done The Count de Randan held the command in Auvergne and in Provence the Marquess de Villars and the Sieur de Vins an old adherent to the House of Guise The Dukes of Ioyeuse Father and Brother to him that was slain in the Battel of Contras fighting against the King of Navarre had the Government of Gascogne in which Province except the City and Parliament of Tholouse the party of the Confederates was not very strong and in Dauphine Languedoc and Guienne the League had but very slender Forces But before all these preparations the Duke dispatched Lazare Coqueille Counsellor in the Parliament of Paris to Rome and with him were gone two Doctors of the Sâ—rbonne to confirm the Decree of their Colledge by which they had determined That the King had forfeited his right to the Crown and that his Subjects might justly withdraw their obedience from him the Duke foreseeing well that the popular Cause wholly founded upon the pretence of Religion was to look for and take its increase and nourishment from the Apostolick Sea and the Popes approbation But the King who afflicted with his wonted melancholly though he dissembled it had since the death of his Mother been many days troubled with a Bloody Flux was no less sollicitous concerning the affairs at Rome than the Duke of Mayenne as well because being a very great honourer of Religion he could not be satisfied to live disobedient to the Apostolick Sea as because making the same judgment as they of the League he saw that the greatest foundation of the adverse party consisted in the approbation and encouragement from Rome Wherefore though he had caused absolution to be given him for the death of the Cardinal by vertue of a Breve granted to him a few months before by the present Pope to make himself be absolved in all reserved cases by his own Ordinary Confessor yet seeing that that was not enough he sent Claude d' Angennes of his beloved Family of Rambouillet Bishop of Mans a man of profound Learning and singular Eloquence to the end that being informed of all his Reasons he might as his Sollicitor sue for an absolution from the Pope and endeavour to reconcile him to the Apostolick Sea to which so he might but secure himself he was ready to give the most exact satisfaction The Bishop of Mans came to Rome and having conferred with the other Ambassadors they went together to receive audience from the Pope where after words of compliment full of most deep submission they first argued that the King had not incurred any Censure not having violated the Ecclesiastical Liberties and Immunities for the Cardinal was guilty of the crime of Rebellion in which case the Prelates of France notwithstanding any dignity whatsoever are understood to be subject to the Secular Jurisdiction and so much the rather because he having been a Peer of France his causes naturally ought to be judged in the Court of Peers which is no other but the great Court of Parliament with the assistance of the Princes and Officers of the Crown so that if the King had infringed any Jurisdiction it was that of the Parliament and not the Ecclesiastical one which hath nothing to do with the Peers of France But because this reason was not only disapproved by the Pope but that also he seemed more displeased and offended at it alledging that the eminency and Priviledges of the dignity of Cardinal were immediately subject to the Pope and no other the Ambassadors began to dispute that the Kings of France could not incur Censure for any Sentence they should give and urged the Priviledges of the most Christian Kings and the Jurisdiction of the Gallique Church But this incensed the Pope so much the more who bad them take heed how they proposed things that had a touch of Heresie as this had for he would cause them to be punished To which though the Marquiss replied That as Ambassadors they could not be medled withal nor punished and that no fear should make them forbear to propose the Kings right yet having received Commission to appease and not to exasperate the Pope they alledged in the third place That the King by virtue of the Apostolick Breve granted to him by his Holiness had caused himself to be absolved and therefore they insisted only that his Holiness knowing the Pardon he had granted him would either confirm it or not be displeased if the King valuing it as he ought had made use of it in a seasonable occasion For not having in the heat of danger considered so particularly and having never had any intention to offend the Jurisdiction of the Apostolick See after he had been made sensible of it he being moved with scruple of Conscience had prostrated himself at the feet of his Confessor and had begged and obtained absolution for as much as need should require though he thought he had not transgressed effectively To this the Pope answered That the Breve was granted for things past but could not extend to future sins the absolution whereof cannot be anticipated That such a case as this in which the Apostolick See was directly offended and all Christendom scandalized was not comprehended under that Breve and that the Exposition was to be demanded from him who had granted it which now he declared affirming that it had never been his intention to enable the King to receive absolution for his future faults and for so evident a violation of the Dignity of Cardinal This Treaty having been often repeated and discussed with great allegations of Right and Authority in the end the Ambassadors were contented to petition in writing for the Popes absolution who expressed a desire to have it so and that it was the means to appease and satisfie him Wherefore after good Offices done by the Venetian and Florentine Ambassadors in favour of the King having received order from their Princes to take great pains in his behalf the Bishop with a Petition of a very submissive form demanded absolution of the Pope who with pleasing words answered That he would willingly grant it when he should be assured of the Kings contrition whereof he would have this token that he should set at liberty the Cardinal of Bourbon and Archbishop of Lyons it being vain to grant him absolution for one thing whilst he persisted in the act of another which did infer the same prejudice to the Apostolick See which he could not dissemble At this the Ambassadors and those that favoured them were exceedingly perplexed conceiving themselves to have been deceived and thinking that another kind of moderation ought to be used towards a King of France wherefore laying together all those reasons already alledged in the former Conferences they concluded that the King by setting those Prelates at liberty should but increase the fire in his Kingdom with the evident danger of his own Life and Crown and that therefore it was not fit to free them To which the Pope
THE HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WARS OF FRANCE Written in ITALIAN By H. C. D'AVILA Translated out of the ORIGINAL The Second Impression whereunto is Added a TABLE In the SAVOY Printed by T. N. for Henry Herringman at the Blew Anchor in the Lower Walk of the New Exchange M.DC.LXXVIII TO THE READER THIS AUTHOR is so Generally Esteemed in all Countries that those who understand not the Italian are glad to Converse with him by an Interpreter and even in France after so many Histories as be there of the same Times several Impressions of this in their Language have been bought off whereby we may judge they think Him to be Impartial and as worthy of Credit as the best of their own Nor hath He wanted a due value here for our late King of ever Glorious Memory by whose Command at Oxford this Translation was Continued and Finished though not begun read it there with such eagerness that no Diligence could Write it out faire so fast as he daily called for it wishing he had had it some years sooner out of a Beliefe that being forewarned thereby He might have prevented many of those Mischiefs we then groaned under and which the Grand Contrivers of them had drawn from this Original as Spiders do Poison from the most wholsome Plants The Truth is their Swords had already Transcribed it in English Blood before this Pen had done it in English Inke and it were not hard to name the very Persons by whom many of the same Parts were Acted over again in the Civil Wars of England the Faction of our Presbyterians in that Long-Parliament outvying those of the Hugonots and of the Holy League put together Yet when they had followed the steps of them both as exactly as they could they were out-vied themselves by the Independents who far transcended them all in an unexampled Conclusion by the Horrid Murther of our Royal Martyr and by enslaving the Kingdom under several Tyranies till His Son 's Miraculous Restauration to His Iust Rights Restored His Subjects also to their Much-wish'd-for Liberties But I am not to Write a Preface and therefore all I shall add is That finding this BOOK still much sought for since the former Impression hath been Sold off I obtain'd the Right of the Copy from Sir Charles Cottrell whose WORK it was all but some Pieces here and there in the First Four Books with his Leave to Reprint it as I have now done so carefully that I think it hath not many gross Faults and for those less considerable I doubt not but the observation of the Ingenious Reader will easily find his care Correct and I hope his Candor pardon them LICENSED Nov. 24. 1678. ROGER L'ESTRANGE THE HISTORY OF THE Civil Wars of France By HENRICO CATERINO DAVILA. The FIRST BOOK The ARGUMENT IN this First Book is set down the Original of the French Nation The Election of their first King Pharamond The Institution of the Salique Law The Rights and Prerogatives of the Princes of the Blood The Succession of their Kings to Lewis the IX surnamed The Saint The Division of the Royal Family into two distinct branches one called Valois the other Bourbon The Iealousies between them and in time the suppression of the House of Bourbon The original and raising to greatness of place in the rooms of the Princes of the Blood the Families of Guise and Momorancy The Emulations and Occurrences between them in which the Guises prevail King Henry the Second is killed by accident in a Tournament Francis his Son a Youth of weak Constitution succeeds to the Crown He gives the Government to his Mother Queen Caterine and the Guises The Princes of Bourbon are offended thereat The King of Navarre chief of the Family upon that occasion goes to Court prevails little goes from thence and retires into Bearn The Prince of Conde his Brother resolves to remove from the Government of the Queen-Mother and the Guises He is counselled to make use of the Hugonots Their Beginnings and Doctrine La Renaudie makes himself chief of a Conspiracy and the Hugonots resolve to follow him The Conspiracy is discovered The King chuseth the Duke of Guise for his Lieutenant-General who without much difficulty doth break take and chastise the Conspirators THe Civil Wars in which for the space of forty years together the Kingdom of France was miserably involved though on the one side they contain great Actions and famous Enterprizes that may serve for excellent Lessons to those that maturely consider them yet on the other side they are so confused and intangled in their own revolutions that the reasons of many businesses do not appear the counsels of many determinations are not rightly comprehended and an infinite number of things not at all understood through the partiality of private Interests which under divers pretences hath obscured the truth of them True it is that many excellent Wits have endeavoured to make of these a perfect Story by bringing to light such things as they have gathered together with great diligence and commendable industry Notwithstanding the difficulties are so many and the impediments prove to be of such consequence that in a multitude of accidents all great and considerable but hidden and buried in the vast ruines of civil dissentions his pains will not be less profitable to posterity who labours to digest them into an orderly method than the endeavours of others formerly have been Wherefore being in my infancy by Fate that destined me to a restless life transported into the inmost Provinces of that Kingdom where during a long space of time which I lived there I had the opportunity to observe and be an eye-witness of the most secret and notable circumstances of so remarkable passages I could not chuse a more worthy matter nor a more useful Study wherein to imploy my present Age now come to maturity than to write from the very beginning all the progress and order of those troubles And although the first taking up of Arms which hapned in the year 1560. was indeed before my time so that I could not be present at the beginning of those Civil Wars nevertheless I have diligently informed my self by those very persons who then governed the affairs of State so that with the perfect and particular knowledge of all the following events it hath not been hard for me to penetrate to the first root of the most ancient and remote causes of them This Story will contain the whole course of the Civil Wars which brake forth upon a sudden after the death of King Henry the Second and varying in their progress by strange and unthought-of accidents ended finally after the death of three Kings in the Reign of King Henry the Fourth But to form the Body of this Narration perfectly it will be convenient for me to look back some few periods into the Original of the French Monarchy for the seeds of those matters which are now to be related taking their beginnings from times
not only by descent being of the same Blood which that people were used for many Ages past to obey but in vertue also being singularly valiant and most deeply wise in the Government of affairs consenting that to his posterity should descend the same power and the same name until a legitimate descendent of his failing the right should return to the people of chusing a new Lord. But because Authority without limitation commonly converts it self into destructive licentiousness at the same time that they elected their King they would establish certain Laws which were to remain perpetual and immutable in all times and in which should be comprehended in brief the general consent as well in the succession of the Kings as in every other part of the future Government These Laws proposed by their Priests which were anciently denominated Salii and decreed of in the fields which from the river Sala take the same name were called Saliqâ—e Laws and after the establishment of the Kingdom original and fundamental Constitutions After this principal foundation all other things resolved on that were necessary for the present Government and advantageous to the design in hand having passed the Rhine under the conduct of their first King Pharamond they betook themselves to the conquest of the Gallia's about the year of our Salvation Four hundred and nineteen leaving the Dominion of Franconia to the old Prince Marcomir The Gallia's were as yet possessed by the Roman Emperours but much declined from their first strength and greatness partly through Civil dissentions partly through the incursions of divers barbarous Nations by whose fury they had been long time much wasted and spoiled which was the cause that the Franks Army found much less difficulty in their conquest than the Romans did formerly Nevertheless they were not subdued without great resistance and much time spent For the Roman Legions appointed to guard that Province being joined for their own defence with the Gauls themselves held the first King Pharamond at a bay till his end drawing near he left the care of the whole enterprize and of the people to his son Clodian This man of a fierce courage in the first flower of his age having many times fought with the inhabitants of the Country and having overcome and driven out the Roman forces began to master that part of Gallia which lying nearest to the Rhine is by common consent of Writers called Belgica To him succeeded Meroue whether brother or son to Clodian is not certain but out of doubt nearest to him and of the same race conformable to the Salique Law He with happy success advancing into Gallia-Celtica propagated the Empire of the Franks as far as to the City of Paris And now thinking he had gotten enough to mainâ—ain his people and to form a compleat moderate Empire stayed the course of his Conquests and having conceived thoughts of peace joined both Nations under the same name and with moderate Laws and a peaceful kind of rule founded and established in the Gallia's the Kingdom of the French This was the first original and foundation-stone of that Monarchy in which as the descent of their Kings hath ever constantly remained in the same Progeny so in all Ages the first rules of Government have been most religiously observed neither power of Command nor authority of Laws losing any thing through time of their first observation and ancient splendor Those Laws ordained in the beginning by the universal consent of all the people exclude the Female Sex from the Royal Succession and admit only to the inheritance of the Crown the nearest Males by which means the Empire of that Nation by a continued and uninterrupted Succession always remaineth in the same Blood From the disposition of this Law the Princes of the Blood derive their name and priviledges for being all capable through default of the next heir in their order to succeed to the Crown they have in that consideration great interest in the State and the priviledges of their families preserved with great reverence from the people no time nor distance of degrees prejudicing the conservation of that order which Nature prescribes them to the Succession of the Kingdom For which cause though in the course of time divers families through sundry accidents have changed their names as some have taken the sirname of Valois others of Bourbon others of Orleans others of Angolesme others of Vendosme others of Alanson and others of Montpensier yet for all that they have not lost the trace of their Royal Consanguinity nor the right of succeeding to the Crown but the pre-eminencies of their Blood and the same priviledges are ever from time to time preserved to all And because it is evident how much they are all concerned in the custody and preservation of so great an inheritance of which they are all successively capable it hath therefore ever been a custom that the next of Blood should be Guardian to the Pupils and Governour of the Kingdom during the minority or absence of the lawful King Reason willing that the Government should not be committed to strangers or those altogether Aliens who might endeavour to destroy and dismember the Union of so noble a Body but to such who born of the same stock ought in reason to attend the preservation of the Crown as their own birth-right Nor is this Prerogative a custom only but the States-General of the Kingdom which Assembly hath the power of the whole Nation having often confirmed it with their consent and ordered it to be so it is since become as a decreed Law and a firm established Constitution The Royal House then enjoys two Pre-eminencies the one in matter of Inheritanee the other of Administration that when any King dies without male-children this when the absence or minority of the Prince requires some other person for the Government and management of the State These two Priviledges that are always inherent in those of the Royal Line have been a cause that the Princes of the Blood have ever held a great authority with the people and had a great part in the Government of the Kingdom For they themselves have ever been very vigilant in the administration of the Empire which they esteemed reasonably enough as their own and the people conceiving the Government might at some time or other fall into their hands have ever had them in great veneration and so much the rather because it hath often been found by experience that the eldest Line failing the Crown hath been devolved upon the younger family So the Regal Authority having an orderly succession in the race of Meroâ—es afterwards in the family of Carolins and lastly in that of the Capetts after many Ages Lewis the Ninth of that name possessed the Kingdom He who for innocency of life and integrity of manners was after his death deservedly written in the Kalendar of Saints Of him were born two sons Philip the
removed partly by industry partly by fortune it was no difficult matter to get the King who was likewise more than ordinarily led by the beauty and allurements of the Queen his Wife to remit his whole authority into the hands of their nearest Allies So to the Duke was committed the care of the Militia the Civil affairs to the Cardinal and to the Queen-Mother the superintendence of all Things thus setled according to their own will they began to take surer footing and there being none present who by complaints or practice could work the King to open a way to alterations they presently entred into consultation how to remove all such as might in any way oppose their designs There was no doubt but their first attempt would be upon the Constable as one whose authority and wisdom the Guises most apprehended and the Queen-Mother long though secretly hated The Guises feared him by reason of the ancient emulations that had ever been between them and because the opinion of his wisdom though he had lost his power at the Court preserved him still in great credit with the people But the Queens hate of him proceeded from many causes and particularly because when she was first married he used all manner of endeavour to perswade the King to repudiate her as barren and afterward when she proved to have children he never ceased to speak scandalously of her saying Of all the Kings children not any one resembled him but only Diana his bastard-daughter who was destined for wife to Francis of Momorancy one of his sons which speeches though not directly cast a blemish upon the Queens honour and chastity Nor besides these injuries could she easily forget that he as he was naturally averse to strangers had obstinately persecuted all those Florentines who through relation either of Blood or Country had recourse to her Court and as if he pretended to an emulation with her herself had ever used what means he could possible to affront and keep under all her dependants All which things in her Husbands life-time she either patiently overcame or wisely seemed not to take notice of as indeed she was a woman of a most insearchable mind and a most profound dissembler But now that there was an opportunity they made her easily to consent to the desire of the Guises which was under other pretences to deprive him of all Government in the Kingdom or favour at Court Wherefore in private discourse cunningly falling into that Argument they with one accord represented to the King the too great authority of that man that if he remained at Court he would pretend to keep him like a Child under Government and the lash of his Discipline and that being straightly united with the Princes of Bourbon always enemies to those that possessed the Crown which they had long looked after it was not fit in any manner to trust him lest through that means his Majesty might expose both his own life and his young brothers to the treacheries of those men who being suspected by reason of their restless ambition were by the Kings his Predecessors always kept under and at a distance These Arguments easily making an impression in the Kings weakness as those that know little are naturally jealous of those that know more they resolved upon a dextrous manner to license him from the Court Wherefore his fathers Obsequies ended receiving him with great expressions of kindness he told him that being not able any other way to reward the greatness of his merits and the pains he had undergone in the service of his Predecessors he was determined to ease him from the cares and weight of the Government which he knew now were burdensom and disproportioned to his age which he would not oppress with the excessive toil of business but reserve him for some great occasion and that therefore he might retire himself to his ease where best pleased him he being resolved not to wear him out as a servant or a vassal but always to honour him as a father By which speech the Constable knowing it was no time to dispute the matter but that it would be best for him to accept that for a reward which otherwise would turn to a punishment having thanked the King and recommended to his protection his sons and nephews retired himself to his Palace of Chantilly ten leagues from Paris where he had formerly been sheltred from the persecutions of the Court. The Constable thus sent away the next thought was how to remove the Prince of Conde whose arrogancy and animosity appeared every day more prompt to take hold of any whatsoever occasion to attempt innovations and to disturb the form of the present Government But there being yet no means found to remove him by reason of his quality of Prince and for want of a just pretext it was thought a good expedient to send him out of the way until such time as the foundation of their new-formed Government were setled Wherefore being appointed Ambassador to the Catholick King to confirm the Peace and Alliance contracted at the end of the last Kings Reign departing from the Court he left them the Field free to perfect their purposed designs In the same manner they proceeded with all other persons For the Queen and the Guises having resolved formerly to establish their commenced greatness they thought it would happen according to their desire if reducing by little and little the Fortresses Souldiers Treasure and Sinews of the State into their own power all the essential important businesses of the Kingdom were either managed by themselves or else committed to the trust of their nearest followers and adherents But they were not so wholly governed by their interests that they had not still a regard to the publick good and their own reputation For they advanced not as the common course is men of little merit and abject condition thinking they would be more trusty because of their obligation but were industrious to get about them persons of known worth noble birth and above all of good reputation among the common people by which they obtained two ends at the same time the one that the people were commonly pleased and their ill-willers could have no just exceptions the other that crediting persons of honour and sincere intentions they were not cozened nor deluded in their trust as often those are that in great business rely upon men of base extraction or of vitious life According to which Maxim they recalled to the exercise of his charge Francis Olivier High Chancellor of the Kingdom a man of tried integrity and severe constancy in the Government who for too much freedom or too much persevering in his opinions was at the beginning of Henry's Raign by the Constables perswasion dismissed from the Court Likewise they recalled to the Council of State and near to the Kings Person the Cardinal of Tournon he who in the time of Francis the First Grandfather to this King had
the Tent or Pavilion of a General in the midst of an Army Being come to the Gate and intending to go into the Court on horse-back which is a priviledge belonging to the Princes of the Blood they found the Gate shut and only the Wicket open so that they were forced to alight in the midst of the High-way and being neither saluted nor met but by very fâ—w were conducted to the Kings presence who placed between the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorain and compassed about by the Captains of his Guard received them in a much different manner from that familiarity which the Kings of France use to all men but especially to the Princes of their Blood From thence the King himself went with them but the Guises followed not to the Queen-Mothers Chamber who not forgetting her old Maxims to seem independent and not interessed in any party received them with the wonted demonstrations of Honour and with such an apparence of sadness that the tears were seen to fall from her eyes But the King continuing still the same countenance turning to the Prince of Conde began in sharp language to complain that he without any injury or ill usage received from him had in contempt of all humane and divine Laws many times stirred his Subjects to rebel raised War in divers parts of the Kingdom attempted to surprize his principal Cities and practised even against his own life and his brothers To which the Prince not at all dismayed boldly answered That these were the â—alumnies and persecutions of his enemies but â—hat he could soon make his innocence appear to all the world Then replied the King To find out the truth it is necessary to proceed by the usual ways of Justice and so departing out of the Chamber commanded the Captains of his Guard to seize upon his person Here the Queen-Mother who moved with the necessity gave her consent but forgot not the various changes of the world wholly applied herself with kind words to comfort the King of Navarre whilst the Prince not saying a word else but blaming himself to be so coâ—ened by the Cardinal his brother was led to a house hard by which being prepared for that purpose had the Windows walled up the Gates doubled and was reduced into a kind of Fortress flanked with Artillery and strait Guards oâ— every side The King of Navarre astonished at his brothers imprisonment after many complaints and long debate with the Queen-Mother who laying the fault upon the Duke of Guise Lieutenant-General sought to remove all jealousies and ill will from her self was carried to be lodged in a house joining to the Kings Palace where his ordinary Guards being changed saving the liberty of conversation he was in all other respects guarded and kept as a prisoner At the very same time that the Prince was committed Amaury Bouchard the King of Navarre's Secretary was arrested and all his Letters and Writings taken from him The same night also Tannequy de Carrouge went from Court towards Anicâ— in Picardy a place belonging to Magdalen dâ— Roye the Princes Mother-in-law and there finding her without suspition of any thing being but a woman he sent her away prisoner to the Castle of S. Germain and carried all her Letters and Papers with him to the Court. But the news of these stirs notwithstanding the Gates of the City were kept shut and Travellers forbidden to pass being come to the Constable who was still upon the way some few leagues from Paris he presently stopped his journey with a resolution not to go any further till he saw what would be the event of them In the mean while the Assembly of the States began where the first thing that was done was to make a profession of their Faith which being set down by the Doctors of the Sorbon conformable to the belief of the Roman Catholick Church and publickly read by the Cardinal of Tournon President of the Ecclesiastical Order was by a solemn Oath approved and confirmed by every one of the Deputies because none should be admitted into that General Assembly either unwittingly or on purpose that was not a true Catholick This solemn Act being past the High Chancellor in presence of the King proposed those things which were necessary to be consulted of for the Reformation of the Government Upon which and the demand of the Provinces they retired into their several Chambers where when they had debated them apart they were to make their reports thereof in publick But this was the least thing in every mans thought for the minds of all men were in suspence and expecting the issue of the Princes imprisonment whose commitment was confirmed by a solemn Decree of the Kings Council subscribed by the King himself the High Chancellor and all the other Lords except the Guises who as suspected of enmity absented themselves when the Princes of Bourbons cause was to be handled which was remitted to an Assembly of Judges Delegates who forming a Judicial Process should proceed to a final Sentence The Delegates were Christophle de Thou President in the Parliament of Paris Bartholomy de Faye and Iaques Viole Counsellors in the same Parliament and according to the Customs of that Kingdom Giles Bourdin the ordinary Atturney that prosecutes all Causes that either concern the Kings Rights or tend to the maintenance of the peace and safety of his Subjects Procuror fiscal to the King performed the Office of Plaintiff and Accuser Iohn Tilliet Chief Notary in the Court of Parliament wrote the Process and all the Examinations and Acts past in the presence of the High Chancellor In this manner proceeding upon the Examinations of the Prisoners which were on purpose brought from Amboyse Lyons and divers other places they were ready to examine the Prince upon the points already discovered and proved But the High Chancellor and the Delegates coming into the Chamber where the Prince was in prison to interrogate him he constantly refused to answer or submit himself to the Examination of any of them pretending as Prince of the Blood that he was not under any Justice but the Parliament of Paris in the Chamber called The Chamber of Peers that is in a full Parliament the King being there himself in person all the twelve Peers of France and all the Officers of the Crown which was the custom formerly and therefore he could do no other than appeal to the King against such an extraordinary and perverse way of Judicature This appeal being transferred to the Kings Council although according to the ordinary Forms and Customs of the Kingdom it appeared agreeable to reason notwithstanding the present case requiring quick and speedy Judgment and no Law making it necessary that the causes of the Princes should always be tried with such formality in the Chamber of the Peers it was declared not valid But the Prince having often made the same appeal and persisting still to make the same protestations the Kings
entertain their Religion To confirm them in which opinion as much as she could with outward testimonies she would often hear their Preachers argue and discourse in her own Chamber confer with great confidence and professions of affection with the Prince of Conde and the Admiral and was often in discourse with the Dutchess of Montpensier whom making her believe whatsoever she pleased with her excellent dissimulation she used as a means to entertain with hopes many other the principal of them And to lead them on with open demonstrations to a belief of her private protestations and practices she wrote obscure letters of ambiguous sense to the Pope one while demanding a Council such in every point as the Calvinists desired then licence to call a National one sometimes desiring that the Communion might be administred under both Species otherwhile requiring a dispensation for Priests to marry now solliciting that Divine Service might be said in the vulgar tongue then proposing other such like things wished for and preached by the Hugonots in which she knew so well how to dissemble by the help of Monsieur de l' Isle Ambassador at Rome that putting the Pope in doubt and the Catholick party and so necessitating them to proceed warily lest they should finally alienate her wholly from the Roman Religion at the same time she won the Hugonots making them believe that she was altogether inclined to favour them that of bitter enemies they became her greatest friends and confidents Nor were the vulgar only deluded by these artificial dissimulations but the Admiral also who was by nature so wary and of such a subtile wit gave such credit to them that he was induced to give the Queen a full accompt of the number of the forces and designs of his Faction of the adherents they had both within and without the Kingdom and every other particular She seeming desirous to be informed at large before she declared her self and promising openly to take that party when they were once so established and provided with force as she should not need to fear the power of the Catholicks or the Triumvirat Thus with a sudden and in apparence incredible change the King of Navarre went over to the Catholick party and Queen Catherine though dissemblingly took upon her the protection of the Hugonots Which change to them that knew not the true secret reasons of it appeared strange and extravagant and therefore many did then attribute it to lightness in the one and womanish inconstancy in the other and many that have written since ascribe the fault also to the same causes not penetrating into the hidden foundations upon which the engines of this counsel were moved The End of the Second BOOK THE HISTORY OF THE Civil Wars of France By HENRICO CATERINO DAVILA. The THIRD BOOK The ARGUMENT THe Third Book relates the Deliberation of the King of Navarre to drive the Prince of Conde already become formidable out of Paris for this purpose he sends for the other Catholick Lords to Court The Duke of Guise makes a Iourney thither and passing by Vassy lights upon an Assembly of Hugonots at their devotions thereupon follows accidentally a bloody conflict to revenge themselves of which the Hugonots rise in all parts of the Kingdom The Prince of Conde leaves Paris The Queen together with the King because she would not be constrained to declare her self for either party retires to Fountain-bleau On the other side the Princes of each Faction endeavour to possess themselves of the persons of the King and Queen The Catholicks prevent the Hugonots and lead them both to Paris The Prince of Conde having lost his opportunity takes other resolutions possesses himself of Orleans and prepares for the War The Catholick Lords under the Kings Name likewise raise an Army Many Writings are published on each side Both Armies go into the Field The Queen-Mother avoids the War and labours for a Peace To this end she comes to a parley with the Prince but without success notwithstanding she continues to treat of an Agreement which at length is concluded The Prince by the perswasion of the rest repents himself thereof and again takes arms purposeth to assail the Kings Camp by night but fails of his design Forces come to the King out of Germany and many thousands of Swisses thereupon the Prince is forced to retire unto the Walls of Orleans where not being able to keep the Army together he divides it He sends for succours into Germany and England consents to give Havre de Grace to the English and to receive their Garisons in Deipe and Rouen to obtain aids of them The Queen is offended and grievously afflicted therewith and for that cause joyning with the Catholick party causeth the Hugonots to be declar'd Rebels The Kings Army takes Blois Tours Poictiers and Bourges besiegeth Rouen and takes it The King of Navarre is kill'd there Succours come to the Prince out of Germany with which being reinforced he makes haste to assault Paris The King and the Queen arrive there with the Army wherefore after many attempts he is necessitated to depart Both Armies go into Normandy and there follows the Battel of Dreux in which the Prince of Conde is taken prisoner on the one side and the Constable on the other The Duke of Guise being victorious layeth siege to Orleans and is ready to take it but is treacherously slain by Poltrot After his death follows the general Peace and the Kings Army recovers Havre de Grace from the English The King cometh out of his minority The Queen useth divers arts to work the discontented Princes to her will and to compass her ends together with the King makes a general visitation of the Kingdom cometh to a parley at Avignon with the Popes Ministers and at Bayonne with the Queen of Spain It is agreed between the most Christian and Catholick King to aid each other in the suppression of seditions The Queen of Navarre cometh to the Court The King maketh a reconciliation between the Families of Chastillon and Guise but within few days after they return to their former enmities The Queen of Navarre in distaste leaves the Court and plots new mischiefs Divers Marriages are celebrated but the civil dissentions nevertheless continue AFfairs of the State being thus on the sudden put into another posture there were none so short-sighted who did not clearly perceive that the animosity of the Factions would finally shew it self in a War and that there wanted nothing to make this cloud break into a storm but the conjuncture of some fit occasion Which as if all things had concurred to hasten the calamity of France did forthwith arise from a marvellous opportunity The King of Navarre after he had declared himself of the Catholick party stayed as by chance in Paris which City as it is placed in the middle of France so in frequency of people riches dignity and power far surpasseth all others in the Kingdom Wherefore believing
that the rest would follow the example which that should give he endeavoured very sollicitously as was agreeable to the natural inclination of the inhabitants to hinder there the preachings and assemblies of the Hugonots and in all his other actions of the Government having still a regard to that end he hoped with the benefit of time by degrees to take away their credit and force and lastly their liberty of Religion which maintained in being and gave increase to that party The Prince of Conde was likewise in Paris who on the contrary encouraging the Preachers and enlarging as much as he could their license and liberty under colour of making the Edict of Ianuary to be observed arrogated to himself more by force than reason a great authority in all the affairs of State It appeared necessary to the King of Navarre by some means or other to make the Prince of Conde leave Paris For already either the desire of peace or the envy that he bore him had rendred him exceeding violent against him and Reason perswaded to preserve that City from tumults and seditions upon which the Catholick party chiefly relied but knowing his own forces were not sufficient or willing to communicate this resolution with the other Confederates before any thing were put in execution he sent for the Duke of Guise and the Constable that they might unite all their forces in the same place The Duke of Guise after he retired from Court dwelt at Iainville a place of his own upon the confines of Champagne and Picardy and having received advice from the King of Navarre being accompanied with the Cardinal his Brother with a train of many Gentlemen his dependants and two Squadrons of Lances for Guard was upon the way to be at Paris at the time appointed But the first day of March in the morning passing thorow a little Village in the same confines called Vassy his people heard an unusual noise of Bells and having asked what was the reason of it answer was made That it was the hour wherein the Hugonots used to assemble at their Sermons The Pages and Lacqueys of the Duke that went before the rest of the company moved with the novelty of the thing and a curiosity to see for then those Congregations began first to be kept in publick with jesting speeches and a tumult proper to such kind of people went towards the place where the Hugonots were assembled at their devotion who understanding that the Duke of Guise was there one of their chief persecutors and seeing a great troop come directly towards them fearing some affront or else indeed incensed with the words of derision and contempt which the rudeness of those people used against them without any further consideration presently fell to gather up stones and began to drive back those that advanced first towards the place of their assembly By which injury the Catholick party being incensed who came thither without intent of doing them harm with no less inconsideration betaking themselves to their Arms there began a dangerous scuffle amongst them The Duke perceiving the uproar and desiring to remedy it setting spurs to his horse without any regard put himself into the midst of them where whilst he reprehended his own people and exhorted the Hugonots to retire he was hit with a blow of a stone upon the left cheek by which though lightly hurt yet by reason he bled much being forced to withdraw himself out of the hurly-burly his followers impatient of such an indignity done to their Lord presently betook themselves to their Fire-arms and violently assaulting the house where the Hugonots retired to secure themselves killed above sixty of them and grievously wounded the Minister who climbing over the tyles saved himself in some of the adjoining houses The tumult ended the Duke of Guise called for the Officer of the place and began sharply to reprehend him for suffering such a pernicious license to the prejudice of passengers and he excusing himself that he could not hinder it by reason of the Edict of Ianuary which tolerated the publick Assemblies of the Hugonots The Duke no less offended at his answer than at the thing it self laying his hand upon his Sword replyed in choler This shall soon cut the bond of that Edict though never so binding From which words spoken in the heat of anger and not forgotten by those that were present many afterwards concluded that he was the author and contriver of the ensuing War But the Hugonots exceedingly incensed by this chance and being no longer able to keep themselves within the limits of patience not contented with what they had done formerly both in Paris where killing divers men they fired the Church of S. Medard and in other Cities all over the Kingdom now full of malice and rage stirred up such horrible tumults and bloody seditions that besides the slaughter of men in many places the Monasteries were spoiled Images thrown down the Altars broken and the Churches brutishly polluted By which actions every body being much incensed and the people in all places running headlong to take Arms the Heads of the Factions upon the same occasion went about gathering forces and preparing themselves for a manifest War But the Lords of both parties saw plainly that in the state things were then in they could not take Arms without running into an open Rebellion there being no pretext or apparent colour that covered with the shew of Justice the raising of Arms for the Catholick party could not oppose the Edict of Ianuary without apparently contradicting an Act of Council and trespassing against the Royal Power by which the Edict was authorized and on the other side the Hugonots having the Liberty of Conscience given them which was appointed by the Edict of Ianuary had no just cause to stir Wherefore each Faction desired to draw the King to their party and seizing upon his person by abolishing the Edict or interpreting it under his Name according to their own sense to make a shew of having the right on their sides and the contrary party by opposing the Kings will and resisting him in person to run into an actual Rebellion The Queen-Mother very well knowing these designs and desiring as much as was possible to preserve her own liberty and her Sons continued her wonted artifices so to balance the power of the great ones that by their tyranny they might not prejudice the security of the State and having left Paris that she might not be constrained by either Faction she went to Fountain-bleau a house of pleasure belonging to the Kings of France which being a free open place she conceived she could not be forced to declare her self and hoped by doubtful speeches and ambiguous promises to maintain her credit with both parties Where she gave assurances to the Prince of Conde and the Lords of Chastillon who being inferiour in strength to the Catholicks were gone out of Paris to arm themselves that she would join
with them as soon as she saw they had assembled such a force as might be sufficient to resist the power of their Adversaries And on the other side she made protestations to the King of Navarre the Constable and the Duke of Guise that she would never forsake the Catholick party nor ever consent to the establishment of the Hugonots further than granting them a moderate liberty such as by the advice of persons well-affected should be thought necessary for the quiet of the State Her Letters concerning this business were no less ambiguous than her words nor did she declare her self more openly abroad to foreign Princes than at home within her own Kingdom but often changing the tenour of her discourse and varying the instructions she gave to Ambassadors in other Courts and particularly to Monsieur de l' Isle who resided in Rome sometimes restraining them other while giving them a larger scope so confounded the understandings of all men that they could not conclude any thing But now she began to have a hard task For the heads of both parties were grown by experience to be no less their Crafts-masters than her self and in such a long time that she had held the Regency they had had the commodity to discern and understand her arts besides now that the King began to grow of age she was necessitated to cut off those delays which she formerly used many things being in apparence just which when He should come to years to govern of himself depended absolutely upon his judgment and arbitrement which none could oppose without manifest delinquency of Felony whereas at the present every one might pretend that they did not withstand the Kings will but the wicked pernicious counsels of his Ministers The Duke of Guise who being of a more violent disposition and resolute nature than the rest absolutely swayed the resolutions of his party having already drawn to his opinion the Constable and the King of Navarre perswaded them that going presently together to Court they should bring the King and the Queen-Mother to Paris and afterwards make them confirm such Determinations and Edicts as seemed necessary for the present times and not by expecting run the hazard of being prevented or suffer their Adversaries to seize first upon the Kings person and so invest themselves with the authority of his Name The Prince of Conde had the same intention who when he left Paris retired first to Meaux a Town in Brye ten leagues distant from thence and then to la Ferte a place of his own there to assemble his Forces To this resolution he was advised by the Admiral invited by the promises of the Queen-Mother and perhaps further induced by the design of the Catholicks which was not concealed from him as for the most part in civil dissentions through the infidelity of Counsellors and frequency of spies it is very easie to penetrate into the very thoughts of the Enemy But the Catholick Lords with their ordinary followers were sufficient to manage this design besides they were near to Paris which depending absolutely upon their wills afforded strength and commodity to effect it Whereas on the other side the Prince of Conde being far weaker than they and but few of his men armed he was forced to expect the other Lords and Gentlemen of his party who being sent for from divers Provinces of the Kingdom were not speedily to be brought together In the mean while the Catholicks prevented them and on a sudden appeared in great numbers at the Court. Yet the Queen nothing dismayed at their so unexpected coming though doubtful that her former arts would no longer prevail began to perswade the King of Navarre that the Princes and other Lords that came with him should presently withdraw themselves from about the Court that every one plainly perceived the cause of their coming which was to force her being unarmed and the King yet in minority to order things in the State according to their humours and to accommodate publick affairs to passions and private interests which was not only far from the loyalty and integrity they professed but absolutely contrary to the peace and safety of the Kingdom which they pretended only to desire For to seek new Edicts and new Institutions different from those which were already enacted was no less than to arm the Hugonots who bold enough of themselves and ready for Insurrections would believe and publish to all the World that they had reason on their side if without any cause that Edict should be recalled which by a general consent was confirmed and established That it was expedient whilst the King was under age to avoid the necessity of a War and the troubles and inconveniencies that accompanied it left besides the universal prejudice a greater brand of infamy might be fixed upon them who held the greatest authority in the Government That she for this reason consented to the Edict of Ianuary for this cause left Paris to take away all manner of pretence and opportunity for that mischief to break out which secretly crept up and that to return to a place suspected and to disturb the Edict already published would be openly to foment the violence of it Withal she put the King of Navarre in mind and the other Catholick Princes that to raise Civil Wars was only proper to those who were either of unsetled or desperate fortunes and not for such who possessing riches dignities estates and honours lived in a flourishing eminent condition That the King of Navarre should enjoy the principal Command of the whole Kingdom which already without contradiction he was possessed of the other Princes should enjoy their estates greatness and dignities and should comply with the people that by enjoying or believing they enjoyed a borrowed and momentary liberty they might suffer the King without War to accomplish the age of his majority That nothing had been done which was not forced by an absolute necessity That only was given which could not be sold and that liberty granted to the Hugonots which of their own power they arrogated to themselves And therefore the Catholick Princes should have patience that this so frantick humour might be overcome with art and dexterity and not wilfully be an occasion by anticipating the remedies before the time the King came of age to anticipate likewise the disease which would carry along with it many adverse revolutions and dangerous accidents and if they were positively resolved to regulate the Edict that it was to be done insensibly and with opportunity of times and occasions and not with such open violence which would afford that commodity to the seditious which they themselves desired and sought after These reasons effectually expressed and reiterated would have moved the King of Navarre and perhaps the Constable also if the Duke of Guise had consented thereunto But he having setled his hopes not only to recover but enlarge his former greatness by the fortune of the war and desirous as
