivered of this Popish vermine rising out of this bottomlesse pit Apoc. 9. which eateth up all that is greene upon earth or hath taken any strength of the living word of the Lord for the heart of a King is alwayes in the hands of God and at 〈◊〉 his pleasure hee may evermore turne it Prov. 21. Take mee not here that I condemne any Bishop or Priest that is godly doing those holy offices that the Scripture hath commanded them as preaching the Gospell providing for the poore and ministring the Sacraments right but against the bloody butchers that murther up Gods People aâ—d daily make havocke of Christs congregation to maintaine the Jewes Ceremonies and the Pagans Superstititions in the Christian Church Those are not Bishops but Bite-sheepes Tyrants Tormenters Termagaunts and the Devils slaughter men Christ left no such Disciples behind him to sit with cruell Caiphas at the Sessions upon life and death of his innocent members but such as in poverty preached the Gospell rebuking the wicked world for Idolatry hypocriâ—ie and false doctrine Episcopus is as much to say as an
defieth all his enemies For he saith in his heart Tush I shall neâ—er be cast downe there shall no harme happen unto me He sitteth lurking like a Lyon in his den that he may privily murther the innocent and sucke his blood When such O Lord God as will not obey their Popish and devillish proceedings are brought before that grievous Wolfe they are miserably taunted mocked scorned blasphemed as thy deerely beloved sonne was in Bishop Caiphas house and afterward cruelly committed to prison to the Tower to the Fleete to the Marshalseys to the Kings Bench to the Counters to Lollardes Tower to Newgate c. where they are kept as sheepe in a pinfold appointed to be slaine And as this cruell and bloody Wolfe dealeth with the poore Lambes even so doe the residue of that lecherous litter He with all other of that Wolvish kind hunger and thirst nothing so greatly as the devouring of the bodies and the sucking of the blood of thy poore and innocent Lambes Ah Lord God under that most wicked Queene Iezabel were not the Prophets more cruelly handled than thy faithfull Ministers be now for as in the days of the wicked Queen Iezabel the Priests of Baal were had in great honour were chiefest and of highest authority about the Queen none bearing so much rule in the Court as they none having so much reverence done unto them as they had even so now is it with the idolatrous Priests of England they alone be chiefest and of much estimation with the Queene They alone â—uffle and raigne they alone beare the swing in the Court they alone have all things going forward as they desire they alone be capped kneeled and crowched to they alone have the keyes of the English Kingdome hanging at their girdles whatsoever they binde or loose whispering and trayterously conspiring among themselves that same is both bound and loosed in the starre Chamber in Westminster-Hall in the Parliament house yea in the Queenes privie Chamber and throughout the Realme of England The very Nobility of England are in a manner brought to such slavery that they dare not displease the least of these spitefull spirituall limmes of Antichrist It is writ that certaine men gave their judgements what thing was most mighty and strongest upon earth The first sayd wine is a strong thing The second sayd the King is strongest The third sayd women yet have more strength but above all things the truth beareth away the victory But we may now say unto such an height is the tyranny of the Spirituall Sorcerers growne that Priests in England are mightier than either Wine King Queene Lords Women and all that is there besides But how agreeth this with the example of Christ which fled away when the people would have made him a King or a temporall governour Christ refused to meddle with any worldly matters as the History of dividing the inheritance betweene the two brethren doth declare Christ willed his Disciples to refuse all worldly dominion and temporall rule When they strove among them who of them should be taken for the greatest Christ sayd unto them The Kings of the Gentiles reigne over them and they that beare rule over them are called gracious Lords but ye shall not be so for he that is greatest among you shall be as the least and he that is chiefe shall be as the minister Christ sent not his Disciples to be Lords of the Councell Lords of the Parliament Lord President Lord Chauncellour Lord Bishop Lord Suffragan Lord Deane Master Queenes Amner Mr. Comptroller Mr. Steward Mr. Receiver Sr. Iohn Massemonger c. but to be Ministers and disposers of the Mysteries of God to be Preachers of the Gospell to bee labourers in the Lords harvest to be Pastors and feeders of the Lords flock to be the salt of the earth and the light of the world to be an example to the faithfull in word and conversation in love in spirit in faith and in purenesse to feede Christs flocke so much as lyeth in their power taking the oversight of them not as though they were compelled but willingly not for the desire of filthy lucre but of a good minde not as though they were Lordâ— over