and be Baptized every one of you in the name of Iesus Christ for the remission of Sins and you shall receive the gift of the Holy Ghost for this promise is to you and to your Children and to all that are afar off even as many as the Lord our God shall call Next to judge infallibly of Divine Truth and to forgive Sins as Christ did Then to be the Head of all Ecclesiastical persons and causes in the world to be so far above Kings and Princes as to Judge Depose and deprive them and to have an absoluâ—e jurisdiction over all the Affairs in Christendom in Ordine ad Spiritualia yet all this the Canonists allow him and he makes no scruple to assume whilst it is plain that in the whole New Testament there is no description made of such an Officer to be at any time in the Church except it be in the Prophecy of the Apocalyps or in one of St. Paul's Epistles where he says who it is that shall sit in the Temple of God shewing himself that he is God Christ tells us his Kingdom is not of this world and if any will be the greatest amongst his Disciples that he must be servant to the rest which shews that his followers were to be great in sanctity and humility and not in worldly power The Apostle Paul writing to the Christians of those times almost in every Epistle commands them to be obedient to the higher Powers or Magistrates set over them and St. Peter himself from whom this extravagant Empire is pretended to be derived in his firsâ— Epistle bids us submit our selves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake whether it be to the King or c. and this is enjoyn'd although it is plain that they who govern'd the world in those days were both Heathen Tyrants and Usurpers and in this submission there is no exception or proviso for Ecclesiastical immunity The practice as well as Precepts of these Holy men shews plainly that they had no intention to leave Successors who should deprive Hereditary Princes from their right of Reigning for differing in Religion who without all doubt are by the appointment of the Apostle and by the principles of Christianity to be obeyed and submitted to in things wherein the fundamental Laws of the Government give them power though they were Iews or Gentiles If I should tell you by what Texts in Scripture the Popes claim the Powers before mentioned it would stir up your laughter and prove too light for so serious a matter yet because possibly you may never have heard so much of this Subject before I shall instance in a few They tell you therefore that the Jurisdiction they pretend over the Church and the power of pardoning Sins comes from Christ to St. Peter and from him to them Thou art Peter and upon this Rock I will build my Church I will give thee the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven whatsoever thou shalt bind on Earth shall be bound in Heaven and whatsoever thou shalt loose on Earth c. From these two Texts ridiculously applyed comes this great Tree which hath with its Branches over-spread the whole Earth and kill'd all the good and wholsom Plants growing upon it The first Text will never by any man of sence be understood to say more than that the Preaching Suffering and Ministry of Peter was like to be a great foundation and Pillar of the Doctrine of Christ the other Text as also another spoken by our Saviour to all his Apostles whose sins ye remit they are remitted and whose sins ye retain they are retained are by all the Primitive fathers interpreted in this manner wheresoever you shall effectually Preach the Gospel you shall carry with you Grace and Remission of Sins to them which shall follow your instructions but the people who shall not have these joyful Tidings communicated by you to them shall remain in darkness and in their Sins But if any will contest that by some of these last Texts that Evangelical Excommunication which was afterwards brought into the Church by the Apostles was here praesignified by our great Master how unlike were those censures to those now thundered out as he calls it by the Pope these were for edification and not destruction to afflict the flesh for the salvation of the Soul that Apostolical ordinance was pronounced for some notorious Scandal or Apostacy from the Faith and first decreed by the Church that is the whole Congregation present and then denounced by the Pastor and reached only to debar such person from partaking of the Communion or fellowship of that Church till repentance should readmit him but was followed by no other prosecution or chastisement as is now practised But suppose all these Texts had been as they would have them how does this make for the Successors of St. Peter or the rest or how can this prove the Bishops of Rome to have right to such succession But I make haste from this subject and shall urge but one Text more which is The spiritual man judgeth all men but is himself judged of none from whence is inferred by the Canonists that first the Pope is the Spiritual man and then that he is to be Judge of all the world and last that he is never to be liable to any judgment himself whereas it is obvious to the meanest understanding St. Paul in this Text means to distinguish between a person inspired with the Spirit of God and one remaining in the state of Nature which latter he says cannot judge of those Heavenly gifts and graces as he explains himself when he says The Natural man cannot discern the things of the Spirit because they are foolishness unto him To take my leave of this matter wholly out of the way of my Studies I shall beg of you Zenobio and of Guilio and the rest of our Society to read over carefully the new Tesâ—ament and then to see what ground there is for Purgatory by which all the wealth and greatness hath accrew'd to these men what colour for the Idolatrous worship of Saints and their Images and particularly for speaking in their hymns and prayers to a piece of wood the Cross I mean Sâ—lve Lignum c. and then fac nos dignos beneficiorum Christi as you may read in that Office what colour or rather what excuse for that horrid unchristian and barbarous Engine called the inquisition brought in by the command and authority of the Pope the Inventor of which Peter a Dominican Fryer having been slain amongst the Albigesi as he well deserved is now Cannoniz'd for a Saint and stil'd San Pietro Martine In the dreadfull Prisons of this Inquisition many faithful and pious Christians to say nothing of honest Moral Moors or Mahometans are tormented and famish'd or if they out-live their sufferings burnt publickly to death and that only for differing in Religion from the Pope without having any crime or the least misdemeanor proved or
told him what was pass'd That now it was at his Choice whether he would kill Alboino and injoy her and her Kingdom or be kill'd himself for vitiating his Wife Almachilde had no fancy to be slain and therefore chose the other Proposition of killing his Master but when they had kill'd him they found themselves so far from acquiring the Kingdom that they were afraid of being made away by the Lombards out of the affection they bare to the Memory of Alboino for which cause packing up with all the Jewels and Treasure they could make they marched off to Longinus at Revenna who receiv'd them honourably During these Troubles Iustinus the Emperour died and Tiberius was elected in his Place but being imploy'd in his Wars against the Parthians he was not at leasure to send Relief into Italy Which Longinus looking upon as an opportunity to make himself King of the Lombards and of all Italy besides by the help of Rosmunda and her Treasure he imparted his Design to her and perswaded her to kill Almachilde and take him afterwards for her Husband She accepted the Motion and having in order thereunto prepar'd a Cup of Poison she gave it with her own hand to Almachilde as he came thirsty out of a Bath who having drank off half finding it work and great Convulsions within him concluding what it was he forc'd her to drink the rest so that in a few hours both of them died and Longinus lost all hopes of making himself King In the mean time at a Convention of the Lombards at Pavia which they had made their Metropolis they created Clefi their King who re-edified Imola that had been destroyed by Narsetes He conquer'd Rimini and in a manner all up as far as Rome but died in the middle of his Cariere This Clefi behav'd himself so cruelly not only to Strangers but even to the Lombards themselves that the Edge of their Monarchical inclination being taken off they would have no more Kings but constituted Thirty they call'd Dukes to Govern under them Which Counsel was the cause the Lombards extended not their Conquests over all Italy nor dilated their Dominion beyond Benevento Rome Ravenna Cremona Mantua Padua Monfelice Parma Bolonia Faenza Furli Cesana some of them defended themselves for some time other never fell at all under their subjection For having no King they were first render'd unapt for the Wars and when afterwards they reassum'd their Old Government and created Kings again the small relish and taste the people had had of Liberty render'd them less obedient to their Prince and more contentious among themselves and not only put a stop to the Cariere of their Victories at first but was the occasion afterwards that they were driven out of Italy Things being in this posture with the Lombards The Romans and Longinus came to terms with them and it was agreed that Arms should be laid down on all hands and each enjoy what was in their proper possession About this time the Bishops of Rome began to take upon them and to exercise greater Authority than they had formerly done At first the Successors of Saint Peter were venerable and eminent for their Miracles and the holiness of their Lives and their Examples added daily such numbers to the Christian Church that to obviate or remove the Confusions which were then in the World many Princes turned Christians and the Emperour of Rome being converted among the rest and quitting Rome to hold his Residence at Constantinople the