great party of the youth who were of unquiet spirits factious and inclined to a desire of Novelties So that the disposition of the Inhabitants answering the instigation of the complices already a great part of the people were willing to take Arms. And that things might be done in due order the Prince had the day before sent Monsieur de Andelotte to the City who entring thereinto secretly at the same time that the Prince seised upon the Court should endeavour likewise to make himself Master of the Town But though it so fell out that the Prince could not arrive at Court Andelotte not knowing what had happened armed three hundred of his followers and at the day appointed suddenly seised on S. Iohn's Gate Upon which accident Monsieur de Monterau Governour of the City getting together some few men of Monsieur de Sipierres company who by chance were then thereabouts very hotly assaulted the Conspirators with no little hope that they should be able to drive them away and recover the entrance of the Gate where they had not had time enough to fortifie themselves so that joyning in a bloody fight after a conflict of many hours Andelotte at length began to yield to the multitude of the Catholicks who ran thither armed from all the parts of the Town and had surely received an affront if he had not been opportunely assisted by an unexpected succour For the Prince of Conde not finding the Court at Fountain-bleau and therefore desisting from his voyage returned much sooner than he thought and marching with great diligence approached near to Orleans at the same time that the fight began and knowing it to be very violent by the continual shot and incessant ringing of Bells which might be heard many miles off he presently gallopped with all his Cavalry towards the City to succour his Confederates who were already in great danger of being defeated They were more than three thousand horse and ran headlong with such fury that the peasants though astonished with the unusual spectacle of civil arms in the midst of their fright and wonder could not forbear to laugh seeing here a horse fall there a man tumbled over and nevertheless without regarding any accident run furiously one over another as fast as their horses could go upon a design which no body knew but themselves But this haste so ridiculous to the Spectators had very good success to the Princes intentions For coming with such a powerful succour and in so fit an opportunity of time the Governour being driven away and those that resisted suppressed at last the Town which was of exceeding consequence was reduced into his power and by the Authority of the Commanders preserved from pillage But the Churches escaped not the fury of the Hugonot-Souldiers who with bruitish examples of barbarous savageness laid them all waste and desolate Thus the Prince having taken Orleans and made it the seat of his Faction he began to think upon War And first having appointed a Council of the principal Lords and Commanders he advised with them of the means to draw as many Towns and Provinces to his Party as was possible and to get together such a sum of money as might defray the expences which at the beginning of a War are ever very great The Catholick party were intent upon the same ends who being come to Paris with the young King and the Queen held frequent consultations how best to order the affairs for their own advantage in which Councils the Duke of Guise openly declared that he thought it most expedient to proceed to a War with the Hugonots so to extinguish the fire before it burst out into a consuming flame and to take away the roots of that growing evil On the contrary the Chancellor de l' Hospital secretly set on by the Queen proposing many difficulties and raising doubts and impediments upon every thing perswaded an agreement by which both parties absenting themselves from the Court the power of the Government should be left free and quiet to the Queen and the King of Navarre But being sharply reproved by the Constable and after the news of the revolt of Orleans injuriously treated under pretence of being a Gown-man he was excluded from the Council that was now called the Council of War by which means also a principal instrument was taken from the Queen who having no power left in that Council for there were newly admitted to it Claud Marquess de â—oisy Honore Marquess Villars Louis de Lansac Monsieur de Cars the Bishop of Auxerre the Sieurs de Maugiron and la Brosse who all absolutely depended upon the Constable and the Guises every thing on that side likewise tended to the raising of Arms. At the first as it ever falleth out their pens were more active than their swords For the Prince of Conde and his adherents willing to justifie in writing the cause of their taking Arms published certain Manifests and Letters in print directed to the King the Court of Parliament in Paris the Protestant Princes of Germany and to other Christian Princes in which very largely but no less artificially dilating themselves they concluded that they had taken Armâ— to set the King at liberty and the Queen his Mother who by the Tyrannical power of the Catholick Lords were kept prisoners and to cause obedience to be rendred in all parts of the Kingdom to his Majesties Edicts which by the violence of certain men that arrogate to themselves a greater Authority in the Government than of right belonged to them were impiously despised and trodden under foot and therefore that they were ready presently to lay down their Arms if the Duke of Guise the Constable and the Mareshal de St. Andre retiring themselves from the Court would leave the King and the Queen in a free place in their own power and that liberty of Religion might be equally tolerated and maintained in all parts of the Kingdom The Parliament at Paris answered their Manifest and the Letters shewing that the pretence was vain by which they sought to justifie their taking of Arms which they had immediately raised against the Kings Person and his Royal Authority for so far was the King or the Queen his Mother from being deprived of liberty or retained in prison by the Constable and the Guises that on the contrary they were in the capital City of the Kingdom where the chief Parliament resided and in which commanded as Governour Charles Cardinal of Bourbon Brother to the Prince of Conde and one of the Princes of the Blood That the King of Navarre Brother also to the same Prince of Conde held the chief place in the Government and the Queen-Mother the charge of the Regency both chosen by the Council according to the ancient custom and confirmed by the consent of the States-General of the Kingdom that every day they assembled the Council composed of eminent persons to consult of fit remedies for the present evils
of Ferrara left three male children Henry Duke of Guise a youth of singular hope and exceeding expectation Lodovick destined to the Church and the dignity of Cardinal and Charles first Marquiss then Duke of Mayenne he who in the late Wars maintained the Catholick League against Henry the Fourth These Sons who neither for greatness of mind nor courage degenerated from their Father though they were very young yet being upheld by the fierceness of the Duke of Aumale and the authority of the Cardinal of Lorâ—in their Uncles boldly attempted to make themselves the Heads of the Catholick party and therefore indeavoured to gain credit in the world and to promote new motives to maintain the ardour of the Faction For which cause having assembled a great number of their kindred and servants they went together all clad in mourning to the King demanding very earnestly and with great clamour of the people of Paris who ran in multitudes to this spectacle that justice might be done upon those who had so bruitishly caused their Father to be murthered whilst in the service of GOD and the Crown loyally and gloriously bearing arms he laboured for the good of the Commonwealth To which demand the King not being able to make other answer than that in due time and place he would not fail to do exemplary Justice upon those that were found guilty of so hainous a crime the Brothers of Coligny became more diffident than before and were brought as it were into an inevitable necessity again to arm their Faction that they might be able to withstand the powerful enmity of the Guises But if all Arts were used to raise the Catholick party the endeavour was yet greater to suppress the Calvinists For the Cardinal of Lorain knowing that the interests of his Nephews being united and mingled with the cause of Religion they would gain greater honour and render themselves more strong and powerful as soon as the Council of Trent was broken up which hapned this present year in the month of November he went to Rome and perswaded the Pope Pius Quartus who was ill satisfied with the Peace concluded in France that he should press the King and the Queen-Mother to cause the Council to be published and observed in their Kingdom promising that his Nephews with the whole house of Lorain and the greatest part of the French Nobility would be ready and united to cause declaration thereof to be made and sufficient afterwards by force to suppress the followers of the Hugonot Doctrine The Pope was sollicited to the same effect by the Catholick King and the Duke of Savoy being entred into a jealousie that the nearness and introduction of the Hugonots might endanger their States seeing the Low-Countries belonging to King Philip were already infected and not only Savoy but even Piedmont also exceedingly pestered with them where through the neighbourhood of Geneva they had sowed the seeds of their heresie Wherefore they both desired that this dangerous fire kindled in so near a Country might without further delay be extinguished Nor was it a difficult matter to perswade the Pope to be earnest in a business which more than any thing else concerned the greatness of the Apostolick Sea and the Authority of the Papacy For which reasons they resolved to join together to send Ambassadors to the King of France to exhort him that he should cause the Council to be published and observed with proffers of forces and aid to expel and extirpate heresie out of his Dominions This Embassie which to give it the more credit was sent in the names of them all exceedingly troubled the King and the Queen-Mother For though they concurred with the Pope and other Princes to irradicate and suppress the Hugonot Faction which they knew to be the source of all the troubles yet they judged it not agreeable to their interests to do it tumultuously and with such a noise on a suddain nor to precipitate their deliberations which being designed with great wisdom were not yet come to maturity And they took it wondrous ill that the Catholick King and much more the Duke of Savoy should presume as it were by way of command to interpose in the Government of their State Besides that this so pressing sollicitation put them in an evident necessity either to alienate the Pope from them and with publick scandal and ignominy of their names to separate themselves from the obedience of the Apostolick Sea or else to discover the designs with which proceeding leisurely they had determined without the hazard of War to attain by the benefit of time to the same end but if they were by this means discovered whilst they endeavoured with their uttermost skill to conceal them it was evident that the knowledge thereof coming to the Hugonots not only a Civil War would be kindled again in the bowels of the Kingdom but a way opened for stranger Nations to invade and spoil the best parts of France as the example of the past War had sufficiently proved For which reason there being no other way but by art and dissimulation to render this negotiation of no effect they received the Ambassadors privately at Fountain-bleau a house remote from the concourse of people that by the little ceremony used at their reception their business might be thought of less consequence Afterward they endeavoured by delaying their answer and dispatches to make the Negotiation antiquate it self and by degrees fall to nothing And lastly sought by ambiguous speeches capable of divers interpretations to leave the Ambassadors themselves doubtful of their intentions concluding in the end that they would forthwith send Ministers of their own to the Pope and the other Princes to acquaint them particularly with their resolutions The Ambassadors being thus dispatched away at the end of Ianuary in the year 1564. the King and the Queen resolved to visit all the Provinces and principal Cities of the Kingdom meaning by this progress to advance those designs which was the only end they aimed at for the present For coming to a Parley with the Duke of Savoy in Dolphine with the Popes Ministers at Avignon and with the Catholick King or else with the Queen his Wife upon the confines of Guienna they might communicate their counsels to them without the hazard of trusting French-men who either through dependence or kindred had all the same interests to have them revealed to the Hugonots So that in this manner preserving the amity of the Pope and the other Catholick Princes they might by common consent have leisure enough to bring their projected designs to maturity They thought it also no little help to have the opportunity to treat in person with the Duke of Lorain and by his means with the Protestant Princes with whom they hoped to make so firm an alliance that they should not need to fear they would any more shew themselves in the favour of the Hugonots or interpose in the affairs of
in the Parliament a thing not usually done except in great necessity but by the King himself or by his Authority gravely advertised the Counsellors promising his care to pacifie the uproars of the people and to free them from so imminent a danger Which kind of proceeding exceedingly offended the King and the Queen it appearing to them that those people presumed too evidently to counterpoise the Royal Authority But the end at which they aimed made them artificially dissemble their displeasure With these seeds of discord ended the year 1565. At the beginning of the year following the King and Queen being really intent though inwardly exasperated to put an end to the troubles of the Kingdom rather by the arts of Peace than the violence of War went to Moulins where those that were summoned met from all parts at the Assembly in which the complaints of the people being proposed and considered and the abuses introduced according to the advice of the High Chancellor there was a long punctual decree formed in which was prescribed a form of Government and a manner of proceeding for the Magistrates taking away those corruptions and disorders that use to give the subject just cause of complaint At the same time the King insisting upon the pacification of his subjects for the general peace of the Kingdom a reconciliation was endeavoured between the Houses of Guise and Chastillon at which appeared on the one side the Mareshal of Momorancy with the Chastilâ—ons on the other the Cardinals of Lorain and Guise but with such backwardnâ—ss in both parties that there was little hope of sincere intentions where there appeared so much disorder and such an adherence to private interests For on the one part the Duke of Aumale Brother to the Cardinals had absolutely refused to be present thereat and Henry Duke of Guise yet in age of minority came thither only not to displease his Tutors but carried himself in such a grave reserved manner that it clearly appeared though his Governours brought him against his will when he was once come of age he would not forget the death of his Father nor observe this peace to which he could not being then so young remain any way obliged But on the other part also the Mareshal of Momorancy not induring so far to humble himself denied to speak câ—rtain words appointed by the Queen and the Council for the satisfaction of the Cardinal of Lorain nor would ever have been brought to it if he had not been forced by his Father who if he refused threatned to disinherit him and the Chastillons opposing by their Actions this seâ—ming Agreement ceased not to calumniate and make â—inister interpretations of the proceedings of the Guises At the last they were brought â—ogether in the presence of the King where they imbraced and discoursed but with a general belief even of the King himself that the reconciliation could not long endure which within a few days proved so indeed For the Duke of Aumale arriving at the Court denied expresly to meet with or use any act of salutation or civility to the Admiral or the rest of his Family On the contrary in the Queens presence he said that the Admiral laying to his charge that he had hired one to kill him he should think it a great happiness to be shut up with him in a chamber that he might hand to hand let him know â—e had no need of help but that he was able to determine his own quarrels himself And because the Queen being moved therewith answered That they might meet in the field the Duke repâ—yed again That he came thither with fifty Gentlemen but would return oâ—ly with twenty and if he met the Admiral he might perhaps make him â—ear moâ—e and in this fury he would have left the Court if the King had not laid an expâ—ess commaâ—d upoâ— him to stay After which new exasperations Andelot seâ—king all â—ccasâ—oâ—s of new sâ—â—â—dals publickly charged the Duke of Aumale in the Council that he had set one Captain Attin to murther him to which the Duke replyed with great shew of resentment It was necessary to lay hold of Attin who not being found culpable in any thing was at last released Both parties ceased not mutually to persecute each other both in words and deeds each of them accusing their adversaries that they went about to raise men and had an intent to disturb the quiet of the Kingdom Which though diligently inquired into proving but vain surmises at length it was thought the best way to continue the peace that the Lords of both parties should absent themselves from the Court where daily new occasions arising of conâ—estation between them the things already quieted were disturbed and subverted To this end and to give example to the rest the Constable with the Mareshal d'Anâ—ille his Son taking publick leave of the King and the Queen went to their Castles in the Isle of France So the great Lords following the same resolution within a few days after they all departed and particularly the Prince and the Admiral went severally to their own houses and the Duke of Aumale being left Heir to Madam Valentine his Mother-in-law who died about that time retired himself to Anet a place of pleasure which she had built There remained at the Court only the Cardinal of Lorain whom the King imployed in all businesses of importance and the Mareshal Momorâ—â—cy whose Government of Paris the Queen meant by some slight or other to take away that so powerful a people might not be under the command of a person that was inclined to innovations and that the chief support of the Kings Authority for the present might be put into such hands as depended absolutely upon himself At this same time happened the distastes and departure of the Queen of Navarre from Court For sentence being given by the King against Frances de Rohan by which the contract of marriage between Her and the Duke of Nemours though subscribed by their own hands was made void and he having concluded to marry Anne d' Este Widow to the late Duke of Guise Queen Iane after infinite but vain attempts in favour of her Neece at the last just as they were Marrying in the Kings presence caused one whom she had hired with promise of Reward to interpose and make a Protestation in the name of Frances but he being taken and imprisoned without interruption of the Marriage and finding her designs took no effect equally offended withal thinking her self injured and despised she resolved to leave the Court and retire into Bearn designing in her mind to raise new and more dangerous troubles She took for occasion and pretence of her departure That she could not be suffered a free exercise of her Religion For the King being advertised by the Popes Nuncio and divers others of the great resort of persons of all sorts to her lodging to hear Hugonot Sermons and knowing the Parisians were greatly
in him he divideth all his forces to defend the Cities belonging to his party The Duke of Anjou pursueth the Victory and layeth siege to Cognac but finding it strongly defended raiseth the Camp and takes divers other Towns A new Army of Germans cometh into France in favour of the Hugonots under the Command of the Duke of Deux-ponts he marcheth towards the Loire taketh the la Charite and there passeth the River The Duke of Deux-ponts General of the Germans dieth of a Feaver and Count Mansfield succeeds him in his Command The Prince and the Admiral go to meet the Germans The Duke of Anjou that he may not be encompassed by them retires into Limosin the Hugonot Forces join follow the Kings Army skirmish hotly at Rochabeille through the barrenness of the Country the Hugonots are forced to retire The Queen-Mother cometh to the Camp it is resolved to separate the Kings Army to let the Enemies Forces consume with time the Army disbands and the Duke of Anjou retires to Loches in Touraine WHilst these things were in agitation at the Court all other parts of the Kingdom groaned under several afflictions and frequent Insurrections For the Hugonots arrogating to themselves a much greater liberty than was granted them by the Edict of Pacification endeavoured in many places without any regard of the Magistrates by tumults and violence to extend it to the uttermost and on the other side the Catholicks desiring to have that power which was permitted them restrained sought by often complaints and sometimes by force of Arms to molest them whereby in the midst of Peace the War was in a manner kindled again in all parts These distractions in the Provinces not only troubled the Parliaments which were wholly imployed how to remedy the disorders that proceeded from matters of Religion but also the Kings Council together with the whole Court where all the weight of the business falling at last there arise many obstinate disputes between the Protectors and Favourers of both Factions the Mareshal of Momorancy and the Admirals Adherents labouring to obtain an inlargement or at least a confirmation of the liberty granted to the Hugonots and the Cardinal of Bourbon but much more the Cardinal of Lorain pressing that the Catholicks might be satisfied in their desires and the liberty of the other suppressed Wherefore the contestations so increased when any thing of this subject came to be handled and the minds of men were so sway'd by passion that it was thought necessary to appoint the Duke of Anjou the Kings second Brother though yet a Youth President of the Council and to make an order that no business concerning Religion should be debated if the King or the Queen were not present nor was this sufficient for the persons engaged on both sides accustomed now to a liberty of speech as well as of action all reverence due to the Royal Majesty being laid aside appeared exceeding violent in their disputes shewing clearly that they were more inclined to the interests of the Factions than either to the publick peace or preservation of the Commonwealth Notwithstanding the Queen still remained constant to her own rules and the King persisted in the resolution already taken to dissemble with all possible patience and sufferance the insolencies that were committed and to endeavour that policy rather than force might at length put an end to these evils And therefore by plausible Declarations sometimes in favour of one party and sometimes of the other they sought so to appease both that things might not come to a manifest rupture but that by prolongation of time those wounds might be healed which were yet open and fresh bleeding for this reason the King bestowed many favours upon the Admiral and his dependants and followers got more than the Courtiers themselves for this cause the Prince of Conde was suffered to enjoy such an absolute power in his Government of Picardy that shewing a dislike to have the Mareshals of France in their ordinary Visitations of the Frontiers to visit that Province the King gave the Mareshal d' Anville particular order not to go thither and in this consideration the complaints brought in continually against the Hugonots were passed over as also the resentments of the Catholicks put up with silence that so these discords might be buried in oblivion and the troubles cease of themselves At the same time the Constable who through age and indisposition of body desired to retire himself made suit to the King that he might surrender his Office to his Son Memorancy which the Queen by reason of his humour and inclinations absolutely disliking the King was perswaded by her to return answer That having already designed whensoever the Constable left off or could no longer exercise his charge to make the Duke of Anjou his Brother Lieutenant General it was not at all necessary to think of any body to supply that place nevertheless not wholly to distaste the Constable nor by this refusal absolutely to lose his Son they were content to admit Memoranâ—y into the Council of the Affairs a thing which he had sought after before but could never compass and besides gave him 30000 Francks to pay his debts though it were in a time when Money was exceeding scarce And though the Constable very much troubled to receive a repulse was not altogether satisfied with these other demonstrations yet at last he gave over his suit but such was the inconsiderateness of the Prince of Conde being governed rather by violence than reason that as soon as he heard mention of surrendring the Constables Office he openly pretended to it for himself without any consideration of the Memorancy's Allies which not only rendered the Kings denial excusable who being sollicited by two such powerful pretenders made choice of his Brother as a mean between both but also made an absolute breach between him and the Constable and in some measure took off Memorancy who was before so much inclined to favour his proceedings To this good success the Queen indeavoured to add the reconciliation of the Cardinal of Chastilâ—on who being openly a Hugonot and the Pope solliciting by the Bishop of Ceâ—eda his Nuncio in the Court of France that he might be commanded to lay by his Cardinals Hat and quit the Ecclesiastical preferments that he held the Queen with divers excuses always putting off that business by offering the Cardinal a liberal recompence in temporal revenues and preferments sought by fair means to effect that which could not be done by force But these delays which as the instances were greater from Râ—mâ— still increased together with the favour that was shown at Court to the Bishops of Vsez and Valence whom the Pope as Hereticks had degraded from their Bishopricks and many other such like things made Pius Quintus newly succeeded to Pius Qâ—â—â—tus in the Apostolick Sea conceive a very hard opinion of the Queen which was yet more increased by a rumour spread abroad by her ill-willers
the Garison and to use all possible diligence to secure the Town who providing with great care and rigour to hinder the Assemblies of the Hugonots they were exceedingly offended and murmured thereat in all parts The like suspicion was at the same time had of Avignon which the Kings of France through common respects and interests have ever no less than their own taken into their care and protection For all those who dissented from the Roman Catholick Faith being by order from the Pope expelled that City they retired to the adjacent places in Provence and Languedoc where they practised underhand to surprize it and so far their design was advanced that they had already intelligence to possess themselves of one of the Gates but the business being discovered by the vigilance of the Citizens the Cardinal of Armagnac who was Governour there causing diligent search to be made after the complices apprehended some of them and sent Scipione Vimarcato post to the Court to render an account thereof to the King who sent a positive command to the Count of Tende Governour of Provence to Monsieur de Gordes Lieutenant of Dauphine and to the Viscount of Ioyeuse Lieutenant of Languedoc that they should furnish such forces as were necessary for the securing of it by which means the attempt of the Hugonots at length proved vain who not being daunted with this ill success were still ready to imbrace any new occasion having likewise laid a plot to enter into Narbon and indeed their practises kept all the Provinces and Fortresses of the Kingdom in perpetual apprehensions but especially the King and Queen who seeing the fire already kindled in so many places reasonably enough feared the flame thereof would at length burst forth with greater violence and in some place or other cause a notorious ruine The Hugonots were no less bold with their pens than their swords for at the same time a Minister who was born at Orleans preached seditiously against the Kings Authority and had likewise printed a Book in which he maintained That the people of France were no longer obliged to be obedient to the King because he was turned Idolater and for this reason affirmed That it was lawful to kill him from which impious diabolical seed afterwards sprang up in other times and in other persons that pernicious Doctrine which with such horrible perversion of all humane and divine Laws instructed men under the pretence of Piety and Religion to imbrue their hands in the Blood of their lawful Kings by GOD's Ordinance appointed over them as His Deputies And perhaps by this Doctrine which sounded well in their ears because agreeable to their designs the Admiral and the rest of his party were perswaded to plot not only against the Queen-Mother but even against the Person of the King himself of which either truly or falsly he was accused by a Gentleman who being imprisoned for another great offence sought to obtain his pardon by discovering that he and two other Gentlemen were seduced and suborned with money by the Admiral to kill the King when they should find a fit opportunity and though at the first there was not much credit given to what he said yet being confronted with those whom he named as Complices with unexpected Questions he so amazed and silenced them that the King was put into an exceeding jealousie yet the proofs not being sufficient for so great a conspiracy the business was passed over with silence and the Gentleman for his other offences condemned to die To this great suspicion was added this other accident that the Queen-Mother going one morning out of her Chamber to Mass there was found at her feet a long Letter directed to her self in which she was threatned that if she changed not her course and suffered not those of the Reformed Religion to enjoy full Liberty of Conscience she should be murthered as the Duke of Guise was formerly and Maynard President of the Parliament of Paris who at the beginning of the tumults about Religion for having passed a severe Vote against the Hugonots was killed at Noon-day with a shot it never being known by whom Wherefore the Queen was admonished to guard her self from the wrath of GOD and the desperate resolution of men All these things laid together and continually multiplying on all sides exceedingly incensed and exasperated the King who as he grew in years conceived still a more inveterate hate against those who obstinately opposed his will wherefore his nature suiting with the Duke of Alva's counsel and the Hugonots not ceasing continually to offend and provoke him he was every day in secret consultation with his Mother to find some prompt expedite remedy to extirpate this evil The Queen remained doubtful or rather of a contrary opinion and much more the Chancellor de l' Hospital being both of them averse to those dangerous violent proceedings as altogether disagreeing to the disposition of the French insomuch that together and apart they earnestly desired and advised the King to be patient and dissemble his anger even the Cardinal of Lorain himself with his Brothers and Nephews though they were very well pleased to see him so passionate yet wished he would have kept himself more reserved until some seasonable fit opportunity had been offered But there was no end of the complaints of the people nor of the jealousies and dangers stirred up by the Heads of the Hugonots all parts abounded with bloody mournful dissentions the Prince and the Admiral sometimes leaving the Court sometimes returning but ever with some new complaints or pretensions gave great occasion both of jealousie and offence and the King being passionate and furious could no longer indure them so that at length it was resolved together with policy to imploy force and to bridle the excessive Liberty of the Rebellious Faction And the Catholick King sending at the same time the Duke of Alva Governour into Flanders to curb the insolencies of those who under a pretence of Religion but truly through the hate they bare to the Spanish Government had at once withdrawn themselves from their obedience to the Catholick Church and the temporal Jurisdiction the Treaty of Bayonne was renewed and by consent of both Princes an Agreement made that by mutually aiding each other they should endeavour the suppression of such eminent persons who were the Incendiaries to nourish Rebellion in their several Dominions The Duke of Alva went with great force towards the Low-Countries which in divers places border upon France so that this occasion served the King and Queen for pretence to arm who feigning to have great apprehensions of the Spaniards gave present order to hire a considerable number of Swisses commanded all the Provinces to have their forces in a readiness levied men in Lyonoise under colour of sending divers companies of French Infantry into the States beyond the Mountains and getting money from several parts made a bargain with certain Italian Merchants to furnish
same was done by the other side for the rest staying behind the Prince the Admiral the Cardinal of Chastillon Roche-fou-cault and Andelot came to meet them The Prince spake very modestly though he departed not at all from the conditions already proposed but the Cardinal of Chastillon told the Constable who perswaded him to relie upon the Kings word without seeking any further security for their Propriety and Lives that they could not trust to the King and much less to him who had broken his word and was an occasion of the present calamities by having counselled his Majesty to violate the Edict of Pacification Whereupon the Constable gave him the Lye and so they parted with ill language no hopes remaining of an agreement Wherefore the King having called together the Princes Knights of the Order Captains of the Gens d' Arms and Colonels of Foot in the presence of many of the Nobility and others made a Speech full of couragious resolute expressions in which he told them That there was nothing he desired more than the peace and quiet of his Subjects which had induced him to grant the Hugonots many things repugnant to his own inclinations and contrary to his nature but notwithstanding so many graces and priviledges some of them abusing his favours with divers scandalous imputations sought to raise a Rebellion in the Kingdom and were grown so bold in their wickedness that they durst conspire against him the Queen and his Brothers for which enormous Treason he might justly chastise and cut them off nevertheless nothing altering him from his first resolution on the contrary to the prejudice of his own Authority and to the diminution of the Royal Dignity he had sent some of the principal persons in the Kingdom to treat with them to whom they were not ashamed to make those Propositions which were already well known to every body therefore he had at length determined to have that by force which he could not obtain by their consents and that he was confident easily to effect his desires by the assistance of those Lords he saw there about him who having been ever faithful to the Kings his Predecessors he hoped would not abandon him now in so great a necessity and in so lawful and just a cause wherefore he desired them couragiously to imbrace the occasion of meriting both from their King and Country and not to consider those dangers to which he would first expose his own Person for the preservation of the Commonwealth The Constable answering for all said Intreaties were not necessary for every one there was ready to venture his life and fortune in his Majesties service and then turning about to the Nobility continued his Speech in this manner Gentlemen there is no such true real Nobility as that which is acquired by Vertue and you that are born Gentlemen not to degenerate from your Ancestors cannot better imploy your selves than in defence of our King against those who to make a King for their turns endeavour to extinguish this Race Be resolute then and as with one accord you inviron his Majesty in this place prepare your selves with your Courage and Vertue to encompass him in Arms and I who have the charge of the Militia though I am old promise to be the first to assail the Enemy Which Exhortations were followed by general Acclamations and consent of all that were present though for the most part it was believed the Constable and his more in words than in deeds favoured the Kings party and gave too willing an eaâ— to the discourses of the Hugonots who were no less hated by the Nobility than detested by the Parisians and not without reason The City began to feel the incommodities of a Siege and suffered extreamly through want of Victuals for the Admiral in a bravery at Noon-day in the face of the Kings Army possessed himself of the Bridge at Charenton a league distant from the Walls whereby the passage of the River being cut off all manner of provision began to be at an excessive rate but the greatest difficulty was how to nourish such a number of Horse as were then in the Town for which reason the Constable provoked by the cries of the people and impatient having a much greater Army than the Enemy that the City to the small reputation of the Kings Forces should be so straightned and incommodated issued out of Paris the ninth day of November and quartered his Van-guard at la Chappelle a place upon the high-way between the City and the Enemies Camp which resolution obliging the Hugonots to lie close together in a Body that they might not be surprized apart they quitted the Villages about so that the passages were again open and the ways free to carry all things that were necessary into Paris They sent likewise to call back Andelot who with eight hundred Horse and about two thousand Foot had passed the River to streighten the Siege on that side believing that the Constable as it was true being much superiour in force would advance and presently either shut them up in St. Denis or else force them with great disadvantage to fight The Prince of Conde with the Battel lodged close under the Walls of St. Denis keeping that Town for his security behind him the Admiral with the Van lay on the right hand at St. Ouyne a Village near the bank of the River which served him both for a fence against the Waters and the Enemy and Muy and Genlis with the Rear at Aubervilliers a Town on the left hand and because on one side of them was a great open champagne they made a ditch and raised an indifferent work to secure them from being assaulted in the Flank and placed a guard there of six hundred small shot But the Hugonots entring into debate what was best to be done being so much inferiour in number to the Kings Army in which were sixteen thousand Foot and more than three thousand Horse many were of opinion it would do well to retreat till the Supplies they expected from divers parts were arrived the Prince of Conde and the Admiral thought it impossible to retreat without receiving an absolute defeat for the Kings Army lying so near they could not possibly march away without being discovered and consequently followed and assaulted wherefore they judged it best as well to maintain their reputation which to the Heads of a popular Faction and especially at the beginning of a War is ever of great consequence as also that they might the better make a retreat to give them battel for the days being at the shortest it would quickly be dark and soon stay the fury of the fight in which they hoped their Horse which were very good would so damnifie the Kings Army that they would not be able to follow them that night by the benefit whereof they might retire and meeting Andelot with fresh supplies secure themselves from danger Whilst the Hugonots were in this consultation
and the Admiral were in very great perplexity of mind because they had received news from England That by reason of the discovery of some intended conspiracy against the Queens Person that Kingdom was in such distraction that they could not expect much help from thence besides they found not that readiness which they had imagined in the Princes of Germany and they knew that Nation could not move to come into the Kingdom without a good sum of money to raise and furnish their Army They saw likewise that the Prince of Orange who was sent to solllicite the Protestants was a great deal more careful of the Low-Country affairs wherein he had a very great interest than of the business of France wherein he was not so much concerned whereby finding themselves destitute of moneys and unprovided of all other things without other means of living than what they got by rapine which already was grown very scarce every one having conveyed their goods into the strong Cities their horses tired and lamed not having so much as means to shooe them for which cause they had lost above four hundred of them by the way they foresaw that at last they must necessarily be ruined and destroyed by the Kings Forces against whom in the end they could not possibly make resistance though for a few months they might be able to defend themselves For these reasons the Princes with a desire to conclude but the Admiral only to gain time by the means of the Queen of Navarre began to introduce a Treaty of Peace and to that end with great humility and submission sent Monsieur de Beauvais and Monsieur de Teligny to Court with a safe conduct who nevertheless propounded conditions very far different from what the King intended to grant who holding himself as Conquerour pretended they should submit themselves wholly to his mercy so they were sent away without any hope of agreement but they obtained That Monsieur de Byron should go back with them to the Princes Army to know their final determination who returned to the Court with nothing but general terms matters not being yet ripe nor the Princes resolution setled for any conclusion But in the beginning of Spring-time Fortune varying as the chance of War useth to be uncertain the state of affairs varied also for the Princes having past the sharpness of the Winter in Languedoc with five or six thousand Foot and two thousand five hundred Horse for toil and hard duty had brought the Reiters to the number of but one thousand two hundred were come down from the Mountains to the banks of the Rhosne to enlarge themselves in a more fertile the Country the greatest difficulty they had there was to pass the River for Monsieur des Gordes the Kings Lieutenant in Daulphine had placed himself there with a considerable strength to hinder them yet Monsieur de Mombrun knowing the Country very well found means to pass over his Regiment in boats unknown to the Catholicks and defeated them who advanced in disorder to fight with him in the heat of which Victory having made a Sconce close by the River Count Lodowick under favour of it passed over first and at last the Princes with all the Army and the Admiral who sick of a malignant Feaver made himself be carried almost half dead in an open Litter Being past the Rhosne and come into the Country of Forests thence into Beurbonis and the Dutchy of Nevers sacking and spoiling all they could they endeavoured to draw near to la Charite and the places adjoining which yet held of their party not only to re-inforce themselves by the addition of those Germans but also to supply their want of Powder and other Ammunition whereof their store was totally exhausted and without which their Arms seemed to no purpose Their design was when they were recruited and provided with those necessaries which they wanted to over-run and pillage the Countries about Paris to open to themselves by that last attempt some way to a better and more tolerable state of fortune remembring that the Hugonots had never obtained advantageous conditions of agreement but when they had made the seat of the War in the heart of the Catholick party and brought both fear and damage unto the City of Paris it self whose danger and jealousie had always extorted an assent to peace from those that bore the sway in the Government But if they could not grow to a strength sufficient for the execution of that design they resolved to repass the Loire and return into their old nest Xaintonge where since the departure of the Duke of Anjou they heard the state of their affairs was not a little amended for Monsieur de la Noue with admirable conduct and no less valour sallying out of Rochelle had recovered many places near unto it given a great defeat to Pugalliard one of the Kings Commanders taken one of the Gallies of the Fleet and over-running all the Country ceased not sometimes by cunning surprizes sometimes by open force to improve the condition of his party and though giving a sudden assault to Fountenay he had received a shot in the arm for which it was necessarily to be cut off yet being cured and returned to the exercise of Arms fiercer than before he kept the whole Country in fear and trouble The King by this means seeing the War renewed contrary to his expectation and and the Duke of Anjou's sickness still continuing for which cause he was gone to St. Germains a place of pleasure few miles distant from Paris was constrained to put his Army again in posture to oppose the Princes and as soon as it was in order he unadvisedly resolved to give the Command thereof to the Mareshal de Cosse for not daring to put it in the hands those Subjects who for greatness power adherents or animosity were very much suspected by him he trusted it to a person who not at all digressing from his wonted inclinations gave greater opportunities to the Enemy for inclining to Calvin's Doctrine in his heart he was nothing forward in prosecuting the Princes of the Blood and being a man of a slow heavy nature his intention was only to hinder the Hugonots from getting foot in those Provinces which they aimed at but not at all to venture the hazard of a Battel and much less totally to suppress that party as he easily might have done finding the Princes far inferiour to him in strength without Cannon without Victual without Money and their Souldiers with long marches quite wearied and disheartned having gone above three hundred leagues in the space of a few months This counsel was attributed by many to the Duke of Anjou who by reason of his indisposition not being able or for some private ends not willing to make a perfect end of the War would have been displeased that another should enjoy the glory and reap the fruits of his labours wherefore rendring all the other Princes and