the Parishes but that they be an ensample to the flocke that when the chiefe shepheard shall appeare they may receive an uncorruptible crowne of glory But these things O Lord have they all forgotten These ambitious Antichrists are so drowned in vaine glory and in the desire of filthy lucre and worldly promotions that they neither regard God nor the higher powers that they neither esteeme their office nor any one point of godlinesse honesty that they neither think upon the dreadfull day of judgement nor yet remember themselves to be mortall Their whole study in the time of this their Luciferâ— like pride is nothing else but to suppresse thy holy truth and to advance and set up their Antichristan Kingdome that they as Gods may sit alone in the Consciences of men But O Lord God though thou sufferest these Priests of Baal for our unthankefulnesse a while to prosper to raigne to ruleâ— to ruffle to flourish to triumph and to tread downe thy holy Word under their â—eete yet are we certaine that thou wilt at the last arise defend thine owne cause against these Antichrists bring thine enemies unto confusion and set thy people after they have unfainedly repented in a quiet and blessed State So he and blessed be God that he after and we now live to see this verified in part Miles Coverdale once Bishop of Exeter in King Edward the sixth his reigne being deprived of it in Queene Maries would not returne thereto againe in the beginning of Queene Elizabeths raigne but led a private life in London where he writ a booke intituled an Apologie in defence of the Church of England Printed at London 1564. wherein he writes thus of Bishops intermedling with secular affaires and of their Treasons against our Kings by the Popes instigation The Old Canons of the Apostles command that Bishop to be removed from his Office which will both supply the place of a civill Magistrate and also of an Ecclesiasticall person These men for all that both doe and will needes serve both places Nay rather the one office which they ought chiefely to execute they once touch not and yet no body commandeth them to be displaced c. And as â—oâ—uâ— we of all others most justly have left him For our Kings yea even they which with greatest reverence did follow and obey the authority and faith of the Bishops of Rome have long since found and felt well enough the yoake and tyranny of the Popes Kingdome For the Bishops of Rome took the Crowne off from the head of our King Henry the second and compelled him to put aside all Majesty and like a meere private man to come unto their Legate with great submission and humility so as all his Subjects
Bishop Secondly that the difference is but of Accidents and Circumstances as degrees of dignity jurisdiction honour c. Thirdly that in the Primitive Church this difference was not knowne but they were meerely all one and the same Fourthly that this difference was taken up by custome consent and ordinance of the universall Church when it once began to be dispersed in all the World Fifthly that it was done for the avoiding of factions and sects that grew in the time of the Ministers equality even anon after the Primitive Church And some of them in the Apostles time But quite conâ—rary to this judgment of your Divines are all your Canonists your Divines make seven orders Et in hoc saith Angelus de Clavisio concordam communiter Theol. On this the Divines agree commonly but the Canonists hold that there are nine orders according to nine Hierarchies that is to wit the first notch or Psalmist and the order of a Bishop that the first notch is an order the text is in C. cuâ— contingit ibi do Anto. Canonistae de aeta quali or similiter quod Episcopatus est ordo quod imprimatur character judicio meo facit inconvincibiliter teâ—t in C. i. de ordinatis ab Episcopo c. And so according to the Canonists there shall be nine Orders Great adoe your Schoolemen Canonists make about this insomuch that Aerius heresie will draw very neere to one of you light on which side it shall But your selfe may hold on both sides M. Stapleton being both a Batchelor in the one and a student in the other But as for your Popish Clergy there is indeed little difference in this point or none which barrell is better herring Bishop oâ— Priest both starke nought or rather neither of them either true Priest or Bishop by Saint Pauls description Afâ—er this p. 926.929 He writes thus concerning Bishops intermedling with temporall affaires You say M. Sanders the temporall Kingdome and the heavenly did indeed once jaâ—â—e but now they agree the heavenly and the earthly Kingdomeâ— are conjoyned together Agreement is a good hearing M. Sanders but what meane you by this conjunction that the one is become the other and not still distinguished from it or that your Pope may be King and his Bishops Princes of both nay M. Sanders you finde not that agreement and conjunction For Christ hath put such a barre between them that his spiritual Ministers cannot have earthly Kingdomes nor that earthly Kings should in the estate of their earthly Kingdomes become subject in such wise to his spirituall Ministers otherwise than