Roman Empire as we have said before began to decline but the Church of Rome augmented as fast Nevertheless untill the coming in of the Lombards all Italy being under the dominion either of Emperours or Kings the Bishops assumed no more power than what was due to their Doctrine and Manners in Civil Affairs they were subject to the Civil Power imploy'd many times by the Emperours and Kings as their Ministers and many times executed for their ill Administration But Theodorick King of the Gothi fixing his Seat at Ravenna was that which advanc'd their interest and made them more considerable in Italy for there being no other Prince left in Rome the Romans were forc'd for Protection to pay greater Allegiance to the Pope And yet their Authority advanc'd no farther at that time than to obtain the Preference before the Church of Ravenna But the Lombards having invaded and reduc'd Italy into several Cantons the Pope took the opportunity and began to hold up his head For being as it were Governour and Principal at Rome the Emperour of Constantinople and the Lombards bare him a respect so that the Romans by mediation of their Pope began to treat and confederate with Longinus and the Lombards not as Subjects but as Equals and Companions which said Custom continuing and the Popes entring into Allyance sometimes with the Lombards and sometimes with the Greeks contracted great reputation to their dignity But the destruction of the Eastern Empire following so close under the Reign of the Emperour Heracleus in whose time the Schiavi a people we mention'd before fell again upon Illyria and over-ran it and call'd it Sclavonia from their own Name The other parts of that Empire being infested first by the Persians afterwards by the Saracens out of Arabia under the Conduct of Mahomet and last of all by the Turks and having lost several Provinces which were members of it as Syria Africa and Egypt The Pope lost the convenience of the Emperours protection in time of Adversity and the power of the Lombards increasing too fast on the other side he thought it but necessary to address himself to the King of France for assistance so that the Wars which hapned afterwards in Italy were occasioned by the Popes and the several inundations of Barbarians invited by them which manner of proceeding having continued to our times has held and does still hold Italy divided and inâ—irm But in my description of Occurrences betwixt those times and our own I shall not inlarge upon the ruine of the Empire which in truth receiv'd but little assistance from the Popes or any other Princes of Italy till the dayes of Charles the 8th but discourse rather how the Popes with their Censures Comminations and Arms mingled together with their Indulgences became formidable and reverenced and how having made ill use both of the one and the other they have lost the one entirely and remain at the discretion of other people for the other But to reurn to our Order I say that Gregory the Third being created Pope and Aistolfus King of the Lombards Aistolfus contrary to League and Agreement seiz'd upon Ravenna and made War upon the Pope Gregory not daring for the reasons abovesaid to depend upon the weakness of the Empire or the fidelity of the Lombards whom he had already found false appli'd himself to Pepin the Second who from Lord of Austracia and Brabantia was become King of France not so much by his own
in those times had serv'd formerly under the Duke But then he was revolted from him and come over to the Venetian The Venetian was uncertain what to determine not daring to be too confident of Carmignuola because not sure whether his animosity to the Duke was real or pretended Whilst they remain'd in this suspence the Duke found a way by corrupting one of his Servants to cause him to be poison'd but the poison being too weak did not kill him out-right but brought him to great extremity The Venetians having notice of this laid their suspition aside and the Florentines continuing their solicitations they enter'd into League with them by which it was agreed the War should be prosecuted by both parties at the common expence that what ever should be taken in Lombardy should be deliver'd to the Venetians and what ever in Romagna and Tuscany should be put into the hands of the Florentines and Carmignuola was made General of the League By means of this alliance the War was transfer'd into Lombardy where it was manag'd by Carmignuola with that discretion and courage that in a few months time he took several Towns from the Duke and Brescia among the rest which last in those times and according to the method of those Wars was accounted a miracle This War continued five years and the Citizens of Florence were much impoverish'd by the Taxes which had been continued as long Hereupon a regulation was agreed upon and that all people might be charg'd according to their Estates it was propos'd the Personal Estate should be chargeable as well as the real and that who ever had to the value of a hundred Florens in goods should pay half a proportion But there being Law and Authority to levy this Tax but not men enough to compel them the Grandees were disgusted and oppos'd it before it was perfectly concluded only Giovanni de Medici promoted it so vigorously that he carried it against them all And because in the Books of assesment every man's goods were rated which the Florentines call Accatastare this imposition was call'd Catasto Moreover this Law restrain'd the Tyranny of the Nobles not permitting them to strike or terrifie such as were inferior to them in the Counsels as formerly they had presum'd This Tax therefore though accepted chearfully enough by the Commons went much against the minds of the Nobility But it being in the Nature of man never to be satisfi'd and as soon as possess'd of what with great vehemence he desir'd to wish as fiercely for another The people not content with the proportions set them by the Law demanded a retrospection and that it might be consider'd how much the Nobility had paid less in times past than was now allotted them by the Catasto and that they might be forc'd to pay it for the reinbursement of such as had sold their Estates to enable them to pay their Taxes before This proportion affrighted the Grandees much more than the Catasto so that to defend themselves against both they decry'd the Catasto as unjust and unequal in laying a Duty upon goods and houshold-stuff which are here to day and lost to morrow and exempting mony which many people kept privatly in their hands so as the Catasto could not discover it To which they added that it was not but reasonable those Persons who relinquish'd or neglected their own private affairs for the better management of the publick should be favour'd in the Taxes for devoting their whole labour to the benefit of the State there was no justice nor equity in the World that the City should have the profits of their Industry and Estate and from others receive only the contribution of their Estates Those who were for the Catasto reply'd that as their goods varied the Taxes might be varied too and to any inconvenience from that a remedy might be found As to the mony conceal'd that was not to be consider'd for making no profit of it there was no reason it should be paid for and when ever they imploy'd it it would be sure to be discover'd For the pains they took and their solicitude for their Country if it were troublesome to them they might have liberty to retire for there was no doubt but some well affected Citizens would be found who would not repine to serve the City both with their Counsel and Estates and that there were so many honors and other perquisits attending those great Offices as might suffice any reasonable Persons without abatement of their Taxes But their great discontent was from another cause the Nobility were offended that they could not make War at other peoples charge as they were us'd to do formerly but were oblig'd to bear their share as well as their Neighbours Had this way been found out before there would have been no War with King Ladisâ—ao then nor with Duke Philip now both which Wars were undertaken to fill the coffers of some particular Citizens more than for any general necessity but this commotion of humours was appeas'd by Giovanni de Medici who convinc'd the people it was not convenient to look backward That their business now was to provide carefully for the future and if the former impositions had been unequal and injust they were to thank God a way was found to relieve them and not make that a means to divide which was intended to unite the City as it would certainly do if the old assesments and the new were adjusted for it was better to be contented with half a victory than to venture all for an absolute many instances making it out that where more has been striv'd for all has been lost With these and such like discourses he pacified the people and the design of retrospection was quiâ—e laid aside However the War with the Duke being carried on for a while a peace at length was concluded at Ferrara by the mediation of a Legate from the Pope But the Duke not observing the conditions at first the League took Arms again and coming to an engagement with his Army at Maclovio they defeated him quite and forc'd the Duke to new propositions which were accepted by the League by the Florentines because they were grown jealous of the Venetian and sensible that the vast charge which their City was at was to make others more powerful than themselves by the Venetians because they observ'd Carmignuola after the Duke was overthrown to advance but slowly and make little or no advantage of his victory so as they could not place any further confidence in him In this manner the peace was concluded in the year 1428 by which the Florentines were restor'd to what they had lost in Romagna the Venetians had Brescia and the Duke gave them Bergamo and the Territory belonging to it over and above This War cost the Florentines 3 millions and five thousand Ducats the success of which was Grandeur and Authority to the Venetian but poverty and dissention to themselves Peace being