full and prosperous issue because these secret practices were not managed by any but such as were deeply engaged and the King himself also lent a hand to the work who being now come to the age of two and twenty of a resolute nature a spirit full of resentment and above all an absolute dissembler did of himself though by the advice of his Mother manage the business of the Government whereby matters proceeded not only with more efficacy and security but also with more wary and powerful counsels The principal difficulty was to beget a confidence in the Hugonot Lords and from those jealousies which possest them to bring them to such an assurance as might make them venture to come unarmed to the Court for which cause it being necessary to begin at the end the King and Queen-Mother imparting their private thoughts only to the Duke of Anjou the Cardinal of Lorain the Duke of Guise and Alberto Gondi Count of Retz who because greatly favoured and from a small fortune exalted to a considerable estate was very much trusted and very faithful to them they dispatched strict Commissions to all Magistrates and Governours of Provinces for the executing and observing the Articles of Peace in favour of the Hugonots to whom they sent as far as Rochelle the Mareshal de Cosse who was now discovered to incline to their party giving him not only authority to interpret and to make the Edict to be fulfilled in those places where it was doubtful and obscure but also most ample command to assure the Princes and the Admiral of the Kings favour and sincere intentions to observe his promises totally and inviolably Nor were his actions different from his words for the King being minded to grant the Hugonots all possible satisfaction with severe Orders punished the Insurrections of the Catholicks which in Provence Daulphine and Normandy were many against the Hugonot Ministers and in things doubtful inclined always to interpret the Edict graciously to their advantage on the other side shewing himself toward the Catholick party either too sharply severe or of a disposition very little favourable By which demonstrations he not only setled the minds of the common people but even the Admiral himself who was most obstinate in not believing and firmly resolved not to trust them began to conceive some hope that the King weary of the distractions and dangers of a Civil War beginning now to govern of himself and not by the counsels of his Mother might at last desire sincerely to preserve and establish the Accommodation But to make the greater proof and penetrate more deeply into the Kings intentions the Princes and the Admiral having conferred of many things with the Mareshal de Cosse dispatched to Court Teligny Briquemaut and Arnauld Cavagnes a Senator of the Parliament of Tholouse and a principal Counsellor of the Admirals to represent their many grievances to the King and chiefly to insist That the Cardinal of Lorain and the Guises might be put from the management of affairs of State shewing that while matters of the Government were swayed and administred by them they could not believe the agreement of peace would long continue nor did right require that coming to the Court where those Lords remained with so great authority they should put their safety into the hands of their bitter enemies With these they joined many other demands That the High Chancellor de l' Hospital should be recalled to the execution of his place That the Marquess de Villars whose election to be Admiral was void by vertue of the Agreement might not be Lieutenant to the Prince of Navarre in the Government of Guienne but that the Prince might have leave to chuse such a one as he liked Villars being no way acceptable to him and most to be suspected by the Admiral of Chastillon That the Prince of Conde might have the Castle of Vallery restored to him then in possession of the Lords of Achon who pretended a right unto it That the Bastard of Navarre might have the Bishoprick of Cominges already destined to one of the sons of Monsieur de Lansac That the Queen of Navarre might have free dominion in her Country of Armagnac where she might exercise her Jurisdiction without controul Which things especially the abasement of the House of Lorain were propounded not so much for any hope they had to obtain them being neither included nor named in the Accommodation as out of a desire by the effects thereof to find out more clearly the intentions of the King and the designs of the Queen-Mother These Lords arrived in a time when the Court was wholly taken up with the Celebration of the Kings Nuptials who desirous of issue had taken to Wife the Lady Isabella second daughter of the Emperour Maximilian of Austria and amongst those Feasts and Triumphs these complaints rather than pretensions of the Hugonot Lords were treated of which were favoured with much efficacy by the Ambassadors of the German Princes who being come to congratulate the Kings Marriage exhorted him earnestly to observe and maintain peace which their Princes had learned by experience could not be kept but by full Liberty of Conscience and by a sincere and confident Union between the Prince and all his Subjects The King and Queen-Mother knew very well that these complaints and Propositions had no other ground nor end than to discover their intentions and to search into the bottom of their designs and therefore purposing to amuse the Hugonots by the same arts wherewith they themselves were sounded after some weak denial not to give them greater suspicion by a too easie willingness they consented to many of the demands and artificially gave probable hopes of yielding to the rest To the Queen of Navarre they granted liberty of disposing all things in the County of Armagnac by Laws and Ordinances after her own mind They for a while suspended the Commission and delayed the sending of the Marquess de Villars into Guienna reserving themselves to treat thereof more particularly with the Prince of Navarre They granted many profits and Ecclesiastical revenues unto the Bastard promised the restitution of Vallery to the Prince of Conde but excused themselves by the age of the Chancellour de l' Hospital not thinking his many years and weak constitution able to undergo such a weight and multiplicity of business and as concerning the Lords of the House of Lorain which was the highest and most difficult proposition they shewed a seeming desire of consenting to the Hugonots but with the opportunity of occasions which time should offer it not being just or reasonable nor peradventure safe to deprive them all at once without any cause of those Honours and Offices which they so long had possessed and executed Notwithstanding the King with effectual discourses alledged to the Commissioners that the Government now consisted chiefly in himself and though the Lords of the House of Lorain enjoyed some Offices in the Court yet he would
to which he answering That he came to serve his Majesty the King replyed That he had no need of his service which whether it was spoken in jest or earnest touched him so to the quick that the next day he resolved to take to Wife Katherine de Cleves Sister to the Dutchess of Nevers and Widow to the Prince of Porcien who though of very noble Blood and enriched with a plentiful Dowry was in every respect but especially in beauty much inferiour to the Kings Sister but his ambition of governing and desire to revenge his Fathers death the perswasions of his Uncle and chiefly fear to offend the King were more powerful with him than any other considerations whatsoever These practices were carried with so much efficacy and dissimulation that not only most part of the Hugonot Lords were perswaded of their reality but the Pope himself began to grow jealous of them for the King and the Queen his Mother for fear they should be discovered had not imparted to any body those their so secret counsels whereupon the Pope doubtful of their proceedings did not only deny to give a Dispensation for the Marriage between the Prince of Navarre and the Kings Sister but also sent Commission to his Nephew Cardinal Alessandrino then his Legat in Spain to go with all possible speed to the Court of France to break the Treaty of that Match and to perswade the King to renew the War with the Hugonots Nor was King Philip without suspicion of the French designs for he saw that many ships rigg'd and mann'd in the port of Rochel the King allowing or not opposing it made incursions into the Indies and the coasts of Spain he perceived also a gathering together of Souldiers about the confines of Picardy who under Hugonot Captains gave out that they were to go into the Low-Countries to assist the Prince of Orange with the other Lords and people there up in Arms for which causes besides having made complaint at the Court of France whereto he only got ambiguous general answers he exhorted the Legat Alessandrino to be exceeding careful to sound and discover the intentions of the King of France But the Duke of Savoy was in greater trouble for besides the same jealousies which gave suspicion to the others it fell out about that time that the Admiral being left a Widower by the death of Charlotte de la Val his first Wife married Madam d' Antramont a very rich Lady of his Country who contrary to the Dukes will and command was gone to Rochel to consummate the Marriage desirous as she said to be second Martia of that second Cato for which reason the Duke greatly feared lest the Admiral so great and politick a Contriver should by help of the nearness of Geneva kindle the same fire in Savoy that he had done in the Kingdom of France But these respects slackened not the proceedings nor interrupted the counsels of the King and Queen-Mother being assured that the conclusion would at last satisfie all the world of their intentions Wherefore persevering in their resolution they had taken they purposed to go to Blois that being in a place so much nearer they might more conveniently treat with the Princes that were at Rochel amongst whom were various opinions for Count Lodowick as banished men are commonly inclined to hope and as one who had less offended and was less engaged to the King than any of the rest was willing to go to Court to sollicite and resolve upon the War which the King made shew to desire against the Spaniards but the Queen of Navarre and the Admiral who by their consciousness of things past measured their prognosticks of the future were still averse and doubtful neither willingly consenting to the Princes Marriage nor to the journey to Court Wherefore Count Lodowick called and encouraged by the King took a resolution to go thither alone but very privately to negotiate his own business by himself to settle a safe coming for the rest and to ripen those designs which with so much approbation he nourished in his mind of the Hugonots desired enterprise against Flanders Wherefore departing from Rochel with only two in his company giving out that he went to his Brother the Prince of Orange when he was a few miles distant from the Town he took post and arrived by night secretly at the Court where being received with many demonstrations of favour and affection he treated confidently with the King himself not assisted by any of his Council concerning the propositions of his party for Charles the better to increase a confidence in them continuing to make shew of governing his Kingdom by counsels very different from those which his Mother had followed during his minority The conclusions of which meeting were That the Prince of Navarre should have the Lady Marguerite in Marriage with 400000 Duckets whereof 300000 should be paid by the King and sufficient security given for them the rest to be paid by the Queen his Mother and the Dukes of Anjou and Alencon his Brothers That the Low-Country design against the Spaniards should be put in practice with all speed in which War Count Lodowick should go before and order matters with those that were banished out of Flanders and the Admiral should be Captain-General of the enterprize concerning which consultations he was presently to come to Court having liberty for the guard of his Person to keep about him fifty Gentlemen that might wear all kinds of arms even in the City of Paris or wheresoever else the Court should be and that to gratifie Count Lodowick the Kings Garison and Government should be drawn out of the City of Orange and left free to the Prince his Brother who might absolutely dispose of it and his Subjects as he pleased the King not medling in the Government or Superiority to which he had pretended which things with many other of less moment being granted and established Count Lodowick returned to Rochel to perswade the Queen of Navarre and the Admiral to come to Court and the King departing from Blois went into the Countries about Paris where feigning only to intend hunting and other youthful pleasures he gave time leave to ripen the counsels which had been taken to procure that meeting for the facilitating whereof the Cardinal of Lorain the Duke of Guise and his Brothers seeming angry and troubled for the honours and favours which the King so liberally granted to all those of the Hugonot Faction left the Court and the King either shewing himself unsatisfied with them or little to regard them and their merits received nearer to his person and into a more eminent degree of managing the affairs of State the Mareshals of Momorancy and Cosse both partial to and by nearness of blood and friendship interessed with the Princes and the Admiral wherefore the Duke of Montpensier who had newly married one of the Duke of Guise's Sisters shewing the same dislike with the rest of
bring it to a conclusion for the Lady Marguerite partly by her Mothers perswasions partly by her Brothers threatnings partly not to bring her honour in question which already was something doubtfully spoken of though she gave no absolute consent yet denied no more so openly to marry the Prince of Navarre But all these practices being ripe in the beginning of Iune the Queen of Navarre comes to Paris received with so much joy of the whole Court that France had not seen a day of greater rejoycing in many years Two days after arrived the Prince of Navarre and the Prince of Conde accompanied with Count Lodowick the Count de la Roch-fou-cault and all the Trains of the Princes being the chief Commanders Cavaliers and Gentlemen that had held the Hugonot party among which Piles Briquemaut and Pluvialt Colonels who in the course of that War had by their Valour acquired so much glory and renown the Sieur de Guerchy he that defended Sanserre the Marquess de Renel the Sieurs de Noue de Colombiere and Lavardin famous Commanders of Horse and a great many other men of quality and reputation The League Offensive and Defensive was already concluded with the Queen of England Prince Casimir and William his Brother both Sons of the Elector Palatine of the Rhine were already perswaded to receive pensions from the King when the Admiral forgetting all his former jealousies full of incredible pride and intolerable pretensions returned to Court with a great train of his adherents and to put the King upon a necessity of making War with the Spaniard even against his will he so ordered the matter that Count Lodowick and the Sieurs de Genlis and de la Noue who were gotten to the confines of Picardy where a great many Hugonot Gentlemen and Souldiers were privately drawn together suddenly surprized the City of Mons in the County of Heinault a principal place and of very great importance to the Provinces of Flanders which rashness though it inwardly much troubled the Kings mind yet with admirable patience seeming very well pleased with he thereby took occasion presently to dispatch Philippo Strozzi with a great many old Companies into places near about Rochel under pretence of imbarking them in Ships that were made ready in that Port to pass them over to those coasts of the Low-Countries which were held by the Confederates of Flanders but indeed they were to be ready upon all occasions to surprize and possess themselves of that City as soon as the present designs were brought to maturity Thus with cunning policies they went deluding the subtilties of the Admiral who held in the highest esteem as Arbitrator of the Court and Government seemed alone to rule the Genius and direct the will of the King of France And because to begin a War of so great moment it appeared necessary to take away the obstacle of civil discords the King earnestly intreated the Admiral that the enmities between him and the House of Lorain might by some means or other be accommodated which was propounded for no other end but because the help of the Duke of Guise and the Duke of Aumale and the forces of the Catholick party were necessary for the execution of the designs that were in agitation they sought that colour to bring them to the Court without suspicion of the Hugonots Under this pretence the Lords of the House of Lorain being come to Paris with all the train of their Faction they promised as also did the Admiral in the presence of the King that they would no more offend one another referring all their differences either to his Majesties arbitrement or to the opportunity of other times when the King and his Council should think fit by which ambiguous promises the inveterate hatred and enmity which had so many years continued between them and which was the original cause of all the present miseries and troubles seemed rather smothered for a time than utterly extinguished But now matters were not only brought to the point intended but the execution of them could no longer be deferred for on the one side the Ambassador of the Catholick King after the taking of Mons had not only left the Court but was also gone out of the Kingdom and on the other side the Hugonots without expecting further order or Commission tumultuously ran to the aid of their adherents with too great boldness and too dangerous commotions whereby contrary to the Kings intentions the War with the Spaniards was kindled in the Confine of his Kingdom The first thunderbolt of so great a tempest fell upon the Queen of Navarre who being a Woman and a Queen they thought fittest to take her away by poison administred as was reported in the perfume or trimming of a pair of Gloves but in such secret manner and in such just proportion that having worn them a while a violent Feaver seised upon her which ended her life within four days She was a Lady of a most high spirit and invincible courage much above the condition of the female sex by which vertues she not only bore up the degree and estimation of a Queen though she had no Kingdom but assaulted by the persecutions of so many and so powerful Enemies she sustained the War most undauntedly and finally in the greatest dangers and most adverse fortune of her party she built up that greatness of her Son from whence as from the first root in after years sprung forth the exaltation of his State and the renowned glory and immortality of his Name qualities besides her chastity and magnificence worthy eternal praise if thinking it lawful for her without the help of learning to search into and expound the deepest mysteries in Divinity she had not obstinately persisted in the opinions of Calvinism Queen Iane being dead because the Hugonots began to suspect something by that so unexpected accident the King knowing that the poyson had only wrought upon her brain caused the body to be cut up in open view the parts whereof being all very sound the head under colour of respect was left untouched and the testimony of skilful Physicians divulged that through the malignity of her Feaver she died of a Natural Death After her Funeral her Son assumed the Arms and Title of King of Navarre but his Marriage with the Kings Sister was deferred for a few days not to mingle joy unseasonably with that grief for which the King himself and the whole Court had put on mourning about which time the Citizens of Rochel constant in not trusting any body not willing to return unto the Kings obedience but fortifying continually and even in the midst of Peace providing all things necessary for War perswaded the Prince and the Admiral to retire from the Court which exhortations as well of the Rochellers as those of Geneva and others of that party were more earnestly reiterated after the Queen of Navarre's death every one thinking that so sudden an
Office and was of great authority among the people they fell a killing the Hugonots throughout all the lodgings and houses where they were dispersed and made an infinite slaughter of them without any distinction of age sex or condition All the people were up in arms under the Masters of the Parishes and candles were lighted in every window so that without confusion they might go from house to house executing the directions they had received but though those that commanded were very diligent about it yet could they not take so good order but that many of the Catholicks either through publick hatred or private spleen were slain amongst the rest as Denis Lambin and Peter Ramus men very famous for learning and divers others The Louvre was kept shut all the day following and in the mean time the King and Queen comforted the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde alledging that they were constrained to do that which the Admiral had so often endeavoured and had still a purpose to do to them but they whose errours were excused by their youth and pardoned for their nearness of alliance were reserved alive and should for the future be loved and cherished so they would but profess the Catholick Religion acknowledging and yielding obedience to the King to which words the King of Navarre serving the time and dissembling that which could not be helped being resolved to preserve himself for a better fortune answered with very great complyance That he was ready to obey the Kings will and commandment wherewith Charles being very well pleased to gratifie him saved the lives of the Count de Granmont and Monsieur Duras who as they promised served him faithfully ever after But the Prince of Conde either through the inconsiderateness of his age or a natural fierceness derived from his Ancestors in his answer made shew of opposing the Kings commands saying He desired only that no violence might be used against his Conscience whereat the King exceedingly displeased reproved him bitterly often calling him insolent mad stubborn Traitor Rebel and Son of a Rebel and threatned to take away his life if he did not within three days turn Catholick and give evident signs of his repentance so guards were placed both upon him and the King of Navarre all their chief Servants being taken from them and presently cut in pieces in whose places new ones were provided by the King according to his own mind Those Hugonots that were lodged in the Fauxburg St. Germain beyond the Seine among which were the Count de Montgomery and the Visdame of Chartres who presaging some mischief would not remove to the Admirals quarter when they heard the noise the Parisians not making haste enough to hinder their passage instantly fled but were followed by the Duke of Guise who at break of day passed the water with a great many Horse and Foot and being overtaken some without shooes some without arms some without saddles some without bridles but all equally unable to make resistance were scattered and cut off except the Count of Montgomery and the Visdame of Chartres who with about ten in company saved themselves and after many difficulties getting unknown unto the Sea side escaped over into England There were killed in the City that day and the next above 10000 whereof above 500 were Barons Knights and Gentlemen who had held the chiefest imployments in the War and were now purposely met together from all parts to honour the King of Navarve's Marriage Monsieur de Briquemaut and Arnauld Cavagnes were taken prisoners and by sentence of the Parliament were afterwards quartered as Rebels The Admirals body was pulled out of the stable and cruelly abused by the fury of the common people who detesting his very name tore his head from his shoulders cut off his hands and dragging him thorow the streets to Montfaucon the place of execution left him hanging by one of his feet upon the Gallows and a few days after all the people rejoycing at it they set fire on the same Gallows half burning it their barbarous cruelty finding no end till two Servants of the Mareshal de Momorancy stole away the relicks of his miserable carcase and buried them secretly at Chantilly Thus died Gasper de Coligny the Admiral whose name for the space of twelve years had with no less fame than terrour filled the Kingdom of France an evident example to the whole world how ruinous and sudden the end useth to be of those who not considering any thing but their own interests think by subtile cunning practices to establish a lasting greatness upon the sole foundation of humane wisdom for it is not to be doubted but that he bred up from his youth in the chief Commands of War and brought by his valour and conduct to the highest pitch of honour would have equalled if not exceeded all other Souldiers of his time and have attained to the degree of Constable and all the greatest Offices in that Kingdom if against the authority of his Prince he had not chosen to exalt himself by factions and civil dissentions since that the clear lights of his industry valour constancy and above all a marvellous ability in managing the greatest designs shined forth even in the deepest obscurity of discords and insurrections The day after the Admirals death the Duke of Anjou going from the Louvre accompanied by the Regiment of the guards went thorow all the City and Suburbs causing those houses to be broken open that made any resistance but all the Hugonots were either already dead or else being terrified had put white crosses in their hats which was the general mark of the Catholicks endeavouring by that means and by hiding themselves to save their lives but being pointed at in the streets by any one or discovered any other way they were without mercy torn in pieces by the people and cast into the River The day before this terrible execution the King dispatched posts into divers parts of the Kingdom commanding the Governours of Cities and Provinces to do the like but this Commission was performed with more or less severity according to their several inclinations for the same night at Meaux and the days ensuing at Orleans Rouen Bourges Angiers Tholouze and many other places but above all at Lyons there was a most bloody slaughter of the Hugonots without any respect of age sex or quality of persons on the other side in those places where the Governours were either dependents on the Princes or followers of the Family of Momorancy the order was but slowly and remisly executed and in Provence the Count of Tende refused openly to obey it for which cause being within a while after at the City of Avignon he was secretly made away and as it was believed by the Kings Commission Most sad and lamentable stories might be here related for this cruelty was prosecuted in so many several places with such variety of accidents against people of all
extinguish the remainder of that fire which might kindle and break forth in new commotions For this cause they appointed Monsieur de Byron Governour of Rochel a man generally held to be a favourer of the Hugonot Faction and by many thought to have a tincture of Calvins opinions but indeed the course of his life shewed him afterwards to be a true Catholick though envy made him an enemy to the house of Guise and his own interests a desirer of War But though the King and Queen were once minded to have taken away his life among the rest in the late Massacre yet by reason of their many favours formerly conferred upon him they were unadvisedly confident of his fidelity in this employment and were perswaded that the Rochellers would trust him also and admit him at least into a seeming if not an absolute Government by which means they might save the Kings reputation secure their own lives and the liberty of the City But the event shewed how little faith there is to be given to those men who graving the injuries they receive in marble while the doers write them but in sand forget not those dangers but inwardly conceal thoughts and designs very different from the outward appearance for Monsieur de Byron being come to Rochel either desiring the continuance of the War wherein he had placed the hopes of his advancement or through a natural pride angry that his services were not sufficiently acknowledged or because already suspecting the Catholick party he was loth it should prevail absolutely or fearing they had given him that imaginary Government thereby to take away his command of the Artillery or doubting that all that were suspected in the present Government should be destroyed one by one and for his own particular mistrusting the House of Guise or for what other cause soever it were he perswaded the Rochellers under hand neither to receive him nor any body else into their City for that the admission of a Governour would bring them to a necessity of submitting absolutely to the Kings obedience whose intention he knew was not only to destroy the Hugonot party but also to take away the immunities and priviledges of the City it self and to bring it to a slavish subjection to the end it might never more be a receptacle or a foundation for the disturbers of the Kingdom by which secret intimations the Rochellers were confirmed in their obstinacy and though Monsieur de Byron seemed outwardly very desirous and made shew of taking great pains to procure his admittance they still refused alledging that it was directly contrary to the liberties and priviledges which the King had always protested he would allow them Many days were spent in these treaties and in the mean time the arts of Byron being suspected by the Queen she began to think of some more fitting instrument to perswade and mollifie the hardness of the Rochellers nor did fortune delay to present a man that seemed very proper for that purpose for the Hugonots in the Admirals life time having to assist their Confederates passed under Count Lodowick of Nassau into Flanders taken the City of Mons and begot great jealousies in the Spaniards who not understanding the artifices of the French King were inclined to believe that action was done by his consent to give a beginning to the enterprize that was divulged against the Low-Countries all the Forces of the Catholick King drew that way to quench so dangerous a fire in its beginning and to interrupt the course of that War which they most confidently accounted real but the Massacre of the Hugonots following presently after and the Kings intentions being laid open to all the world the Surprizers of Mons were not only deprived of their credit and reputation but also of all hope of relief and being put to great straits and necessities in the siege were forced to yield dispersing themselves into Picardy and the Countries thereabout where they were sharply persecuted by the Governours and Monsieur de Genlis their chief Commander after his forces were defeated and cut off by Monsieur de Villers Governour of Chausne lost his life with a great many of his Souldiers and Officers Only Monsieur de la Noue he who in the late Wars had been Governour of Rochel and had with so much honour defended Xaintonge for the Princes was secretly saved by the Duke of Longueville Governour of that Province who having obtained a safe conduct for him brought him to the King by whom he was graciously received as one worthy of high esteem both for his wisdom valour and experience in Arms. This was a personage thought proper to be made use of to deal with the Rochellers judging that by reason of the brave exploits he had formerly done in their service he was likely to have great power in perswading them and by his policy and eloquence to overcome the stubborn wilfulness of the people for which end the King and Queen acquainting him with their intentions and that their aim was not to reduce the liberties and priviledges of the Rochellers to a strict servitude nor to force their Consciences to forsake the Faith they professed nor the Doctrine they believed but only to secure themselves that the City might be no more a receptacle of the Enemies and Disturbers of the State and with their wonted priviledges and full Liberty of Conscience to make them acknowledge and obey their natural King he undertook the employment though some say against his will and departed from Court in the company of the Abbot Guiovanni Baptista Guadagni a Florentine to make trial of the last resolution of the Citizens But the minds of that people partly by the secret advice of Byron partly by the continual exhortations of their Preachers were already so hardened that it was utterly vain to use any further means of bringing them to submit unto the Kings obedience and Monsieur de la Noue being received though but coldly and with little shew of honour into the City whether it were his first intention or whether the doubt of his own safety moved him to it in stead of perswading them to yield to the Kings mercy resolved not only to stay there with them but also to accept the Office of their Captain-General which they wanting a man of valour and authority to command their Forces had offered to him Wherefore the Abbot Guadagni that came with him returning to Court the excuses he sent the King for having accepted that charge were the hopes he gave to reduce the people in time to his Majesties obedience and the fear that he refusing it their necessity might cast them into the hands of some other person who by giving way to the seditious and to foreigners might endanger the peace and safety of the Kingdom with which pretences endeavouring to save his credit he cunningly held the King in doubt till the succeeding accidents did in part give proof of his present assertions
cost pains nor danger but using all military force and industry to storm it yet the Citizens and Souldiers and even the very women as well as men defended it with admirable valour and constancy sustaining for a long time the force and power of a whole Kingdom and holding out against hunger and famine no less than against the assaults and batteries of the Enemy Amongst the various events of this Siege Monsieur de la Noue had opportunity to regain the Kings favour and get leave to live privately at his own house for while the Council of the Citizens treated of yielding to that force which they saw they could not much longer resist he being fallen into a contestation with some of the Ministers whose authority was infinite over the minds of the common people and who without any regard to reason exhorted them still to constancy one of them named la Place was so bold and inconsiderate that after having basely abused him and many times called him Traitor he insolently offered with his hand to strike him in the face which injury though he seemed to pass by for quietness sake and though the Minister was kept in prison many days for a mad man yet inwardly it troubled him very much and moreover foreseeing that at the arrival of the Count Montgomery who was expected with supplies from England the chief command would be taken from him and conferred upon the Count with whom by reason of an ancient emulation he had no very good correspondence he resolved within himself to leave the Town and the next day sallying out of the works as he often used to skirmish with the Enemy he went over with some few in his company to the Duke of Anjou's camp making that pass for the fulfilling of his promise to the King which upon new considerations he resolved to do either for revenge of the affront he had received or for the securing of his own safety which he saw exposed to the calumnies and practices of the Ministers But whatsoever the motive was his example was followed by a great many Gentlemen and Officers yet all that shaked not the perseverance of the Citizens nor abated the courage of the Souldiers supporting with gallant resolution the furious bloody assaults which night and day were made against them on every side and enduring with constancy of mind the great scarcity of victual and the perpetual duty which they were forced to undergo without intermission For towards the Sea were raised two Forts one at the point called de Coreille the other over against it in the place which they call Port-neuf which being mann'd with a thousand Souldiers were kept by Captain Cossein and Captain Gas each with fifteen pieces of Cannon and between them a great Carack was fastened at anchor which furnished with Culverins shot into the mouth of the Haven and hindred the entrance into it so that by continual industry it was blocked up on that side and on the other toward the Land all the Princes and Lords of the Army had divided the work among them in such manner that the Trenches and Redoubts touched one another every where not did they cease to redouble their assaults every hour and yet the resistance of those within equalled the courage and industry of those that were without The valour and constancy of the Defendants was much increased by the intelligence which they secretly received from their friends which were in the Camp for not only among the private Souldiers but also among those that commanded there were some that did not desire the destruction of Rochel nor the extirpation of the Hugonot Faction and Byron who commanded the Artillery following his former intentions did with great dexterity as many were of opinion delay the progress of the Batteries and strengthened the resolution of the besieged But for all these arts their most constant Citizens and most valiant Souldiers were already consumed the hopes of relief from England and Germany were vanished of themselves for the Protestant Princes perswaded by Gaspar Count of Schombergh who was sent to them by the King had resolved not to interpose in the commotions of France there being now no Prince of the Blood who with his authority and supplies of money might maintain the War and the Queen of England to whom the King had sent Alberto Gondi for the same cause had refused to send them either men or shipping and the Count de Montgomery being departed to relieve the besieged with a good number of ships but ill mann'd and armed though with much ado he got a ship of Ammunition to enter the Haven yet being chased by the Kings Fleet and despairing to do any more good in the business he made out to Sea laid aside all thoughts of raising the siege or relieving the City now brought to extremity and only as a Pyrate annoyed the coasts of Britagne and Normandy Their victuals were likewise quite spent and their ammunition almost all wasted and on the other side though the Duke of Anjou in a siege of so many months had lost the Duke of Aumale killed in the Trenches with a Cannon-shot an infinite number of Gentlemen and Officers and above twenty thousand Souldiers killed and dead of the sickness and the Duke of Anjou himself whilst he was viewing the works wounded though but lightly in the neck in the side and in the left hand by a Harquebuze a croc charged with tarling had more need of rest than continual action yet neither the fierceness nor frequency of the assaults were at all allayed but there arriving daily new forces at the Camp among which six thousand Swisses newly entered into pay the siege grew rather streighter and the service hotter than at first so that the City was reduced to an impossibility of holding out longer and would at last have been taken by force and utterly ruined by the King if a new far-fetcht occasion had not saved it and prevented its so imminent destruction There had been a treaty many months before of electing the Duke of Anjou to be King of Poland the hope whereof being begun in the life of Sigismund Augustus King of that Kingdom with this proposition That the Duke taking Anne the Kings Sister to Wife should by the States of those Provinces be declared Successour to the Crown after his death it was much increased for though Ernest Arch-Duke of Austria Son to the Emperour and Sigismond King of Sweden were both Competitors in the same design yet neither of them seemed comparable for valour and glory to the Duke of Anjou whose name by reason of his many victories flew through all parts of Europe with a most clear same of singular vertue and renown The King of France applyed his mind wholly to that end and much more the Queen-Mother for the infinite love she bore to that Son and therefore they neither spared money promises pains nor industry necessary to effect that business which being brought very
forward by the Sieur de Balagny who under colour of travelling to see the World stayed there and had gotten the acquaintance of many principal men of that Kingdom it was afterwards managed with more life by Ioan de Monluc Bishop of Valence and Guy Sieur de Lansac and other persons of less quality but not of less esteem appointed to treat with the States of that Kingdom The greatest impediment which the Kings Agents found was the opposition of the Evangeliques of that Kingdom in Poland they so call the followers of the new opinions in matter of Faith who had but small inclination to the Duke of Anjou partly because the Victories he atchieved had been against those of the same belief partly because the Massacre of Paris variously spoken of by the Protestants in those places so far remote made them fear that being chosen King he would molest and disquiet those that were averse from the Apostolick See and not of the Catholick Religion whereof they knew he was so sincere a Professour The fears of the Evangeliques were fomented by the Letters and Embassies of many Protestant Princes of Germany much displeased at the slaughter of the Hugonots in France and ill-affected to the Duke of Anjou's greatness For which cause the King endeavoured by divers writings and by means of his Embassadors to remove the opinion which was commonly held that the Massacre of Paris was contrived long before-hand attributing the business as sudden and accidental unto the temerity of the Admiral who seeing himself wounded by his Enemies began rashly to plot a new conspiracy against all the Royal Family and declared that he would tolerate a Liberty of Conscience though not the free profession of Calvin's Doctrine nor did this seem sufficient but fearing more to exasperate the minds of the Protestants and Evangeliques he began to proceed more coldly in the enterprize of Rochel lest the Duke of Anjou taking it by force should stir up more hatred against him and by the desolation of the City should increase the difficulties of his Election which seemed to be in a fair way of coming to a happy issue Nor was the King alone of this opinion but his Embassadors in Poland and particularly the Bishop of Valence very much pressed the King that to facilitate that business he would proceed more gently against the Hugonots in France For these respects new treaties of agreement were begun with the Rochellers yet still continuing their assaults and batteries till news came that upon the ninth day of May Henry Duke of Anjou was with a general consent elected King of Poland Wherefore he seeking to come off from that siege with such moderation that his reputation might be safe and the minds of his new Subjects not unsatisfied from whom he endeavoured to remove all suspicion of his taking away their Liberty of Conscience he proceeded not so violently against the Hugonots who quite tired out and in despair of defending themselves any longer forgot their wonted constancy and were desirous to obtain their peace This was favoured by the natural inclination of the Duke who was weary of the toils of War and desirous not only to return to the pleasures of the Court but also shortly to go take possession of his new Kingdom Wherefore the City having often sent their Deputies into the Camp to treat after many difficulties they agreed at last upon the Eleventh day of Iuly that the City should yield it self unto the Kings obedience with these conditions That the King should declare the inhabitants of Rochel Nismes and Montaban to be his good and faithful Subjects and should approve of all that they had done from the month of August the year before being 1572. until that present time pardoning all faults and enormities whatsoever had been committed during the Civil War by the said Inhabitants their Souldiers or Adherents declaring all to be done by his order That in those three Cities he should allow the free and publick exercise of the Reformed Religion they meeting together in small numbers and without Arms the Officers appointed for that purpose being there amongst them That in all other outward matters except Baptism and Matrimony they should observe the Rites and Holy days observed and commanded by the Roman Catholick Church That the King should confirm all the Liberties Immunities and Priviledges of those three Towns not permitting them to be in any part diminished altered or violated That the Rochellers should receive a Governour of the Kings appointment but without a Garison who might freely stay there inhabit go and return into the City at his pleasure and that they should be governed by the Laws Ordinances and Customs with which they had been governed under the Kings of France ever since they were Subjects to that Crown That they should break all Leagues Friendships Intelligences and Confederacies whatsoever within or without the Kingdom not lending any relief or assistance to those which should continue up in Arms though of the same Religion That the use and exercise of the Catholick Religion should be restored in those Cities and all other places whence it had been taken leaving freely unto the Church-men not only the Churches Monasteries and Hospitals but likewise all the profits and revenues belonging to them That all Lords of free Mannors through the Kingdom might in their own Houses lawfully celebrate Baptism and Matrimony after the manner of the Hugonots provided the assembly exceeded not the number of ten persons That there should be no inquisition upon mens Consciences and that those who would not dwell in the Kingdom might sell their Estates and go live where they pleased provided it were not in places that were Enemies to the Crown and that for the observing of these Articles the said three Cities should give hostages which should be changed every three months and always should follow the Court. When these Conditions were established and the hostages given which by the Duke were presently sent to Court Monsieur de Byron the Governour appointed by the King entred Rochel with one of the Publick Heralds took possession of the Government and caused the Peace to be proclaimed after which the Duke of Anjou now King of Poland having dismissed the Army went with a noble Train of Princes Lords and Gentlemen unto the City of Paris where assuming the Title of his new Kingdom and having received the Polish Ambassadors he prepared for his journey to go take possession of the Crown In the mean time Sanserre which was not comprehended in the Capitulation of the Rochellers because it was not a free Town under the Kings absolute Dominion as the rest but under the Seigniory of the Counts of Sanserre being reduced to extream misery by famine without all hope of relief yielded it self to Monsieur de la Chastre who having by order from the King to gratifie the Polish Ambassadors pardoned all their lives fined the Town in a certain sum of money to be
streights and difficulties and unto a necessity of proceeding not only against her Son-in-law but even against her own Son endeavoured to find some moderate way between the Kings anger and their unquiet designs which was not to be managed according to the proper nature of affairs and the ancient practice of experience for it being apparent that to remove the effects it is necessary to take away the causes she quite contrary was forced by meer necessity to endeavour the taking away the effects of those tumults and insurrections in the several Provinces thereby to preserve the Duke of Alancon and the King of Navarre from whom their principal cause and original proceeded She resolved to send three several Armies into three several parts of the Kingdom one commanded by the Duke of Montpensier who should oppose Monsieur de la Noue in Poictou another by the Prince Daulphine his Son which should go into Daulphine and the Confines thereabout and the third to resist Montgomery commanded by Iaques Sieur de Matignon a man of tryed fidelity and not inferiour in valour who was then Lieutenant to the Duke of Bouillon in the Government of Normandy In the mean time the taking away of the Government of Languedoc from the Mareshal d' Anville was endeavoured to which end Count Sciarra Martinengo was dispatched with all speed to S. Sulpice and Villeroy who were thought to be with him that they might use some means to take away his life or if they could not do so at least to get a Government of so great importance out of his hands But Martinengo finding those Commissioners still at Avignon without means to execute the Kings intentions it was necessary to follow the second directions to take from him all or at least some of the Cities of that Province which began to be diligently prosecuted by the help of the Cardinal of Armagnac the Duke d' Vzes the Viscount de Ioyeuse and the Sieurs Maugiron de Quelus de Rieux and de Suze Lords who had very great dependents in those parts But the sagacity of d' Anville was very great and great was the inclination of the people to his name he having by his liberality and politick Government generally gained their affections whereupon when he received the news of what had passed at Court feigning on the one side that he was not at all offended at his Brothers imprisonment and that he did not in any thing participate of his counsels and publickly testifying that he would not only lay down his Government but moreover his Office of Mareshal until the King being certified of his loyalty should willingly restore him to his former dignities he laboured on the other side to assure himself of the Forts and Cities and to bring the Gentry and Souldiers as much as he could to his own devotion by which arts he presently put himself into a posture of defence and the Commissioners not having effected any thing were fain to return to Court which when the King knew being infinitely offended he caused him by publick decree to be deprived of his dignities and commanded the Prince Daulphine to march thither with his Army The Duke of Montpensier being entred into Poictou had already taken Talmont and laid siege to Fontenay seeking all possible means to draw Monsieur de la Noue into the field who being again declared General of the Rochellers was exceeding diligent in gathering Souldiers and Gentlemen together but finding himself not able to keep the field he resolved to defend the strongest places which he had furnished with all things necessary endeavouring by advantage of situation by conduct industry and diligence to do some mischief to the Enemies in which time Monsieur de Matignon desirous to shew his fidelity to the King and Queen by whom he found himself to be much esteemed and to raise himself to a more eminent degree of fortune marched with the third Army directly to the place where the Count of Montgomery was much increased both in strength and courage His Army consisted of five thousand French Foot and twelve thousand Horse to which were added many Gentlemen and Voluntiers who excited by Letters and Commands of the King and Queen very sollicitous for this enterprise came thither to serve without pay besides there were fourteen pieces of Cannon which were taken out of the Fortress of Caen and other Cities adjacent with a sufficient proportion of all sorts of Ammunition The Field-Mareshal was Iâ—an d' Hemery Sieur de Villers who stirred up by his own valour and natural ingenuity far from those dissimulations and double dealings which were then every where in fashion and being of one mind and counsel with his General a man also of a clear uncorrupted loyalty having to deceive the Enemy made shew of moving toward Volognes a place less defensible but more abounding in spoil and plunder he set forward about Sun-set marching all night with infinite diligence toward St. Lo in which place was the Count of Montgomery with his Son and his Son-in-law St. Lo is a Town in the lower Normandy not very great but indifferently strong being seated near the Sea upon the River Vire which falling into the Ocean not far from thence is by the help of the Tide made navigable to the very gates of the Town and as a safe Harbour secureth those Ships that come â—n from the frequent storms of that coast here lay those Ships which had brought the Count Montgomery out of England ready upon all occasions to weigh anchor and put out to Sea But Villiers arriving unexpectedly with the Van of the Army at the very peep of day sent the Sieur de St. Colombe with his Regiment that might be some twelve hundred French Foot and four small pieces of Cannon to possess the bank of the River below the place where Ships lay at anchor to hinder them from getting out of the Port. St. Colombe advancing with the expedition which was requisite for that purpose instantly took his post upon the bank of the River and at the same time began to entrench himself and plant his Cannon which he performed so well that the passage of Montgomery's Ships being cut off within a little time by reason of the narrowness of the River he being inferiour in strength could no longer hope to save himself with his Fleet. Villers as soon as he saw that passage stopped wherein consisted the chiefest point of the enterprise placed himself with the light Horse and the Regiment of Lavardin at the foot of a hill right against the gate toward the Sea and began to fall upon those of the Town who were come out to discover the Forces of the Enemy and whilst they were kept in a hot skirmish on that side Monsieur de Matignon arrived on the other with the rest of the Army and presently made good those passages toward the Land so that in less than three hours the City was blocked up and