to yeeld their obedience to their spirituall ministry representing the power and mercy of God unto them c. The objection you made was this Whether Bishops and Pastors of the sheepe of Christ may rule temporall Kingdomes you answer properly and of it selfe in no wise but as those Kingdomes do subject themselves to the Christian faith This is a proper elusion M. Sanders thinke you to escape thus is it all one to subject their Kingdomes to the Christian faith and to subject their Kingdomes to the Bishops Good right it is that the faith should beare the chiefe rule But the objection was Whether the Bishops should or no and therefore this distinction serveth not For Christ simply without this or that respect debarreth all his spiritual ministers from ruling of temporall Kingdomes Who knoweth not that properly and of their owne nature temporall Kingdomes should not be ruled of spirituall Pastors but of Temporall Kings None is so simple to move such a fond objection but the objection is Whether the one be coincident to the other whether a Bishop to whom properly by his Bishoply office a Kingdome belongeth nor may take upon him the government of a Kingdome that properly by his Kingly office belongeth to a King this is the question And you say properly he cannot I say much lesse unproperly but properly or unproperly Christ hath cleane debarred it â—vos autem non sic But you shall not do so These words strick dead M Sanders therefore your â—nproper distinctions may goe pike him Page 931â— he writes that the deposings of Princes have not come so much by the violence of their unnaturall Subjects as by the practises of the Popish Bishops as the ensamples of King Iohn in England of Childericke in France the Henries and other in Germany and in other Countries do testifie yet were these dealings of those Bishops not allowable but detestable yea though it were granted that those Princes had deserved them and broken their faith and promâ—se which if it were a good faith and promise was no doubt an evill breach of it and God will take the vengeance of it it belongeth not to the people nor to the Bishops Vengeance is mine saith God and I will render it He saith not my Bishop shall but I will render it He addes p. 980 981.1026 Christs Kingdome is spirituall and not earthly and his Ministers may not exercise in secular causes an earthly Kings authority M. Saunders pretendeth this is to promote the Church of Christ but such promotion confounds devotion and hath poysoned the Church of God as they say a voyce was heard what time Constantine although falsely is supposed to have endowed the Church with such royall honour Hodie venenum intravit in Ecclesiam This day entred poyson into the Church But Christ hath flatly forbidden it and told his Disciples when they asked such promotion that they knew not what they asked But afterward they knew and found the saying of Christ to be true that their promotion lay in their affliction and not in their Kingly honour c. And this your owne glosse out of your owne Pope Gregory might have taught you Sicut â—isit me Pater id est ad passiones c. As my Father sent mee that is to say to troubles and afflictions so send I you to suffer persecution not to raigne like Kings and rule Kingdomes And therefore sith this sentence of Christ is true that he sent them as hee was sent and he was not sent in his humane nature to depose Kings nor to dispose of their Kingdomes nor to governe them Therefore his Disciples were not sent thereto But the Pope saith he was sent thereto and takes it upon him therefore he is neither minister of Christ nor successor of his Disciples but his Disciple that hath offered him worldly Kingdomes if hee would fall downe and worship himâ— as he hath done and sâ— hath gotten his Kingdomes c. Hofmeister one of your stoutest Champions hath these words Truly those things that have beene spoken and heard from the beginning of this Gospell do enough declare the Kingdome of Christ not to be of this world neither that hee would raigne temporally in the world sith hee taketh not souldiers that can oppugne others but Fishermen readier to suffer than to
Caesar as matters committed of trust to you by Christian Princes are nothing else but open and wifâ—ull invasions of other mens rights you changing the names and calling those things Spirituall and Ecâ—lesiasticall which indeede be civill and temporall and shouldering Priâ—ces from their cushins who first suffered Bishops to sir judges in those causes of Honour to their Persons and favour to their sunctions which on your part is but a bad requitall of their Princely graces and benefits He addes S. Paul expressely writeth of the Prince that He beareth the sword not without cause and is Gods minister to revenge him that doth evill And our Saviour severely forbiddeth Peâ—er and the rest of the Apostles to meddle with the sword All that take the sword shall perish by the sword and to them all you know that Kings of Nations raigne â—ver themâ— and they that be great exercise authority with you it shall not be so The sword is but the signe of publicke and Princely power and where the thing