a power might grow odious to the people he erected a Court of judicature in the middle of the Province in which every City had its advocate and an excellent person was appointed to preside And because he discover'd that his pass'd â—verity had created him many Enemies to remove that ill opinion and recover the affections of the people he had a mind to show that if any cruelty had been exercised it proceeded not from him but from the arrogance of his Minister and for their further confirmation he caused the said Governor to be apprehended and his Head chopt off one morning in the Market place at Cesena with a wooden dagger on one side of him and a bloody knife on the other the ferocity of which spectacle not only appeas'd but amaz'd the people for a while But reassuming our discourse I say the Duke finding himself powerfull enough and secure against present danger being himself as strong as he desired and his neighbours in a manner reduced to an incapacity of hurting him being willing to go on with his conquests there remaining nothing but a jealousie of France and not without cause for he knew that King had found his errour at last and would be sure to obstruct him Hereupon he began to look abroad for new allies and to haesitate and stagger towards France as appeared when the French Army advanced into the Kingdom of Naples against the Spaniards who had besieg'd Cajeta his great design was to secure himself against the French and he had doubtless done it if Alexander had lived These were his provisions against the dangers that were imminent but those that were remote were more doubtful and uncertain The first thing he feared was lest the next Pope should be his enemy reassume all that Alexander had given him to prevent which he proposed four several ways The first was by destroying the whole line of those Lord's whom he had dispossess'd that his Holiness might have no occasion to restore them The second was to cajole the Nobility in Rome and draw them over to his party that thereby he might put an aw and restraint upon the Pope The third was if possible to make the Colledge his friends The fourth was to make himself so strong before the Death of his Father as to be able to stand upon his own legs and repel the first violence that should be practised against him Three of these four expedients he had try'dâ—before Alexander died and was in a fair way for the fourth all the disseiz'd Lord's which came into his Clutches he put to death and left few of them remaining he had insinuated with the Nobility of Rome and got a great party in the Colledge of Cardinals and as to his own corroboration he had design'd to make himself Master of Tuscany had got possession of Perugia and Piombino already and taken Pisa into his protection and having now farther regard of the French who where beaten out of the Kingdom of Naples by the Spaniard and both of them reduc'd to necessity of seeking his amity he leapt bluntly into Pisa after which Lucca and Sienna submitted without much trouble partly in hatred to the Florentines and partly for fear and the Florentines were grown desperate without any hopes of relief so that had these things happened before as they did the same year in which Alexander died doubtless he had gain'd so much strength and reputation that he would have stood firm by himself upon the basis of his own power and conduct without depending upon fortune or any foreignâ—supplies But his Father died five years after his Son had taken up Arms and left him nothing solid and in certainty but Romagna only and the rest were in nubious infested with two formidable Armies and himself mortally sick This Duke was a Man of that magnanimity and prudence understood so well which way Men were to be wheedled or destroy'd and such were the foundations that he had laid in a short time that had he not had those two great Armies upon his back and a fierce distemper upon his body he had overcome all difficulties and brought his designs to perfection That the foundations which he had laid were plausible appear'd by the patience of his Subjects in Romagna who held out for him a compleat month though they knew he was at deaths door and unlikely ever to come out of Rome to which place though the Baglioni the Vitelli and Ursini return'd seeing there was no likelyhood of his recovery yet they could not gain any of his party nor debauch them to their side 't is possible he was not able to put who he pleas'd into the Pontifical chair yet he had power enough to keep any man out who he thought was his Enemy But had it been his fortune to have been well when his Father Alexander died all things had succeeded to his mind He told me himself about the time that Iulius XI was created that he had considered well the accidents that might befal him upon the death of his Father and provided against them all only he did no imagine that at his death he should be so near it himself Upon serious Examination therefore of the whole Conduct of Duke Valentine I see nothing to be reprehended it seems rather proper to me to propose him as I have done as an Example for the imitation of all such as by the favour of fortune or the supplies of other Princes have got into the saddle for his mind being so large and his intentions so high he could not do otherwise and nothing could have opposed the greatness and wisdom of his designs but his own infirmity and the death of his Father He therefore who thinks it necessary in the minority of his Dominion to secure himself against his Enemies to gain himself Friends to overcome whether by force or by fraud to make himself belov'd or fear'd by his people to be followed and reverenced by his Soldiers to destory and exterminate such as would do him injury to repeal and suppress old Laws and introduce new to be severe grateful magnanimous liberal cashier and disband such of his Army as were unfaithful and put new in their places manage himself so in his alliances with Kings and Princes that all of them should be either obliged to requite him or affear'd to offend him He I say cannot find a fresher or better Model than the actions of this Prince If in any thing he be to be condemned it is in suffering the Election of Iulius XI which was much to his prejudice for though as is said before he might be unable to make the Pope as he pleased yet it was in his power to have put any one by and he ought never to have consented to the Election of any of the Cardinals whom he had formerly offended or who after their promotion were like to be jealous of him for men are as mischievous for fear as for hatred Those Cardinals
which he had disobliged were among others the Cardinals of St. Peter ad Vincula Collonno St. George and Ascanius The rest if any of them were advanced to the Papacy might well be afraid of him except the Spanish Cardinals and the Cardinal of Roan The Spaniards by reason of their obligations and alliance and the other by reason of his interest in the Kingdom of France Wherefore above all things the Duke should have made a Spanish Cardinal Pope and if that could not have been done he should rather have consented to the Election of Roan than St. Peter ad Vincula for 't is weakness to believe that among great persons new obligations can obliterate old injuries and disgusts So that in the Election of this Iulius XI Duke Valentine committed and Error that was the cause of his utter destruction CHAP. VIII Of such as have arriv'd at their Dominion by wicked and injustifiable means NOw because there are two ways from a private person to become a Prince which ways are not altogether to be attributed either to fortune or management I think it not convenient to pretermit them though of one of them I may speak more largely where occasion is offered to treat more particularly of Republicks One of the ways is when one is advanced to the Soveraignty by any illegal nefarious means The other when a Citizen by the favour and partiality of his Fellow-Citizens is made Prince of his Country I shall speak of the first in this Chapter and justifie what I say by two Examples one Ancient the other Modern without entring farther into the merits of the cause as judging them sufficient for any man who is necessitated to follow them Agathocles the Sicilian not only from a private but from a vile and abject Condition was made King of Syracuse and being but the Son of a Potter he continued the dissoluteness of his life thorow all the degrees of his fortune Nevertheless his vices were accompanied with such courage and activity that he applyed himself to the Wars by which and his great industry he came at length to the Pretor of Syracuse Being settled in that Dignity and having concluded to make himself Prince and hold that by violence without obligation to any body which was conferred upon him by consent he settled an intelligence with Amilcar the Carthaginian who was then at the head of an Army in Sicily and calling the People and Senate of Syracuse together one morning as if he had been to consult them in some matter of importance to the State upon a signal appointed he caus'd his Soldiers to kill all the Senators and the most wealthy of the People after whose death he usurped and possessed the Dominion of that City without any obstruction and though afterwards he lost two great Battels to the Carthaginians and at length was besieg'd yet he was not only able to defend that City but leaving part of his forces for the security of that with the rest he transported into Africk and ordered things so that in a short time he reliev'd Syracuse and reduced the Carthaginians into such extream necessity that they were glad to make peace with him and contenting themselves with Africk leave Sicily to Agathocles He then who examines the Exploits and Conduct of Agathocles will find little or nothing that may be attributed to fortune seeing he rose not as is said before by the favour of any man but by the steps and gradations of War with a