which cause it was concluded that there should be a Cessation of Arms for two next ensuing months Iuly and August and for as much longer as the King should think fit to whom they remitted themselves in that business and that 12000 Crowns should be paid unto them by the Regent to maintain their Garisons without annoying or molesting the Country But the Treaty of St. Sulpice wrought not the same effect for though the Mareshal d' Anville was more disposed to maintain himself by arts and dissimulations than by force and therefore inclined to the Truce yet of his own party Mombrun in Daulphine who made War rather like an Outlaw against every body than like a Souldier against a certain Enemy would not hearken to any agreement which would necessitate him to lay down his Arms and cease to over-run and spoil the Country And on the other part the Catholicks of Languedoc and especially the Parliament of Tholouse were so enflamed against the Mareshal d' Anville that they hardly yielded to the Cessation though commanded by the Queen Regent it would at last have been effected if d' Anville at the same time aiming by any means to secure and possess himself of those places that depended on him arrogating the Kings power to himself had not by deeds contrary to his words summoned the States of that Province and by means of his own adherents published Decrees and Ordinances which had more of an absolute Prince than of a Governour Whereupon the Parliament of Tholouse infinitely incensed at those proceedings which did manifestly impair their authority not only refused the Truce themselves but forbad all those of the Catholick party either to accept or put it in execution But neither the injuries of her Enemies nor the disobedience of her Friends could alter the Queens determination who making small account of outward appearances minded only the compassing of her own ends Wherefore continuing the businesses which were set on foot she treated still with him and with his Agents to gain the benefit of time by the same arts wherewith he endeavoured to settle the foundations of his own Estate Which things while they were in agitation the Rochellers fickle and unconstant in their resolutions either because they were excited by those of Languedoc or because the 12000 Crowns which were paid them were not sufficient to maintain their Souldiers who wanting the spoils of War disbanded and forsook them daily upon a sudden broke the Truce which a while before was so willingly accepted and concluded and in all places round about committed most grievous cruel outrages Yet neither for all this was the Queen any thing dismaid but dissembling all injuries with marvellous patience to accomplish her own designs dispatched new Agents to the Rochellers and to d' Anville that they might renew the Treaty it sufficing her though the business could not be effected that till she had notice of the Kings arrival the time might be spun out without new troubles and distractions and therefore every where mingling Treaties of accommodation with actions of War both sides proceeded with equal slowness not concluding any agreement and imploying the Armies only in the business of small importance And now affairs were brought almost to the point which the Queen before desired for Monsieur de Montpensier with an Army kept the Forces of the Hugonots at a Bay in Xaintonge the Prince Daulphine with another opposed their attempts in Daulphine and d' Anville who doubtful in his mind thought more to establish himself than to make any new conquests being held in hand with arts and promises drew out the time without making any more express Declaration But the Prince of Conde residing in Strasbourgh one of the Hans Towns in Germany was already resolved following the steps of his Father to make himself Head of his party and therefore treated with the Protestant Princes about the raising of new Forces and by Messages sollicited the Hugonots of France to unite and gather themselves together and to assist him with some reasonable sum of money whereby while the King was absent he might without delay enter with a powerful Army into Burgongne For this cause the Deputies of the Hugonot Provinces they then called them the Reformed Churches being met together at Millaut with the Agents of the Mareshal d' Anville who though he feigned the contrary and entertained the Queen Regent with words and promises was yet secretly united to them they consulted as well about the means of procuring money as about the conditions upon which they should admit the Prince unto that command which the Queen no sooner knew but she presently dispatched fitting persons whereof she judiciously chose many and with her liberality maintained a great number who under colour of treating an agreement should by sowing doubts and discords hinder and delay the resolutions of that meeting nor did the Deputies agree very well among themselves for though they all knew well enough that without the name of a Prince of the Blood that should both within and without the Kingdom want authority and reputation and by consequence the strength of all their Forces yet were their opinions diverse concerning the Prince for many had yet set their eyes upon the Duke of Alancon many desired the King of Navarre and some were unsatisfied with the youth of the Prince of Conde doubting that his want of years and experience would be accompanied with weakness and contempt To this was joined the ambiguousness of d' Anville who though his chiefest aim was his own security and the conservation of his Government of Languedoc yet could he not altogether withdraw his thoughts from pretending to the first place which though he could not obtain for himself yet he desired at least that he that had it should acknowledge it principally from him nor could it much please la Noue whose power with the Rochellers was very great to see a Superiour chosen whose eminence and reputation would much eclipse and diminish the authority of his Command But neither the Queens policy nor their own particular divisions could restrain the general ardour and inclination with which most of them voluntarily concurred to put themselves under that Prince whose Ancestors they were accustomed to obey and whose very name alone made deep impressions in the minds of the people by reason of the so famous and so much deplored memory of his Father Wherefore the Articles of Agreement were set down in the name of the Provinces d' Anville and la Noue assenting to them of necessity though secretly whereby after their wonted pretences and protestations the power and command of that party was conferred upon the Prince of Conde committing to his protection both the Liberty of their Consciences and the ordering of that War which was thought so necessary for their common safety To these Capitulations joining a convenient sum of money they appointed three Deputies to assist the Prince both in the conduct and
utterly deprived both of his forces and due obedience and moreover that to avoid misery and contempt he was necessitated to become factious and partial and mixing in the dissentions of his subjects to make himself the author of his own misfortunes and a necessary instrument to imbroil and destroy his own Kingdom For though the Hugonots and Politicks were called by the name of Rebels as those who first had shaken off the yoke of their obedience to the King and openly opposed him and though the Catholicks fought under a colour of so specious and so necessary a cause as the defence and preservation of their Religion yet for all that the malice of mankind had mingled with it the venom of private interests and under that honourable pretence the ambition of the Great Ones had to the prejudice of their Kings built up their own Power and established a kind of unsufferable Authority The Guises whilst in the Reign of the late Kings they bore the principal sway in the Government had very fair opportunities to raise and confirm their own Greatness by putting the commands of strong places and the Governments of Provinces into the hands of their own Creatures and nearest Confidents by placing their dependants in the Courts of Justice in the Kings Council in the chief honours of the Court and the management of the Finances and by drawing an infinite number of men to their own devotion who were straitly engaged to them for many favours gifts riches and dignities obtained by their means which things whilst the minds of men were passionately inclined to that party and taken with the specious mask of Religion to many seemed tolerable and to many very reasonable and just But now they were taken notice of to be united in one body of a Faction they appeared as a great engine erected to oppose and upon any fit occasion to resist even the authority and pleasure of the King himself But on the other side the Hugonots had no less conveniency of establishing themselves and strengthening their own power for having by the ostentation of liberty and by promising Offices and Authority drawn unto themselves all the male-contents and turbulent spirits who once entangled could no more dis-ingage themselves and the Edicts of so many several Pacifications having still confirmed those Offices and Governments to those upon whom they had been conferred by the Princes and Heads of the Faction in process of time the Provinces were incumbered with them places of strength possessed by them many chief Offices of the Crown replenished with their adherents and a great part of the Nobility with many popular men were united and interested with them through the whole Kingdom Wherefore the late Kings who by reason of the shortness of their Reigns had given greater opportuity to the building up of those two powerful Factions remaining utterly deprived of all the means and instruments of Government were forced by necessity to become Champions of the passion and Promoters of the greatness of other men so that being unable of themselves to execute any solid resolute design in stead of governing they were governed and in stead of bridling that violence they themselves were carried away by the impetuous stream of those Factions which indignities being seriously considered by the present King full of high thoughts and of a lively generous spirit had made such an impression in him that though he used his uttermost endeavours to dissemble and conceal it he could not but with deep sighs often break forth into the words of Lewis the XI one of his Predecessors That it was now high time to put Kings out of their Page-ships meaning that they having so long been subject to the lash and discipline of the Heads of those Factions it was then seasonable to shake off their Empire and Dominion With these considerations having even in the time of his Brothers Reign begun to observe and deplore that weakness of the Kings and insolence of the Subjects and having made a greater reflection upon them in the thoughts of his late Voyage after the Crown was fallen into his hands he resolved with himself to use all possible force to shake from his neck the wretched dishonourable yoke of those Factions and to make himself a free absolute King as so many of his glorious Ancestors had been But as this thought was certainly very necessary for one that desired to Reign and very just in the lawful possessor of a Crown so was it also infinitely hard and difficult to be put in execution He wanted the sinews of the Treasury already wasted and consumed he wanted the obedience of his Subjects who were so obstinately interested in their several Factions that the Majesty and Veneration of a King was already become fabulous and contemptible he wanted faithful trusty Ministers for every one by some strait tie or other was engaged to one of the parties and the business of it self by reason of their so excessive power was a work of mighty art extraordinary cars infinite diligence and for the perfecting thereof propitious Fortune was no less requisite than great length of time But notwithstanding all these so weighty obstacles the Kings mind being so inwardly wounded that he could not take himself off from the perpetual meditation of that design and thinking no enterprise how painful or difficult soever impossible to his youth and valour firmly determined to apply all his most powerful endeavours to compass that end which he was not only perswaded to by publick respects and his former considerations but was also moved and incited thereunto by his own private passions and particular inclinations for having conceived an inveterate hatred against the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde from the time that he was imployed against them in that War wherein he had been nourished and brought up from his very childhood he ardently desired to see the ruine of them and of all the rest of their Faction from whom by reason of former injuries he believed he could never have any real nor faithful service and on the other side calling to mind the offence received from the Duke of Guise in the person of his Sister the Lady Margaret then Queen of Navarre of whom it was reported that he had obtained more than ordinary favours he had converted all the love which he formerly bare him into so great a spleen that although he dissembled it he burned with a most fervent desire of revenge and for her sake could not endure any interest dependance or alliance of blood with the house of Guise so that publick causes concurring with private enmities he so much the more easily resolved to destroy both those so potent Factions But in contriving proper means to attain that end the first doubt he met withal was this Whether the establishment of Peace or continuance of War were more profitable for the advancement of this design and though partly to discover their inclinations partly
Wherefore being by disdain and anger brought unto a violent resolution he determined rashly to absent himself from Court and to make himself the Head of those who had often wooed and perswaded him to it This resolution he being a man of mean capacity and more ready to undertake than able to manage so great an enterprise was put in execution so unseasonably and with so little appearance of reason as made many doubt that it was a plot agreed upon by the King his Brother and the Queen his Mother that he should feign himself discontented and alienated from them to deceive the Hugonots and under colour of friendship and assistance to open a way to the suppression and destruction of those that were up in arms But it is most certain and I have heard it affirmed by a person who having had principal Offices in the Government was partaker of the most hidden secrets which were then in agitation that this action of the Duke of Alancon was so far from being contrived by the King and Queen-Mother that on the contrary it was so terrible and so unpleasing to them that being as it were astonished with the blow they neglected no possible means nor thought scorn of any indignity how great soever it were so they might but withdraw him from the party of those factious men and restore him to his former nearness and obedience Now the Duke of Alancon having to some of his most familiar Confidents secretly communicated his intention of leaving the Court on the fifteenth day of September this present year went into the Faux-bourg of St. Marceau under pretence of visiting a certain Lady which he loved and enjoyed and entring the house where she dwelt about the shutting in of the day while his Gentlemen expected him on the street-side he went forth at a private back-gate which led into the fields and being come where he was expected by those that were privy to his purpose he presently got on horseback and with a small Train but very great speed riding all night arrived at the City of Dreux a place that was under his command and there published a Declaration next day wherein he shewed that the causes of his departure were the unworthy dealings that had been used towards Him and other great Lords of the Kingdom who were kept in prison without any fault or demerit and the imminent ruine which he foresaw did hang over the common safety by reason of the Kings evil Councellors exhorting all France to join with him to make a General Assembly of the States and by means thereof remedy the unjust burthens of many moderate the heavy taxes laid upon the people regulate the abuses of justice establish the Liberty of Conscience so often by publick solemn decrees promised to those of the Reformed Religion and restore peace and happiness to all sorts of men in the Kingdom for which things but without offence to the Kings Majesty he protested to spend the last drop of his blood as he was necessarily obliged to do by his affection to his Country and love to all good men By which Declaration divulged particularly in those Provinces and places most abounding with the Hugonots it was plainly to be seen that he aspired to the command of that party which by the authority of so great a Prince and the number of his followers which were many was like to be very much augmented in strength and reputation But the King hearing of his Brothers departure that very night dispatched Lodovico Gonzaga Duke of Nevers with some certain Horse to try if by any means possible they could take him which not succeeding by reason of the great speed the Duke of Alancon made and the advantage of so many hours he being unresolved in his own thoughts called his Cabinet-Council together on the sixteenth of September at night and began to treat of those remedies which were to be used against so sudden and so unexpected an accident in which consultation the Queens opinion concurring with the Kings inclination and with the advice of the major part of the Board the conclusion was That not regarding any conditions how hard soever they should try by all possible endeavours to withdraw the Duke of Alancon from his new begun design and separate him from the commerce of those turbulent people to which end though the King being a cruel Enemy to Heads of the Factions bare an ill will to the Mareshals of Cosse and Momorancy who were still kept prisoners in the Bastile yet to appease and satisfie his Brother by whose occasion they were fallen into that rebellion and to take away the fuel from that fire they were both set at liberty in that very conjuncture of time the Queen intending to make them instruments of reconciliation with her Son to whom she resolved to go in person not believing that any could be so powerful and prevalent to perswade him as the authority and flatteries of a Mother accompanied with those Arts which she was wont in all occasions to use with marvellous dexterity The Duke of Alancon was come into Poictou where he was presently met by Monsieur de la Noue Gilbert Sieur de Vantadour a Lord of principal note in Limosin and the Viscount of Turenne both allyed to the Mareshal d' Anville and all the Hugonot Towns sent to honour and acknowledge him by messages full of duty and respect Nor did the Prince of Conde who being joined with Prince Casimir upon the confines of Germany had drawn together a mighty Army shew himself less ready or desirous to obey him than the rest for knowing his ambitious nature and how much credit and reputation he gained by the name of the Kings Brother he thought it was to no purpose to contend with him for the first place being confident that though he carried the name of the supreme power yet the real authority of command would nevertheless still remain in him as well by reason of the ancient assurance he had of the Hugonot Faction as because that foreign Army was paid and raised by his own industry so that in his imployment he acknowledged no other Superiour but only His authority under whose conduct and direction he first took up Arms Wherefore preventing the motions and in a manner the very desires of the Duke of Alancon he declared him Captain-General of his party and seemed to content himself with the Title of his Lieutenant in the command of the foreign Army which drawing near to enter into France with 14000 Swisse and German Foot three thousand French Fire-locks and seven or eight thousand Horse and fearing too long a delay by reason of the greatness of his Army and the tedious difficulty of the way he resolved to send Guilliaume de Momorancy Lord of Thore with two thousand German Horse two hundred Gentlemen and two thousand Foot of several Nations throw Champagne which is the nearest way to join with the Duke of Alancon who
Princes for their security till the Articles were fully and perfectly performed viz. Beaucaire and Aiguemorte in Languedoc Perigeux and la Mas de Virdun in Guienne Nyon and Serres in Daulphine Isoire in Auvergne and Seine la Grand Tour in Provence The sentences against la Mole the Count de Coranas the Admiral de Coligny Briquemaut Cavagnes Montgomery and Mombrun were revoked and declared null and further it was declared that no fault was to be imputed to the Visdame of Chartres and Beauvais for having contracted or negotiated any agreements with the Queen of England for the Duke of Alancons Apennage so they call the maintenance which is allowed to Kings Sons and Brothers they assigned Berry Touraine and the Dutchy of Anjou three of the greatest and most fertile Countries in all France and 100000 Crowns of annual pension To the Prince of Conde they allotted the Government of Picardy and for his security the City of Peronne a very strong place seated near the Sea To Prince Casimir the Principality of Chasteau-Thierry a pension of 14000 Crowns the maintenance of one hundred Lances and the entire payment of all arrears due to the German Army which amounted to 1200000 Ducats To the Prince of Orange the restitution of all those States he was wont to possess in the Kingdom of France which for Rebellion had been taken from him by the sentence of Parliament and added to the Kings Revenue finally an Assembly of the States General was promised within six months who were to represent unto the King the grievances of his Subjects and consult of their remedies which condition proposed by the Princes to set a better gloss upon their cause and to win the applause of the people was willingly received by the King as a convenient means to dissolve and disanul the Articles agreed upon which with many others less considerable but not less unreasonable and exorbitant as soon as they were known to those of the Catholick party exasperated most of their minds in such a manner that they not only murmured freely against the King himself as one of a mean spirit drowned in the effeminate delights of the Court and the Queen-Mother as if to recover her Son the Duke of Alancon from the way of perdition she had neglected the Majesty of Religion and precipitated the general safety of the Kingdom but many were already disposed to rise and would have taken Arms to disturb the unjustness of that Peace which was generally esteemed shameful and not fit to be kept if within a while they had not manifestly understood that the King and Queen purposely to recover and draw home the Duke of Alancon had consented to conditions in words which they were resolved not to observe in deeds for the foreign Army being first of all sent away by having disbursed part of the arrears to Prince Casimir and given him security for the rest partly by pawning Jewels partly by engaging the word of the Duke of Lorain and having exactly performed all things promised to the Duke of Alancon none of the other Articles were observed either to the Hugonots in general or to the King of Navarre and Prince of Conde in particular but the King permitting and tacitly consenting to it the Assemblies of the Hugonots were every where violently disturbed the Government of Picardy was not given to the Prince of Conde nor the City of Perronne assigned to him the Courts of Justice which were to be formed in the Parliaments were deferred with several excuses and of so many Counsellors which ought to have been elected the King having named only Arenes one of the Deputies which had treated the Peace to be President of the Parliament of Paris they refused to accept of him the King not being at all displeased at it which things clearly discovering the Kings mind though they quieted those Catholicks who judged of the state of affairs without interest or passion and disposed the most part of peaceful-natured men to expect the issue of the Assembly of the States which the King had appointed to be in the City of Blois on the fifteenth day of November yet the Guises who were not slack in laying hold of any opportunity to augment their own greatness and to secure the state of that Religion which was so straightly linked to their interests began upon the conjuncture of so great an occasion secretly to make a League of the Catholicks in all the Provinces of the Kingdom under colour of opposing the progress and establishment of Heresie which by the Articles of Peace was so fully authorized and established but in effect to reduce the forces of the Catholick party into one firm entire united body which they might dispose of as occasion served for their own security and for a foundation of that party whereof they hold the principality Henry Duke of Guise Charles Duke of Mayenne and no less than they Lewis Cardinal of Guise their third Brother were left not only Heirs to their Fathers greatness and reputation and Possessors of the Rule and Government of the Catholick party but had also by their proper valour and industry acquired wonderful renown and love among the people partly by their liberal popular nature partly by their care and zeal shewed in preferring before all other respects the protection and maintenance of that Religion whereof they were the sole Champions and Defenders These Brothers to whom were joined the Duke and Chavalier d' Aumale the Duke d' Elboeuf the Duke de Mercoeur with his Brothers though allyed unto the King yet all of the same house of Lorain when contrary to their expectation they saw the Peace concluded and ratified with Articles so unjust and prejudicial to the Catholick Religion and to the credit and power of their party stirred up with anger and disdain which often use to lay open mens resentments began to enter into a great suspition of the Kings counsels and designs thinking that a Prince of a noble Warlike nature would never have suffered the temerity of his Subjects to draw him to such shameful conditions but that he concealed some deeper thoughts and more weighty undiscovered resolutions wherefore though the King by means of the Queen-Mother and many others which they both confided in gave them to understand that his intention was to break or at least to moderate those conditions by the Assemâ—â—â— of the States at Blois and that he had consented to those dishonourable Articles â—nly to deprive the Hugonots of so powerful a prop as the person of the Duke of Alancon but that he would settle all by convenient proportionable remedies yet those Princes were not altogether satisfied but every day by various conjectures penetrating more deeply into those mysteries as also being highly displeased at the Kings Decree whereby taking away the power in appearance from all but in effect from them alone of procuring gifts and interceding for favours for the followers and dependents of the Catholick party and
promises to observe at the time of his Consecration and Coronation with protestation not to do any thing against that which shall be ordained and setled by the States Thirdly To restore unto the Provinces of this Kingdom and to those other States which are under it those ancient Rights Pre-eminences Liberties and Priviledges which were in the time of Clovis the first most Christian King or yet better and more profitable if any such can be found under the said protection In case there be any impediment opposition or rebellion against that which is aforesaid be it from whom it will or proceed it from whence soever it may those that enter into this Covenant shall be bound and obliged to imploy their Lives and Fortunes to punish chastise and prosecute those that shall attempt to disturb or hinder it and shall never cease their endeavours till the aforesaid things be really done and perfected In case any of the Confederates their Friends Vassals or Dependents be oppressed molested or questioned for this cause be it by whom it will they shall be bound to imploy their persons goods and estates to take revenge upon those that shall have so molested them either by the way of justice or force without any exception of persons whatsoever If it shall come to pass that any man after having united himself by Oath unto this Confederacy should desire to depart from it or separate himself upon any excuse or pretence which God forbid such Violaters of their own Consciences shall be punished both in bodies and goods by all means that can be thought of as Enemies to God Rebels and Disturbers of the Publick Peace neither shall such revenge be ever imputed unto the aforesaid Associates nor they liable to be questioned for it either in publick or in private The said Associates shall likewise swear to yield ready obedience and faithful service unto that Head which shall be deputed to follow and obey him and to lend all help counsel and assistance as well for the entire conservation and maintenance of this League as for the ruine of all that shall oppose it without partiality or exceptions of persons and those that shall fail or depart from it shall be punished by the authority of the Head and according to his Orders to which every Confederate shall be obliged to submit himself All the Catholicks of several Cities Towns and Villages shall be secretly advertised and warned by the particular Governours of places to enter into this League and to concur in the providing of men arms and other necessaries every one according to his condition and ability All the Confederates shall be prohibited to stir up any discord or enter into any dispute among themselves without leave of the Head to whose arbitrement all dissentions shall be referred as also the determining all differences as well in matters of goods as good name and all of them shall be obliged to swear in this manner and form following I swear by GOD the Creator laying my hand upon the holy Gospel and under pain of Excommunication and Eternal Damnation that I enter into this holy Catholick League according to the form of that Writing which hath now been read unto me and that I do faithfully and sincerely enter into it with a will either to command or to obey and serve as I shall be appointed and I promise upon my life and honour to continue in it unto the last drop of my blood and not to depart from it or transgress it for any command pretence excuse or occasion which by any means whatsoever can be represented to me The Copies of this League framed with so much art by the Guises that making a shew to obey and maintain the King took from him all his obedience and authority to confer it upon the head of their Union were very carefully and with much cunning dispersed by the hands of discreet wary men and such as were deeply engaged to them so that by little and little it began to spread in every place the cause or original not at all appearing whereby making very great but hidden proceedings because custom had already disposed mens minds to a desire of novelties they easily and in a short time drew all those into one body whom either for zeal of Religion dependance of interest desire of change or hatred of the Hugonot Princes they thought fit to bind together in that League and Confederacy But it being necessary to provide moneys for the nourishment and maintenance of that United Body and to find out some protection of great power and authority to shelter and defend it from the Kings forces the Lords of Guise turning their eyes out of the Kingdom thought that both for their Religion and themselves it was as lawful for them to make use of the help and favour of foreign Princes as it had been for the Hugonots to require the assistance of the Queen of England and the Princes of Germany and therefore they began secretly to treat at Rome for protection and in Spain for men and money nor did they find in any place any averseness to their desires for the Pope being displeased at and affraid of the Peace concluded with the Hugonots willingly gave ear to those things which might conveniently oppose their establishment and the Catholick King grown jealous that the designs of the Duke of Alancon would at last break out upon Flanders and that the King to quench the fire of his own house would be content to kindle it in his Neighbours willingly concurred to foment those in France who laboured to renew the War hoping that the discords in that Kingdom might one day give him an opportunity of some grand design and in the mean time preserve the peace and quietness of all his own Nicholas Cardinal de Pelle-ve bred up in the house of Guise treated the interests of this Union at Rome which by Gregory the Thirteenth a man of great candour and goodness but of a facile nature was hearkened unto with much readiness it pretending nothing but Faith Religion Charity Zeal to the publick good correction and reformation of abuses though in effect it contained private passions mingled with particular interests which not being unknown to the Court of Rome many discoursing of so new and high a design ascribed the cause of it to a desire the Guises had to govern the Kings will who excluding their help and counsel shewed that he would rule as it pleased himself others drawing the business another way attributed it to their care of conserving their own greatness which they had with so much sweat and labour been so long a building up Nor did there want those who passing yet further perchance through the malice they bore to that party taxed the Heads thereof to aim at vaster ends which whether true or false were after published to be the deposing of the King himself as a dissolute incapable mean-spirited man and in time to settle the Crown in
the house of Guise which some did openly maintain to be derived in a right line from Charlemagne But whether these designs were indeed plotted from the beginning or whether they took birth from the emergent occasions which happened after it is not so evident for as they were divulged and amplified by the Hugonots so were they closely concealed and firmly denied by the Guises But they themselves could not deny two great and powerful occasions one a discontent because they could not sway and govern the present King as they had done Charles and Francis his last Predecessors the other a desire to rule the Catholick party founded long before by their Ancestors and increased and confirmed by themselves and to these was added as a third the necessity of opposing the Kings designs which they now saw tended openly to their ruine thereby to free his neck from the yoak of Factions These interests which could not be wholly concealed from the Pope for that Court most wise in judging of all things did easily penetrate into them made him so much the more reserved and wary what to resolve by how much the apparent respect of preserving the Catholick Religion spurred him on to consent unto it But whilst the approbation of this League is treated on at Rome the Pope inclining but ambiguously unto it the business was very easily determined on the other side in the Court of Spain the propositions being such that the Catholick King ought rather to have desired that the League should put it self under his protection than make himself be long entreated to comply with those requests which for that purpose were effectually made unto him for indeed it was a gate which did not only open unto him a passage to the security of his own States but also to very great hopes of acquiring more and at least if no better to keep the King of France his Forces divided and imployed with which the Crown of Spain had so long and so obstinate contentions These practices especially those which were managed in France were not unknown to the King for they were represented unto him by the Queen-Mother and other his intimate Confidents nay the Count de Retz had particularly advertised him that Monsieur de Vins negotiated that Confederacy in Provence and the Prince of Conde by the means of the Sieur de Montaut had made him acquainted with the Union of those in Poictou besides that at the same time one Nicholas David an Advocate of the Parliament of Paris was stayed and taken in his journey which he confessed he was imployed in by the Guises to negotiate that business at Rome The Hugonots dispersed certain Writings which under title of a Commission given to him contained the designs of the Catholick League and their end and intention to possess themselves of the Crown but for the most part full of exorbitant fabulous incredible things so that they were generally believed to have been maliciously forged and spred abroad to discredit the Lords of Guise and to render them odious and suspected who did not only absolutely deny the tenure of those Commissions and account David a fool and no better than a mad-man if he had any such Writings about him but they also caused them to be answered by some of their party proving many things in them to be absurd and without any appearance of truth But those divulged Papers generally believed to be false wrought not so great a suspicion in the King as the Letters of Monsieur de St. Goart his Lieger Ambassador in the Court of Spain who gave him notice how he had discovered that some French Catholick Confederates did earnestly treat of secret businesses in that Court But whether so many discords and confusions springing up daily they could not all be provided against at the same time and therefore they neglected those which at first seemed less material to remedy others which were more urgent and weighty or whether the King taken up with his secret designs of opening a way to future matters did slight the present danger being confident he should cut off all those plots and conspiracies at one time whichsoever of these causes it were it is most certain that though the King knew all these practices he was so far from opposing or hindring them that he seemed not displeased to have one Faction struggle with the other thinking that by those jarrs which would arise between them he should remain absolute Arbitrator and enjoy the fruits of that weakness which they would bring upon themselves by falling upon one another Besides he thought this so high and so general resentment of the Catholicks gave him a very lucky occasion to break the conditions of peace granted to the Hugonots and to make appear to the World that he did it not of his own resolution because he had so intended from the beginning but because of the general discontent of his Subjects of whose good and of whose desires he was obliged as a Father to be much more careful than of complying with the will of those that were rebellious and disobedient for which cause he did not only tolerate the continuation of those practices about the League but by ambiguous actions obscure words and dark answers that admitted several interpretations he almost made it be believed that all was managed by his order and permission But if the King resolved to make use of that opportunity to break the Articles of Agreement the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde were no less disposed to do the same who having thrust the Duke of Alancon out of their faction sought to lay hold of any occasion that might kindle the War again by which they hoped to establish their own greatness wherefore the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde having often complained to the King and Queen the King of Navarre that his interests were utterly forgotten in the conditions of the Peace and the Prince of Conde that neither the Government of Picardy nor the City of Peronne were assigned unto him and the King having still interposed delays and impediments had at last remitted all to be determined by the States now upon this new occasion of the League they redoubled their complaints the more earnestly urging that they could not continue in that uncertainty of their present condition whilst their adversaries united their forces in a League to suppress and destroy them with which importunities the King being troubled and having rather to hold him in hand than with an intent to perform it offered the Prince in stead of Peronne and Picardy to give him St. Iean d' Angely and Cognac in those parts where the strength of the Hugonots lay he not staying for the assignment suddenly made himself Master of them and following the success of that beginning sent for Monsieur de Mirabeau under colour of treating with him concerning other businesses and forced him to deliver up Bravage into his hand a Fort
unbeseeming the piety of the most Christian King and the eldest Son of the Holy Church would draw on consequences of greatest moment the alienation of all the remaining part of the Catholicks and the revolt of the City of Paris so constant to the true Religion and so natural an enemy to the Hugonots the addition of greater Forces to the League which could receive no better news nor greater nourishment the making authentick all those lies and scandals which till then had been spread abroad against the King's designs and real intentions That it would colour and justifie the Spaniard's Protection of the League necessitate the Pope to declare himself in favour of it as soon as the Enemies of the Apostolick Sea should be united with the King That the most important near and inland Provinces of France would be lost by staying for the supplies and assistance of those that were far remote at the utmost confines of the Kingdom Nor was the strength of the Hugonots great or their aid secure who on the one side were exhausted and unable to go forth of their Native Provinces where they could hardly subsist of themselves and on the other side they could not easily in so short a time unite themselves with the King faithfully and sincerely who had ever been their bitter enemy and their fatal terrible persecutor That the fresh memory of the bloody Massacre at Paris whereof he was esteemed the chief author and as it were the sole executer would be more prevalent with them then the present demonstrations which by many suspicious men would be interpreted cunning and dissimulation to catch them that were unwary again suddenly in the net And finally that the Proverb was true Different natures never sute well together Wherefore they judged it to be a much better resolution to give satisfaction to all in general and to the Lords of the League in particular the major part whereof they knew had for private disgusts consented to that publick Commotion for the Lords of Guise being quieted and the other principal men of the Kingdom satisfied the colour of Religion vanishing and growing stale the League would of it self be broken and dissolved insisting that the causes being taken away the effects would cease of themselves and shewing by many particulars that it was in the Kings power to disunite the League by giving and granting to the Heads and other Confederates of his own accord those things which they strove for but were uncertain to obtain by War The Queen-Mother consented to this advice as the most secure of less noise and less scandal and being experienced in the several revolutions of so many years thought it no less destructive than opprobrious to forsake the more favourable more certain more powerful and more constant Party of the Catholicks to follow the almost desperate fortune of the Hugonots And this was the common vote and general opinion of the ordinary sort of Courtiers who are wont every where but most especially in France to discourse very freely of the highest deliberations of their Masters But the Authority of the Duke d' Espernon and of the other Minions was very great and they foresaw their own assured ruine in that satisfaction which was motioned to be granted unto the Lords of the League because it could not be given them without divesting the Favourites of that greatness and authority and of those Offices which they enjoyed so that of them all only the Duke of Ioyeuse consented to an Agreement with the Catholick League partly through the hatred which he bore to the Duke d' Espernon who was infinitely before him in the Kings favour partly because being nearly allied unto the House of Lorain he thought at the fall of all the rest he alone should be able to hold his place and keep upon his feet Besides this advice was very contrary to the designs and inclinations of the King himself being thereby obliged to throw down at one instant all that he had been so many years in building up for by consenting to the satisfaction of the Guises and their Confederates he must be brought to put that authority those Fortresses and Offices into their hands from whence he had so long been disengaging but a part of them by little and little with infinite cost and industry and so by consequence must himself destroy his first resolution of the total ruine and extirpation of both Factions Therefore he would more willingly have concurred to oppose the League and unite himself to the Hugonots if the sting of his own conscience the unseemliness of the thing and the resistance of the Queen-Mother had not made him absolutely abhor it Wherefore his mind remaining yet doubtful and his determination suspended he resolved in the mean time to sound the King of Navarre more perfectly and find out the strength of the Hugonots endeavouring to perswade him to reconcile himself to the Church with the other Princes of Bourbon which if he could compass he thought he should destroy the foundation of the League and reduce the Guises into a very hard and dangerous condition For the principal point of the Succession of the Crown failing which gave colour and credit to the affairs of the League and he uniting the Forces of the House of Bourbon sincerely to himself should remove the obstacle of Rome the concourse of the foolish multitude who believed the business only to concern the defence of the Catholick Religion the abetting of Religious Orders and so compose all those stirs He hoped also that many particular men and perhaps the very Heads of that Party would be drawn by respect and shame from those practices which then would have no other foundation left but the ambition and unjust desires of the Great Ones and that by taking away the fuel the flame which then blazed so high and spread so far would in a moment be extinguished To this end he dispatched the Duke of Espernon under colour of going to see his Mother who being old lived in Gascogne to confer with the King of Navarre believing that for his own interest he would effectually labour to convert him to the Catholick Religion for if he did not he saw the King inevitably necessitated to satisfie the Lords of the League and abase the greatness of his Favourites among which he held the chiefest place But the Duke of Espernon being come into Gascogne to the King of Navarre and proposing very large Conditions in the Kings Name if he would resolve to turn Catholick and come to Court the doubts and consultations were no less there than they had been before in the Court of France for Monsieur de Salignan and Monsieur de Roche-Laure Confidents to the King of Navarre perswaded him earnestly to trust the King to reconcile himself to the Catholick Church and return to Court as first Prince of the Blood alledging that that was the way to conquer his Enemies without Arms or Dispute to recover the
Religion and their own Consciences wherefore it was not fit to reduce the publick Cause to a particular Duel an effect very contrary to the end they had propounded to themselves and with other such like reasons they opposed those alledged by the King of Navarre who being advertised of the conclusion of peace between the King and the Lords of the League writ Letters to the King which were published in print grievously complaining that whilst he to obey his Majesties command laid upon him by Letters under his own hand had forborn to take Arms or to undertake any new enterprise an Agreement was established with his Enemies with condition to break the Edicts of Peace already published and contrary to promise already made again to begin the War against the Reformed Religion That he earnestly exhorted and besought the King to consider that to comply with the passions of those that rebelled against him he took Arms against his good and faithful Subjects and Vassals and that he should foresee how the destruction of his whole Kingdom was contained in that War which was preparing against him but that if he did persist to contrive his ruine he could do no less by the Law of Nature than defend himself and he hoped that God for the justness of his Cause would deliver and preserve him from the persecutions of men and one day make his innocence manifest to the whole World Besides this he writ other Letters to the Nobility others to the People and others to the Parliaments excusing himself blaming the League and labouring to make appear that he having punctually observed the conditions of Peace was now contrary to them unjustly assaulted After which Declarations having called unto him the Prince of Conde and the Mareshal d' Anville whom he knew to be no less persecuted than the Hugonots they established with common consent all that was to be done for their own defence and the maintenance of those places which they held of their party and because they already knew by so many proofs that nothing was more available for their defence than the supplies of men out of Germany which diverted the power and forces of their Enemies into very remote places they presently made a dispatch to the Protestant Princes to treat and conclude a strong Levy and that charge was undertaken by the Duke of Bouillon who as in his own inheritance derived from his Ancestors had setled himself in Sedan an exceeding strong place upon the Confines of Champagne and Lorain and by Monsieur de Chastillon Son to the Admiral de Coligny who was Governour of Mompellier for the Hugonots and was now secretly gone out of Languedoc disguised unto Geneva In the mean time the King in private with his Mother and the Cabinet-Council consulted about the manner of executing the Agreement with the League Secretary Villeroy with whom Bellieure and Ville-quier concurred was of opinion that the King had no better nor surer way to extinguish the combustions of his Kingdom and frustrate the designs of the Guises than sincerely to imbrace the War with the Hugonots to manifest to all the World his zeal toward the Catholick Religion and the ill will he bore to the Calvinists to put Offices into the hands of the most flourishing Nobility of his Kingdom to settle the form of Petitions of granting favours and of the disposal of moneys after the old way observed by his Predecessors and to satisfie their designs in particular who were alienated from him out of discontent because they were not able to do any thing at Court they shewed that this was the way to disfurnish the League of all pretences to draw the applause and love of the people to himself who because they saw him averse from those ends did now adore and follow the Lords of Guise as Defenders of Religion and Restorers of an indifferent equality and of the general quietness that it was necessary at last to take away that worst Schism of discords sowed first and principally by the Hugonots and to re-unite unto himself all his Subjects and Vassals in the same charity in the same Religion for the same unanimous universal end and in conclusion that he could neither more honourably nor more easily ruine the League than by doing well carrying himself sincerely and shewing himself altogether contrary to what the Heads thereof had divulged of him for by that upright manner of proceeding he might cross more designs and take away more followers from the Guises in one day than he could do by cunning dissimulation and politick inventions in the whole course of his life though it should last a hundred years The Queen-Mother inclined though warily to this advice for knowing her self to be already reported a favourer of the Guises and a persecuter of the King of Navarre for her Daughters sake she would not shew her self partial on the Catholick side and being angry though secretly that the King as it were not trusting her absolutely had sent the Duke of Espernon to Nemours for the conclusion of the business negotiated with the League she was very reserved in shewing her opinion perhaps doubting she should lose her authority with her Son or as some said desiring to see him intangled in those troubles that he might once again acknowledge the helpful hand wherewith she assisting in the Government with prudence and moderation had so often withheld the imminent ruine of the Crown But the King was otherwise inclined and utterly averse from the opinion of his Councellors The reasons that perswaded him to the contrary were two one that being to make War in good earnest against the Hugonots it could not chuse but be both long and difficult it was necessary to put Offices into the hands of the Guises which would increase their power and gather them Dependents besides the glory of the Victory would be attributed to them it being evident that they had constrained him by force to consent unto the War the other that the Hugonot party being destroyed which bridled their power and hindred the excessive strength of the Guises he should be left a prey unto their Force which would then have no restraint nor would they ever be without pretences to take up Arms though that of Religion were taken away it not being likely that such ready wits and such daring spirits should want other inventions These were the reasons alledged by the King but to them were secretly joined his most bitter hatred nourished a long time and now much more incensed against the House of Guise his inclination to his Minions whose grace and power his heart would not suffer him to abase his covetous desire of disposing the wealth and revenues of the Kingdom his own way to satisfie the prodigality of his mind and the continuation of his old resolution to destroy both Factions in the end by keeping them up against one another Nor to say the truth was he much to be blamed for having seen the