is not lawfull the signe is unlawfull Since then the Lord interdicteth his Apostles and messengers all Princely power it is evident the sword which is â—ut a signe thâ—reof is likewise interdicted them Thus much Bernard sticketh not to tell Pope Eugenius to his face It is the Lords voice in the Gospell Kings of Nations are Lords over them and they that have power over them are called gratious and the Lord inferreth you shall not be so It is a cleare case the Apostles are forbidden dominion Gâ— thou then saith Bernard to the Pope and usurpe if thou dâ—re either an Apostleship if thou be a Prince or dominion if thou be Apostolike Thou art expresly forbidden one of them If thou wilt have both thou shalt lose both The patterne of an Apostle is this Dominion is interdicted service is enjoyned Gird thy selfe with thy sword the sword of the spirit which is the Word of God And this Pope Nicholas fairely confesseth The Church of God hath no sword but the spirituall wherewith she quickneth shee killeth not Your owne Law saith It is easily proved of Bishops and other Clergy mâ—n whatsoever that they may not either by their owne authority or by the authority of the Bishop of Româ— take weapon in hand and excercise the materiall sword and addeth his reason For every man besides him and his authority which hath lawfull â—â—wer and which as the Apostle saith beareth the sword not without cause to whom every soule ought to be subject every man I say that without his authority taketh the sword shall perish with the sword He that beareth the sword may lawfully put malefactors to death and wage warre with his enemies when need so requireth which Bishops may not doe The weapons of our warfare are not carnall saith Saint Paul Quid Episcopis cum bello what have Bishops to doe with battle saith Athanasius and Aâ—brose Pugnâ—re non debâ—o I ought not to fight If they may not fight much lesse kill if they may do neither they cannot beare the sword which is appointed by God and received of men to do both The words of our Saviour are cleare with us for the negative My Kingdome saith hee is not of this World if then your Priests Prelates and Popes will be the servants of Christ they must challenge no worldly Kingdome as from him or in his name The servant is not above his Master If the master with his owne mouth have denyed it the servants may not affirme it or usurpe it The souldiers of Christ must not intangle themselves with secular affaires much lesse make themselves Lords and Judge of earâ—hly matters which office properly belongeth to the sword and must be sustained of all those that beare the sword The Popes themselves beâ—ore their power and pride grew so great were of this opinion with us Thus and much more Bishop Bilson to the same effect Not to trouble you with more quotations of this nature which are infinite I shall conclude onely with two more auâ—horities of men of greatest eminence and learning in our Church in Queene Elizabeths later dayes The first of them is Dr. Whitakers Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge he in his Booke Contra Duâ—eum l. 6. sect 19. Controvers 4. De Ecclesiae regimine Quest. 1. c. 1. sect 1. 2. c. 2. sect 16. Quest. 4. c. 3. sect 25 26 27 28 29 30 31. De notis Ecclesiae qu. 5. c. 6. p 509 and Contr. 2. Concil qu. 3. c. 2. p. 586 587. reciting Saint Ieromes words at large on Titus 1. and to Euagrius concludes with him That in former times Bishops and Presbyters were all one and the same that every where a Presbyter was the same that a Bishop is that ALL Churches were not under the Government of one man but were governed by the Common Counsell of their Presbyters Ecclesiae inquit Jeronymus gubernabantur c. id est VBIQVE OMNES fuit hiâ— MOS Ecclesiarum gubernandarum That this custome was not changed by the Apostles sed POST Ecclesie judicto That Bishops are greater now than Ministers not by divine institution but custome and that humano non divino jure totum â—oc discrimen constat the whole difference betweene them is by humane not by divine Law or right That by ancient and divine right a Presbyter was lesse than a Bishop NIHILO in nothing After which he proceeds thus If the Apostles had changed that order as Sanders pretendeth what had it profited Hierome with so great diligence to have collected testimonies out of the Apostles whereby to shew that they were sometimes the same It might easily come into his memory that this order was changed by the Apostles themselves after the Church was disturbed and torne with discords But wherfore then saith Hierom Before it was said I am of Paul c. the Church was Governed by the Common Councell of Presbyters c. I answer this might deceive Sanders Hierome onely alluded to the place of the Apostle that hee might shew that schismes were the cause of changing this order as hee saith elsewhere that this was done to remedy schismes But this remedy was almost worse than the disease For as at first one Presbyter was set above the rest and made a Bishop so afterwards one Bishop was preferred before the rest and so this custome brought forth the Pope with his Monarchy by little and little and brought it into the Church Ierome so openly oppugneth the Pontificall Hierarchy that the Papists know not what to determine or answere concerning Hierome Michael Medina doubts not to affirme that Ierome was an Hereticke in this kinde and that he held the very same opinion that Aerius did verily Hierome was of the same opinion with Aerius whereby we may the lesse regard that Aerius is so often objected to us AB INSULSIS HOMINIBUS