thousand difficulties and dangers having gotten that Government which he maintained afterwards with as many noble Atchievements Nevertheless it cannot be called Virtue in him to kill his fellow-Citizens betray his Friends to be without faith without pity or Religion these are ways may get a Man Empire but no glory nor reputation Yet if the Wisdom of Agathocles be considered his dexterity in encountring and overcoming of dangers his Courage in supporting and surmounting his misfortunes I do not see why he should be held inferiour to the best Captains of his time But his unbounded cruelty and barbarous inhumanity added to a million of other Vices will not permit that he be numbred amongst the most Fxcellent Men. So then that which he performed cannot justly be attributed to either Fortune or Virtue for he did all himself without either the one or the other In our days under the Papacy of Alexander VI. Oliverotto da Fermo being left young many years since by his Parents was brought up by his Unckle by the Mothers side call'd Iohn Togliani and in his youth listed a Soldier under Paulo Vitelli that having improved himself by his Discipline he might be capable of some Eminent Command Paulo being dead he served under Vitellezzo his Brother and in short time by the acuteness of his parts and the briskness of his Courage became one of the best Officers in his Army But thinking it beneath him to continue in any Man's Service he conspir'd with some of his fellow-Citizens of Fermo to whom the servitude of their Country was more agreeable than its liberty by the help of Vitellesco to seize upon Fermo In order to which he writ a Letter to his Unckle Iohn Fogliano importing That having been absent many years he had thoughts of visiting him and Fermo and taking some little diversion in the place where he was born and because the design of his Service had been only the gaining of Honour That his fellow-Citizens might see his time had not been ill spent he desired admission for a hundred Horse of his Friends and his Equipage and beg'd of him that he would take care they might be honourably received which would redound not only to his Honour but his Unckles who had had the bringing him up Iohn was not wanting in any Office to his Nephew and having caus'd him to be nobly received he lodged him in his own House where he continued some days preparing in the mean time what was necessary to the Execution of his wicked design he made a great Entertainment to which he invited Iohn Fogliani and all the chief Citizens in the Town About the end of the treatment when they were entertaining one another as is usual at such times Oliverotto very subtilly promoted certain grave discourses about the greatness of Pope Alexander and Cesar his Son and of their Designs Iohn and the rest replying freely to what was said Oliverotto smil'd and told them those were points to be argued more privately and thereupon removing into a chamber his Unckle and the rest of his fellow-Citizens followed They were scarce sate down before Soldiers which were conceal'd about the room came forth and kill'd all of them and the Unckle among the rest After the Murder was committed Oliverotto mounted on Horseback rode about and rummaged the whole Town having besieged the chief Magistrate in his Palace so that for fear all people submitted and he establish'd a Government of which he made himself Head Having put such to death
his Troops to joyn with Bastiano at one Gate he with the rest advanced the common Road towards Iacopo At both Gates they were admitted as Friends but no sooner were they entered but upon a signal given Bastiano was killed on one side with all his chief friends and Iacopo and his friends scaped no better on the other the rest of their parties betaking to their heels the whole Town was left at Castruccio's devotion He came in person to reassure the Magistrates and brought them out of the Palace whither they had fled to secure themselves Having called the people together the promised to cancel all the old debts did many acts of Grace lessened their imposts and prevailed upon them to be obedient by the force of his caresses and new priviledges which he gave them This profuseness of kindness had coax'd likewise the Inhabitants of the Country they came in great throngs to salute and recognize their new Prince who sent them all home again in peace all mightily taken with his Virtues and possessed with hopes of his extraordinary benefits There was about this time some Mutinies in Rome by reason of the dearness of provisions The scarcity that was suffered proceeded from the absence of the Popes who kept then their Pontifical residence at Avignon and it added much to the revolt that the Romans could not endure to be governed by a German This National animosity was the occasion of frequent Murthers and perpetual disorder Errico the Emperor's Lieutenant General found himself too weak to apply any remedy and apprehended not without cause that the Romans had private intelligence with the King of Naples that if their Forces should joyn he should be forced out of Rome and the Pope be restored He concluded therefore his safest recourse would be to Castruccio so that he sent to him for supplies and begg'd of him that he would come along with them in person Castruccio made no scruple of the Voyage being equally transported to be able to do a meritorious piece of service to the Emperor and put himself in a condition to be regarded at Rome and look'd upon as the Moderator of their affairs whenever the Emperor should be absent Leaving therefore the care of Lucca to the charge of Pagolo Guinigi and contenting himself only with a Convoy of two hundred Horse he came to Rome and was received by Errico with all possible honour His presence having received the Authority of the Emperor he took a gentle way to pacifie the people The first thing he did was to provide plenty of all things causing store of Corn to be brought thither from Pisa to take off the pretence of their revolt After which mingling very discreetly his favours and his chastisements he reduced all the chief Citizens to their obedience to Errico In acknowledgment of which Castruccio was made Senator of Rome and several Honours conferred upon him with more than ordinary Ceremony The day of his promotion he came forth in a Habit sutable to his Dignity but enriched with a delicate Embroidery with two devices wrought in artificially one before and the other behind The first was before and in these words as devout as common HE IS AS IT PLEASES GOD and behind in these AND SHALL BE WHAT GOD WILL HAVE HIM Whilst these things were in Transaction the Florentines incensed that to the prejudice of their Truce Castruccio had surprised the Town of Pistoia resolved to recover it by force and thought it not likely to be difficult if they took the opportunity of his absence Among the Fugitives from Pistoia who had saved themselves in Florence there were two principally considerable Cecchi and Baldini They were Men in Action and had always retain'd a private correspondence with their Friends in Pistoia and they managed all things so dexterously for a revolt that they caused a good party of Florentines to enter one night into the Town who restored them their liberty with the destruction of all Castruccio's party This news being brought to Rome touched Castruccio to the quick who taking leave of Errico with large Journeys came directly to Lucca The Florentines had notice of his return and resolved stoutly to begin the War upon him that he might not have leisure to prepare wherefore having obliged all that like themselves were favourers of the Guelfish Faction to put themselves forward in some extraordinary manner they raised a strong Army and marched with all diligence to possess themselves first of the Valley of Nievole to facilitate their Communication with Pistoia Castruccio on his side with what Forces he could get together marched directly for Monte-Carlo and having intelligence where the Enemy was encamped and how numerous their Army he judged the danger would be as great should he go and confront them in the plain of Pistoia as to attend them in the Valley of Pescia He concluded therefore to draw them if he could into the streights of Seravalle for narrow passes and rough and difficult ways were convenient for a small Army as his was which consisted of not above 12000 Men and would be a disadvantage to the Florentines who were 40000 compleat Wherefore though he was well enough satisfied of the Courage of his Army and understood the worth of every common Soldier yet he thought good to withdraw out of that Champagn Country lest he should suffer himself to be overwhelmed with the multitudes of his Enemies Seravalle is a Castle betwixt Pescia and Pistoia situate upon a hill which on that side puts a stop to the Valley of Nievole This Castle stands not upon the Road but is about two flight shot higher and the passage down into the Valley is rather strait than sleep for the declension is very gradual to the place where the waters divide and pass to discharge themselves into the Lake of Tucechio and that passage is so streight that twenty Men in Front take up the whole breadth There it was that Castruccio designed to engage the Enemy as well to give the advantage of the streight to the smallness of his own Army as to keep them from being sensible of the vast numbers of the Florentines and prevent the terror which they might inspire The Castle of Seravalle belong'd to the Signor Manfredi a German who had made himself Lord of it long before Castruccio had seized upon Pistoia and kept it by common consent both of the Inhabitants of Pistoia and Lucca Either because he kept his Neutrality very strictly with both or because the Castle was so strong of it self it needed to fear neither Castruccio knowing the importance of that place from the beginning found a way to gain intelligence with a person who lived in the Castle The night before the day of the Battel by the ministry of this Man Castruccio caused Four hundred of his Soldiers to enter who cut the Throat of Manfredi and seized on the Castle Having secured so considerable a Post without noise he endeavoured to persuade the Enemy