boldness of the Guises and of so many others their Abettors and Followers he could not bring his mind to increase their Authority and augment their Power again and on the other side to deprive himself of the use of those he had bred up for his purpose and of the assistance of his greatest Confidents with evident danger to be exposed to their discretion since they might easily find out other occasions to prosecute the course of their designs already begun Wherefore after some uncertainty he leaned to the opinion of the Duke d' Espernon the Mareshal de Retz and the Abbot del Bene who being a Florentine by extraction and Son to the Nurse of Charles the Ninth was by the quickness of his wit risen to very great trust and favour resolved in appearance to satisfie the Capitulations made with the League but cunningly to interrupt and hinder the execution of them for though he had formerly endeavoured to suppress the Hugonots nor could their preservation please him yet now he would not seem to make War against them at the request of others and constrained by his own Vassals nor suffer the honour and glory thereof to redound wholly to the Lords of Guise This Counsel had not only an unfortunate event as for the most part those actions use to have which go in the new deceitful paths of subtil inventions out of the beaten road but it had also a difficult and unlucky beginning for from it there presently arose a difference and distrust even amongst the Kings Counsellours themselves the Duke of Espernon jealous of his Masters favours and desirous to hold fast his own greatness beginning to hate and persecute Monsieur de Villeroy by whom he had his first beginnings and instructions in the Court and with whom he had till then lived in very great friendship taxing him to have been corrupted with money and promises by the Duke of Guise and that he held secret intelligence with him and therefore was author of that advice which perswaded the King to extirpate the Hugonots to reduce matters of Government to their ancient form and to re-unite himself sincerely with the Catholicks of the League which signified nothing else but the abasing of the Greatness and Authority of the Favourites And that distaste indeed took birth from the time that the Duke had hindred the marriage of Alincourt Villeroy's Son to Madamoiselle de Maure a very rich Heir of that Family to match her with a Kinsman of his own called Monsieur de Bellegarde Son to Monsieur de Termes for which cause Alincourt being offended sided with the Duke de Ioyeuse and by him was made Cornet of his Company of Gens d' Arms and afterwards that discontent was continued in the Duke of Espernon by having seen the King approve of the demolishing of the Citadel at Lions at the perswasions of Villeroy as he said though indeed it was to draw the Sieur de Mandelot to his Party Yet these reciprocal distastes had been but secret and some hope there was they might wear away till upon occasion of this advice they began to discover themselves and it passed so far that the Duke of Espernon not only began to hate the High Chancellour Chyverny and the Sieur de Ville-quier the Kings old Favourites and well-deserving Servants but he began also to sow suspicions of the Queen-Mother as though by ancient inclination she were affectionate to the Lords of the House of Guise and sought by fomenting the Commotions of Civil War to keep the liberty of her Son in a perpetual Wardship that being forced by such streights and diâ—ficulties he might make use of her for the Government and maintenance of his Kingdom These jealousies and that discord breaking forth in that conjuncture which required union and concord in process of time made the King lose a great part of his best and wisest Servants and necessitated a great many others to incline to favour the Duke of Guise by reason of their hatred to Espernon and their desire to see him abased and which imported most of all they were the cause that the King gave not so much credit as he was wont to the Counsels of his Mother and that made her often to hold her peace and often to comply against her own opinion lest she should alienate her Son utterly from her But the King spinning on the thred of his design appeared solemnly on the nineteenth of Iuly in the Parliament and caused a decree to be published wherein revoking all other Edicts made at several times in favour of the Hugonots he prohibited any other Religion except the Roman Catholick in all Towns and places of his Kingdom he banished all the Preachers and Ministers of the pretended reformed Religion out of his confines within a moneth after the publication and commanded that all his Vassals should within the term of six moneths conform themselves to live according to the Rites of the holy Church and to make publick profession of the Catholick Faith or if they would not do so they should depart the Kingdom and be effectually gone out of his Confines within the said term which six moneths being expired the Hugonots should be proceeded against with capital punishments and confiscation of their Estates as Hereticks and Enemies of the publick Peace and those of the aforesaid Religion should be declared incapable to attain to or hold any Degree Office or Dignity in the Kingdom that all Chambres mi-parties and tri-parties should be taken away which had been established by the Edicts of Peace in their favour and that they should restore all places granted to them for their security and give them up without dispute or delay into the Kings obedience that all Princes Peers Officers of the Crown Parliaments Governors and other Ministers should be obliged to swear to the performance of this Decree which should be irrevocable and perpetually to be observed At the Kings coming out from the Parliament he was received by the People with joyful cries to shew their satisfaction and contentment at the Edict which had been published but he with a troubled countenance seemed to take small delight in those Acclamations which were made to flatter him out of season and it was observed by many that contrary to his ordinary affability he neither daigned to return any salutation to the Provost des Merchands nor to the other Heads and Officers of the People of Paris which he doing to shew he cared little for their volubility and inconstancy and because he would do nothing to comply with others gave matter to the Guisards to exclaim that inwardly he favoured the Hugonots and that by meer force he was drawn against his own Genius by the zeal and industry of the Lords of the House of Lorrain to denounce War against them The King of Navarre the Prince of Conde and the Marescal d' Anville being met together at St. Paul answered the King's Edict with a new protestation
Carlat in Auvergne and from thence a while after removed to Vsson in the same Province under the custody of the Marquess de Canillac who as it was reported being become captive to his prisoner had set her at liberty so she passing her time in certain houses of her own yet in Auvergne and continuing the same manner of life was a very great obstacle to those agreements which might have been concluded between her Husband and her Brother To overcome these important difficulties having imported his design to the Queen his Mother who was wont to ripen businesses of greatest consequence and to find out remedies for all the hardest impediments they determined at last that the person of the Lady Margaret was no more to be regarded and that having made her self unworthy to be acknowledged by them either for a Sister or a Daughter since the dispensation obtained from the Pope at the time of their Marriage being defective did afford a colour and pretence for the breaking of it they would make a Divorce and give Christienne Daughter to the Duke of Loraine by Claudia the Kings Sister to Wife to the King of Navarre who of a very pleasing behaviour and of an age already Marriageable was brought up in the degree and quality of a Daughter by the Queen mother and as for the King of Navarr's Religion they resolved to endeavour by urging the great good that would result from it and by so important benefit as the assuring himself of the succession of the Crown of France which was brought in question to soften and bend his mind to turn Catholick giving him such securities and satisfactions which should be thought most fit to settle and confirm him But because all others were either suspected or unable to manage a business of so great difficulty and importance the King intreated the Queen his Mother that she would take the pains to go into Poictou and Xaintonge to confer with the King of Navarre making her self for the present as she had ever been in times past the Author and Mediatrix of the good and quiet of the Kingdom The Queen takes upon her the charge of this business though much burthened with years and exceedingly tormented with the Gout and therefore the Abbot Guievan-Baptista Guadagni was dispatched to the Mareschal de Byron to give order for a cessation of Arms on that side and to appoint a meeting between the Queen and the King of Navarre The Mareschal following the instinct of his old inclination and being near the King of Navarre at the siege which he had newly laid to Maran obeyed the Kings command without delay and they came to this agreement That Maran should stand neuter and that both parts should have free commerce thither yet that the Governor should be put in by the King of Navarre and that the Garrison should equally protect the Catholicks as well as the Hugonots that the Marescal should withdraw his Forces beyond the Charente a River in those parts and that the King of Navarre after having furnished all things necessary for Rochel should go to meet the Queen-Mother in Poictou This Treaty did much displease the Guises and all those that adhered sincerely to the League so that on the one side the Popes Nuncio made grievous complaint thereof unto the King himself and on the other side the Duke of Guise who was at his Government in Champagne made it be spoken of to the Queen-Mother by his Agents and the People of Paris began commonly to murmur that the Cause of Religion was betrayed that the Hugonots were openly favoured that the course of the War was interrupted which was like to come presently to an happy conclusion that the King shewed openly that his mind was averse to the Catholick party and that he desired by all means to cherish and maintain Heresie for though the Kings design and intention was yet unknown to every one the very name of Peace had wrought a jealousie in the quick apprehension of the Duke of Guise and given occasion of talk to the common people The King answered the Nuncio resentingly that the backwardness which the Clergy shewed in submitting themselves to the vast expences of the War and the difficulty which the Pope had made in granting licence to alienate the Hundred thousand Crowns per annum of the Church Revenue had made him incline to the Counsels of Peace and that he thought he neither did any thing against his conscience nor against the Office of a Christian Prince if he laboured to restore peace and tranquility to the people of his Kingdom already wasted and undone by the calamities of War That it was a fine thing to stand a farr off and intermeddle in the Government of others with words and Paper-expeditions but that a good Father of the Family ought to have more regard to the evident good of his own house then to any discourses of strangers Yet the Nuncio having replied that the true way to give his Kingdom Peace was to extirpate the very roots of Heresie that the safety of the Soul was to be preferred before temporal respects that the last end and aim of the War begun with the Hugonots was quietness and tranquility which by reason of the weakness of the excommunicate Princes was not very hard to be compassed by perseverance that the Prelates of France had never withdrawn themselves from the equal burden of expences nor would they at all refuse it for the time to come and finally that he had certain hopes from Rome of the grant of that License which his Majesty desired the King moderating his discourse began to shew him the great danger and evil consequences which the inundation of Forreigners that was preparing would bring along with it for the diverting whereof it was necessary to feign and dissemble many things and that he should assure the Pope he would never conclude any thing which could prejudice the Catholick Religion or the good and honor of the holy Church The same things in substance were urged to the Duke of Guise from the Queen-Mother but he more particularly was moved to considâ—â— that this being done to hinder and by delay to divert the coming of the Germans did all redound to the particular service of the League and his own private benefit for he that was placed in the confines of the Kingdom on that side by which they thought to enter was more liable then any other to the danger of their incursions That he knew the weakness of the Kings Forces the want of Money and on the contrary the great strength of the Army which was raising in Germany and therefore it was necessary he should suffer the Counsels that were begun to be managed with dexterity which did all result at last unto the same end It was needful by means of their Confidents to instil the same things into the people of Paris which already began unbridledly to mutiny and it was necessary to affirm
enable himself to move towards the Loire and meet the German Army To him were joined the Prince of Conde the Viscount de Turenne the Duke de la Tremouille the Count de Montgomery and the Marquess de Gallerande the Baron de Salignac and a good number of Horse and Foot under many Gentlemen of note and old experienced Commanders so that his Army was not so numerous as resolute and valiant About this time by the means of his ordinary Confidents he had sollicited Charles Count of Soissons and Francis Prince of Conty Brother to the Prince of Conde who till then had persevered in the Catholick Faith and continued near the Kings person in the Court urging to them that the business now in hand did no longer concern Religion but the defence of their Family and the inheritance and succession of the Crown to which not only He was called but successively the whole House of Bourbon and that it was therefore fit in that common cause and reciprocal interest they should all unite themselves to make the greater resistance against those who went about to exclude and ruine them and that they should take example by their Enemies among which the Duke of Mercaeur and his Brothers though they were the Kings Brothers-in-law and had from him received so much honour and so many benefits yet because they were of the House of Lorain kept united with the Duke of Guise and the rest of their Family and stood out against their own Sister and Brother in-law That if it were lawful for them to do so for the execution of new unjust designs much more was it lawful for them of the House of Bâ—urbon to unite themselves all together for the defence of their most just ancient Prerogatives which were due unto them by the legal universal consent of the French Nation That they need not fear they should suffer any violence in their Consciences for he that laboured for the liberty of others would never take it away from those that were so near himself but that they should take example by so many Catholick Lords and Gentlemen which followed the fortune of his party By which reasons these two Princes being moved as also because they saw themselves kept under and little valued at the Court resolved to go over to his party and determined that the Prince of Coâ—ty should join with the Army of the Reiters as soon as they were come into France and that the Count de Soissons should go to the Hugonot Camp in Xaintonge which that he might securely do the King of Navarre gave order to the Sieurs de Colombiere and Sancâ—e Marye du Mont who had raised some Forces in Normandy in favour of his party that they should conduct him to the passage of the Loyre whither he had sent the Viscount of Turenne with eight hundred Horse to meet him and it fell out so luckily that the Count and the Norman Forces went close by the Duke of Ioyeuse his Army without receiving any damage at all and united themselves with very great joy to the Army of the King of Navarre who highly incensed at the inhumanity used to his two Regiments which were cut in pieces in Poictou being wary yet resolved to take revenge advanced still forward while the Duke of Ioyeuse as it were assured of the Victory came on carelesly to meet him In the mean time the German Army was upon the point of marching towards Lorain for the Protestant Princes-Ambassadors being returned home with the angry answer of the King of France the King of Denmark Christian Duke of Saxony the Marquess of Brandenbourgh Prince Casimir the Protestant Cantons of Swisserland with other Lords of the same Religion at the importunity of the King of Navarre's Agents but much more at the exhortations of Theodore Beza gave resolute order for the raising of that Army toward which besides the money gathered publickly in the Protestant Churches and put into the hands of Prince Casimir there were also sixty thousand Ducats added by the Queen of England With this money and the consent and endeavour of all the Protestant Lords in Germany it was easie to raise an Army in that populous warlike Nation so that in the beginning of Iuly there met in Alsatia under the conduct of Prince Casimir upon whom that charge had been conferred by the rest twelve thousand Reiters four thousand German Foot and sixteen thousand Swisses for the other four thousand went into Dauphine apart Fabian Baron d' Onaw born in Prussia commanded as Prince Casimir's Lieutenant-General a man of private condition but risen to high esteem by the favour of the King of Denmark and of the Count Palatine and accounted a man of very great boldness and courage but of neither wisdom nor experience proportionable to an employment of so great weight and though in the beginning of August Guilliaume de la Marke Duke of Bouillon came up with two thousand Foot and three hundred French Horse and by Commission from the King of Navarre was to have been General of that Army and though at his arrival he displayed the white Cornet a mark due to the Supreme Commander yet retaining only the name he left the command wholly to the Baron d' Onaw both for his age and because he was of the Nation as also out of respect to Prince Casimir With the Duke of Bouillon were Robert Count de la Mark his Brother the Sieurs de Guitry de Monluet de la Nocle and many other French Gentlemen to whom the Sieurs de Mouy and Cormons with many other of their Adherents came from Geneva with two hundred Horse and eight hundred Foot and every day the Army increased with the number of those who ran thither from Dauphine and the other Confines of France so that before it moved out of Alsatia it amounted to the number of Forty thousand fighting men Before this Army marched there came an Edict from the Emperour Rodolphus Secundus sent to the Baron d' Onaw which contained That he having without his License and without the Letters Patents of the Empire caused that Army to be raised to invade the Kingdom of France should presently disband it and desist from the Enterprise under pain of banishment out of the Empire both to himself and those that should follow him To which threatning the Baron d' Onaw answered in writing That the Enterprise being neither his nor against the Empire nor against the Kingdom of France but for the relief of the oppressed Confederates of the Protestant Princes and the German Nation having ever had that liberty to enter themselves into pay under whom they pleased so that it were not against the Emperour nor his Jurisdiction he neither thought himself obliged to desist nor to disband the Army but that without offence to the Emperour he would continue the business begun by Commission from his Princes Thus the Emperour making no reply nor proceeding to any other
Grapes of which that Nation being exceeding greedy they disordered their Squadrons and ran confusedly to satisfie their gluttony and so much the more because the Duke of Guise's handful of men made by him contemptible to their pride nor did they think they could meet with any thing that could do harm to so much a greater number well armed well mounted well provided which was true but wonderfully ill ordered and disciplined The number of Commanders made opinions differ about the way they should march for some counselled that following the easiness of the ways and the abundance of victuals they should go on thorow Champagne to Brye and to the Isle of France as far as the City of Paris to strike the very heart of the Catholick party and not to linger about matters of small importance experience having shewed that the Hugonots had never had hope of victory but when they had entered the very bowels of the Kingdom and brought terrour and damage to the City of Paris but others knowing that they wanted a General who was capable to manage the weight of that imployment and that therefore all their marches were difficult and dangerous perswaded to move streight towards the head of the River Loyre to pass over it above la Charite or at some other place thereabout and to go without delay to join with the King of Navarre without whose conduct and command they despaired of effecting any enterprise The last opinion prevailed and with that intention crossing the Provinces of Champagne and Bourgongne about the end of September they took the direct way toward la Charite to pass the River there as the Duke of Deux-ponts had done at the same place and because the Count de la Mark died about that time of a natural death the charge of the Van-guard was given to Monsieur de Chastillon The Duke of Guise followed the track of the Germans and though his Brother the Duke of Mayenne were joined with him with the Forces he brought out of his Government of Bourgongne and though the Marquess du Pont had followed him also with no contemptible number of Gentlemen whereby in all he had fifteen hundred Horse and little more than three thousand Foot yet because he had no Body of an Army he quartered always in advantageous places keeping near the Germans that he might not lose any opportunity which he watched for with extream diligence and impatient desire to fight but the Duke of Mayenne following his old stayed resolutions and the Marquess du Pont instructed by his Fathers admonitions did opportunely allay his forwardness shewing him that the whole fortune of the House of Lorain was reduced to that small handful of men and would run into a manifest ruine if he should be so rash as to assault the Enemy with Forces so infinitely inferiour that he could give no greater joy nor contentment to his Enemies than to offer up the whole being of their Family to spoil and havock by so certain a danger the event whereof whatsoever it could be would overthrow his Forces for ever that it was a business of long â—mature deliberation and which could never be sufficiently pondered and discussed to hazard all his former labours all his present Estate and all his future hopes upon the cast of a Dye with so much disadvantage and with what strength with what number of Horse and Foot would he assail an Army of sixteen thousand Horse and twenty thousand German Foot flanked with four thousand of the choicest French Firelocks that it was no small matter if they could be able to defend the principal Cities and the walled Towns of those Provinces which were under their Government and that he alone ought not to assume that charge to himself which principally concerned the King of France and which never had been assumed by so many others who upon occasion of other German Armies had had the care of the Frontiers and who preserving only the places of consequence had let the storm flie where the principal Armies were and where the whole sum of businesses did reside These considerations abated but extinguished not the ardour of the Duke of Guise who having vaster thoughts and higher designs did within himself alone press forward the effecting his own resolutions for having undertaken to be Patron of the League assumed the care of the popular cause and conceiving hopes of ruining his adversaries and making himself not only Arbitrator and Moderator of the Kingdom but also the glorious Restorer of the Roman Catholick Religion he foresaw he should grow less in reputation and lose his credit within and without the Kingdom if the King and not he should win the Victory over the Germans which would turn the scale and make him Superiour that should obtain it besides suspecting that the King held secret intelligence with the Hugonots he feared that the Reiters joyning with the King of Navarre and the King being on the other side with a strong Army in the field they might catch him between them and therefore he aspired with all the powers of his mind to destroy or at least weaken that Army before it could come to the consummation of that design finally the desire of glory which in him was most ardent and unmeasurable would not let his mind be in quiet if he did not make his valour famous in so conspicuous an occasion Wherefore sometimes marching before sometimes beside sometimes behind the Enemy with unwearied diligence both in himself and in his Souldiers he used all his uttermost endeavours to incommode and distress them by putting them upon a necessity of quartering close together by protracting and retarding their march and finally by striving to bring them to a scarcity of provisions But the abundance of Wine Grapes Fruits and Flesh whereof there was great plenty in those Provinces did more harm to the Germans than all the labour and industry of the Duke of Guise for by excess and surfeiting in a Country differing from their natural climate such frequent dangerous diseases were gotten into the Army that their number daily decreased and their march was not a little slackened to which the rains of Autumn being added which were wonderfully immoderate in the beginning of October did much increase the mortality and in that deep dirty Country the ways were so broken that it was most difficult for so great a multitude to march being as they were wont exceedingly ill ordered and commanded The same rains did also hurt the Duke of Guise's Army and so much the more because being in continual motion they did perpetually suffer by the ill weather But though the Souldiers were without shoes and almost without clothes and their horses tired and almost quite spoiled yet the great confidence they had in their Commander and seeing him the first in all incommodities and sufferings made every one undergo them willingly and because they were all old Souldiers hardned to the toils of War the diseases did not
before in preventing the Enemy and ranging his Army in order and his valour in fighting for being returned into the place of the battel he stayed the slaughter of the Catholick Infantry received the prisoners courteously commending those that had behaved themselves well in that action and pitying the death of the rest that had been slain in the fury of the Battel caused the dead Body of the Duke de Ioyeuse to be honourably put in a Leaden Coffin and granted it to those that came to demand it who caused it to be carried to Paris where with a solemn Funeral it was magnificently buried This Victory of the King of Navarr's the first cause and original of his safety and so much the more glorious as being the first the Hugonots had obtained in the revolution of so many Wars did not much displease the King of France as well because he desired not the King of Navarr's total suppression lest the Guise's Faction should be so much increased as to remain arbitrators alone of the Forces of the Kingdom as also because the Duke of Ioyeuse raised by him with so much favour to such a height of honour and greatness had proved most ungrateful to him being out of an emulation to the Duke d' Espernon turned to favour the League and if not openly at least secretly united to the designs of the Lords of Guise Nor did it trouble him that the King of Navarre having got the Victory and overcome the hinderance of that Army was able to march to meet the Germans for he with a stronger Army had taken all the Passes of the Loyre and so guarded the banks of the River every where that he was certain neither of the Enemies Armies could pass over it and he hoped not onely to drive away the Germans victoriously but also that they should be instruments to ruine and suppress the House of Guise and all the Plots and Machinations of the League At this time the German Army was in wonderful discord and confusion not onely because there neither came Money to pay them nor that Prince of the Blood that had been promised them for their General and because their hopes of being able to joyn with the King of Navarre began to diminish but also because the Duke of Espernon who led the Van-guard of the Kings Army having often beaten up their quarters they werecertainly assured that the King contrary to what their Commanders had perswaded them had taken Arms against them and followed them with a mighty Army since they turned back from the River Loyre But the Swisse Infantry were more unruly than all the rest for seeing other Foot-soldiers of the same Nation with the publick Ensigns of the Cantons in the Kings Army though they were of another Religion were very unwilling to fight against their Country-men and as unwilling to break their Confederacie and lose their friendship with the King of France with whose consent and for the good of whose Kingdom they were told they should fight when they came from home The death of Colonel Tileman who commanded all the Swisses under the Sieur de Clervant put the affairs in an absolute confusion for dying suddenly of a malignant Feaver and a bloody Flux they had no Commander left that had authority enough to restrain the unruliness of the Soldiers so that they tumultuously resolved to send messengers to the King of France and to make up an agreement with him which being come to the knowledge of the Baron de Onaw and the French Commanders they made so much the more haste in marching away from the Kings Army to get into the Country of Beausse where the abundance of provisions and pillage might make the Swisses forget the tumultuous resolution they had taken But this hasty march brought greater confusion into the Army troubled with a great multitude of sick men some whereof were left behind in their several quarters and miserably murdered by the Country people some carried along upon their Carriages and following slowly the speed of those that were in health were the cause that they quartered confusedly and in places This disorder was very well known to the Duke of Guise who at their returning back from the River Loyre had most wisely put himself between their Army and the City of Paris to keep that City faithful to him and to increase both the affection the people bore him and his reputation as if he were the onely defence that hindered that mighty Army of the Germans from offending the City and Territories of Paris whereas the King following slowly seemed to have given over all care of the Parisians He alwayes lay in secure advantageous places not far from the enemies Army but made the wayes be continually well cleared by Captain Thomaso Fratta an Albanian and the Sieur de Vins who had the charge of the Light-Horse and who sending Scouts abroad and bringing in intelligence every minute gave him notice of the moving and progress of the Enemy The Germans were come into the Territories of Montargis twenty eight Leagues from Paris and upon the twenty sixth of October were quartered in this manner The Baron de Onaw with the biggest Body of Horse at Vilmory a very great Village The Swisses under the Walls of Montargis which Town was above two great Leagues from thence and the rest of the Army scattered in several places about Vilmory but some a League some two Leagues from the Head-quarter The manner of their lying being told the Duke of Guise and the draught and platform of it being brought unto him by Captain Thomaso whilst he was at table at Courtenay with the Marquess du Pont and the Dukes of Mayenne Nemours Aumale and Elbeuf he sate a while musing and silent and then having sent for his own Trumpet commanded him to sound Bouteselle and that every body should be in a readiness to march within an hour At which order the Duke of Mayenne asking him to what purpose he would move and whither he intended to go he replyed instantly To fight with the Enemy The Duke of Mayenne who knew the inequality of their Forces began to smile and said he was contended to be jested with To which the Duke of Guise answered with a grave countenance that he spoke in very good earnest and that they who had not the courage to fight might stay in their quarters and without more words put on his Arms and having set all things in order took Horse without any further delay His authority was such and his Soldiers had so great a confidence in him that when it was known they were presently to go charge the Army of the Reiters there was no man dismayed at the great disparity of their numbers but as if they were going to a certain Victory the Foot and Horse in emulation of one another strove who should be first in order and ready to march only the Duke of Mayenne and the Marquess du Pont
whole night was spent in great suspicions on every side and now all things were become publick nor was any body ignorant that the King meant to bridle the Parisians and suppress the Duke of Guise and that he on the other side was come to make himself Master of the City to drive his Enemies from Court and to find means of transferring all the Authority of the Government upon himself Among these reciprocal suspicions and publick scattered reports Poulain being admitted the same night into the Kings Closet told him that he had heard the Duke of Guise had said publickly He would clear himself of those calumnies that had been raised of him and offered himself again to be put in prison till he had made what he had revealed appear to be true for the Heads of the Conspiracy being taken he doubted not but the King would have a full assurance of all Further he said that before the Dukes coming the Kings preparations had made every one wary and timorous but that now he was present their wonted spirits were revived whereupon that very night in the most silent hours the Council was to be held in the house of la Chapelle where it would be very easie to take them all and certifie themselves manifestly of the whole business Upon this proposition they continued uncertain what to do and consulting the whole night without one wink of sleep in the mean time day appeared it being Tuesday the tenth of May a day full of terrour and distraction The City was full of Meetings and Conventicles the Louvre guarded with an unwonted number of Souldiers the Duke of Guise's Palace kept locked and full of Arms the King in his Closet at secret counsel with the Queen his Mother and his Counsellors yet the Duke of Guise came in the morning to the Louvre but with a train of above four hundred Gentlemen and Commanders privately armed with Pistols under their Cloaks and went to the lodgings of the young Queen to visit her and from thence having waited upon the King till he went to Mass retired with the wonted concourse of people to his own house where he spent the rest of the morning in consulting with the Archbishop of Lyons who above all others was his most interessed Confident because he was a bitter Enemy to the Duke of Espernon After Dinner he went to the Queen-Mothers house whither the King came and they discoursed together in the Garden a long time There the Duke of Guise taking heart as being in a place out of danger because it was in the midst of the City wherein he was the strongest discoursed a great while of the causes of his coming of the satisfaction which the Confederate Princes desired and of the War to be made against the King of Navarre accusing the Duke of Espernon and Monsieur de la Valette his Brother as authors of the discontents and divisions and imputed to their practices that the Hugonots were not rooted out and France restored to its ancient splendor and setled in a perfect Peace and finally he shewed that the minds of the sincere Catholicks could not be at quiet while they saw the King encompassed with suspected persons and such as were of doubtful opinions in matter of Religion while the ancient manner of Government used by former Kings was perverted and while in stead of imploying his Forces against the Hugonot Faction they were turned against the faithful people of Paris who desired nothing else but the safety of their Souls and Consciences wherefore it was necessary for whosoever would live in peace and tranquility to change the course of proceedings and form of Government to the end that the Catholick Faith and the safety of good men being secured every one might live quietly within their due obedience To these things the King answered with prolixity of words shewing that his mind was inclined to the extirpation of the Hugonots but that it was needful to stay for a fit opportunity and wait his pleasure not going about to constrain him by force that the plots and machinations of those of the League had interrupted all good for they had passed on so far that they had disturbed the established order of Government nor had that satisfied but slanderous tongues had too much offended his patience both against truth and reason that notwithstanding the clemency of his nature was ready to pardon all those that would see their faults and serve him faithfully for the time to come that no Prince in Christendom had more hated persecuted and trodden down Hereticks than he that never any King had more loved and favoured any Subject than he had done the House of Lorain and the very person of the Duke of Guise that all Offices and Dignities could not be conferred upon one man and that as God bestows his blessings upon many according to the quality of their callings so a Prince is bound to divide his gifts and favours among many according to their deserts and his own inclination that he had raised the Lords of la Valette Sons of a most Catholick Father valiant in War and who had deserved very well of the Crown having born Arms more constantly than any other against the Hugonots that he found he was well served by them as the diligence of Espernon had been seen in the defeat of the Germans and the prosperous success of la Valette in making so great a slaughter of the Protestant Swisses that went into Dauphine yet for all that he did not go about to equal them to the House of Guise being neither alike in birth nor desert but that places in Court are different as there are different stations in Paradise that it had ever been in the free power of all Kings to use and favour whom they pleased and to chuse companions for their hours of recreation to their own liking and conveniency for else that liberty would be debarred a Prince which private men freely enjoy there being no man so mean but hath power to live and converse with whom he pleaseth and to dispose of his own estate according to his own will and genius that he had never received any counsel from the Lords of la Valette nor any impediment that hindred him from making War with the Hugonots yet if it could be proved that they have not behaved themselves sincerely in any business he was ready to punish them according to the quality of their fault but that he would not banish them from Court for meer dislike of others that he would observe what he had so often sworn concerning the Edict of the Vnion and that his thoughts were more than ever bent upon the War against the King of Navarre nor did any other respect withhold him from it than that of burthening his people which he must be forced to do to maintain Armies in so many several places that it was only that which troubled but yet that his Subjects had no reason to
But this determination was as vain as the other for the Mareschals words were answered with Musket-Bullets and Stones and they were fain to retire without doing any thing There was now no other hope left but of defending the Louvre wherein besides the wonted Guards most forward to do their duty there were above five hundred Gentlemen who before all others had undertaken to defend the passage to the Gate But the Duke of Guise either struck with the temerity of so high an enterprise or not having prepared his designs from the beginning to go so far or astonished in the execution by the greatness of the attempt or thinking the business was brought to a head as soon as he saw the City in his power the Kings Guards disarmed and taken and the King with all his Friends shut up and as it were imprisoned in the Louvre and that he should attain to the rest of his desires by way of composition resolved to appease the tumult without using any more force and going out of his house on horse-back unarmed with only a truncheon in his hand to shew the greater contempt rode thorow all the Quarters and speaking to the people every where exhorted them to stand upon their guard since God had been so merciful to them as to secure their Lives Families Liberties Religion and the honour of the holy Church but that they should depend upon him and not doubt for all things were very safe and coming to the place where the French Souldiers were beset and taken he gave order to Colonel St. Paul to conduct them to the Louvre and let them go Thence he passed by St. Innocents and made the Swisses Arms be restored to them and in the same manner caused the Count of Brissac to bring them to the entry of the Louvre and let them go All the Souldiers without Drums or being ranked in order went bare-headed trailing their Arms as prisoners and being conducted to the Gate of the Louvre were there received by the Mareschal de Byron who caused them to be lodged thereabout nor could the Duke of Guise's Victory have a prouder triumph or a more remarkable spectacle Many thought and particularly Alessandro Farnese Duke of Parma a Prince of incomparable valour and deep understanding said that the Duke of Guise had attempted too much and done too little not remembring the Proverb that Whosoever draws his Sword against his Prince ought presently to throw away the Scabbard for so bold an enterprise should either not have been undertaken or being begun should have been executed whatsoever had come on it But the Duke of Guise either overcome by a sense of justice whereof he took upon him to be the Protector or desiring still to use the cloak of piety and religion to cover his designs or else having never had any further aim than his own security and the reformation of Government and now promising himself that by his arts and by a treaty he should bring the sum of all things into his own power without taking it openly by force he thought he had reduced the King to such extremity that he must of necessity have been forced to yield to his will and to grant those conditions he desired which he doubted not afterwards to have confirmed by the universal consent of the people There wanted not of those who suspected that the Duke of Guise's main end was to shut up the King in a Monastery under pretence of disability and evil Government and to assume unto himself the possession of the Crown but certainly men generally believed that as he aspired after the Kings death to exclude the House of Bourbon from the Crown and to transfer it upon himself so he never thought to deprive the King of it while be lived and therefore believed it was sufficient if aiming at the height of Authority and Government he could make way for the excluding of his adversaries and by degrees advance his own designs to such a point as he might execute them boldly when occasion should serve and this as the more gentle was also the more probable opinion However it were the Duke supposing he had made himself Master of Paris and encompassed the Louvre in such manner that as he writ the same day to the Duke of Lorain he should be able to give account of all that was in it he quieted the violence and uproar of the people would not suffer them to proceed further towards the assaulting of the Louvre made the Guards that had been taken and pillaged to be let go but gave order that the barricadoes should be continued that the people every where should be in a readiness with their Arms that the Guards should be kept with infinite care expecting some body to come from the King besieged and brought into a hard condition to make an overture of some agreement Nor did his expectation fail him in that beginning for after many consultations in the Kings Closet the Queen-Mother resolved to go unto him and sent to demand passage of the Citizens who with intolerable insolence but born by her with admirable dissimulation denied to let her pass in her Coach for fear of spoiling the barricadoes but answered they would give her leave to go on foot Whereupon she took her Sedan and being attended by Secretary Pynart Monsieur de Bellieure and a few of her Gentlemen she went with infinite trouble to the Hostel de Guise and being fain to stay every minute till the barricadoes were opened which were still shut again as soon as she was past she was above two hours ere she got thither by reason of the length of the way and being stopt at so many several passages At her first arrival the Duke met her with exceeding great lamentations complaining openly that the King by going about to put a Garison unseasonably into the City of Paris that had never had any in times past had made the people jealous that he meant to take away the lives of the good Catholicks which had been cause of that tumult which all the wit of man could not remedy That the King did very much injure him who by so many proofs was his most faithful Servant and his good and faithful City of Paris by using them in that manner That nevertheless he bearing the affront patiently had done what lay in him to take away the peoples fears and to appease the tumult To which arts the Queen answering with the like dissimulation said That the King intended nothing but to drive out strangers for the security and quiet of the Citizens and having been very ill served by some employed in that business he had caused his Guards to enter for the safety and defence of the City that afterward he himself in person might make the search and by his labour and authority prevent the mischief that was ready to fall upon the inhabitants That the suspicious people had taken Arms too suddenly but that