WAS THE MOST PERNICIOVS SCHISME OF ALL OTHERS when a Divorce was made from the parity and true doctrine of the Gospell and the Spirituall Discipline of the Church changed into a kinde of Regall Authority and terrene power This I hope will abundantly answere this second Objection for Episcopacy The last Objection is this That by the Statute of 16. R. 2. cap. 5. Bishops are declared to be profitable and necessary to our Lord the King and to all his Realme and that by the removall of them the Realme should be destitute of Counsell That they are one of the greatest States of the Landâ— setled by many Acts of Parliament which cannot well be held without them That the removall of them will breede a great confusion both in the Common and Statute Law and that the King is sworne to defend and protect them to his power Therefore it must needes be dangerous and inconvenient to remove them This Objection consists of severall heads to all which I shall give a particular answer with as much brevity as may bee First for the words of the Statute of Richard the 2d. I doubt not but they were inserted into that Act by the Bishops themselves or by their procurement who ought not to be Trumpeters of their owne prayses nor witnesses in their owne cause Secondly I hope the premised Histories of their Treasons Rebellions Oppressions and desperate Counsells in all times will manifestly declare the contrary to this Act That Bishops are neither necessary nor profitable to the King nor to all his Realme but pernicious to both and that the Kingdome will be no wayes destitute of Counsell if they should â—e removed especially in our dayes when there are so many learned Lords Lawyers and Gentlemen of all sorts to Counsell and advise his Majestie in all State affaires Thirdly The Prelates in this very King Ricard the second his time were so farre from being profitable and necessary to him as their Lord and King and to all his Realme that some of them were the chiefe men that miscounselled him as appeares by the Statutâ— of 11. R. 2. c. 1â—5 6 which recites that for cause of great and horrible mischiefes and perills which were fallen by evill Governance which was about the Kings person by all his time before by Alexander late Arch-Bishop of Yorke Thomas Bishop of Chichester and other their adhaerents thereby the King and all his Realme were very nigh to have beene wholly undone and destroyed for which cause these Prelates were attainted removed from the King and their lands confiscated by this Act. And the residue of them were the principle agents that opposed deprived and thrust him as they did King Edward the second before him from his Crowne and royall dignity as appeares by the premises Now if this were to be profitable and necessary to our Soveraigne Lord the King let all men judge How necessary they were to all the Kingdome in his time let the Histories of this Kings life and the Treasons of Arch-Bishop Arundell fore related declare How well they used the people and their tenants you may see by a Commission granted about this time to enquire of â—he Bishop of Winchesters oppressions and abuses of the Kings people recorded in the Register of Writs part 2 f. 125. b. Rex Vicecomiti salutem Ex clamosis querâ—monâ—is diversorum hominum de comitatu tuo ad nostium saepius pervenit auditum quod A Episcopus Wintoniensis nec noâ— ballivi câ—nstabulariâ— alii ministri servientes ipsius Episcopi pluâ—imas diversas oppressiones extortiones duritias damna excessus gravamina intolerabilia dictis â—ominibus in diversis partibus Comitaâ—us praedicti tam infra liberâ—ates quam extra multipliciter diversimode intulerunt de die in diem inferre non desistunt plures de dictis hominibus vi armis multotiens verberando vulnerando eosque capiendo imprisonando in prisona forti dura super terram nudam absque alimento fame frigore nuditate fere ad mortem cruciando eos in prisona â—ujusmodi donec fines redemptiones ad voluntatem suam fecerint nullâ— modo deliberari permittendo nec non domos quorundam hominum hujusmodi vi armata bona catalla sua capiendo asportando eosdemque uxores servientes suos verberando vulnerando male tracâ—ando hominibus super hujusmodi duriâ—iis conqueri volentibus in tantum comminando quod iidem homines in hundredis aliis curiis dicti Episcopi vel alibi negocia sua inde prosequi metu mortis non sunt ausi alia hujusmodi mala damna excessus inhumaniter indies perpetrando in nostri dedecus contemptum populi nostri partium praedictarum destructionem depressionem manifestam unde plurimum conturbamur Nos oppressiones durâ—â—ias damna excessus ac gravamina praedicta si perpetrata fuerint nolenteâ— relinquere impunita volentesque salvationi quieti dicti