France is in no apprehension because it is washed by the Sea on that side and accommodated with Ports always full of Ships partly of the Kings and partly of other petty Princes sufficient to defend their Coasts from any sudden impression and against any thing premeditated they will have time enough to prepare for it requires time to make a solemn invasion and the preparation will be discovered by some body besides for further security there are always parties of Men at Arms scowring upon the Coasts Their expence in keeping of their Towns is not so great for the French Subjects are very dutiful and the fortresses are not kept at the charge of the Kingdom and on the borders where Garisons and by consequence expence would be more necessary those flying bodies of Men at Arms save them that charge for against any extraordinary insult there will be time enough to provide for that requires time to be fitted and more to be executed The people of France are very humble and obedient and have their King in mighty veneration They live at very little expence by reason of their great plenty and every body hath something of his own their clothing is course of very cheap stuff and they use no kind of Silks neither the men nor the women for if they should they should be obnoxious to the Gentry who would certainly be even with them The Bishopricks in France according to modern computation are 146 and the Arch-Bishopricks 18. The Parishes are reckoned a million and 700 and the Abbies 740. Of the Priories there is no account Of the ordinary and extraordinary Entries of the Crown I could get no exact account I inquired of several and all told me they were as the King pleased to require Yet some persons told me that that part of his ordinary Revenue which arises out of his Gabels upon wine and bread and flesh and the like amounts to a million and seven hundred thousand Crowns and his extraordinary by Taxes amounts as he pleases but in case they fall short he has another string to his bow and that is by way of loans which are seldom repaid The Letters to that purpose do commonly run thus Sir The King recommends himself to you and having at this time pressing occasion for mony He desires you would furnish him with the sum contained in this Letter which sums are paid in to the next Receiver and there are of them in every Town who receives all the profits and revenue accrewing to the King by Gabels Taxes Loans or otherwise Those Towns which are subject to the Crown have no rules or orders but what His Majesty is pleased to set them for raising of mony either by Taxes or otherwise The authority of the Barons over their Subjects and half their Revenues consists in bread and wine and flesh as abovesaid and so much a year for hearth-mony but it must not exceed six pence or eight pence a hearth to be paid every three months Taxes and Loans they cannot require without the consent of the King which he grants very rarely The Crown receives no other advantage from them than in the revenue for salt and never taxes them but upon extraordinary occasion The King's order in his extraordinary expences both in War and Peace is to command the Treasurers to pay the Souldiers which they do by tickets of assignment The Pensioners and Gentlemen repair to the Generals with their tickets from month to month where they are entred and having received a new policy from three months to three months the Pensioners and Gentlemen go then to the Receivers of the respective Provinces where they live and are paid immediately The Gentlemen belonging to the King are 200 their pay 20 Crowns a month and paid as abovesaid each hundred has a Captain The Pensioners are no set number and their Pensions are as uncertain being more or less as it pleases the King they are in a way of preferment and therefore there is no exact rules for them The office of the Receivers General of France is to receive so much for fire and so much for taxes by consent of the King and to take care that both ordinary and extraordinary expences be paid at the time and discharges given as aforesaid The Treasurers have the keeping of the mony and pay it according to their orders from the Generals The office of the Grand Chancellor is judicial land definitive he can pardon and condemn as he pleases and that even in Capital Causes without the consent of the King In Causes where the Clients are contumaciously litigious He can prefix them a day for the determination of their Suit He can confer Benefices but that must be with the King's consent for those grants are pass'd by the King's Letters under the Broad-Seal wherefore that Seal is kept by the said Chancellor His salary is 10000 Franks per an and 11000 more for his Table which Table is intended for the repast and entertainment of such Gentlemen Lawyers and Counsellors as follow in his train when they think fit either to dine or sup with him The sum which the King of England received annually from the King of France was fifty thousand Franks in consideration of certain disbursements by the present King of England's Father in the Dutchy of Britagne but the time of that payment is expired At present there is in France but one Grand Seneschal when there are more I do not mean Grand Seneschals for there is never but one their authority is over the Militia both in Ordinary and Extraordinary whom for the dignity of their Office they are obliged to obey The Governors of the Provinces are as many as the King pleases and have their Commission for life or years and their Salaries great or little as he thinks good to appoint the other Governors to the very inferior Officers in every little Town have all their Commissions from the Kings for you must know there is no office in that Kingdom but is either given or sold by that King Of the quantity of distributions for the Gentlemen and the Pensioners there is no certain account but as to them the King's warrant is sufficient for they are not liable to the Chamber of Accounts The Office of the Chamber of Accounts is to view and audit the accounts of all such as have any thing to do in the King's Moneys as the Generals the Treasurers and the Receivers The University of Paris is paid out of the Rents of the Foundations of the Colledges but very narrowly The Parliaments are five of Paris of Roan of Tholose Burdeaux and Douphine from either of which there is no appeal The Universities first were but four at Paris Orleans Bourgi and Poictiers to which these at Tours and Angiers have been added since but they are very inconsiderable The standing Army is a great both for number of Men and Artillery as the King pleases and are quartered and disposed according to orders from
him Yet every great Town upon the Frontiers have Artillery and Ammunition of their own and within these two years several more have been cast in several places of the said Kingdom at the charge of the Town where they were made and to re-imburse themselves the are allowed a Toll of a penny an head for all Cattel and as much for every bushel of Corn whilst the Kingdoms is under no danger of invasion The standing Force is divided into four Bodies which are disposed into four several Posts for the security of the Country that is to say into Guienna Piccardy Burgundy and Provence but not precise number is observed in any for they are lessened or encreased and removed from one place to another as they have occasion to suspect I have with some diligence inquired what moneys were assigned every year for the charges of the King's Houshold and his privy Purse and I find it is what he pleases himself His Archers are four hundred design'd for the Guard of his Person among which there are two Scotch Their Salary is three hundred Franks a man every year and a Coat of the King's Livery But there are 24 constantly at the King's elbow and their Salary is 400 Franks per an His German Foot-Guards consisted formerly of three hundred men with each of them a Pension of ten Franks a month and two Suits of Apparel a year that is Coats and Shooes one for Summer and the other for Winter but of these Foot there were 100 particularly near the King their Salary being 12 Franks per mens and their Coats of Silk which was begun in the time of King Charles The Harbingers are those who are sent before to take up Lodgings for the Court they are 32 in number and each of them has a Salary of three hundred Franks every year and a Coat of the King's Livery Their Marshals or chief Officers are four and have each of them 600 Franks per an In taking up their Lodgings their method is this they divide themselves into four parties one Marshal or his Lieutenant in case he cannot wait himself stays where the Court departed to see all things rectified betwixt the followers of the Court and the Masters of the Houses another of them goes along with the Court a third where the King lies that night and the fourth where he lies the next by which means they keep so exact an order that they are no sooner arrived but every man knows his Lodging and is furnished with every thing got ready to his hand The Provost del Hostel is a person who follows always the person of the King and his office is judiciary where-ever the Court goes his Bench is the first and in all Towns where he comes the people may appeal to him as to their Lieutenant His ordinary Salary is 6000 Franks He has under him two Judges in Civil Causes paid by the King each of them 600 Franks per an he has likewise under him a Lieutenant Criminal and 30 Archers paid as abovesaid Those who are taken by this Provost upon any criminal account cannot appeal to the Parliament He dispatches all both in Civil and Criminal affairs and if the Plaintiff and Defendant appear once before him it is enough their business is determined The Masters of the King's Houshold are eight but there is no certain rule for their Salary for some have 1000 Franks per an some