for Villeroy and his Adherents still constant to their first advice argued that a War with the Duke of Guise was by no means to be undertaken lest it should separate and divide the Catholick Party into open dissention and give the Hugonots an evident occasion to overthrow Religion that many things ought to be dissembled and born withal to obtain a greater good and that reason counselled to make an agreement with the Duke of Guise upon honourable conditions since the foundation of the Kings Authority consisted in the Catholicks and therefore it was not good to destroy or at least weaken it by division But Monsieur d' O Monsieur de Rambouillet Alfonso Corso and the rest urged on the contrary that to assent to the Duke of Guise's demands was to lay down the Crown and give it to the House of Lorain which having rooted out the House of Bourbon and the Hugonot Party born up by the favour of the people and the greatness of its forces would presently think of deposing the King and shutting him up in a Monastery as the report was generally divulged already that whatsoever should be done against the Hugonots would be attributed to the Duke of Guise's industry and that to consent unto it was but to authorise and confirm his ambition so much the more and even to increase the peoples affection towards him for it would be manifest that the King condescended to his demands out of pure fear and as being constrained by his force and power and that therefore it was better to venture upon any thing how difficult and dangerous soever rather than do such an unworthy thing as to deprive the lawful Successors of the Crown and put himself into slavery and subjection They on the other side replied again That the King by doing well would recover the love of the people which he had lost and that his giving satisfaction to the Heads of the League by putting away his Minions and making them partakers in the honours of the Government would quiet all businesses and dissolve the Union with very great facility nor would any body dare to turn against the sacred Majesty of the King when that so specious pretence should be taken away That if this were really a matter of Religion spurred on by Conscience as soon as the cause should cease by proceeding against the Hugonots the effect without doubt would do the like and if it were a spirit of ambition the King by giving a little convenient satisfaction to the Great Ones might also settle all commotions and finally that he could not confound his Enemies by any more sure nor more ready way than by doing that of himself which the League violently endeavoured to make him do by force for to try the hazard of War was too disadvantageous too precipitate a resolution having neither Forces Adherents nor money to put himself into so weighty so dangerous a business being deprived of the strength of the Catholicks who for the most part followed the fortune of the Duke of Guise and being divided from the Hugonots by ancient hatred and most open distrust That it was a thing commended by all wise men to wait for the opportunity of times and to bend rather than be pulled up by the roots The Kings mind was in very great doubt and suspense between these opinions not only by reason of the variety and weight of their reasons but also because he began to suspect that they who counselled him were moved rather by interests and particular respects than the regard of his service and care of the general good The enmity between Monsieur de Villeroy and the Duke of Espernon was already commonly known for the year before when the King went forth with his Army against the Germans being lodged in a Town called St. Aignan and the means of finding money to make the Grand Provost march with his Archers who for want of pay had left following the Court and were very needful in the Camp being spoken of in the Kings Cabinet Monsieur de Villeroy told him that the Council thinking how to remedy that want had given him order to put his Majesty in mind that some certain Treasurers who were imprisoned having been fined about the sum of twenty thousand Crowns they all or part of them might serve for the Grand Prevost and his Archers To which words the Duke of Espernon answered angrily That that money had been promised to Monsieur de la Valette to pay the Souldiers that were with him in Dauphine and that it could not be disposed to another use without doing him injury as he saw many took pleasure to do to offend him but that he was resolved one day to resent it in such manner that those malicious men should be glad to let him alone To which Villeroy going about to reply saying that it was only a Memorandum of the Council's and not any intention of his the Duke of Espernon gave him the lye in the Kings presence adding many very injurious words as Knave Rascal and malicious Fellow To which Villeroy beginning to answer the King rising up commanded him to hold his peace whereupon he went out of the room without any satisfaction and the next morning asked the Kings leave to lay down his Office not willing to serve any longer if he must suffer such unworthy wrongs which the King refused to grant and yet on the other side did not much care to make the Duke of Espernon give him fitting satisfaction till time of it self afforded him an occasion to use some courteous words by way of complement in excuse of the passage at St. Aignan which though in shew it appeased the outward difference between them yet were their minds never after setled in sincere friendship Wherefore the King doubted and not without great reason that Monsieur de Villeroy favoured the Duke of Guise's designs and fomented his pretensions in hope to see the Duke of Espernon excluded from the Court deprived of his greatness and utterly ruined and though he dissembled it yet seeing that Pontoyse which was governed by the Sieur d' Alincourt hindered not provisions from being carried to Paris had secretly displeased him and made him very suspicious of his counsels Likewise Monsieur de Bellieure having been deceived by the Duke of Guise at Soissons when the King sent him thither to forbid his coming to Paris was not only lessened in his opinion but had also left some doubt that he had not proceeded sincerely in the business the oversight of so wise and so experienced a man being interpreted infidelity Nor was the High Chancellour any better thought of than these for it being already known that the King treated about the dismembring of the Dutchy of Orleans from his Government to give satisfaction to Entraques he was suspected to desire peace to the end that the King might have no more need of working the revolt of that City which was still in agitation
Paris and having left the Cardinal of Bourbon to govern the City was gone to Meaux and Chasteau-Thierry to make himself Master of those places His Brother the Cardinal of Guise at the same time neither wanting wit nor courage but boldly following his steps and counsels had stirred up the people and made himself strongest in the City of Troye which from the beginning had declared that it would continue under the Kings obedience and the Duke of Aumale with the Forces of Picardy had laid siege to Boulogne by the Sea side a very principal Fortress of that Province and the Adherents of the League laboured on every side to surprise Towns and Castles to gather Horse and Foot and to draw the greatest number of followers they possibly could unto their party yet the Duke of Guise after he saw the King had escaped the net and that he could not so easily bring his first design to perfection desirous to make that seem to have been done purposely which indeed was only oversight with writings cunningly framed and reasons eloquently set forth directed to the King and the whole people of France he endeavoured to perswade that his actions only tended to the benefit of the Kingdom the obedience of the King and to the general service and benefit that the Insurrection of Paris had without his consent been stirred up by the peoples fear and that his intention was ever to yield such obedience as he ought to do desiring only that evil Counsellors might be put away and that sincere thought might be taken to secure Religion And though his deeds were for the most part very contrary to his words yet the colour of Religion was so powerful and plausible and he knew so well how to behave himself that the multitude thought him a faithful Servant to the King and believed he was only moved by zeal to Religion and most ardent charity toward the good of the whole Kingdom While they proceeded in this manner on both sides the Duke of Espernon who was in Normandy having heard the success of the Sedition at Paris went with a good number of Gentlemen to the King who being already resolved to dissemble with all and to trust none but himself received him neither with his accustomed intimacy nor his wonted demonstrations of favour but made small shew of valuing him seeming to desire his departure from Court to put an end to all those scandals which were said to arise from his extraordinary greatness And indeed having determined to give outward satisfaction to the Duke of Guise and the League and knowing that Peace would never be concluded unless he consented to remove him from the Court his intention was to do it before the Agreement that it might seem a voluntary act and not constrained by force wherefore â—e began by the means of Monsieur de Bellieure and of the Abbot del Bene to desire him in respect of the distractions of affairs and to remove the occasions of them that he would lay down his Government of Normandy give up the Fortresses of Metz Loches Angoulesme Xaintes and Boulogne and only retain his Government of Provence wherein for his greater security his Brother la Valette should continue his Lieutenant That he should retire thither far from the clamour that was made about his person and wait for a more quiet and fitting season to return to Court The Duke of Espernon a man of exceeding great understanding and bred up by the King himself among the stratagems of State perchance ghessing at the Kings secret intentions by having been so conversant with him was contented without contradiction to quit his Government of Normandy wherein he saw himself not well setled by reason of the resistance many Governours made against him But for the rest though in words he promised to satisfie the King in all his demands yet was he resolved not to part with any of the strong Holds wherein he hoped to defend himself from the storm of fortune which he saw coming upon him Whereupon while he treats about the manner of delivering them into the Kings hands and to whom and which way they should be resigned shewing still more care of his Masters security than of his own good and while the King cannot so readily resolve in whose power it was fit to trust them he departs suddenly from Court feigning that he would give way to Fortune and being accompanied with the Abbot del Bene who was no less persecuted by the League than he went with all speed to Angoulesme where by reason of the strength of the Castle and the nearness of the Hugonots he thought he might stay more securely and from whence thorow the Towns of Languedoc held by the Mareschal d' Anville it was easie for him upon any occasion to retire into Provence This retreat clipt the wings of the pretensions of the League and removed all impediments that might have hindered Peace and it was likewise a prudent determination of his side for already the Duke of Guise and the people of Paris turning all their Forces against him had divulged many Writings wherein he was accused to be a sower of discord and a principal cause of so great mischiefs which though he had caused to be answered with many reasons shewing that the mischief proceeded from the ambition of the House of Lorain and not from the modesty and obedience of him and his Brother who receiving the Kings favours with a thankful and loyal mind did use their uttermost endeavours to serve him so as might be for his advantage and their reputation yet he saw that the cloud would undoubtedly break upon him whereupon he chose rather by retiring to keep his most important Governments than by staying be forced by one means or other to give them up Many doubted that the King was privy to his departure and so much the rather because the Abbot del Bene's going with him made it to be suspected nor was the suspicion without ground for the Duke of Guise demanding that he should resign those four principal Fortresses and the King not willing to deprive himself and the Duke of Espernon of them at the same time to give them into the hands of such persons as he could not confidently trust it was necessary the Duke should feign to go away discontented without the Kings knowledge and that he should shew that he would not quit them but by force to the end that the King might be excused afterward if he did not presently demand them and that the Duke of Guise might not constrain him to take them from him since he shewed they were withheld against his will But whether they understood one another by signs or whether the King imparted his design unto him by the means of the Abbot del Bene or whether the Duke took that resolution of himself it was unknown to every one at Court and the Kings most intimate Counsellors knew nothing of it Yet this I affirm that
that if the bodies were seen they might occasion some tumult and therefore having by the counsel of his Physitian caused them to be buried in quick Lime within a few hours all their flesh was consumed and afterward the bones were secretly interred in an unknown place removing in that manner those tragical Objects which use to work strange and sudden motions in the common people neither had he himself the heart to look upon them nor did any of the Court see them after their death except those few who of necessity were present the King not desiring that so sad a spectacle should argue him guilty either of cruelty or ambitious pomp of ostentation In this manner died Henry of Lorain Duke of Guise a Prince very remarkable for the height of his Extraction and for the merit and greatness of his Ancestors but much more conspicuous for the great eminency of his own worth For he abounded with many excellent endowments vivacity in comprehending wisdom in resolving boldness in executing courage in fight magnanimity in prosperity constancy in adversity popular in behaviour affable in conversation infinitely industrious in gaining the minds and affections of every one liberality worthy the most plentiful fortune secrecy and policy equal to the greatness of his designs a spritely turning wit readily stored with determinations and resolves according as occasion required and just proper for the times in which he lived To these qualities of the mind were joyned ornaments of the body no less commendable patient sufferance of labour singular sobriety a venerable yet gracious aspect a strong souldierly constitution agility of members so well disposed that he was often seen to swim in all his arms against the stream of a swift River and wonderful activity whereby both in Wrestling Tennis and Military exercises he did far exceed the ability of all other men and finally such concording union in the vigour of his mind and body that he gained not only an universal admiration but extorted praises from the mouths of his very Enemies Yet were not these vertues without the defects of humane frailty For doubleness and dissimulation were in him turned into nature and vain-glory and ambition were so powerful over the temperature of his disposition that from the very beginning they made him embrace the command of the Catholick Faction and in process of time from the necessity of defending himself from the Kings subtil policies put him easily upon the precipitate design of attaining by most difficult hidden ways to the succession of the Crown and finally the boldness of his own nature and his usual contempt of all others brought him unadvisedly to utter ruine Lewis the Cardinal though he came far short imitated the courage and vertue of his Brother for he always shewed a ready wit a lively spirit a constant mind and magnanimity equal to his birth but the turbulency of his thoughts and precipitate boldness of his nature took off very much from the opinion which at first was conceived of him for his too much ardour his desire of new things his despising of dangers and his unquietness of mind which have some kind of lustre in a Military profession seemed not to have the same decency in a Spiritual life and an Ecclesiastical habit The execution of the two Brothers being past the others that had been imprisoned were diversly kept and guarded The Duke of Nemours either having corrupted his Keepers with money or taking opportunity by their negligence or by the Kings assent and connivance as many thought because knowing his nature he believed him rather more apt to hinder and disturb than to favour and compose the affairs of the League escaped the fourth day from the place where he was not very strictly looked to and by unknown ways with only one Servant went secretly toward Paris Anne d' Este Mother to him and to the dead Princes of Lorain was also voluntarily freed by the King having shewed her many demonstrations of compassion whether he was moved with the pity of her age or that the splendour of her blood or her being born of one of the Daughters of King Lewis made him give her the more respect La Chapelle Compan Cotteblanche the Lieutenant of Amiens the Count de Brissac and the Sieur de Bois-Dauphin because they were in the number of the Deputies the Assembly of the States having made an appeal complaining that the Law of Nations was violated forasmuch as the Deputies were Ambassadors and Messengers from their several Provinces were set at liberty But the same happened not to the Archbishop of Lyons though he was one of the Deputies nay President of the Clergy for the King often desired to have him examined by the Archbishop of Beauvois as a Peer of France sometimes by the Cardinal of Condy sometimes by the Judges of the Great Council he had always refused to answer lest he should prejudice the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction wherein as Primate of all France he said he had no other Superiour but the Apostolick Sea though the King and his Ministers alledged that they impeached him not as Archbishop of Lyons though so in cases of Rebellion and Treason the King pretended to have Jurisdiction over him but as a Counsellor of State for which cause the King being exasperated and thinking that his refusal to answer proceeded from a foul guilty Conscience would not consent to his enlargement though his Nephew the Baron de Lux took much pains about it and though the Deputies were much troubled at the Kings denial Pelicart the Secretary of the dead Duke and some others of his nearest Servants were often examined and having drawn as much from them as they could by the Kings command who scorned to defile himself with mean blood were set at liberty But the Cardinal of Bourbon who wept like a Child for the death of the Lords of Guise and was much afflicted for his own misfortune the Duke d' Elbeuf who by despair was fallen into an excess of melancholy so that he would neither endure to change his clothes cut his hair or use wonted decency about his person the Prince of Iainville who by the death of his Father began to be called Duke of Guise together with the Archbishop of Lyons were after not many days brought by the King himself to the Castle of Amboyse and there under the command of Captain du Gast were left in several Lodgings but with a good Garison and strict order to keep them fast At the very instant of the Cardinals death Colonel Alfonso Corso went away post to Lyons where Charles Duke of Mayenne the third Brother of the Guises stayed being appointed for the War in Dauphine with order to take him there upon the sudden and make him prisoner but he was prevented by Camillo Tolomei and the Sieur de Chaseron who being gone secretly from Blois the same day the Duke was killed and got unknown to Orleans took the way towards
upon the mindes of such as were discontented and that th e Duke of Mayenne would give to all very large conditions But if the King was tormented with these doubts and involved in these cares the mindes of particular men were no less troubled and perplexed for the Hugonots doubted that the King would make more account of attaining to the Crown than of persevering in their Religion and therefore feared he would easily reconcile himself to the Church and the Catholicks seeing him environed by du Plessis Mornay des Amours a Minister and the Sieur de la Noue and many others who were firm Calvinists and calling to mind past experiences believed he would not forsake that Religion and those men with whom he had lived long and sustained the difficulties of his adverse fortune and many of each Religion were drawn and byassed by diverse several interests The affairs of the Army being so uncertain and distracted the Catholicks who were the greater part gathered themselves together the night before the third of August to consult what resolution they should take Here their opinions were different for many thought best to follow and uphold the Crown by all means in the King of Navarre that they might not wrong the justness of his Cause and violate the Salique Laws but conserve the Kingdom in the lawful Succession They said that by doing otherwise it was necessary either to divide the Kingdom among so many petty-Petty-Kings as there were armed Princes and Pretenders or else submit themselves to the rule and arbitrement of strangers That this was the true way to foment discord and make the Civil Wars perpetual to the destruction of the publick and of every particular man and to expose their common Country to new dangers fatal accidents and most cruel slaughters That the hand of God was plainly seen which favouring the justice of his Cause had in an opportune conjuncture armed him with Forces reconciled him with his good Subjects and put him miraculously in a condition to be able to attain to and defend his Crown That it was a pious thing to follow the Motives and Disposals of Heaven and to leave the care of future matters to Divine Providence That by the Laws of God Princes were to be born withal and not to be despoiled of their Rights and Inheritance for any particular defect That the King of Navarre was an ingenuous Prince full of clemency modesty and sincerity That in him there was no cause to fear a violent or tyrannical power but to hope for a good and lawful Government and liberty of Life and Conscience which he till then had granted to every one That finally it was a thing unworthy of the French Name and Nobility to adhere to Rebels who had impiously imbrued their hands in the bowels of their Prince and with manifest wrong and violence endeavoured to deprive and despoil the Blood Royal of the lawful Succession of the Crown But on the contrary That it was an action worthy the name of Cavaliers which they professed to vindicate their just blood unjustly shed by his Subjects and to maintain the true and lawful Heirs of the Crown in the possession of the Kingdom The Authors of this opinion were the Sieur de Rambouillet the Baron de Giury and especially the Duke of Longueville But many others argued on the contrary side That they ought to observe Divine before Humane Laws and that the health of the Soul was alwayes to precede transitory worldly things that the respect of Religion in the Succession of Kings was antient For that depends upon the Law of Nature and this upon the Particular Constitutions and Positive Rights of Nations That the example of England was very near and remarkable where the Princes alteration of Religion had caused the destruction of the Catholicks and the alienation of the whole Kingdom from the Apostolick See That the miseries of Wars and the calamities they bring along with them might be ended in a short time but the danger of losing their Faith and Souls extended it self to their Children and Grand-children and to their whole posterity for ever which would receive an eternal loss and prejudice by their present connivence That it was true Princes were to be born withal though wicked and of a different Religion buâ— that was meant by such as were already placed and established in the Throne not of such as were to be received and established anew That the King of Navarre had by many means with a thousand intreaties and redoubled reasons been perswaded by the States-General and by the earnest desire of the late King to change his Religion and yet could never be drawn from Calvinism And if he would not leave it in his extream necessity it was not to be hoped that he would do it in the prosperity of fortune That what was said of his nature and qualities were very true but that he was so exceedingly affected to his Religion that he would think he did well in forcing mens Consciences And though he had not a tyrannical mind yet one of a different nature might perchance succeed him That at that present it was fit to foresee the future and not to alienate a most Christian Kingdom from its obedience to the Pope and from the Fellowship of the Church of God This Argument was held by Monsieur d' O the Sieur de Manuy his Brother Monsieur d'Entraguos Dompiere rhe Field-Marshal and the greater number of the Assembly Between these two contrary opinions arose a third as it were in the middle of the balance held by the Mareschal de Biron the Duke of Luxembourgh the Duke of Espernon and the wisest among them That the King of Navarre should be declared King of France and that they should serve and uphold him in that quality but upon assurance that he would change his Religion and embrace and maintain the Roman Catholick Faith And this motion was drawn from the Will and Prudence of their dead King who at his death had declared him lawful Successor but had also at the same time admonished him that he should never be King in peace if he embraced not the Roman Religion This resolution was in a manner generally followed and charge was given to those that had proposed it to let the King understand with all modesty what they had determined The Duke of Luxembourg accompanied with the rest carried the Message and told him That the Princes Lords and Officers of the Crown together with the Catholick Nobility that was in the Army which were the greatest and best part of the Kingdom were ready to acknowledge him King of France to serve and maintain him against every one since God and Nature had called him to the Crown by a lawful Succession But withal they besought him that for the general contentment and reasonable satisfaction of all his Subjects for the good peace and tranquillity of his Kingdom for the honor of his own Person and for
that which became the Title of a most Christian King he would be pleased to turn to the Catholick Religion and to come again into the bosome of the holy Church to take away the pretences of his enemies and the scruples of conscience of his servants to the end that he might be served obeyed and honoured with the universal applause of them all That His Majesty would not think this their proposition and most humble supplication strange for it would appear much more strange to their consciences and the whole Christian World That one should be established King of France who was no Catholick as all his glorious Predecessors had been from Clouis the first King that received Baptism The King though he was much troubled and perplexed in mind yet either preferring his Religion before the Crown or knowing that by pleasing his new Catholick Subjects he should displease the Hugonots his old adherents took also the middle way and answered That he returned thanks with a most sincere French heart to the Nobility for their acknowledgment of his Right That he knew them to be the principal Member of the Crown the foundation of the Kingdom in time of War and the establishment of his Scepter That he embraced them all with tenderness of heart being ready to requite their duty and fidelity both in publick and in particular But desired that they would not think it strange if he did not so presently satisfie their first requests because the quality of the thing demanded required a convenient time of advice and the ripeness of a grounded resolution That he set a greater value upon his Soul and Conscience then upon all earthly greatness That he had been brought up and instructed in that Religion which yet he held to be the true one but nevertheless he would not therefore be stubborn and obstinate That he was ready to submit himself either to a General or National Council and to the Instructions which without palliating the Truth should be given him by learned conscientious persons But that these were Motives which proceeded from God effects of the muturity of time and which ought to be laboured for in peace and tranquillity and not amidst the noise of Arms and War and with a Dagger at a Mans Throat That he had a firm resolution to endeavour the satisfaction of his Subjects and the contentment of his Kingdom but that conjuncture was not proper to put his good desires in effect lest his action and declaration should seem feigned and counterfeit and extorted by force or else perswaded by worldly interests Wherefore he intreated them to stay till a fit opportunity and if in the mean time they desired any condition or security for the maintenance of the Catholick Religion in the same condition it was at that present he was ready to give them all the satisfaction they could wish for With this Answer the Deputies returned to the rest of the Catholicks assembled in the Hostel de Gondi and the King with his most intimate friends retired likewise to consult The Sieur de la Noue a man of great experience in worldly affairs though he were a Hugonot told the King freely That he must never think to be King of France if he turned not Catholick but that he should endeavor to do it with his reputation and without doing injury to those who had long served and upheld him On the other side du Plessis Mornay and the Ministers stood for Liberty of Conscience and the Cause of God against earthly greatness and magnifying the Forces of their party told him That they who had so many years defended and preserved him would also be sufficient to establish him in the Kingdom The King knew that these were swayed by their own interests and joyning in opinion with Monsieur de la Noue resolved within himself to turn Catholick but as a generous and magnanimous Prince would not seem to do it out of ambition or constraint and he believed the Proposition he had made to the Catholicks to be very reasonable so that he was determined to continue that resolution adding only the prefixed limits and circumstances of time God seemed miraculously to inspire the same thought into the Catholick party for though many of them and particularly some Prelates that were in the Camp did oppose it yet the greater part kindled with a just indignation for their King's death could not hear of any agreement or accommodation with the League wherefore it was at last concluded That the King taking a prefixed time for his conversion should secure the state of the Catholick Religion and that upon those terms they would receive and follow him The Deputies having carried this resolution and Treated a long time with the King and his Counsellors at last a Writing was mutually agreed on between both parties whereby the Catholick Princes Lords Officers of the Crown Nobility and Soldiers on the one side acknowledged Henry of Bourbon to be their lawful Prince and took an Oath of fidelity to him as King of France promising him due obedience and to serve and uphold him against every one And on the other side He swore and promised upon the word of a King to make himself be instructed within six months in the Catholick Religion by an Assembly of conspicuous persons and if need were to call a National Council to the Decrees whereof he would humbly submit himself and in the mean time promised to maintain the same Roman-Catholick-Apostolick Religion inviolate not to innovate or change any thing in it of what kind soever but to protect defend and secure it with all his power to dispose of Ecclesiastical Benefices and Revenues in the manner observed by the Kings his Predecessors to fit and sufficient persons of the same Religion to cause the use of it and the ceremonies thereof to be publick and principal in all places under his jurisdiction as he had established in the Agreement made with the late King in the moneth of April last past that he would put no Officers nor Governors but such as were Catholicks in those Towns which were under his obedience nor in those which for the time to come should submit themselves unto him or should be taken except onely those places which had been already granted to the Hugonots that he would admit none to any Dignities Offices of the Crown or Magistracies whatsoever but such persons as publickly professed the Catholick Religion that he would conserve and maintain the Princes Peers of France Ministers of the Crown Lords Gentlemen Cities and Corporations and the three States of France in their wonted Beings Priviledges Immunities Prerogatives Offices Places and Magistracies without any prejudice or innovation whatsoever that he would endeavour to take just and fitting revenge for that Parricide committed upon the person of King Henry the Third by severe exemplary punishment and the destruction and extirpation of disobedience and rebellion finally that he permitted his Catholick Subjects to
present condition And because he had no means to keep the whole Army together which though he had been able to do would within a few dayes have been inferior to the Forces of the League they determined that the King with the Duke of Montpensier and the Mareschal de Biron should retire into the Province of Normandy that the Mareschal d' Aumont should go into Champagne and the Duke of Longueville with Monsieur de la Noue into Picardy to keep those Provinces faithful and to re-unite themselves when time and occasion should require But the King knowing the vast structure of the League and how difficult the burden of Civil War is to be born desired to try the hope of an agreement with the Duke of Mayenne not being willing in any manner to be faulty to himself or to neglect any possible means of setling himself in the Crown wherefore many men being come into the Camp for several interests he made use of the occasion and hearing that one Bigot a near Servant to Monsieur de Villeroy was there he caused him to be brought unto him by the Sieur de Chastillon and bad him to let his Master know that he desired infinitely to speak with him and that if he would chuse the place of interview he should have a Safe-conduct sent him and all necessary security The Sieur de Villeroy had taken part with the League not only out of anger because he was so suddenly dismissed from the Court but because the Government of Lyons after the death of Monsieur de Mandelot was contrary to the promises the King had made him given first to the Duke of Nemours and then to Monsieur de la Guiche putting by Alincourt his Son who upon that hope had married the Daughter of Mandelot To which causes of discontent he added for a more potent excuse that all his Land lying within the Territories of Paris and his Court-Pension being taken from him he knew not how to maintain himself if he joined not with that party wherein he might enjoy the Revenue of his Estate But however it were Bigot having delivered the Kings Message he not being willing to do any thing without the Duke of Mayenne's leave told him what Message he had received from the King But the Duke would not let Villeroy go to the meeting alledging that it could not be done so secretly but it would be generally known and by consequence those of his party would suspect something and fall into a jealousie That affairs were in a very hopeful condition and that it was not good to disturb them inconsiderately being they might easily be crossed and therefore only gave way that he might receive a Gentleman in his house at Paris and treat with him if the King were pleased to send one for that purpose With this Answer Bigot returned to the Camp and the King not scorning any kind of means to advance his fortune and to let the Catholicks know that he desired Peace sent presently the Sieur de la Marsilliere his Cabinet-Secretary He not having been able to obtain leave to speak personally with the Duke of Mayenne told the Sieur de Villeroy that the King had sent him expresly to assure the Duke of his good inclination to consent to peace and to represent unto him how necessary it was for the general good That he did very much esteem the Dukes person and desired to make him his Friend and to have him near him in an honourable degree of favour suitable to his condition That the Duke ought now to lay aside his vain hopes of seeing him totally abandoned and forsaken for all the Princes Officers of the Crown Lords Gentlemen and others that were both in and out of the Army had sworn Allegiance to him and promised him their assistance he having satisfied them in what concerned Religion by a reciprocal promise made in writing the copy whereof he left with the Sieur de Villeroy to shew unto the Duke That not only the Hugonots but even the Catholicks of the Army themselves were much displeased with the Duke for the Kings death and had solemnly sworn to prosecute their revenge till they were fully satisfied That he had promised the same and was interessed in it so that if so universal a good and benefit as the peace of the Kingdom did not make him yield and also mollifie the hearts of those that were offended he should not be able to do it afterwards under colour of any other excuse and that therefore the Duke should think upon it and embrace this occasion of regaining the affection of so many Catholicks and so much Nobility who the respect of Peace being taken away would for ever be his bitter irreconcileable Enemies Finally That he should propound some Conditions for the King was extreamly disposed to satisfie him in whatsoever was possible Which things being told the Duke by Monsieur de Villeroy he had commission to answer That the Duke had no private enmity with the King and for his own part honoured and held him in the highest veneration but that Religion and Conscience would not suffer him to enter into that Treaty with him That if his late Brothers had in the Kings life-time taken Arms to hinder the Crown from falling to a Prince of a different Religion as by the Duke of Alancon's death they doubted that it might now that the necessity was more urgent and the danger already present he could not lay down those Arms that were taken up without doing injury to the memory of his Brothers to his own Conscience and to the solemn Oath he had taken That he had engaged his Faith and given his Life to the Publick Cause when he had accepted the Office of Lieutenant-General of the State and that having declared and acknowledged the Cardinal of Bourbon King to whom the Kingdom had been judged to belong he could not break his Faith to him nor resolve of any thing till the said Cardinal were at liberty and all those of his party assembled together That if the Kings death had made him so many Enemies he hoped God would defend his innocence but his contentment was so great to see the death of his Brothers revenged that he was very willing to undergo all the hatred he had gotten by it That he ought not nor could not give counsel to that King against whom he had taken up Arms But he might easily know that the liberty of the Cardinal of Bourbon and his conversion were necessary to precede the Treaty With these general terms la Masilliere returned to the King at the time when because he was able to stay no longer he raised his Camp from St. Cloud and the Towns adjacent The resolutions after the Kings death had been no less doubtful and perplexed in Paris than they had been in the Kings Camp For the Duke of Mayenne's Friends and Kinred especially Madam de Montpensier exhorted and counselled him to make
himself be elected and declared King of France by the party which he commanded urging to him that he ought not to omit that so great so opportune occasion of transferring the Crown into his Family which had formerly been possessed by his Ancestors he being already acknowledged the Head and obeyed by the principal Cities of the Kingdom by so great a number of the Nobility and by the greater part of the Clergy They said the Controversie was between him already acknowledged and obeyed by those of his party and a Prince of a different Religion whose Inheritance might with reason be called in question both because of the distance of degrees and of his being an Enemy to the Church for which considerations he would never be sincerely loved nor firmly obeyed by those very Catholicks that seemed to adhere unto his party That indeed now at first they had out of anger for the Kings death been perswaded to follow him but that Catholicks and Hugonots being incompatible among themselves it would not be long before the memory of former hatreds would be renewed by which their blood being again set on fire they would quickly be separated and divided by the interests of Conscience and their own natural enmities That it was necessary to provide a manly warlike and Catholick King to whom they might securely run as from time to time they should grow discontented finding their errour and leaving that party That the Cardinal of Baurbon decrepid with old age and kept in prison was in neither of those conditions fit for that business That the Duke would be accused of want of courage if he should be faulty to himself in so fair an occasion For they are poor-spirited men that count excess of Moderation a vertue whereas men of a noble mind love and favour bold and generous designs That there was both honour and profit in it nay also possibility and conveniency and that the Duke could neither be excused to himself nor to his posterity if he neglected that good which God so miraculously presented to him They urged that to declare the Cardinal of Bourbon King was the true way to establish the King of Navarre in the possession of the Crown for so they confessed the Kingdom to belong to the House of Bourbon and the Cardinal dying who was already in the last minutes of his life the lawful Succession could not afterward be denied to his Nephew and though the pretence of Religion remained that was an objection which he would be able to take away at his pleasure by turning Catholick and hearing one Mass and though he should persevere in his Religion yet the other Princes of that House who were Catholicks would succeed and suffer no opposition that it was best to oppose the very first point and assume unto himself that which he inconsiderately went about to confer upon another that now the opportunity was ready and easie which perchance within a few days would not be so for the King of Navarre had promised to turn Catholick within six months and in the mean time it was possible his Nephew the Duke of Guise might be set at liberty who being Heir of the Family might perchance oppose his Greatness his own interests having more power with him than the respects which was due to his Uncles age and many labours that it was needful to undertake boldly and suddenly before the King of Spain the Pope the Duke of Lorain and Duke of Savoy had time to think and lay their plots to turn the course of affairs their own way for he being once elected and declared they would be necessitated rather to maintain him than take part with the King of Navarre a Heretick and an enemy to Spain for Navarre to the Pope for Religion to the Duke of Lorain for the Duke of Bouillon's Lands possessed by him and to the Duke of Savoy for the protection of Geneva and for the Marquesat of Saluzzo finally they argued that since the toyls and dangers were certain and that he was to bear the weight of them it was much better to undergo labour and hazard for his own interests and greatness then to promote the exaltation of another and to uphold a frail weak imprisoned unknown Prince from whom he was not certain to obtain any thing This specious counsel favoured by self-love was opposed by Villeroy and President Iannin with whom the Duke consulted about all things not that they did alledge against it either Right or Justice things of very small consideration when the debate is about a Kingdom but onely urging the impossibility That the Parisians the People and Cities of his party were terrified with the late businesses having seen the Duke so few dayes before brought to the last extremities and looking desperately with them for his own destruction That they had lost much of the opinion they had and were not now so ardent as they were at first in the cause of the Vnion That they desired to have a Prince powerful in men and money that might be able to defend them and secure them from the King of Navarre and his party and therefore they had turned their eyes some upon the Duke of Savoy some upon the Duke of Lorain many upon the King of Spain himself nor did any thing else withhold them but the right and justice of the Cardinal of Bourbon esteemed the lawful Successor for these considerations move and are able to do much more among the common people then in the minds of the great Ones which respect being taken away there was not like to be any who would not rather chuse to obey a King of Spain held so potent a Monarch and that had so many wayes to gratifie and reward his subjects then a petty Duke of Mayenne who had no other strength then what the Union of those Forces afforded who had elected him their Head with what force with what moneys with what Armies would he maintain the Crown against the King of Navarre and the greatest part of the Nobility united with him with those of the King of Spain of the Pope of Savoy or of the Duke of Lorain The House of Bourbon being excluded there was none of them but pretended better right to the Crown than he for the Infanta of Spain was Daughter to a Sister of the deceased King the Duke of Savoy Son to one of his Aunts the Duke of Lorain was head of the Family and had Sons by another Daughter of France and the Pope if he were moved by zeal to Religion ought to be more pleased by how much a more powerful Prince it had to defend it and if he were moved by interests he might hope for much more from any of those other Princes than from the weakness of the Duke of Mayenne That an enterprise was not to be undertaken which was neither generous favourable nor magnanimous but rash precipitate and dishonourable which together with the loss of his fortune would cost him also
his danger by the Lanciers of the Sieurs de Larchant Montataire and la Force who came up last into the Battel presently made the Light-horse of the League to turn their backs and to run full speed along that way which leads from the place of Battel to Martinglise The Duke of Mayenne who came thither when his Cavalry was already retiring and when the Kings Forces had recovered their Works thinking it too late to do any more and that his men were tired with long fighting and seeing that because the way was so bad the Ammunition which was behind came not up whereof the Infantry had great need having spent all theirs with fighting all the day caused a Retreat to be sounded and drew off to his first quarters This was the dangerous Battel of Arques which was fought the whole day with various fortune and with an event so different from the beginning that the King said openly at night That the Duke of Mayenne either was not the Souldier which every one believed or else had born him respect and reserved him for a better occasion Men of experience doubted not but the Victory was on the Kings side who though with various success had defended his posts and hindered the Enemies from passing over to the hill of Arques which was their principal end and intention and yet the Duke of Mayenne cried up the advantage of his own party confirming it by a Cornet of Light-horse and three Ensigns of Foot which were fallen into the hands of his Souldiers at the first taking of the Trenches and were therefore carried with infinite boasting to Paris Of the League there were slain above six hundred men among which the Count de Sagone and the Baron de St. André and of the Kings men only two hundred but the loss was very great by reason of the death of Baqueville a resolute diligent and a valiant Souldier and truly proper to command Light-horse which requires not only courage but also celerity and diligence Nor was it a small misfortune that befel the Sieur de Montataire the Prince of Conde's Lieutenant who having received a Musket-shot in the left leg was absolutely lamed in the cure At night the Duke being resolved to try all possible means to drive away the King or to draw him out of his Works determined to pass on the other side of Diepe not by the ordinary road but a long way about for having gone round both the Hills he got in three days march on the North side of the City near the walls towards the Cittadel and the same night being the four and twentieth of September did with very great speed cause eight Pieces of Cannon to be planted with which the next morning he began to batter the houses of the Town but the King after the Army of the League was seen to march that way having left Monsieur d' Anville with the Regiment of the Sieur de la Garde four Companies of Switzers and threescore Horse to make good Arques was come with all his Army to Diepe and being quartered in the Fauxbourgs flanked and defended by the Cannon of the Cittadel he commanded the fight to be smartly begun on all sides by that means to hinder the Enemies battery They of the League advanced no less fiercely to the skirmish but a new unwonted invention broke off the encounter to their no small loss for the King having sent forth the Baron of Byron with a great Squadron of Horse into the middle of the field and the Duke of Mayenne incensed by their temerity in coming on so far or thinking they had unadvisedly engaged themselves sent out two great Bodies of Horse to charge them at whose arrival the Kings men opening to the right and left hand with expert readiness there appeared two great Culverins in the midst which giving fire and running off at the same time with skill and admirable quickness did not only kill many of them and break their ranks but by the wonderful art and spectacle of seeing two such great Engines skirmish among the Horse caused the Enemy to wheel about and retire This so new and so nimble manner of ordering Pieces of great weight was the invention of Charles Brise a Cannoneer born in Normandy who after having been many years at Sea with Pirate Ships in the West-Indies was grown excellent in managing Ordnance and in the whole course of the Civil Wars performed both this and many other services with very great praise of ingenuity and experience But while they skirmished hotly and made a great noise about the Town-walls with their Artillery the Duke of Mayenne did in an instant cause the Duke of Aumale with the Rereguard in which he had for that purpose placed a Regiment of Walloons the Regiment of Lorain and Collalto's Landskenets to storm the Works and Castle of Arques hoping to carry it and streighten the King within the bare circuit of the Town But he found so stout resistance there that after having re-inforced the assault for the space of two hours his Foot were fain to retreat with the loss of two Captains and above an hundred Souldiers Nor did d' Anville's Forces scape without loss for notwithstanding the strength and advantage of the place there were slain above sixty foot two Swisse Captains and Colonel la Garde dangerously hurt in the thigh But though the King and his Army had fought very luckily and beaten back the Enemies in all places yet were they not only much spent with weariness for being few in number they were fain to do continual duty but also in want of victual for being reduced to scarcity in the end of September and the rains and storms beginning to be very great neither could Ships so opportunely bring in Provisions nor could the Country wasted and destroyed furnish any longer sufficient food for men nor forrage for horses which by their toils and sufferings were brought to extream weakness But the Kings hopes depended upon the relief which he expected from two several places for he had written to the Duke of Longueville and the Mareschal d' Aumont that uniting their Forces they should march up to him thinking that the Duke of Mayenne would not suffer himself to be inclosed between two Armies though inferiour in strength but that at their approach he would raise his Camp and on the other side he knew Four thousand English Foot with great store of Ammunition were ready to be embarqued which Queen Elizabeth sent to his relief by whose arrival his Army would be re-inforced and their hard duty partly lessened not doubting but that with the English Fleet would come great store of Provisions wherewith he might sustain his Army many days The Duke of Longueville and the Mareschal d' Aumont contrary to expectation came first as Voyages by Sea are very uncertain for having joined themselves together with the Count de Soissons who was freed from his imprisonment in Bretagne and