populi nostri in hac parte prospicere ut tenemur assignavimus dilectis fidelibus nostris c. sciri poterit de oppressionibus extoâ—tionibus duritiis damnis gravaminibus praedictis per dictos episcopum ballivos constabularios ministros servientes suos alios quoscunque de confederatione sua in hac parte existentes qualitercunque perpetratis de praemissis omnibus singulis plenius veritatem ad querelas omnium singulorum pro nobis vel prose ipsiâ— inde conqueri prosequi volentium nec non ad praemissa omnia singula tam ad sectam nostram quam aliorum quorumcunque audiendum terminandum secundum legem consuetudinem regni nostri Angliae Et ideo tiâ—i praecipimus quod ad certos c. quos c. tibi scire facias venire facias coram c. tot tales probos legales homines de balliva tua tam infra libertates quam extra per quos rei verâ—tas in praemissis melius sciri poterit inquiri Et habeas c. For their profitablenesse and necessary use in our Church in that Kings raigne let the Statute of 5. R. 2. c. 5. surreptitiously procured by tâ—e Prelates and complained against by the Commons the next Parliament and with severall bloody persecutions of the true Christiansâ— in that age under the name of Lollards by William Caurtney Thomas Arundell and other our Prelates related at large by Master Fox in his Acts and Monuments testifie to the world For mine owne part I could never yet finde any good at all that our Lordly Prelates ever did in our Church or State quatenus Prelates If any oâ— them have done any good by their preaching and writing as some of them have which is rare I answere that the most of them who have done any good in this kind did it not as or whiles they were Pâ—elates but as or whiles they were
Privilegium meretur amittere qui abutitur potestate Now whereas some Object that if the Bishops were put out of the Upper House of Parliament the Clergie could not grant subsidies to the King I answere it is a most grosse mistake for the Clergie ever grant their subsidies in the Convocation not in the Lords house and if the Major part of the Clerkes in Convocation grant subsidies without the Bishops and then send their Bill by which they grant them to the Commons and Lords House to be confirmed as they usually doe if the Commons and Temporall Lords without the Bishops passe it this with the Kings Royall assent will binde all the Clergie and Bishops too So as their presence and votes in Parliament is no wayes necessary for the granting of Subsidies Wherefore they may be thence excluded without any prejudice to the King or Subject if not with great benefit unto both For the third clause of the Objection that the removall of them will breede a great confusion in the Common and Statute Law I answere first that the same Objection might have beene made for the continuance of the Pope and Popery yea against the severall Statutes for Creating estate Tayles levying of Fines Vses Devises Ioyntures and the like which bred greater alterations in the Common and former Statute Lawes than the removing of Bishops can doe Secondly that one Act of Parliament â—nabling certaine Commissioners to execute all those Legall Acts which Bishops usually did will prevent all this pretended confusion so that this part of the Objection is scarce worthy answere For the fourth clause that the King by his Coronation Oath is sworne to preserve to the Bishops and their Churches all their Canonicall priviledges and to protect and defend to his power the Bishops and Churches under his government I answere First that this Oath was at first cunningly devised and imposed on our Kings by our Bishops themselves out of a policy to engage our Princes to maintaine them in their usurped authority possessions and Jurisdictions which had no foundation in the Scripture and to captivate our Kings to their pleasures as the Popes by such a kind of Oath enthralled the Emperours to their Vassallage Secondly that this Oath was first invented by Popish Prelates and meant onely of them and their Popish Church and Priviledges and so cannot properly extend to our Prelates if Protestants Thirdly this Oath doth no way engage the King to defend and maintaine our Bishops if the Parliament see good cause to extirpate them For as the King and Judges who are obliged by their Oathes to maintaine and execute all the Lawes of the Realme are not bound by their Oath to continue former inconvenient Lawes from alteration or repeale or to execute them when repealed for then all ill Lawes should be unalterable and irrepealeable So the King by this his Oath is no wayes obleiged to defend protect and preserve the Bishops if there be good cause in point of piety and policy to suppresse them especially when any of them prove delinquents For as Bishops and other Subjects by their misdemeanours may put themselves out of the Kings Protection and forfeite both their goods lives and estates notwithstanding this Coronation Oath So by the same reason when Bishops and Bishoprickes by their misdemeanours prove intolerable grievances both to Church and State as now they have done they have thereby deprived themselves of the Kings Protection and