more some less at it pleases the King over whom there is a Grand Master with a Salary of 11000 Franks per an and his authority is only over the rest The jurisdiction of the Admiral of France is over all the Fleet and Ships and Ports belonging to that Kingdom He can seize and make what Ships he pleases and dispose of them as he thinks good when he has done His Salary is 10000 Franks The Knights of the King's Order have no certain number depending wholly upon the King's pleasure When they are created they swear to defend the Crown and never upon on any terms to be engaged against it they can never be degraded or deprived of their Dignity but by death The highest of their Pensions is 4000 Franks per an some have less for all are not equal The Chamberlains office is to wait upon the King to see to his Chamber and to advise him and indeed his Chamberlains are persons of the principal reputation in his Kingdom their Pensions are six eight and ten thousand Franks per an and sometimes nothing for the King does often confer those Places upon some great and rich stranger whom he has a mind to oblige but though they have no Pensions they are exempted from all Gabels and have their diet in Court at the next Table to the King 's The Master of the Horse is to be always about the King his authority is over the 12 Quieries and the same that the Grand Seneschal the Grand Master and the Grand Chamberlains is over those who are under them He has the care of the King's Horses and Harness helps him up and down and carries the Sword before him The Lords of the King's Council have Pensions of betwixt six and eight thousand Franks Per an at the pleasure of his Majesty their names at present are Monseigneur di Parigi Mons. di Buonaglia the Baylif of Amiens Mons. du Russi and the Grand Chancellor but Rubertet and Mons. di Parigi govern all There is no Table kept for them since the death of the Cardinal of Roan for when the Grand Chancellor is absent Parigi does that office for him and takes them with him The Title which the King of France pretends to the State of Milan is thus His Grand-father married a Daughter of the Duke of Milan who died without Heir males Duke Giovanni Galeazzo had two Daughters women grown and I know not how many Sons Of the Ladies one was called Madona Valentina and was married to Lewis Duke of Orleans Grand-father to this present King descended lincally from King Pipen Duke Iohn Galeazzo being dead his Son Philip succeeded him who died without legitimate issue leaving only one natural Daughter behind him Afterwards that State was usurped illegally by the Sforzeschi as is reported because they pretend it fell to the Heirs of the said Madona Valentina and that from the very day in which the Duke of Orleans married with the House of Milan he added to the three Lillies in his Coat of Arms the Snake which is to be seen at this day In every Parish in France there is a person called a Frank Archer who is paid by the Parish and is obliged to be always ready with a good Horse and Arms to wait upon the King when ever they are required whether abroad in time of War or at home upon any other occasion they are bound likewise to ride up and down for the security of such places as are liable to in-roads or any ways suspected and according to the number of the Parishes they are
Lombardy the great objection by those who were against the Expedition was That the Swizzers would obstruct his passage over the Mountains which argument was found idle afterwards for the Kings of France waving two or three places which they had guarded passed by a private and unknown way and was upon their backs in Italy before they perceiv'd him so that being mightily surprized the Enemy quitted his Posts and retired into Italy and all the Lombards submitted to the French they being deceived in their opinion who thought the French were with more Ease and Convenience to be obstructed in the Mountains CHAP. XXIV In well Ordered Governments offence and desert are never set one against the other but he who does well is rewarded and he who does otherwise is punished THE merits of Horatius were very great having by his own single valor and conduct overcome the Curiatii after which he committed a most abominable act in killing his own Sister which Murther was so hainous in the Eyes of the Romans that he was brought to a Trial for his life though his deserts were so fresh and considerable which at first sight seem ingrateful in the people but he who examins it strictly and weighs how necessary and sacred a thing Justice ought to be in every Common-wealth will find them more blameable for discharging than they would have been for condemning him and the reason is because in a well constituted State no man's good actions should indemnisie him for doing ill for punishment being as due to ill actions as rewards are to good having rewarded in a man for doing well he is satisfied for what he did and the obligation discharged so as if afterwards he commits a Crime he is to be punished severely according to the Nature of his offence by the observation of which Orders a City may continue free a long time which otherwise will quickly go to ruine For if a Citizen having perform'd any great Exploit for his Country should expect not only honor and reward for what he has done but priviledge and impunity for any mischief he should do afterwards his insolence would in a short time grow insupportable and inconsistent with Civil Government So then it is very necessary for discouragement from ill actions to recompense good which was the practice in Rome and though where a Common-wealth is poor her tâ—wards cannot be great yet even out of that small stock she is to be punctually grateful for a thing how little soever given in acknowledgment of ones good Service let it be never so great is look'd upon as Honorable and received as a Magnificent reward The Stories of Horatius Cocles and Mutius Scaevola are generally famous Coles with incompâ—rable courage maintained fight against a great body of the Enemy upon the Bridge over Tiber till it was cut behind him and their passage obstructed The other designing against the life of Porsenna King of Tuscany and killing his Secretary by mistake being apprehended and brought before the King to show the courage and constancy of the Romans he thrust his own hand into the fire and burnt it off before his face and how were they gratified marry each of them had two Staiora's which is as much ground as can be sown with two Bushels of Corn. The History of Manlius Capitolinus is no less remarkable Having relieved the Capitol which the French had surprized in the night and beaten them out again his Comerades in requital gave him a certain measure of Flower which as times went then was a mighty reward and esteemed so adequate to the Service that Manlius afterwards either out of ambition or ill nature causing a tumult in Rome and endeavouring to debauch the people his former exploits being as they thought amply rewarded without farther regard to him they threw him headlong down that Capitol which he had so gloriously preserved CHAP. XXV Though it is many times convenient to reform the old Fundamental Customs of a free City yet it is convenient still to retain some shadow and appearance of their ancient ways HE who desires to set up a new form of Government in a Common-wealth that shall be lasting and acceptable to the people is with great caution to preserve at least some shadow and resemblance of the old That the people may if possible be insensible of the innovation for the generality of Mankind do not penetrate so far into things but that outward appearance is as acceptable to them as verity it self For this cause the Romans at the beginning of their liberty when their Kings were expelled thought it expedient to create two Consuls instead of one King assigning them only XII Lictors that their number might not exceed what attended upon the King Besides this there was an anniversary Sacrifice in Rome in which the Ministry of the King was of necessity required To salve that defect the Romans created a chief of the said Sacrifice with the Title of Royal Priest but with subordination to the High Priest by which Artifice the people were satisfied with their Sacrifice and took no occasion to complain for the expulsion of their King He therefore who desires to reform the policy of a State and to introduce a new is to disguise it to the people by the retention at least in appearance of some part of the ancient Customs that may keep them from discerning it and if at any time by accident there be a necessity of changing the power the number and duration of the Magistrates it will be convenient to continue the Name This as I said before is to be observed by any one who would establish an absolute power either in a Republick or Monarchical way but he who would erect such an absolute power as by Authors is called Tyrannies must unravel the whole bottom and innovate all CHAP. XXVI A new Prince in a new Conquest is to make every thing new WHoever makes himself Lord of a City or State and especially if he finds himself weak and suspects his ability to keep it if he intends not to continue the Government in the old way either by Kingship or Common-wealth the best course he can take is to subvert all to turn every thing topsie turvy and make all things as new as himself To alter the Magistracy create new Titles elect new persons confer new Authorities advance the Poor and impoverish the Rich that what is said of David may be said of him Esurientes implevit bonis divites dimisit inanes He filled the hungry with good things and the rich he sent empty away Besides it is his interest to build new Cities to erect new Corporations to demolish and uncharter the old to shift the Inhabitants from one place to another in a word so to toss and transpose every thing that there be no honor nor wealth nor preferment in the whole Province but what is ownable to him And for this he need go no farther than Philip of Macedon Father to Alexander the