Forces to return and raise the siege which he was certain if they had but patience to suffer a little inconveniency would in the end prove vain and fruitless That in his stead he would leave his brother the D. of Nemours a youth of wonderful high courage and his Cousin the Chevalier d' Aumale to command the Soldiers and have care of the Military part of their defence and for other things the Cardinal-Legat and the Ministers of the Catholick King being there and seconded by the ardent zeal of the Council of Sixteen he could not doubt but all things would be managed with that prudence which need required That to shew how little he feared the City could fall into the Enemies hands and for a pledge of the speedy relief which he meant to make ready for them he would leave his Mother Wife Sister and Children in the City to bear part in that fortune which the Citizens should run That finally there being nothing else requisite but to perswade the people and resist the greediness of the belly he could not doubt of a happy issue with the exaltation of the League and total subversion of his enemies All of them commended his advice and the Heads of the people promised to keep united and constant in defending the place to the last man beseeching him onely to use all the speed he could possibly to prevent the extremities of the peoples sufferings who for Religion and in hope of his promises disposed themselves boldly to meet all those many weighty dangers which they saw hang over their heads The next day the Duke departed towards Picardy to meet with the D. of Parma General for the Catholick King in the Low-Countries knowing that to be the principal point and that if the Spaniards lent not their assistance in a considerable manner to him it would be a very difficult business to get a sufficient Army to raise the siege and relieve Paris and in the City they began with infinite diligence to repair the Walls to scowre the Moats to cast up Works to dispose their Artillery to arm the People and principally to provide whatsoever they possibly could against the imminent necessity of hunger In the mean time Manâ—e and Vernon had yielded themselves to the King since the Victory in which places he was constrained to stay longer than he intended for the extremity of ill weather and continual abundance of Rain had not onely overflowed the fields and made the wayes exceeding deep but had made it impossible to lie in the Field or march with Cannon and Baggage for men and horses could hardly save themselves and be secure within the shelter of houses In which time notice came to the King of another encounter which had happened in the Province of Auvergne near the Wall of Issoire where the Sieurs de Florat and Chaseron who were for him had routed and slain the Count of Randan who commanded for the League and with the death of about Two hundred of the Enemy had made themselves masters of the place Nor was it long before other news came from the Country of Mayne where Guy de Lansac who commanded the party of the League and the Sieur d' Hertre Governor of Alancon Head of the King's Forces charging one another had not altered the wonted event of things but Lansac Three hundred of his men being slain and the rest dispersed was fain to save himself by flight leaving the King's Forces master of the field in those parts These several disasters the news whereof came to Paris one upon the neck of another did much perplex the thoughts of those that governed but above all of the Cardinal-Legat upon whose shoulders lay the weight of all present affairs every one thinking that he as one that represented the Pope's person should in a cause wherein Religion was the principal object give supplies both of Men and Money for the relief of that adversity which the League was in at that time and the Duke of Mayenne complained publickly concerning it and wrote freely to the Pope that his backwardness to help so necessary a Cause was the principal occasion of all those evils The Spanish Ministers made the same lamentations being of opinion that the Legat was the cause the Catholick King was not satisfied in his demands and that while he neglecting his own businesses succoured the danger of Religion with Men and Money the Pope keeping his Purse close and nourishing ambiguous thoughts in his mind did neither send those necessary supplies which he had often promised nor consent to the satisfaction of the Catholick King who if his just demands had been yielded to would have employed his utmost Forces for the common benefit Nor were the Parisians backwarder in complaints than the rest who groaning under their present necessities and the extraordinary scarcity of provisions did importunately beg to be assisted by the Legat and relieved by the Pope since they did all and suffered all for the Catholick Faith and for the service of the Holy Church so that the Legat being surrounded by these troubles was in wonderful great anxiety of mind which was augmented to the extremity when he understood that by the Duke of Luxembourg's arrival and negotiation the Pope was almost utterly withdrawn from the designs of the League and moreover that he seemed ill satisfied at his being gone on to Paris and that he had not rather stayed in some neutral place as a disinteressed Mediatour between both parties and as a labourer for such a Peace as might be effected without danger or damage to the Catholick Religion The Duke of Luxembourg was gone to Rome with the name of Ambassador from the Catholicks that followed the King but indeed to see if he could reconcile the King himself to the Pope and to the Church and to take away those opinions which being spread abroad by those of the League were generally believed of him that he was an obdurate Heretick a persecutor of the Catholiks obstinate and disobedient to the Apostolick See and a perverse enemy to the Church Wherefore having first made a little stay at Venice to determine with that Senate what manner of proceeding was to be held all things being resolved on with most prudent advice he continued on his way boldly to Rome where having in his first audience by the dexterousness of his carriage introduced the Cause of the Catholicks into his discourse he excused them for following the King attributing it to be an advantage to the Catholick Religion not to abandon the lawful King in the hands of the Hugonots but to hold him on with protestations of service and win him by modest seasonable instances to return into the bosome of the Church which would absolutely have been despaired of if being forsaken by them he had been necessitated to have cast himself as a prey to Hereticks he began afterwards to let the Pope know those interests which under a cloke of Piety and under
feel the extremity of hunger and only sustained the bitterness of their present fortune by the constancy of their courage While the siege and defence of the City of Paris is thus laboured with infinite contention on each side the Cardinal of Bourbon burd'ned with years and wasted by the tediousness of his imprisonment departed this life aâ— â—ontenay whose death gave evident proof to all the World that his person had only served for a cloak to cover the passions and interests of those that were most powerful for it caused no alteration at all in the party of the League but both the Parisians continued their constancy with new Decrees of Sorbonne That a new King of a different Religion could not be accepted of and the Duke of Mayenne setting forth a Manifest to invite the Deputies of the Provinces to meet at Meaux for the electing of a King with the common consent kept the same title of Lieutenant-General of the State and Crown of France and continued in the same manner to make War the end whereof at present was wholly set upon the way of relieving the City of Paris which being not to be done without powerful assistance from the Catholick King the Duke of Mayenne both to agree upon the means and to hasten the execution went to Conde a place upon the confines to confer with Alessandro Farnese Duke of Parma under whose Government were all the Spanish Forces The intention of King Philip was that the League should be relieved and the people of Paris delivered from the present danger but with such moderation that so many sums of money profusely spent and so great forces as were employed in that enterprise might not prove vain and unprofitable to his proper Interests For he foresaw That if the Duke of Mayenne and the League should agree to acknowledge the King of Navarre he should reap no other benefit from so many labours but the gaining of a powerful Enemy and likewise if the Crown should fall to the Duke of Mayenne or any other of the House of Lorain he knew he should advantage himself but little more since the interests of State would in a short time make him his Enemy whosoever should be free and sole Possessor of the Crown weighty present interests having more power with men than the remembrance of past obligations Wherefore he being to spend vast sums of money for the bringing a powerful Army into France and in the mean time leave the affairs of Flanders in great danger where the States of the United Provinces under the command of Grave Maurice of Nassau not finding the wonted obstacles were like to make very great progress he desired that at least things should be composed in such a manner that the benefit might in good measure redound to him which should succeed from his charges dangers labours endeavours and from his Armies which by reason of the nature of the French and the present state of affairs was most difficult to be brought to pass For the Duke of Mayenne Head of the League and absolute Master of the Forces did not only pretend to obtain the Kingdom for himself but was also firmly resolved not to consent that any Member Province or City that belonged to the Crown should be alienated from it and the major part of the people being naturally Enemies to the Spaniards and made their adherents now only by necessity would never endure to be commanded by them and thought it should suffice the King of Spain to be cryed up for the Protector and Defender of the Catholick Religion and that the King who should be established should assist him to subdue the Provinces of the Low-Countries without pretending any other benefit from that principal relief which he lent to the common cause Wherefore it was very hard to find a middle way among so many difficulties and almost impossible to keep such leight uncertain minds from inclining to acknowledge and take part with King Henry a home-born Natural Prince and therefore it was necessary to govern that design with huge expences great industry long delays and infinite patience which among so many suspicions and so many difficult businesses appeared to be of great loss and detriment without much hope of proportionable advantage For this cause the Duke of Parma a prudent wary Prince and an Enemy to leight adventuring upon the arbitrement of Fortune thought it pernicious counsel to leave his own businesses of Flanders to employ all his Forces in so uncertain an enterprise wholly founded upon the instability of the French and had endeavoured to divert the Catholick King from such a thought but the Council of Spain either desirous to augment their glory in the defence of Religion or perchance too much allured by future hopes having judged otherwise and order being come from the King that he should apply his mind principally to the affairs of France he thought that might more easily be brought to pass which was desired in Spain if avoiding the necessity of venturing whole Armies and hazarding all their reputation at one clap the protracting of the War and the spinning of it out with slow proceedings were endeavoured by which means the Party of the LEAGUE no less wearied out than the KINGS it would in the end remain in the King of Spain's power to dispose of the Affairs of France and Religion his own way and therefore he was not so ready to give aid as the urgent need of the Parisians required and as the Duke of Mayenne would have had him who being come to Conde and having met him there endeavoured by most effectual perswasions to move him to march without delay to the relief of Paris But he considering that the reputation of the Catholick King and the sum of affairs ought not without convenient Forces to be put in danger against a valiant and expert Souldier and against a victorious Army shewed That the provisions that were requisite could not be got together so suddenly neither could he so soon give order as well for the drawing of the Army into a Body as for the defence of their own businesses in Flanders and concluded finally that he could not be in France before the beginning of the Moneth of August a time which seemed wonderful long to the Duke of Mayenne and doubting or rather thinking for certain that the Parisians could not hold out so long he desired him in the mean time to let him have some number of men with which added to his own he might attempt some way to put victuals into the City With that the Duke of Parma was contented it being a proposition suitable to his own thought which was to keep the War alive with slow proceedings on the one side by little and little to consume the Kings Forces and on the other by length of time to tire out and break the constant resolution of the Duke of Mayenne and his adherents not to admit a stranger to the Crown nor to
for some few days But the necessity increasing daily these arts at last became unwelcom to the ears of men of understanding sad doleful voices being heard and many signs of discontent observed thorow the whole City The month of Iuly was already begun and the Corn of the City was quite spent nor was any thing left for the people to live upon but Oats of which some little quantity remained and that being ground in the Mills that stood in the streams of the River within the City sometimes was turned into bread sometimes cooked into pottage which the French call boüillie and for dainties sometimes a little flesh either of Horses Dogs Asses or Mules keeping no other Horses alive but those which were made use of in the War the rest being publickly sold to keep the Families of the greatest Lords But this manner of living was tolerable and to be wished for in respect of the common people who drawing no profit at all from their Trades and being reduced to extremity of misery without money and without bread were fain like brute beasts to feed upon those herbs which they found in the yards and streets and along the ramparts which yet not being sufficient for so great a multitude and either giving little nourishment because they were dried up with the heat or else by their poisonous qualities producing vomits and fluxes the miserable people were often seen to fall suddenly dead in the streets which was so sad and lamentable a spectacle as would have caused horror in any heart how fierce or cruel soever Yet notwithstanding all this the Heads of the Faction and those that governed the people the Legat the Ambassador Mendozza and the Princes were so constant and so firm that they never so much as entertained a thought of yielding but with exceeding great severity caused one Renard the Procureur of the Chastelet and some other of his accomplices to be executed who desiring to free themselves from so great danger had had the boldness one day when the Council was assembled to cry out with a loud voice Ou Pain ou Paix and even the common people in the midst of so great straights and the expectation of present death rejoyced to suffer and endure their misery being fully perswaded that it was a kind of true and glorious Martyrdom for the safety of their Consciences and the maintenance of Religion Not but that some more compassionate of themselves or of weaker spirit or perchance not so constant in matters of Faith sought and contrived to make some uproar either to introduce a Treaty of Agreement or to open a way for the King to be received by the people and went so far stirring men up by the apparent terrour of unavoidable death and the most cruel torment of hunger that some having made an Agreement among themselves resolved to meet one morning and seize upon the Heads of the Government who assembled themselves in Council in the Palace of Justice but the business being secretly come to the ear of Don Christino de Nizza one of the chief Preachers that laboured to make the people hold out the siege he caused the Princes and Legat to be informed of it who having put all the Militia in Arms divided the care of the City and ordered that the Duke of Nemours should ride armed both that day and night thorow all the Wards of the City and that the Chevalier d' Aumale should stay constantly to guard the Palace yet nevertheless they of the Plot came in great numbers at the time appointed crying Bread or Peace and threatning to cut the Council in pieces if some course were not taken when one of the City Captains whose name was Goix inconsiderately going about to oppose them was shot and killed by one of them with a Pistol which he carried privately But the Chevalier d' Aumale having caused the Gates of the Palace to be shut and the Duke of Nemours and the Ambassador Mendozza coming suddenly with the Militia in Arms he that had discharged the Pistol was thrown down from the Galleries of the Palace and some other of the chief of them who could not escape being taken and executed the same day the tumult dissolved of it self leaving the City free from danger but not the Heads from fear that hunger would cause many of those commotions the state of things still growing worse and no certain hope of relief appearing The excessive heats which this year followed the excessive rains as they made the sufferings more grievous so did they hasten the ripeness of Corn in the Field which being seen by the besieged who watched night and day upon the Walls was a cause that they went out armed and unarmed in divers Companies sometimes Horse sometimes Foot with Sicles and other reaping Instruments hoping to catch some part of it But the diligence of the Kings Army was great in running to beat back the besieged as often as they came forth burning up the Corn and with shot driving those Women and Children in again that came out unarmed to get some by stealth So that the whole Field being full of burnings and bloody incursions on all sides the Parisians could not furnish themselves with any fruits out of the Field save those that grew within shot of their Walls which was so little as sufficed not to keep them above five or six days after which the famine grew more miserable and deadly than ever they being fain from Meal and Oat-pottage to come to the eating of noisom things and even to the grinding of Dead-mens Bones to make Bread a food not only loathsom and abominable but also so unwholsom and pestiferous that the poor people died wonderfully fast They likewise wanted Wood for firing so much that they eat the flesh they got almost raw and the skins and hides tanned for shooes and for mens clothing were boiled and devoured by those who pulling down their own houses or other mens could find wherewithal to kindle fire nor was there any kind of nourishment so strange but it came into mens fancies to make use of being become ingenious by necessity which forced them to invent ways to keep themselves alive and that which gave the greatest relief was that by reason of the infinite number that were dead and fled away secretly some streets especially those of the Suburbs being not frequented brought forth Grass which gave marvellous relief to those poor famished Wretches But even this small help was likewise quickly taken away for the Prince of Conty the Sieur de Chastillon the Duke de la Tremouille the Marquiss Pisani the Duke of Nevers and other Lords of Normandy Anjou Poictou Gascogne and Languedoc being come unto the Army which was by that means much increased in number the King caused the siege to be more nearly streightned and the Suburbs to be therefore assaulted and taken to which end upon the Four and twentieth day of Iuly at night being
hundred Horse to try if he could put some relief into Corbeil but having heard it was lost in his return back he fell upon a Quarter of two Troops of Light-horse which lay apart from the rest and having defeated them in a moment and taken the Captains he put most of the Souldiers to the Sword Corbeil being taken the disgusts between the Duke of Parma and the French Heads of the League increased for the Duke thought it convenient to put a Garison of Walloons or Italians into it which might be sufficient to keep what he had gotten and the Duke of Mayenne and the Parisians grew jealous that the Spaniards under shew of helping them would make themselves Masters of that place and many others and usurp for themselves whatsoever acquisitions they should make Wherefore the Duke of Parma having found what the French suspected and being again returned to his first designs of spinning the War out in length to consume the Forces and tame the humour of both parties and knowing that mens minds were not yet disposed to receive that form which the Catholick Kings affairs required he resolved to depart and go back again into Flanders where there was exceeding great need of him and his Army Many other circumstances perswaded him to the same resolution the wasting of his Forces which by reason of diseases diminished every moment want of money and scarceness of provisions which were causes that he could not maintain the Discipline of his Army the unfitness of the season which hindred him from making any further progress whereupon he doubted that by lying still his reputation would decrease and the valour of his Souldiers degenerate the necessary redoubled instances which from all parts were insatiably made unto him for moneys every one having perswaded himself that he to satisfie the covetousness of them all had brought Mountains of Gold along with him and finally the suspicions of many who already did rather murmur than give him thanks for the relief he had given them in so great necessity and in so evident danger For these causes having put Corbeil into the hands of the Duke of Mayenne and having left Lagny entire which before he had determined to dismantle he gave the Duke and the Parisians to understand that the necessity of the affairs of Flanders called him back and that having obeyed the Catholick Kings command in raising the siege of Paris and opening the passages that were convenient for victuals he ought not to stay longer in so contrary a season and so unfit for action but return to take order for his own affairs which to relieve his Friends had been left in danger and confusion This resolution did much trouble those of the League who having conceived hope that the Spanish Army should not forsake them till the enterprise were fully perfected and that the Duke of Parma with his Men and the Catholick Kings money should totally assist their party did now see all those designs fall in one instant and their party remain destitute of those necessary supplies of men and money Wherefore both the Duke of Mayenne in person and the Deputies of Paris and Monsignor Sega Bishop of Piacenza whom the Cardinal-Legat departing suddenly by reason of the Popes death had substituted Vice-Legat urged the Duke of Parma with earnest reiterated intreaties and considerations to change that resolution And when they saw words prevailed not and that the Duke was still setting his Army in order to depart the Duke of Mayenne by the means of Monsieur de Villeroy began a new Treaty of Accommodation with the King to work a jealousie in the Spaniards and make them believe that if their Forces were once gone the Peace would immediately be concluded and by consequence that all the expences and pains they had already undergone would be utterly lost But neither did this move the Duke of Parma from his determination knowing the Duke of Mayenne would not easily bring his mind to lay aside his present hopes and to submit himself to the power of his Enemies and that though he should do so the business consisted not in him alone but it was necessary that so many others who were far off divided and drawn by different interests must consent unto it That before they could conclude any thing he might have leisure to return and undo whatsoever should be agreed upon in the mean time But leâ—t the affairs of the League should grow desperate he promised them assoon as he came to Brusselles to pay down two hundred and thirty thousand Ducats for the payment of the Foreign Forces and to leave a convenient number of Horse and Foot under the Duke of Mayenne's command to uphold and continue the War But that sum of money seemed very small to those who had fancied to themselves that all the Treasures of the Indies should be poured down upon them and the men he left were indeed sufficient to maintain the War but not to make an end of it Whereupon every one but especially the Parisians who had suffered so much before the coming and had conceived so great hopes after the arrival of the Spanish Army was reduced into wonderful great perplexity of mind which was increased by the departure of Cardinal Gaetano and because they knew not what might be expected from the new Pope Vrban the Seventh and after him who lived but twelve days from Gregory the Fourteenth who succeeded him in the Apostolick Chair But the Duke firm in his resolution after twenty days time which he had given the Army to refresh it self marched towards Champagne to hold the Enemy in doubt which way he would bend his course and by that means to keep his passage free from Ambusâ—adoes He divided his Army into four parts the Vanguard led by the Marquiss of Ranty the first Battalion by the Sieur de la Mothe the second Battalion he commanded himself and the Reerguard was led by Georgio Basti All the several Divisions marched always drawn up in Battalia and with their Carriages of Baggage on each side which shut them up and enclosed them like a Trench and were so near that they might help one another mutually in a short time Provisions of Victual were made and marching thorow fertile plentiful Countries they were not necessitated to enlarge themselves except the Light-horse who scowred the Neighbouring Ways to discover the Country neither did they go far off for the Army being always ready and disposed to fight feared not to be catch'd and assaulted unaware But he was scarcely gone drawing toward Chastean-Thierry in Champagne when the Baron de Guiry who was at Melun assaulted and took Corbeil which the Parisians had negligently and weakly Garison'd and with the same fortune returned and recovered Lagny which contrary to the Duke of Parma's advice had not been slighted at which the Parisians much moved and troubled were exceeding earnest with the Vice-Legat Sâ—gâ— to procure the stay of the
Spanish Army until such time as those places so necessary for the bâ—inging in of provisions were recovered The Vice-Legat dispatched the Pronotary Caraâ—â—iâ—â— to the Duke to present unto him the earnest desires and the necessity of the City of Paris and the Duke of Mayenne who was in the Army laboured with all possible efficacy to perswade him to stay But the Duke of Parma excusing himself That his Army was much diminished by sickness That the season was so contrary nothing could be done and that the Low-Countries sollicited his presence continued on his march having some hope to obtain Chasteau-Thierry by a Treaty which he held with Viscount Pinart Governor of that Town But the King who was departed from Compeigne accompanied by the Baron de Byron and the Duke of Longueville with a select number of men followed the track of the Spanish Army to hinder it from getting those places that held of his party and to watch some opportunity of doing it some mischief and having had some suspition of the Treaty he caused the Sieur de la Noue with three hundred Horses and six hundred Foot to enter into Chasteau-Thierry by which means the Duke of Parma deprived of that hope bending on the left hand took the straight way to return into Flanders The King followed and marching speedily was sometimes before him sometimes quartered besides him sometimes pressed him in the Rere and by giving frequent Alarms and bold skirmishes did both day and night molest and surround the Army The Duke of Parma proceeded with no less order and circumspection and keeping all parts of his Army under the same discipline was quick and ready to turn which way soever the enemy should press or shew himself But having marched on this manner from the thirteenth to the five and twentieth of November the King desirous to see the effect of so much diligence and of so many labours having drawn the Cavalry into five Bodies advanced upon the same way by which the Army of the League was to pass making shew that he would charge them as they marched The Carabines who were ready for all assaults received the skirmish very fiercely and coming forth of the Barricadoes of their Carriages wheeling giving fire and falling in again did no small harm to the King's Cavalry wherefore the Baron de Biron thinking to rout them and ease himself of that trouble charged up more boldly then considerately with Fourscore Cuirassiers hoping to chase them back and disorder them but the Carabines giving way according to their custom to retire behind the Squadrons of the Army the Baron advanced so far in pursuit of them and was so deeply engaged between two Squadrons of Lances of the Vanguard that his Horse being killed under him he was in manifest danger to be taken prisoner which being perceived by Count de Tillieres who was on the right hand with a body of Cuirassiers and by the Sieur d' Humieres who was on the left hand with Ninety Horse they advanced no less couragiously than he to disingage him but being charged by the whole Cavalry of the Vanguard and the other Battalions coming one after another who knowing by the ratling of the shot that the skirmish was begun had hastened their march they were fain leaving the field to retire fleeing full speed with evident hazard of being all cut off if the King himself and the Duke of Longueville with the other two Squadrons had not advanced to make the retreat wherein having disengaged Biron and with much ado set him again on horseback who at the foot of a Bank with two companions had defended himself a great while against the Enemy they were followed by them as far as a Village called Longueval where night coming on put an end to the fight and gave the King convenient opportunity to retire He quartered with all his Forces at Pont-Arsy where they stood all night in Arms nor did the enemy rest more quietly for the Kings celerity and courage kept all their Quarters in great jealousie and so much the rather because the rout of the two squadrons had been with more terror and danger than loss there being not above five men slain and only twenty wounded The next day the D. of Nevers joyned with the King with the Forces of Champagne and likewise the Sieurs de Giury and Parabiere who having taken Corbeil and put a Garrison into it were come with all diligence to find him again by which means being increased in strength he began with more boldness than before to molest the Duke's Army who intent upon his journey not stirring for any cause whatsoever out of his ranks nor out of the shelter of his Carriages marched on commodiously before But upon the nine and twentieth day the Army coming towards Guise and the King being resolved to attempt something with all his Cavalry fell upon their Rere-guard which having made a halt and put their Army in a readiness to fight the Carabines failed not with their wonted courage to begin the Skirmish but the King's Cavalry which being for that purpose divided into little squadrons and had order to charge home and not give them time to do hurt with their shot inclosed them in such manner that they all had been cut off in the place if Georgio Basti with one thousand and two hundred Lances had not disingaged them The squadron of Basti rush'd upon the small Troops of the French Cavalry so ordered to repress the Carabines but not being able to receive the shock of so many Lances the Baron of Biron was fain to â—etire half in disorder But being sustain'd by the King himself who with the rest of his Horse and a Thousand Foot of Parabiere's old Regiment mounted behind them advanced to re-enforce the Battel Basti not having order to fight retired under the shelter of his Squadrons in very good order yet could he not do it with so great circumspection but that the French remained masters of some carriages which by chance were separated from the rest But the King being come near the Rere-guard where Pietro Gaetano was making himself ready to oppose him with the Foot drawn up in order encompassed with his Carriages and the Duke of Parma who had faced about and changed the order of his march coming up with the second Battalion he resolved to retire without attempting any further by reason the Enemy was in so Soldier like order and that their Forces were so exceedingly unequal This was the last day that the King molested the Spanish Army in its march The Duke of Parma being arrived at the Frontiers took leave of the Duke of Mayenne striving with apt expressions to confirm his courage and to perswade him that within a little while he should receive powerful assistance of men and money and that he might not leave him so weak that he should be forced to make an agreement with the Enemy he commanded the Italian Tertia of
pretensions and the other places were in possession of the League wherefore he at last propounded and by sending the Sieur de Salettes a Hugonot Gentleman gave firm promise to the Queen that he would lay siege to the City of Rouen towards the taking whereof if the English would help with Men and Money he would give them some reasonable jurisdiction in it to the end that they might freely and securely traffick and then if he could take Caudebec and Harfleur Towns near that City he would consigne unto them one of those Ports which might serve for a free open retreat for their shipping To which Conditions while the English unwillingly consented and while they were treated of on both sides with usual caution the coming of the Germans was protracted nor could they ever be got to move till the first One hundred thousand Ducats were paid down and assignments given for the other Two hundred thousand On the other side the Duke of Monte-Marciano and the Forces which from Milan marched towards Flanders at the Duke of Savoy's urgent importunities had received orders to stay for some dayes within his State to the end that with their countenance and assistance he might recover some places which had been taken from him and repress the Forces of Monsieur Les Diguieres who fiercely bestirred himself sometimes in Dauphine sometimes in Provence The Duke was troubled that the Kings party had taken some places though of no great importance but he was much more troubled at a Fort which Les Diguieres had begun to raise over against Montmeillan Wherefore having obtained that the Italian Army and likewise Four thousand Swisses raised by the Pope should stay some time with him he spurred up Don Amadeo for the recovery of that Fort called Morestello from the place where it was built and he with other Forces entred into Dauphine another way while Count Francâ—sco Martinengo with the greatest strength of his Army besieged and streightned the Town of Barre in Provence Monsieur Les Diguieres who was forced sometimes to assist in the affairs of Dauphine sometimes to help Monsieur de la Valette in Provence was now set forward to raise the siege of Barre while la Valette besieged and battered Gravion but being arrived so late that the Defendants had already articled to surrender it after some slight encounters he was returned with exceeding great celerity to relieve Fort Morestello and with Four hundred Horse and Three thousand Foot was advanced as far as Ponte Chiarra a place near and proper for his intetention which being known to the Savoyards who were strengthned with part of the Popes Forces they rose silently from the siege which they had continued already many days and leaving the Fort behind them encamped themselves upon the same way by which they saw the French Army would advance But Les Diguieres having himself viewed and discovered the Camp and number of the Enemy and making no great account of the raw men that were in that Army in comparison of his old Soldiers resolved to sight thinking with a fierce boldness easily to strike a terror in them Wherefore both the Armies being between the Mountain and the River Isare in a narrow place which favoured the small number of his Forces he parted his Infantry into two Bodies one of which he sent up by the steep of the Hill and the other along the bank of the River and he keeping the Plain with his Cavalry divided into four Squadrons with some Muskettiers mixed and placed among the Horse advanced resolutely to attack the Enemy The Savoyards having drawn up the Army in very good order advanced likewise and received the encounter in the Front very couragiously but while they fought and in fighting had their eyes and mindes wholly taken up with the Enemy that was before them they were suddenly charged in the Flank by the Foot that were come about by the way of the Hill which they had not taken care to make good Wherefore being staggered at that unexpected accident they broke their ranks and without making much resistance easily took flight But being come into the Plain that was behind them recovering courage they fell to rally again and once more to face about and so much the rather because their being stronger in Horse and having a very spacious open field gave them very great advantage in renewing the Battel yet nevertheless the Conquerors following up with wonderful speed and fury they were terrified in such manner that being dispersed they were pursued to the very Walls of Monmeillan with the loss of Fifteen hundred men two Cornets Eighteen Foot-colours and great store of spoiâ— and baggage But this unhappy accident which cut off all hopes of making any further progress at that time and the importunities of the Dukes of Mayenne and Lorain to have the Popish and Spanish Forces to march to hinder the passage of the Germans were the causes that Savoy being left they advanced through the Country of Bourgongne directly towards Lorain The Duke of Mayenne since the taking of Noyon to put in order and increase his Army had staid still at Han whilest the King victoriously advancing over-ran the whole Country in which place President Ieannin being returned from the Court of Spain found him but brought back no pleasing answer to any of those things he had negotiated with the Catholick King The Duke of Mayenne had been of opinion that the artificial reserved proceedings of the Spaniards had sprung from the nature and will of the Ministers ill-affected to his person or desirous to do more than what was given them in charge by the Royal Council he thought that the D. of Parma a very wary prudent Soldier would unwillingly hazard his reputation against the King followed by almost an invincible Nobility and in his actions prompt fearless and resolute he believed that Diego d' Ivarr and Mendozza who for many particular accidents were ill-disposed towards him either to make him lose his credit or out of covetousness did convert those Moneys that were sent to other uses and often disposed of them without his privacy at their own pleasures and did assuredly think that as soon as the Catholick King was once fully informed of the affairs of France of the interests of every one and of his pains endeavors and authority he would soon resolve in favor of him give him sufficient assistance to make an end of the War and permit him to negotiate the getting of the Crown for himself For this cause he had deprived himself of the help and counsel of President Ieannin sending him to the Court as one privy to all his most secret thoughts well informed of all particulars full of wary prudence and for experience and eloquence able to undergo the weight of so difficult a business But both he and the President found themselves much deceived in their opinion for whether that had been the aim of the Spaniards from
would first draw all the Soldiers into Arms and make a diligent discovery without that the Duke having had the advantage of above an hour and half could not afterward â—e overtaken by those that followed him which confirmed the jealousie some had that the King had secretly commanded he should be permitted to escape since that all those dayes Letters and Messages were without restraint suffered to come to him and Presents to be sent among which was the Pie with the Silk Ladder in it without which his escape could not have been effected This news being brought to the Heads of the two parties as it did not displease the King who hoped some good would grow out of that evil so did it pierce the Duke of Mayenne to the quick especially in that present conjuncture of time wherein he was diffident of the Spaniards and of many French of the party who were ill-satisfied with him yet dissembling this affliction and not losing courage having expressed fitting joy for the freedom of his Nephew he exhorting him as soon as he could to come unto him thinking that not being well informed of matters nor known to many as soon as he should be with him he would yield to his age prudence and the possession wherein he was of governing all things and having recourse to art to bridle the arts of the other Confederates he presently by the means of Monsieur de Villeroy caused a Treaty of Intelligence to be begun with the Cardinal of Bourbon and the other Princes of the blood whom he knew by the relation of the Sieur des Portes to be discontented with the King and to try to set on foot a third and different party judging that he should by that means beget a jealousie in the Spaniards and necessitate them to consent if not to all at least to many of his demands Nor was Villeroy being alwayes desirous that the War should end in an Accommodation slack by the means of his brother the Abbot de Chesy to promote that Treaty which with hopes and imaginary Conditions was artificially kept alive But the King who had got an inkling of the business standing between the machinations of these which did necessitate him to his conversion and the earnest desires of the English and of the Princes of Germany who urged him to give them places in his Kingdom and securities 〈◊〉 the liberty of Religion wherein they pretended that he must still persevere if he would have their assistance was no less afflicted than the Duke of Mayenne which affliction increased much after he was arrived at Sedan for the Moneys of England were not yet disbursed and the Germans had therefore delayed their coming so long that it was thought the Popish and Spanish Forces would get into Lorain before them and to his other troubles was added that Charlotte de la Mark Heiress of that Dutchy being kept in that City of an age ripe and marriageable he was forced to take a revolution of matching her lest the Duke of Lorain preventing him as he had a most earnest desire should give her to Wife to one of his sons As the importance of that Dutchy and particularly of the City of Sedan did necessitate the King to provide that it might not fall to the Duke of Lorain so did it keep him in great doubt to whom he should give that Lady in Marriage who carried with her the possession of a State of so great consequence Carlo Gonzaga son to the D. of Nevers aspired to this Match confining with her Lands by the Dutchy of Retelois whereof he bore the title but her being of the Hugonot Religion as likewise the People and Gentry of those places was the cause the King would not resolve to satisfie him lest he should alienate that party from him and discontent those whom he laboured to keep with so much pains and industry On the other side he doubted lest the D. of Nevers of a nature apt to take disgusts should be offended if he should propose any other Match of inferiour quality to his son Which contrary considerations after they had held him some dayes in suspence it being necessary to resolve at last he concluded to marry her to the Viscount de Turenne as well because of the confidence he had in him as because he was of the same Religion and much more to reward him for his excellent service done in raising and bringing in the forreign Army but it presently produced that effect which the King had before apprehended for the D. of Nevers was incensed to such a height that he began to encline to those that pressed his conversion and to hold secret intelligence with the Cardinal of Bourbon the D. of Longueville his son in Law and with the rest of the new party who made shew to move principally for Religion which they said was trampled under foot and themselves deceived while notwithstanding all promises those were advanced in strength and power who openly professed to live and die Hugonots Nor was there any other remedy for this mischief save to be incessantly in action and not to suffer idleness to give nourishment to those thoughts but to let victorious enterprises put to silence and quiet those spirits which were yet kept hidden in the brests of men for which cause he laboured so much in solliciting the march of the German Army and in sending them those sums by little and little which with infinite diligence he had been able to get together from several parts that in the end he joyned with them before the Popish and Spanish Armies were come up to cross that union as the D. of Mayenne had ever striven and endeavoured to do so great an errour that it rendered vain all those so vast expences made and so many labours undergone for the gathering together and bringing in of those Forces for they having inconsiderately spent their time in Savoy to attend businesses that did no ways advance the sum of the War arrived not soon enough to hinder the King 's joyning with the Germans upon which depended the principal point of the War of this year Now the King united without opposition with the Viscount de Turenne and having taken many Castles about Metz and Sedan at last assaulted Attigny a great Town into which all the riches goods and Cattel of the neighbouring places were reduced and having very prosperously taken it he gave all the pillage which was very great unto the Germans who being ill provided of Money were refreshed and quieted for some time after which booty the King alwayes ready to embrace valiant counsels thought good to try whether the Commanders of the League had a heart to come to a Battel wherefore having known that the Forces of the Pope the Duke of Lorain and the Duke of Mayenne were also at last joyned together at Verdun he would needs draw up to them and provoke them by his presence and all other possible means to
hundred Horse and Colonel Boniface with Five hundred Foot sallyed out at the Porte Cau-choise and charging first the Cavalry and then the Regiment of English skirmished fiercely for many hours though at last being weary on both sides they retired willingly without advantage yet the besieged vaunted of a happy beginning by reason of the death of a Nephew of the Earl of Essex who his courage having drawn him into the most dangerous place of the fight was slain by Borosey with a Pistol-shot in the throat On the other side Captain Perdriel with Two hundred other Horse and Captain Basin with Four hundred Foot sallied at the Porte de Martinville and having skirmished long with the French Light-horse led by Francesco Orsino Sieur de la Chappelle they were forced to retire though they received not much harm because they were defended in their retreat by the Artillery of the nearest Bulwark But the Mareschal as soon as he had entrenched Darnetal to the end his Army might lie secure from the sprightly forwardness which he saw in those of the Town set himself for some dayes following without advancing towards the City to divert the course of the Robec which little Rivulet running through the Field and entering into the Town drove eleven Mills near the Porte St. Hillaire to the great conveniency of those within nor was it very difficult to turn it another way which would have much incommodated the Town and made them suffer exceedingly if Villars foreseeing the diversion of the water had not provided against it before by having caused a great many hand-mills to be made which were continually kept going by the Country-men who to fly the Enemy were in great numbers gotten within the Walls While they wrought to divert the water the Mareschal no less intent upon art than he was upon force of arms held a Treaty with Captain Graveron who was in the City to get into his hands the Porte de Beauvais which he was appointed to guard and this was managed by a kinsman of his who was one of the Mareschals servants and who before the siege had often gone disguised into the City for that purpose But Graveron having revealed the Treaty to the Governour and received Orders to draw the Enemy by night into an Ambush he could not fain so well but that the art was discovered whereupon this treaty vanished with little damage on either side But the next day the Chevalieâ— Piccard sallying out from St. Catherine's to skirmish and the Earl of Essex with the English coming out of the Wood of Turinge they contended with words no less than deeds for Piccard upbraided the English that not having courage enough to revenge the death of the Earl's Nephew they â—ought to advance their designs by treachery they came to ill language and to give the Lye for which as soon as the skirmish was ended there came an English Trumpet from the Earl of Essex to challenge the Governor which the Chevalier Piccard who had spoke the words having answered it came not to a duel for the Earl refused to fight with any other than the Governor and the Governor though he refused him not yet he referr'd the Duel till another time when he should be free of the charge of that present defence to which as a publick cause he was both first and more deeply engaged All the Moneth of November was spent in continual Skirmishes and hourly encounters the Mareschal in the mean time being imployed in fortifying his quarters drawing Artillery and Ammunition and causing provisions to be brought in expecting the Kings coming up to the siege with the rest of the Army who being come into the Camp upon the third of December sent an Herald to summon the City but being very stoutly answered by those within the next day they broke ground to make their approaches to the Wall The King lay at Darnetal with the Mareschal de Biron and the greatest part of the Nobility that followed him having the Swissers flanked with the Regiment of his Guards for the defence of his own quarters The Viscount de Turenne whom in the right of his Wife we will begin to call the Duke of Bouillon was quartered on the right hand with the Cavalry and the German Infantry spreading themselves a great way in the Neighbouring Villages upon the way that leads toward Diepe The French Infantry having lost the Sieur de Chastillon who was wont to command it he being dead a while before of a natural death was led by divers Colonels of renowned fame and lay close by the Germans but on the right hand of the King's Quarters towards the Porte Cau-choise and the Porte de Beauvais The English Foot lay on the left hand of the King and the Swissers entrenched under the Wood of Turinge against the Porte St. Hillaire and the Mount of St. Catherine The Baron de Giury and the Sieur de la Chappelle with the Light-horse spred themselves on the left hand of these upon the way that leads to Pont de l' Arche and thence towards Paris And the Count de Soissons with Captain Raulet beyond the Riveâ— Seine over which there was a passage made by a Bridge upon Boats were quartered right over against the Fauxbourg of St. Severe When the whole Town was thus girt round there being neither the hinderance nor the conveniency of Suburbs for the Governor at the arrival of the Army had caused them to be burnt the King commanded Colonel St. Denis to take up his Post in the Church of St. Andre which was the onely building that because it was built of stone remained yet standing though they had endeavoured to demolish it but he soon perceived that Villars had foreseen the mischief which he might receive from thence and provided a very convenient remedy For two exceeding great Culverins were discovered upon a Cavalier raised within which did so batter that place that the French had scarcely possessed themselves of it when they were forced to quit it This attempt having proved ineffectual the King began to cause two Trenches to be cast up one to approach St Catherines Mount which being drawn from the Wood of Turinge was wrought at by the English and the other to end just against the Porte St Hilaire at which the French Infantry wrought by turns But the Sieur de Villars besides the other works which were thrown up day and night and by a great abundance of Labourers who within a short space had dammed up the Porte de St. Hilaire with Earth having raised a very high Cavalâ—er close by it filled the Moat with Casamats and fortified the Counterscarp with little Ravelines had also before the Forts of St. Catherine where the utmost force of the siege was applied drawn a Brest-work of eighteen or twenty foot thick flanked with two Ravelines onely for the use of Muskettiers having neither Shoulders Orillons nor Retreats and before this