deâ—ence specified in this Oathâ— and thereupon may be justly suppressed by the King and State without the least violation of this most solemne Oath as Abbots Monkes and Sanctuaries were Having thus removed all the principall Objections for the continuance of our Lordly Prelates I shall in the last place answere one Evasion whereby our present Lord Bishops thinke to shift off this Antipathy from themselves as having no relation at all to them They say that those Prelates whose Treasons Rebellions Seditions Oppressions and Antimonarchicall practises I have here collected were Popish Bishops Limbes of that body whose head they all abjure the fault of their wickednesse was in the Popery not in the Episcopacy in the men not the calling and so utterly unconcerneth them and haveth no reflection at all on them who are generally taxed for being excessive royalists and siding too much with the King and Court To this I answere first that most of all the premised rebellious disloyall seditious extravagant actions of our Bishops have proceeded from them onely as Lordly not Popish Prelates and issued from their Episcopacy not their Popery their Prelaticall functions not personall corruptions as the Histories themselves sufficiently demonstrate Secondly I answer that some of the recited Bishops were no Papists but Protestants who were no limbes of that body of Rome whose head our Bishops say they have abjured therefore it is evident that their Episcopall function not their Religion was the ground both of their disloyalties and extravagancies Thirdly I suppose our Prelates will not renounce Arch-Bishop Laud Bishop Wren Peirce Mountague and other of their fellow Bishops yet alive or lately dead as Popish Prelates and members of the Church of Rome as some account them yet their impious seditious oppressive prophane not trayterly Actions equall or exceede many of our Popish Arch-Bishops and Bishops as he that will but compare them may easily discerne It is not then the leaven of Popery but of the Lordly Prelacy it selfe which infected our Bishops and made them so treacherous and impious in all ages It is true indeed that Popery some of whose positions are treasonable and seditious and dependency upon the Pope hath made some of our Bishops more disloyall and Rebellious than otherwise they would have beene as is evident by the first proceeding of Stephen Langhton and his confederates against King Iohn but yet afterward when the Pope sided with King Iohn and Henry the third against Langton and the other Bishops who stirred up the Barons Warres these Bishops continued as trayterous and rebellious to these Kings as ever they were before whiles they adhered to the Pope and the Pope to them therefore their Hierarchy the cause of all these stirs not their Popery was the ground worke of their Treachery and enormities Now because our present Prelates boast so much of their loyalty to his Majestie whose absolute Civill Royall prerogative they have lately overmuch courted and endeavored to extend beyond due limits to the impeachment of the Lawes and Subjects hereditary liberties not out of any zeale to his Majesties service but onely to advance their owne Episcopall power and Jurisdiction and to usurpe a more than Royall or Papall authority over all his Majesties Subjects for the present and over himselfe at last I shall make bold to present them with some particular instances whereby I shall demonstrate that all or most of our present Lordly Bishops have beene more seditious contumacious disloyall and injurious to his
of him and of his Realme he should have Proctors of his Nation as other Christian Kings had in the Court of Rome and not to abide in this Land nor to be in any part of his Counsells as beene all the spirituall and temporall at Parliament and other great Councells when you list to call them And therefore though it please you to doe him that worship to set him in your privy Councell after your pleasure yet in every Parliament where every Lord both spirituall and temporall hath his place he ought to occupie but his place as a Bishop 3. Item The said Bishop now being Cardinall was assoyled of his Bishoppricke of Winchester whereupon he sued unto our holy Father to have a Bull declarative notwithstanding he was assumpt to the state of Cardinall that the See was not voyd where indeed it stood voyd for a certaine time yet the said Bull were granted and so he was exempt from his ordinary by the taking on him the state of Cardinall and the Church Bishopricke of Winchester so standing voyd hee tooke againe of the Pope you not learned thereof nor knowing whereby hee was fallen into the case of provision so that all his goods was lawfully and cleerely forfeited to you my right doubted Lord with more as the Statute declareth plainely for your advantage Iâ—em It is not unknowne to you doubted Lord how through your lands it is noysed that the said Cardinall and the Archbishop of Yorke had and have the governance of you and all youâ— land the which none of your true leige men ought to usurpe to take upon them and have also estranged me your sole uncle my cosin of Yorke my consin