grant it This was not according to the discretion of the Romans for the Duke being very strong and the Florentines but weak it had been more for their honour to have granted him passage when they could not obstruct it that what they could not resist might have been imputed to their courtesie But there is no remedy 't is the property of weak States to do every thing amiss and never to do well but in spight of their teeths for there is no such thing as prudence amongst them And this Florence has verified in two other cases In the year 1500. when Lewis XII had repossessed himself of Milan he had an inclination to restore Pisa to the Florentines upon the payment of 50000 Florens To this purpose he sent thither his Army under the Command of Mounsieur de Beaumont in whom though a French man the Florentines had great confidence Beaumont came up with his Army betwixt Cassina and Pisa and lodged it conveniently for the battering the Town having been two or three days before it and all things ready for the assault Commissioners came out and offered to surrender to the French upon condition that he would engage upon the honor of his Master that it should not in four months time be delivered to the Florentine to which the Florentines not consenting the Commissioners returned The cause why the Florentines refused it was their jealousie of the King though they had put themselves under his protection They did not consider that the King could better have put the Town into their hands when he was Master of it himself and if he had refused it it would have discover'd him than promise to do it when he was not in possession and yet they be forced to purchase that promise at a very great rate Two years after Arezzo revolted and the King sent Seigneur Iubalt with supplies to the Florentines who had besieged the Town Iubalt was no sooner arrived but the Inhabitants of Arezzo made him the same proffer and the Florentines could not be brought to consent Iubalt resented it and knowing it to be a great fault he practised privately with the Aretines without Communicating with the Florentine Commissaries An agreement was clap'd up betwixt them by virtue of which Iubalt entred the Town and reproached the Florentines by their indiscretion as people wholly inexperienced in the affairs of the world He told them if they desired to have it they should signifie it to the King who would be better able to gratifie them in the Town than without The Florentines were highly offended and spake very hardly of Iubalt till they considered that of Beaumont had done the same at Pisa they had both as well as one I say therefore that weak and irresolute States do seldom take good Counsels unless they be forced for their weakness suffers them not to deliberate where any thing is doubtful and if that doubt be not removed by a violent necessity they never come to a resolution but are always in suspence CHAP. XXXIX Divers People have many times the same Accidents WHoever compares past things with the present will find that in all Ages men have had the same humours and appetites as now So that 't is an easie matter by consulting what is pass'd not only in all common-wealths to see what will follow but to provide such remedies as their Predecessors did apply or if there be no Presidents to invent new remedies according to the similitude of the accidents But because these considerations are neglected History not read or not understood at least by him who governs it comes to pass that all Ages have their miscarriages and troubles The City of Florence after the Government had stood 94 years having lost a good part of its Territory as Pisa and other Towns was forced to make War upon those who possessed them and the Inhabitants being strong and unwilling to restore them much was spent in the War to very little purpose Their great expence occasioned great Taxes and their impositions upon the people made them mutinous and unquiet These affairs were administred by a Magistracy of ten Citizens who were called the Dieci della Guerra The people began to repine and to complain that the said Counsel was the cause of the War and that they embezled their Money That the best way would be to remove them from that Office or when their time was expired to choose no more but let the Government fall back into its old channel again These grave Persons who had the superintendancy of the War were no sooner discharged but things grew worse and worse and instead of recovering Pisa and the rest of the Towns in dispute they lost Arezzo and several other places The people finding their mistake and that their malady was rather from the Feaver than the Physitian they restored the ten Commissaries which before they had cashier'd The people of Rome had the same fancy against the Consuls and would not believe but they were the causes of all their distractions and that to settle all things and preserve themselves in peace the best way would be to remove them entirely and provide that there should never be any more or else to restrain and limit their authority in such manner that they should have no power over them either within the City or without They believed that all proceeded from the ambition of the Nobility who not being able to chastise the people in the City because they were protected by their Tribunes contrived to carry them out of Town under the command of their Consuls to correct them where they should not be capable of any redress The first man who had the confidence to propose it was Terentillus a Tribune who moved that it might be committed to five persons to consider the power of the Consuls and to appoint limitations The Nobility opposed it and it is probable employed all their interest against it for it was no less than to debase the Majesty of the Government and leave themselves no dignity in the commonwealth Nevertheless the obstinacy of the Tribunes was such that the Name of Consul was laid aside and after several experiments the people chose rather to create their Tribunes with Consular power than to create new Consuls again showing thereby that their quarrel was not so much against the authority as Name But they found their error at length and restored their Consuls as the Florentines did their Council of ten CHAP. XL. The creation of the Decem-virat in Rome what things are most remarkable in it and how far such a Constitution may be useful or pernicious to a Common-wealth BEfore we discourse of the troubles and commotions which hapned in Rome by means of the Decem-virat it will not be amiss to give a short history of its Creation in which there are many things well worthy our remark as well for the preservation as destruction of a State and this discourse will remonstrate the errors both of the
but told them Quod Romani si vincuntur non minuuntur animis nec si vincunt insolescere solent That 〈◊〉 mans were never dejected by ill forâ—une nor elated by good The Venetians acted quite the other way who having got a little good fortune ascribing it to a wrong cause as if it had proceeded from their own power and virtue had the insolence to call the King of France Son of St. Mark and taking a fancy that they should bring their Commonwealth to as great a condition of grandeur and power as the Romans they despis'd the Church and all the Princes of Italy besides Afterwards when their fortune began to change and they received a small defeat at Vaila by the French they lost their whole Empire in a day part revolted and part they gave up themselves to the Pope and King of Spain and so much had they abandoned themselves to fear and consternation that they sent Embassadors to the Emperor to make themselves his Tributaries and writ poor and mean Letters to the Pope to move him to compassion and to this extremity of dejection they were brought in four days time by the loss but of one half of their Army for the other of their Proveditory retreated and came off safe to Verona with more than 25000 horse and foot so that had there been any courage either in the Citizens or Senate they might quickly have recruited and shewn their force again and if they could not have conquered they might at least have lost all with more reputation or possibly have brought the enemy to some honourable accord but the poorness of their spirit and the illness of their military discipline took from them at one time both their courage and state and so it will be with whosoever follows the example of the Venetians for this insolence in good fortune and dejection in bad proceeds from their manner of education which if vain and idle will make you so too whereas if it be otherwise it will give you a better notion of the World and teach you in both fortunes to behave your self with more moderation and as this is true in single persons so it is in Commonwealths which are good or bad according to their manner of living We have often said it before and think it not amiss to repeat it again that the foundation of all Governments consists in their Military discipline and that where that is defective neither their Laws nor any thing else can be good for thorow the whole tract of this History it appears that there is a necessity your Militia should be good and that cannot be good but by continual exercise which you cannot be sure of unless it consists of your own Subjects and because you are not always in War and it is impossible you shall be therefore it is necessary that they be exercised in times of Peace which is not to be done by any but your own Subjects in respect of the charge Camillus as is said before marched out with his Army against the Tuscans but his Soldiers having had a sight of the Enemy found their Army so great that they were discouraged and dismay'd and thought themselves so much inferior that they were not able to fight theâ— Camillus understanding this terror in his Camp went up and down among the Soldiers and having reprehended their fear and said many things to encourage them and drive that fancy out of their heads at last without further directions Come said he Courage