of Huntington and many other Lords of your Kin to have any knowledge of any great matâ—er that might touch your high estate or either of your Realmes and of Lords spirituall of right the Archbishop of Canterbury should be your cheefe Counsellour the which is also estranged and set aside and so be many other right sadd Lords and well advised as well spirituall as temporall to the great hurt of you my right doubted Lord and of your Realmes like as the experience and workes shewne cleerely and evidently more harme it is 5. Item In the tender age ofâ— you my right doubted Lord for the necessity of a Army the said Cardinall lent you 4000 pound upon certaine Jewels prised at two twenty 1000-markes with a letter of sale that if they were not quited at a certaine day you should leese them The said Cardinall seeing your money ready to have quitted your Jewells caused your Treasurer of England at that day being to pay the same money in part of another army in defrauding you my right doubted Lord of your said Jewells keeping them yet alway to his owne use to your right great losse and his singular profit and availe 6. Item the said Cardinall then being Bishop of Winchester Chancellor of England deluâ—â—ed the King of Scots upon certaine appointments as may be shewed presumptuously and of his owne authority contrary to the Act of Parliament I have heard notable men of Law say that they never heard the like thing done among them which was too great a defamation to your highnesse and also toâ—wed his Neece to the said King whom that my Lord of notable memory your Father would never have so deluâ—â—ed and there as he should have paid for his cosâ—sâ— forty thousand pounds the said Cardinall Châ—â—cellor of England caused you to pardon him thereof ten thousand marks whereof the greater somme hee paid you right a little what I report me to your highnesse 7. Itâ— where the said Cardinall lent you my redoubted Lord great and notable Sommes he hath had and his assignes the rule profit of the port of Hampton where the Customers bin his servants where by likelihood and as it is to be supposed he standing the chiefe Merchant of the wools of your landâ— that you be greatly defrauded and under that rule what woolls and other Merchantdizes have been shipped and may be from time to time hard is to esteeme to the great hurt and prejudice of you my right doubted Lord and of all your people 8. Item Howbeit that the said Cardinall hath divers times lent you great sommes of money sith the time of your raigne yet this loane hath beene so deferred and delayed that for the most part the convenable season of the imploying of the good lent was passed so that little fruit or none came thereofâ— as by experience both your Realmes have sufficiently in knowledge 9. Item Where there was Jewells and Plate prised at eleven thousand pound in weight of the said Cardinall forfeited to you my right redoubted Lord hee gate him a restorement thereof for a loane of a little percell of the sameâ— and so defrauded you wholly of them to your great hurt and his avayle the which good might greatly have eased your highnesse in sparing as much of the poore Commons 10. Item The Cardinall being feoft of my said Lord your Father against his intent gave Elizabeth Beauchampe three hundred markes of livelihood where that his will was that and she were wedded within a yeare then to have â—â— or else not where indeede it was two or three yeares after to your great hurt and diminishing of your inheritance 11. Item Notwithstanding that the said Cardinall hath no manner of authority nor interest into the Crowne nor none may have by any possibility yet he presumeth and taketh upon him in party your estate royall in calling before him into great abusion of all your land and derogation of your highnes which hath not been seen nor vsed in no dayes heretofore in greater estate then he is without your expresse ordenance and commandment 12. Item the said Cardinall nothing considering the necesity of you my right redoubted Lord hath sued a pardon of dismes that he should pay for the Church of Winchester for terme of his life giving thereby occasion to all other Lords spirituall to draw their good will for any necessity to grant any disme and so to lay all the charge upon the temporalty and the poore people 13. Item by the governance and labour of the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke there hath beene lost and dispended much notable and great good by divers embassadors sent out of this Realme Firstâ— to Arras for a feigned colourable peace whereas by likelinesse it was thought supposed that it should never turne to the effectuall availe of you my right doubted Lord nor to your said Realmes but under colour thereof was made the peace of your adversary and the Duke of Burgoyn for else your partie adverse and the said Duke might not well have found meanes nor wayes to have communed together nor to have concluded with other their confederations and conspirations made and wrought there then at that time against your highnesse whereby you might have right doubted Lord the greater partie of your obisance