Quod quisque didicit aut consuevit faciat Do what you have been taught and accustomed I desire no more From whence it may be collected that he would not have used those words had not his Army been exercised before and that in times of Peace as well as War For no good is to be expected nor no General to trust himself to an unexperienced or undisciplined Army which will certainly be his ruine though he were as good a Commander as Hanibal himself And the reason is because when an Army is engaged the General cannot be present in all places to supply all defects and remedy all errors so that he must necessarily miscarry unless he has such persons disposed up and down in the Army as are capable of understanding his mind and executing his Orders Which being so the Roman discipline is to be followed and the Citizens of every City are to be inured to their Arms in times of Peace as well as war that when they are brought to fight they may not be at a loss or meet with any thing new or unaccustomed to them by which means it will come to pass that they will not be surprized or terrified in any condition but retain still the same courage and sence of their dignity But where the Citizens are undisciplin'd and rely more upon their fortune than experience their hearts will change with their fortune and they will give the same testimony of themselves as the Venetians have done CHAP. XXXII The ways which some people have taken to prevent a Peace THe Circei and the Velitrae two of the Roman Colonies revolted in hopes the Latine would have been able to defend them The Latines being defeated and they frustrated of their hopes it was the advice of several Citizens that they should send Embassadors to Rome to reconcile themselves to the Senate But those who had been ring-leaders in the defection apprehending the punishment would fall heavy upon their heads perverted that design and to run things beyond all possibility of Terms they incited the people to arm and invade the Frontiers of the Romans And doubtless when Prince or Commonwealth are desirous to prevent an agreement there is no safer nor surer way than by running the people into some unpardonable offence that the fear of being punish'd may keep them averse from all overtures of Peace After the first War betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans those Soldiers which had been employed by the Carthaginians in Sicily and Sardigna as soon as the Peace was concluded went over into Africa where being denyed or delayed in the demands of their pay they took Arms and putting themselves under the command of two of their Officers Matho and Spendio they plundered several of the Carthaginian Towns and possessed themselves of others The Carthaginians to try all ways before they came to extremity sent Asdrubal on of their Principal Citizens Embassador to them who having been formerly their General it was probable might have some Authority among them Asdrubal being arrived and Matho and Spendio desirous to put the Soldiers beyond all possibility of pardon persuaded them that the best and most secure way would be for them to kill all the Carthaginians that were Prisoners with them and Asdrubal among the rest Whereupon they killed them all with a thousand circumstances of cruelty and torture to which piece of wickedness they added another by publishing an Edict importing That all the Carthaginians which should be taken for the
the conflicts of the Winds and the Water and the elements and the enemy shall sooner make a good Land-Officer where he has nothing to fight with but men than a Land-Officer shall make a good Captain at Sea My Country-men the Romans who were so knowing at Land being at wars with the Carthaginian that was so potent at Sea never troubled themselves to entertain either Grecian or Spaniard into their service though they were both so good Souldiers at Sea but they committed that charge to their Land-Officers who fought the Carthaginians and beat them If the Venetians did it to prevent the usurpation of any of their fellow Citizens I think it was an unnecessary fear for besides the reasons aforesaid if a Citizen with his Sea-forces never made himself Master of any Sea Town he could have done it much less with any Land-force So that hence it may be seen that is is not putting the Citizens in arms that is the cause of tyranny but ill order and ill management in the Government for whilst good order is preserved there is no danger of their being arm'd wherefore their resolution in that point being imprudent has rob'd them of much reputation and happiness And as to the King of France's error in not keeping his subjects in discipline and prepared for the Wars which is by you urged for an example there is no body laying aside his private passion but must conclude that single neglect to be a great weakness to his Kingdom But my digression has been too great and perhaps beyond my design yet I have done it the more willingly to demonstrate to you that foreign force is not to be relied upon so much as ones own subjects nor can ones own subjects be prepared and adapted for the Wars any way so well as by training and exercise Nor can there be any better way of forming an army or establishing a Militia in any place than that which I have prescribed If you have read the orders of the first Roman Kings especially of Servius Tulliâ—s you will find his orders like ours and driving at nothing more than putting the Citizens into such a posture that upon any emergence they might be brought suddenly together and form'd into an army for the defence of the City CHAP. VIII Of what sort of people an army is to be composed Fabritio BUt to return to our levies I say again that being to recruit and old Army I would choose my men of about seventeen but to raise a new one that might be made fit for service in a short time I would take in any betwixt seventeen and forty Cosimo Would you in your election make any difference of their trades Fabritio Many Authors which have written on that subject have made a difference of their trades and will not allow of Faulconers Fowlers Fishers Ruffians or any persons who make sports their profession or are in any manner subservient to pleasure those who they recommend to be chosen are Labourers Husband-men Smiths Farriers Carpenters Butchers Huntsmen and the like But for my own part I should not so much consider the quality of the profession as the goodness of the man and which way he may be employed with most advantage For this reason I think your Plough-men and Day-labourers in the Country are more useful Generally than any other for they take more pains and do more service in an Army than all the rest After them are your Smiths Farriers Carpenters Joyners and such people to be chosen of which sort it is convenient to have good store because their arts are usefull in an Army upon several occasions and 't is a good thing to have Souldiers who have two strings to theri bow and yield you double advantage Cosimo How are those who are fit or unfit for the Wars to be distinguished and known Fabritio I shall speak of the manner of choosing a Militia to form it afterwards into an Army because we shall have occasion again of speaking of the election to be made upon the recruiting of an old Army I say therefore that the fitness of a person to be chosen for the Wars is to be known by experience in some great atchievment or by conjecture This proof and tryal of their courage is not to be found among new raised men it is necessary therefore where this experience is not to be had to have recourse to conjecture which is to be deduced from their age arts and stature Of the two first we have spoken before it remains that we speak now of the third and tell you that some persons as Pyrrhus have been altogether for large and tall men Others as Caesar would have them strong well knit and vigorous which is to be judged by the composition of their members and the quickness of their aspect Wherefore those who treat of that subject have recommended a lively and quick eye a nervous neck a large breast a musculous arm a long finger a small belly round and firm thighs and thin feet this kind of contexture does always import activity and strength which in a Souldier are two things principally to be desired But above all respect is to be had to their manners and that they be indued with honesty and modesty otherwise you choose an instrument of scandal and a beginning of corruption for no body can expect that with brutishness and dishonesty any laudable virtue should consist Upon this occasion it seems to me not impertinent for your better understanding the importance of this way of election to let you know the manner in which the Roman Consuls in the begining of their Magistracy made their elections for the Roman Legions In which levies by reason of their continual Wars being mix'd of new and Veteran Souldiers they could proceed in the Veterans by experience and by conjecture in the new You must know then these levies were made either for present service or to exercise them first and employ them afterwards as occasion was offered And although I have spoken already of what is to be observed in the election of such as are to be disciplin'd and employed afterwards yet my intention being to shew how an Army may be ordered in a Country where there is no military discipline and where men are not to be raised for immediate service I shall speak of it further But in those Countries where it is the custom to raise Forces by the Princes command there they may have them always ready for present service as it was anciently in Rome and is among the Swizzars at this day For if in these kind of levies there be new Souldiers there are many which are old and experienced which mingled with the new will make a good Army Notwithstanding this the Emperors after they began to keep standing Forces and Garisons upon the Frontiers appointed Masters for the training and instructing their new men whom they called Tyrones as may be seen in the life of Maximus the Emperor Which