make the Print of the foot longer than the foot it self and that the expences made by his Predecessor exceeded the abilities of the Apostolick See and that he would contribute Fifteen thousand Ducats a month till businesses were setled after which settlement he would strain himself to do the most that the strength of the Treasury should be able to bear which things written into France by many did not onely disturb the mindes of the French Lords but also made the Duke of Monte-Marciano and Commissary Matteucci doubtful which way they should carry themselves Nevertheless he created the Bishop of Piacenza Cardinal and appointed him Legat in France as a man experienced and who already had the management in his hands it being commonly said That new Ministers do maim businesses before they have time to understand and apprehend them The Legate being chosen he wrote that if the Duke of Parma came into the Kingdom by the fifteenth of December at the farthest then the Forces of the Apostolick See should follow his Camp but if he entred not within the said term they should certainly be disbanded which did not much please the Spanish Ministers who saw the Pope little inclined to follow their ends but much less the Duke of Mayenne who saw he could not hope for those Aids that were fit for his design But his death which happened in the second month of his Popedom did so confound the mindes of the Legate and the rest that the Duke of Parma was necessitated with his entreaties and authority to constrain them to follow him in the present need and to promise the Swissers to pay them with his own money if they were not satisfied by the next Pope All things being thus setled and the Forces drawn from all parts the Armies joyned and advanced with easie marches towards Nesle where being arrived upon the fourth of Ianuary the Duke of Parma would needs make a general Rendezvous of his Forces which he mustered and caused to be paid a weeks pay and likewise the Duke of Mayenne the Count de Vaudemont and the Duke of Monte-Marciano reviewed their Forces and for that purpose and to stay for the Artillery and Ammunition which moved more slowly they lay twelve dayes in the same Quarters They set forward upon the sixteenth in the morning and by the way of Amiens though the longer yet the better and more abundant in provisions marched directly toward Rouen When they had passed Amiens and left behind them the River Somme the Duke of Parma would needs distribute the parts of his Army and march continually in battalia si nce they entred into an Enemies Country full of uneven places Woods and little Rivers for which cause he would not expose himself to the danger of being assaulted unawares by the King's readiness and celerity which by past experience was exceedingly well known unto him There were in the Army about Six thousand Horse eight hundred Reiters commanded by the Baron of Swarzembourg Two thousand Light-horse in the absence of the Duke of Pastrana commanded by Georgio Basti Commissary of the Cavalry Four hundred Flemish Lances under the Prince of Chimais An hundred Italian Lances of the General of the Church led by his Lieutenant Lodovico Melzi Seven hundred Lorain Lances and Cuirassiers commanded by the Count de Vaudemont and Two thousand Horse of the French Gentry that followed the Dukes of Mayenne and Guise and the other Princes and Lords of that party The Infantry amounted to the number of 24000 whereof Two thousand Swissers to so small a number were they reduced that were raised by the Church Three Spanish Tertia's under Antonio Zuniga Lodovico Velasco and Alonzo Idiaques Two of Germans under the conduct of the Counts of Barlemont and Arembergh Four of Walloons under Monsieur du Vert Count Octavio Mansfelt the Count de Bossu and Colonel Claude de la Berlotte Two Tertia's of Italians that of Camillo Capizucchi's and a part of that which formerly was Pietro Gaetano's led by his Serjeant Major and Four thousand French under the Sieurs de Bois-Dauphine and Balagny and Colonel St. Paul This Army was divided into three Battalions the Van-guard led by the Duke of Guise accompanied by the Sieurs de Vitry and de la Chastre the Battel in which were the Dukes of Parma and Mayenne the Count de Vaudemont and the Duke of Montemarciano and the Rere-guard commanded by the Duke of Aumale and the Count de Chaligny with many other Lords The first flying Squadron of Foot was led by Camillo Capizucchi wherein were all the Italians the Swissers guarded the Artillery which were under the command of the Sieurs de la Motte and Bassompierre Georgio Basti with a good Body of Carabines and Light-horse marched before the whole Army to scowr and secure the ways and the Sieur de Rosne had the charge of Serjeant-Major-General The King having heard the news of the coming of the Army of the League consulted maturely what was to be done and having the example of Paris before him resolved to leave the Mareschal de Biron with all the Infantry and part of the Cavalry before Rouen to continue the siege and to go himself with a good strength of Horse to meet the Enemy not to fight with them in the open field but to hinder them upon Passes to retard and interrupt their march and to lay hold of those opportunities which the quality of situations and the motions of the Confederates should afford He was perswaded to this resolution by finding himself so strong and powerful in Horse for the Duke of Nevers the Duke of Longueville the Count de St. Paul and many other Lords being newly arrived at the Army there were in all above Ten thousand Horse and in the Camp between Seven and eight and twenty thousand Foot wherefore the King putting confidence in this number left the major part of the German Cavalry hard to be governed and also some number of the French in the Camp before Rouen and he himself with 2000 Cuirassiers Five hundred light-horse A thousand Reiters commanded by the Prince of Anhalt and 2000 Harquebuziers on horseback departed upon the nine and twentieth of Ianuary to march up toward the â—nemy At his arrival at Folleville a little Town at the entring into Picardy he received intelligence that at that very time the Enemies Army keeping the right way toward Rouen was passing a little lower toward the Field that encompasses the passage of the great high-way Wherefore having sent the Sieur de Rambures before with Fifteen Light-horse to make discovery he drew out the Grand Esquire with Forty Gentlemen upon the right hand and the Sieur de Lavardin with Thirty upon the left and he himself in the midst with Sixscore Horse advanced that he might conveniently view what order the Army of the League kept in marching when they had advanced in this manner little less than a League Lavardin
discovered some Spanish Foot who resting themselves under a Tree had set up their Pikes round about it and being about to draw near to fall upon them they on the right hand perceived two strong Troops of Horse which had been upon the Guard at the end of the high-way were already moving towards them wherefore crying out that the fruit of the Tree was not ripe they were the cause that Lavardin taking notice of the Enemy turned courageously about and at the head of his men most valiantly charged them who having in the first encounter killed his horse under him made a brisk On-set on both sides upon him but the fight was short for the King being come up with his Troop the Horse of the League retired to their main Body Then saw they the whole Army as it lay still but the Guards being diligently placed through all the Field the King found that he could not come nearer them and therefore being joyned with the rest of his men he retired that night to Berteville From thence following his design he came upon the fourth of February to Aumale a Castle seated upon a River which divides the Confines of Picardy from upper Normandy where he quartered all his men in the Suburb and the next morning being desirous himself to see the order and view the Camp of the Enemy he advanced in person with the Archers of his Guard two hundred other Light-horse and three hundred chosen Gentlemen upon the way which the Army of the League marched leaving the care of the rest that were in Aumale unto the Dukes of Nevers and Longueville But as it often hapned to that Prince that being led on by his courage and the curiosity of making discovery with his own eye in the first ranks of his Soldiers he was suddenly entangled wonderful great dangers so it fell out that day for having past a field exceeding full of Vineyards which spreads it self from Aumale beyond the River to the bottom of a Hill and being gone up the steep thereof to the top where there is a spacious Plain he fell unexpectedly among the Avant Coureurs of the League which he thought had been yet above a League from thence The encounter was so sudden because the Hill being between them had hindred each party from discovering the other that having neither time to retire nor draw up in order it was necessary to handle their Arms and fall in pell-mell without any consideration There were at the head of the French the King himself the Baron de Biron the Count de St. Paul the Sieurs de Marivaut de Chaseron de Praslin d'Aubigny de Rambures and de Champlivaut with many other valiant soldiers so that there was no doubt but the Avant-Coureurs of the League being both in number and courage much inferior must give place to their fury and valor and indeed after a short resistance they betook themselves openly to flight Then appeared the Duke of Parma's Army which being drawn into Battalia with Military order marched on its way along the same Plain The whole form of their Battel was four-square and had an open Interval in the Front through which the Squadrons in the middle might draw forth to fight and at the Angles of the Rere there were likewise two Intervals that of the Front being shut up by the flying Squadron and those in the Rere by two Bodies of Horse which were to advance first into the Battel The Flanks were defended by the wonted carriages which in admirable order went on without straggling And by the side of them were the Foot of all the several Nations drawn up in Divisions Without the Body of the Army and of the foursquare form the Light-horse and Carabines in very great numbers being divided into many Squadrons filled up the extent of the Plain on every side and in the midst of the whole Camp the Duke carried in an open Chair went himself observing what was amiss and setting all things in order But the King had hardly made a stand upon the Plain to take an hasty view of this excellent order when Georgio Basti advertised by the Avant-Coureurs coming up with the Carabines and Light-horse of the Army he found himself entangled by two great clouds of Harquebusiers on Horseback who hailing upon them on both sides forced him though very late to think of the means of retiring Almost all the Gentlemen that followed him were without their head-pieces because in such an unexpected accident they had not had time to take them and fought confusedly in disorder because haste had not suffered them to draw themselves up into a Body so that onely courage and sense of honour and the Kings presence restrained them from flight which was necessary if they would save their lives But a great number falling dead on every side since even the best of their Arms was not proof against the violence of those Bullets that flew from the extraordinary wide bore of the Carabines and the first flying Squadron of Foot already appearing which having heard the beginning of the fight came up a great pace to fall in amongst them the King commanding his men to wheel about but not to charge went on at a round trot toward the descent to meet with his Light-horse and Harquebusiers on horseback which being led by the Baron de Giury and the Sieur de Lavardin followed him not very far off The Enemy with no less readiness was at his back and on all sides the Captains of the light-Horse made haste to cut off his retreat for being known by his countenance plume and habit every one cryed out to his companions that it was the King of Navar and mutually exhorting each other to follow him they put all their utmost endeavours to get him into their hands The fury of their retreat downward making many horses stumble and fall did so much hinder their speed and order that it was necessary the King himself with evident danger should stay among the last to sustain the violence of the Enemy and be in the greatest storm of shot one of which striking at last through the cantle of his Saddle wounded him though without danger under the reins As the Kings hurt necessitated him to fly full speed to save himself so did it utterly rout his men who being come into the field below were detained by the impediment of the stakes and branches of the vines and by the abundance of the hedges so that men and horses fell at every step and were exposed to the fury of the enemies who made such a slaughter with their Carabines that besides the great number of Gentlemen which were slain the Archers of the King's Guard were almost all left dead upon the place But the light-horse who were already come up into the midst of the Plain which being but short spread it self between the Town and the place where the fight was being met by those who fled away carrying news that
Places Cities and Fortresses should for the space of six years remain in the hands of those that possessed them at that present to restore them to the King and to his free disposing within that time if they saw the Peace go on sincerely That the Government of Bourgogne with all the places also that held for the King should be left to the Duke of Mayenne which Government should be hereditary to his Sons with authority of disposing and distributing the Benefices Offices Governments and Places which should become void in that Province for the time to come That the King should give him an Office of the Crown superiour to the rest as it might be of Constable or of his Lieutenant-General That he should give him such a sum of money as should be sufficient to pay those debts which he was run into upon that present occasion That to the Government of Bourgogne that of Lyons and Lyonois should be added That the King should provide another Government for the Duke of Nemours which should be equivalent to it That the Duke of Guisâ— should have the Government of Champagne and two strong Holds for his security the Duke of Mercâ—ur that of Bretagne the Duke of Ioyâ—use that of Languedoâ— the Duke of Aumale that of Picardy and for his security St. Esprit de Rue That all the Lords of the League should be maintained in their Places Offices Dignities and Governments which they had possessed before the beginning of the War That the Catholick King should be comprehended in the Peace and reasonable satisfaction given to him for his pretensions That there should be an Act of Oblivion concerning all things that had befaln in the War and that the Narrative and Preamble of the Accommodation should be written in such manner as it might clearly appear the Duke of Mayenne had not acknowledged the King till then in respect of Religion and that now he did it by reason of his Conversion with the Popes consent and that also it might expresly appear he had no hand in the death of the late King Henry his last Predecessor These Conditions the Sieur de Villeroy imparted to Monsieur du Plessis and gave him an extract of them they being set down at large with their Causes and Reasons in the Presidents Letter Du Plessis first made small show to approve of them but Villeroy replied That this was not an Agreement with the Hugonots who by all Laws Divine and Humane were obliged to acknowledge their King established but a Capitulation whereby the Lords of the Union were contented to acknowledge or to say better upon certain conditions to make one King who was not Possessor of the Kingdom that that acknowledgment of theirs coming to pass the King would thereby attain the Crown of France which he possessed not and that therefore the Conditions ought not to seem strange unto him That the Lords of the League did now require all which they thought fit for their security because when the acknowledgment was once made they should be then no longer able to treat or demand any thing but as Subjects simply to beseech their Sovereign Lord That it was no wonder they should demand much at one time being very certain that after that they should never obtain any thing more during his Reign nor perchance in that of his Sons neither That the Duke of Mayenne had shewed himself so good a French-man that he would rather acknowledge a French King though an Enemy upon these conditions than a Stranger though a Friend and a Confident upon much greater ones That the King had always said he would content and secure the Lords of the House of Lorain and all the others of their party and lately while the War was in the heat before Caudebec had affirmed as much with his own mouth to the Baron de Luz with whom he had discoursed long about it in the field telling him That if the Lords of the Union would acknowledge and follow him he would not refuse any conditions and particularly that to his power he would give worthy satisfaction to the Duke of Mayenne whom he knew to be a good Prince and a good French-man That the Mareschal d' Aumont had by his orders repeated the same to the same Baron and therefore that ought not to appear strange now which he himself had proffered but a few days before But the Sieur du Plessis considered that to refer the business of the Kings Conversion to the Pope from whom by reason of the Spaniards power nothing at all would be obtained replied That it was not a thing to be expected from any other means but from Gods Divine Inspiration after such Instructions as should make him know himself to be in an errour for otherwise it was an unlawful thing to demand it and much worse to grant it the Soul being first to be thought of and then the affairs of the World And as for the other conditions repeating them one by one he shewed that if all the Governments and all the Places and Benefices should remain in the gift of the Lords of the Union the King would neither have any thing to reserve nor to grant to those of his own party and that it would be a monstrous thing to see all the Provinces in the hand of one only Family and the Princes of the Blood and so many other Lords excluded who had laboured and endangered their lives for the Kings Crown And yet after having again promised secrecy which the Duke of Mayenne required above all other things he said he would speak with the King himself concerning it and refer the resolution to his pleasure But being come into the Kings Council at Bussy where they were he was so far from favouring the Treaty of Peace and the Conditions propounded or from observing that secresie he had promised that publickly in the presence of all the Council he demanded pardon for having till then not any way out of an evil intention but through inadvertency deceived His Majesty since such Conditions had been propounded to him that he was ashamed of them and did much disdain to publish them He confessed that he had believed too much out of his desire of Peace and out of a will to serve the Publick Cause but the Conditions that were propounded were so unjust and dishonourable for the King and so pernicious for the whole Kingdom that they plainly shewed the Duke of Mayenne and those of his party had no thought of Peace but that they sought to hold the King in hand and to work a jealousie in the Spaniards to draw money and satisfactions from them That the things propounded were such as did not deserve any answer nor did he think them worthy to be heard by that Council and yet having proposed them with this Preamble not only the whole Council but even the King himself thought them not so exorbitant as he represented them and so much the rather because every one knew
try what they could do upon that place but the taking of it proved so difficult being defended by the Sieur de St Offange that after Two thousand and five hundred Cannon-shot and the loss of much time and the best Soldiers of the Army the rains of Autumne falling and the Duke of Mercoeur's relief drawing near they were at last constrained to rise without having obtained their intent But the Duke having held the Enemy in suspence by taking several ways and by making shew of turning sometimes to one place sometimes to another came suddenly to Quintin whither 700 Germans were gotten who were under the command of the D. of Montpensier in those parts and having found them unprovided of those things which were requisite to make a long defence he forced them to yield with express conditions to go out of the Province and not to serve any more against him a thing which proved very hurtful to the King's affairs for he had no Foot that were more forward more expert nor better disciplined than they The loss of the King's party was augmented by the defeat of the English who being as they still are wont afflicted with grievous diseases and brought to a very weak estate had obtained leave of the Duke of Montpensier to go to Danfront in lower Normandy to change the air and to recover their strength by rest but being set upon in the way by the Sieur de Bois-Dauphin with the Garrisons of Laval Craon Fougeres and of the near adjacent places they were so shattered that of so great a number hardly 200 remained alive On the contrary the affairs of the League in Lorain went on unsuccessfully for while the Duke of Bouillon who had taken Stenay with a Petard and possessed some lesser places at last went to relieve Beaumont besieged by Monsieur d' Amblise General for the Duke of Lorain the Armies encountred fiercely and the Lorainers losing their Trenches and Artillery were utterly routed and dispersed after which business the Duke of Bouillon took Dun suddenly by having likewise fastened a Petard to the gate and overrunning all the Country without hinderance had put the Forces of the League in very great confusion In this condition of affairs began the year 1593 the general dispositions of mens mindes as well of the one side as the other being more inclined to the setling of affairs than to the management of Armes The first novelty of this year was the Duke of Mayenne's Declaration made from the December before but not published before the fifth of Ianuary in which making known his intention in assembling the States of his party he prayed and exhorted the Catholicks that followed the King's party to unite themselves to the same end with him and to take some course for the safety and peace of the Kingdom It was of the tenour following CHarles of Loraine Duke of Mayenne Lieutenant-General of the State and Crown of France To all persons present and to come Greeting The inviolable and perpetual observance which this Kingdom hath had of Religion and piety hath been that which hath made it flourish above all others in Christendome and which hath caused our Kings to be honoured with the name of Most-Christian and First Sons of the Church some of them having to obtain that so glorious Title past the Seas and gone as far as the utmost bounds of the earth with most powerful Armies to make War against the Infidels and others of them fought often against those that sought to introduce new Sects and Errors contrary to the faith and belief of our fore-fathers in all which Expeditions they were alwayes accompanied by the Nobility who voluntarily exposed their lives and fortunes to all dangers to have part in that onely true and solid glory of having helped to conserve Religion in their Country or to establish it in places far remote where the Name and Worship of our Lord was not yet known from whence not onely the fame of the valour and zeal of the whole Nation resounds in all parts but by the example of it other Potentates have been stirred up to follow in the honour and danger of so worthy enterprises and of so laudable atchievements After this ardor the holy intention of our Kings and of their Subjects was not at all cooled nor changed till these last dayes that Heresie hath been secretly introduced into this Kingdom and increased in such manner by the means which every one knows that there is now no more need to set before our eyes that we are at last fallen into so lamentable a misfortune that the Catholicks themselves whom the Union of the Church ought inseparably to joyn together have by a new prodigious example taken Arms against one another and disunited themselves in stead of joyning together for the defence of their Religion Which we judge to be come to pass by the wicked impressions and wonted artifices Hereticks have made use of to persuade them that this War is not for Religion but to destroy and usurp the State though we have taken Arms being moved thereunto by so just a grief or rather being constrained by so great a necessity that the cause thereof cannot be ascribe d to any others than the authors of the most wicked disloyal and pernicious counsel that was ever given to a Prince though the King's death happened by a blow from Heaven and by the hand of one man alone without the help or knowledge of those that had but too much cause to desire it and notwithstanding we had made protestation that all our aim and desire tended onely to preserve the State to follow the Laws of the Kingdom by acknowledging for King the Cardinal of Bourbon the nearest and first Prince of the Blood declared so to be in the life-time of the late King by his Letters-Patents verified in all the Parliaments and in that quality designed his Successor in case he should die without male-children which obliged us to confer that honor upon him and yield him all kind of obedience fidelity and service as our intention was to do if it had pleased God to free him from the captivity he was in And if the King of Navarre from whom alone he could hope for that good had been pleased obliging all Catholicks to set him at liberty to acknowledge himself as King and to stay till Nature had brought his dayes to an end making use of that occasion to cause himself to be instructed and to reconcile himself to the Holy Church he should have found all the Catholicks united and disposed to yield him the same obedience and fidelity after the death of the King his Uncle But he persevering in his Errors it was not possible to do it if he would remain under the obedience of the Apostolick Roman Church which had excommunicated him and deprived him of all the rights he could pretend to the Crown Besides that by so doing we should have broken and violated that antient
much as they desire would by force or art do whatsoever they had a minde to And if the Catholicks at this present would well consider the actions that proceed from their advice they might see it clearly enough for the best Cities and Fortresses that are taken are put into their power and into the hands of persons who have at all times shewed themselves favourers of them The Catholicks that reside in them are every day accused and convicted of supposed crimes the sole but concealed cause thereof being onely the opposition which hitherto they have made against their designs which they by a false name call Rebellion The principal Offices fall into their hands and it is already come even unto the Crown The Bulls of our Lord Gregory the Fourteenth and Clement the Eighth full of holy Precepts and fatherly admonitions given to the Catholicks to separate them from Hereticks have not onely been rejected but with all contempt trampled upon by Magistrates who unjustly give themselves the name of Catholicks for if they were such indeed they would never abuse the simplicity of those that are so For to make use of the example of things done in this Kingdom at such a time when the business was about introducing matters that were against the liberty and priviledge of the Gallique-Church is very different from our case the Kingdom never having been reduced to so great an unhappiness since it received the Faith as to endure an Heretick-Prince or to see any of that quality pretend right unto it and if they thought those Bulls had any difficulties in them they being Catholicks ought to have proceeded by Remonstrances and with that respect and modesty which is due unto the Holy See and not with so much contempt and so many blasphemies and impieties as they did but perchance they thereby intended to shew those who know how to be better Catholicks that small reckoning is to be made of the Head of the Holy Church to the end that they may afterward be so much the more easily excluded In evil men proceed by degrees they alwayes begin with that which either is not evil or at least is evil in a lower degree the next day they rise higher and at last arrive at the top of all Thence it is that we know God to be highly incensed against this poor desolate Kingdom and that he will yet punish us for our sins since that so many actions which tend to the ruine of our Religion have not been able to bend them nor the many and often repeated Declarations made by us especially within these few dayes that we will refer our selves in all things to what it should please his Holiness and the holy See to determine concerning the King of Navarr's Conversion if God gave him the grace to leave his errors which Declarations ought certainly to give undoubted testimony of our innocency and sincerity and justifie our Arms as necessary for our own safety Yet they forbear not to publish that the Princes united for the defence of Religion tend onely to the ruine and destruction of the State though their actions and the Propositions made by the common consent of them all especially of the greatest that assist us be the true and most secure means to take away the cause and means from whosoever should aspire to it The Hereticks have nothing else to lay hold of but the Catholick King 's relief which they complain of and look upon with an evil eye and would take us to be better Frenchmen if we would forbear making use of it or to say better more easie to be overcome if we were disarmed To which it shall suffice us to answer them that Religion afflicted and put into exceeding great danger in this Kingdom had need to find out that support that we are bound to publish this obligation and to remember it for ever and that imploring the aid of so great a King an Ally and Confederate of this Crown he hath not required any thing from us and we likewise on our parts have not made any Treaty with any whosoever within or without the Kingdom in diminution of the Greatness and Majesty of the State for the conservation whereof we would precipitate our selves willingly into all kind of dangers so it were not to make an Heâ—etick master of it a wickedness which we abhor as the greatest and most abominable of all others And if the Catholicks who assist them could but lay aside this passion depart from Hereticks and joyn themselves not with us but with the Cause of our Religion and in common seek remedies to preserve it and to provide for the safety of the State we should without doubt find the conservation of both and it would not be in the power of him that had an ill intention thereby to prejudice the State nor to make use of so holy a Cause as of a specious but unjust pretence to gain honor and authority We therefore beseech and conjure them in the name of God and of this very Church wherein we protest we will alwayes live and die to separate themselves from Hereticks and consider that while we are opposit to one another we cannot take any remedy that will not be dangerous and such as will make this whole State suffer very much before it can do any good at all Whereas on the contrary our reconciliation will make every thing easie and will quickly make an end of our miseries And to the end that as well the Princes of the Blood as the Officers of the Crown and others may not at all be kept back or hindered from applying themselves to so good a work out of a doubt that they shall not be respected acknowledged and honoured by us and the other Princes and Lords of this party according to their merit We promise upon our faith and honor provided they separate themselves from the Hereticks that we will do it sincerely assuring them that they shall find the same respect and reverence from us and them that follow us But we beseech them to do it speedily and cut the knots of so many difficulties which cannot be disentangled if they forsake not all things to serve God and his holy Church and if they lay not before their eyes that Religion ought to pass before all other respects and considerations and that prudence is no longer to be so called when it makes us forget our first obligation And to proceed with more mature advice we give them to understand that we have prayed the Princes Peers of France Prelates Lords and Deputies of the Parliaments and of the Cities and Towns of this party that they would be at the City of Paris upon the Seventeenth day of the moneth of Ianuary next to chuse joyntly without passion or regard of the interest of any whosoever the Remedy which we shall judge in Conscience to be most profitable for the conservation of Religion and the State To which place if they shall think
fit to send any body to make oveâ—tures there which may conduce to so great a good they shall find all security shall be heard with attention and with a desire to content them But if our earnest request made unto them that they should lend an hand to this reconciliation and the near and inevitable danger of the ruine of this State have not power sufficient over them to excite them to have a care of the common safety and that we be constrained because of our being abandoned by them to have recourse to extraordinary remedies against our intention and desire We protest before God and Men that the blame shall be attributed to them and not to the United Catholicks who have laboured with all their power to preserve this common Cause with good intelligence and agreeing minds and with the counsel of themselves wherein if they would labour with good affections the hope of a compleat quiet would be near and we all secure that the Catholicks united together against the Hereticks their ancient enemies whom they have been accustomed to overcome would quickly see an end of the War We also pray the Gentlemen of the Parliaments of this Kingdom to cause these presents to be published and registred to the end they may be known to all and that the perpetual remembrance of them may remain to after times for the discharge of us and of the Princes Peers of France Prelates Lords Gentlemen Cities and Corporations who have united themselves together for the conservation of their Religion With this form of Declaration though the Duke of Mayenne strengthned his pretensions very much and wonderfully defended the cause of his party yet did he not engage himself to the election of a new King but holding things in equal balance left himself a way open that upon opportunity he might take any resolution whatsoever time should advise and the quality of affairs permit for being much diminished in his hopes by the Duke of Parma's death by the Union which he saw between the Legat and the Spanish Ministers who he knew hated his person and by the concurrence of the Dukes of Guise and Nemours who were not likely to be faulty to themselves he intended not to attempt the election of himself and of his posterity except in case it should seem to him not only that he might be able to effect it by the number of Votes and with the general consent but also that he should have such and so secure Forces and Dependents that he might not need to fear being able to establish himself in the possession of the Crown otherwise he was resolved either to settle himself in the full authority of Lieutenant General of the Kingdom and to follow the War if by the means of the States he could bring matters to pass that he might be able to uphold the enterprise with small foreign dependents or else if he proved not able to attain to these rather to bring the States to agree with the King by means of his Conversion than suffer the Kingdom to come to any other body still firm to his principle of neither suffering the Union of the Crowns nor the disunion of the Kingdom Which resolution of his full of integrity and sincerity towards his Country did not only please many of his party but even the King himself to whom it was known by many conjectures could not sometimes forbear commending it But the Cardinal-Legat and the Spanish Ministers not well satisfied with his so ambiguous Declaration wherein he seemed rather to aim at an Accommodation with the Catholicks of the contrary party than at the election of a new King resolved to agree together and declare their intention perfectly and therefore the Cardinal-Legat published a Writing in the form of a Letter of the tenor folloâ—ing PHILIP by the Grace of GOD Cardinal of Piacenâ—â— of the Title of St. Onofrio Legat a Latere of our Lord Pope Clement the Eighth by Divine Providence Pope and of the Apostolick See in this Kingdom To all Catholicks of what preeminence state or condition soever they be who follow the party of the Heretick and adhere unto him or favour him in any manner whatsoever Health Peace Love and the Spirit of better counsel in him who is the true Peace only Wisdom only King only Governour JESUS CHRIST our Saviour and Redeemer The performance of so holy and necessary a Work as is that which concerns the charge and dignity which it hath pleased his Holiness to give us in his Kingdom is so dear unto us that we should account our Blood and Life well employed if they could be helpful to it and would it pleased God that it were permitted to us to go in person not only from City to City or from Province to Province but even from House to House as well to give a most ceatain proof to all the World of our Affection which is known to God as by word of mouth to awaken in you a generous desire with the singular piety of your Ancestors that is with the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion to make that prosperous flourishing State spring up again in France from whence Heresie hath miserably caused it to fall But since that by reason of the unhappiness of the times and the impediments which are but too well known we cannot as it would be the intention of his Holiness and our desire communicate familiarly with you we have thought it our duty to supply that want with this Letter in the best manner that is possible for us But if you please to accept of it and read it with the spirit of true Christians and Catholicks free from all passion as it is naked from all artifice which is averse from truth you will excite in us a most pleasing and firm hope of being within a short time able to offer our presence to you in all parts of this Kingdom not to exhort you any more to what is fit but to congratulate with you for what you shall so valiantly have performed to the consolation of all good men Making no doubt at all but that if entring again into your selves you will take care to examine your selves as you ought you will need neither Word nor Letter nor any other exteriour remedy to settle you again in your former sancâ—ity For then every one of you will see that from Heresie alone as from the Fountain of all Evils this blindness of understanding and dazling of spirits is sprung up in you which hinders you from making so sound a judgment as you were wont of your own and other mens actions Then for certain you will discover the various Artifices wherewith the Hereticks continually labour to withdraw you from the devotion and obedience which as true Sons of the Church you have so religiously yielded till these last days to its chief Head and the Apostolick See whose Name and Authority they by all means attempt to render odious and contemptible unto you
having before sent the Baron de Byron by him created Admiral under pretence of taking possession of that dignity in the Parliament followed him speedily leaving his houshold and Council at Charâ—res and having caused the Princess to come to Tours he brought her with him after the space of two months unto the same City being exceedingly angry to see himself so little esteemed by those of his own Blood But this was a thing that made him more clearly know it was high time nor could he any longer defer to take some resolution and to establish his affairs since that even the Princes of the Blood were openly alienated from him Thus every little accident though it seemed cross was yet always favourable to his greatness and establishment Whilst they were fighting about Noyon with no less ardour did they contend in Paris about resolving upon the Answer that was to be given to the Catholicks of the Kings party for the Spaniards supported by the Cardinal-Legat strove to cross it and for a manifest reason alledged that the Writing being heretical as the Divines of Sorbonne had declared it could not be taken into consideration nor ought the States to give an Answer to it That which made it heretical they said was because it affirmed that Subjects were obliged to yield obedience to their Prince though he were an Heretick both known to be such and condemned by the holy Church They added that this was a net to catch the inclinations of the simple an obstacle to hinder the progress of the States and a stone of scandal to retard Gods service that it was not fit to lose time about their Enemies subtilties nor about the interpositions of the King of Navarre from whom it was certain that Writing was derived since they themselves that caused it to be presented confessed they did it with his consent and it was subscribed by no other man but Revol one of the Secretaries of State and therefore as he that will do well ought not to hearken to the temptations which the Devil suggests so they that would procure the safety of the Kingdom and the establishment of Religion should in no sort mind the interpositions of the King of Navarre and those that spoke by his instigation and thorow his very mouth On the other side many of the Deputies said that they ought not to shut their ears against those of the same Blood and Religion who perchance sought to amend their errours and cure their Consciences by retiring to the party of the good Catholicks and adhering to the Confederates that if it should come to pass the King of Navarre would remain so weak and abject that it would need no great paâ—ns to vanquish him that all means ought to be used and covetously laid hold on which might lead to Peace that being the last end to which all good Frenchmen tended and to which for their own safety all aspired and if with a common consent the way to attain to quietness could be found why should they ingulf themselves in new miseries of War and in new perpetual distractions of Arms That to this end the Duke of Mayenne had in his Declaration invited the Catholicks of the contrary party to meet and confer with him That he had protested this unto them adding that if they resolved not to unite themselves with him they should be guilty of all the subsequent mischiefs and calamities Which Protestation the Catholicks trusting in had now demanded a Conference and if they should not accept it they should make themselves guilty of the same crimes That their speaking by the Kings permission imported nothing for things are not done and obtained all at once That being now subject to his power they were necessitated to speak in that manner but that afterwards being perswaded and drawn by little and little by reason and gentleness perchance they would make a more clear more express resolution That it was no matter though Revol weâ—e Secretary to the King of Navarre for he was a Catholick and perchance no less inclined to a revolt than the rest That it was already known how even the Princes of the Blood thought of changing their party that the Catholicks were ill satisfied because the promises of his Conversion were not kept and therefore it was necessary to foment that beginning of alteration to help them to bring forth a firm determination and by means thereof reunite all the Members into one Body to attain the safety and 〈◊〉 of the Kingdom This was the more plausible opinion and it was carried by the Duke of Mayeâ—ne's Confidents from whom they had received order to bring it to pass nor did theâ—e want any thing save the Legats consent from whom neithâ—r the States nor the Duke himself would in any wise alienate themselves Therefore the Archbishop of Lyons went to him and demonstrated that if the Proposition of the Royalists were not accepted some very great tumults would follow for the Nobility and the Order of Commons stood so stifly for it that being tired out with the Waâ— and 〈◊〉 of Arms they would make an insurrecâ—ion with great danger of revolting to the King of Navarre That no harm could be feared from that Conference for such persons should be imployed in it as there would be no danger of their forsaking the cause of Religion That if the Catholicks of the Kings party would join with that of the Confederates it would be the very point of Victory and if on the other side they should show themselves averse from doing so it would be easie after having given satisfaction to the World and to the States in appearance to dissolve the Conference a thousand ways That also in the time of Cardinal Gaâ—â—ano there had been many Treaties and Conferences both by himself and others and yet no absurdity had followed and if at that present there should not be one he would not only be accounted scrupulous and severe but also obstinate and an Enemy to Peace That if only through his opposition the proposal of the Catholicks were not imbraced it would be attributed to an unseasonable pride and a too interessed union with the Spanâ—ards which perchance would not be pleasing at Rome that already all men murmured at it and that the demand was so just that whosoever should refuse it would manifestly put themselves on the wrong side The Legat whose ears were already filled with the popular discourses which condemned his too much assenting to the Spaniards the Prevost des Merchands having added that the City which by this Conference hoped for the benefit of being partly freed from scarcity would certainly mutiny if it were refused and those of the Parliament still boldly crying and giving out that they would make Protestation to the States at last yielded in secret that the Catholicks should be answered and that the Conference should be accepted but without his apparent consent So with a general Vote it was decreed in the States
that the Conference should be accepted and upon the Fourth day of March they framed an Answer to the Catholicks of this Tenor. WE have seen some few days ago the Letter which was written to us and sent by a Trumpet in your Name which we could wish came from you with such zeal and affection as you were wont before these last miseries to bear to the preservation of Religion and with such respect and observance as is due to the Church our Lord the Pope and the holy Chair we should for certain quickly be agreed and united together against the Hereticks nor would other Arms be longer necessary for us to beat down and break in pieces these new Altars which are set up against ours and to hinder the establishment of Heresie which because it hath been tolerated or rather honoured with reward and recompence when it should have been punished is not contented now adays to be received and accepted but will become Mistriss and domineer imperiously under the Authority of an Heretick Prince And though that Letter name no body in particular nor is subscribed by any of those whose names it bears and that we therefore are uncertain who sent it us or rather certain that it was done at the suggestion of others the Catholicks not having in the place where you are that liberty which is necessary to bear deliberate and resolve with the counsel and judgment of their conscience any of those things which our misery and the common safety require yet should we not have so long delayed to make answer to it had it not been that we stayed expecting to have the Assembly fuller and increased by a good number of persons who were upon the way to come unto it of whom the greater part being arrived out of a doubt that our so long silence may be calumniated We do it this day without deferring it to another in expectation of the rest who are yet to come And we declare first of all That we have all sworn and promised to God after having received his most precious Body and the blessing of the holy See by the hands of the Cardinal-Legat that the scope of all our counsels the beginning means and end of all our actions shall be to secure and preserve the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion wherein we will live and die Truth it self which cannot lye having taught us that by seeking the Kingdom and Glory of God before all other things temporal blessings shall be added thereunto among which in the first place after Religion we put the conservation of the State entire and hold that all other means of hinderance ruine and destruction grounded only upon humane wisdom smell of impiety are unjust contrary to duty and the profession we make to be good Catholicks and without likelihood of ever having any good success And we being freed from those accidents and dangers whâ—â—h good men foresee and fear by reason of the mischiefs Heâ—esie produceth will not reject any counsel which may help to diminish our miseries or bring them to an end For we acknowledge and are but too sensible of the calamities which Civil War brings forth and have no need of any body to shew us our wounds but God and men know who are the authors of them It sufficeth us to say we are trained up and instructed in the Doctrine of the holy Church nor can our Souls and Consciences have repose and tranquillity nor taste any happiness while they are in fears and jealousies of losing Religion whose danger can neither be dissembled nor avoided if men continue as they have begun Thence it is that judging as you do that our reconciliation is most necessary we seek it with a truly Christian charity and pray and conjure you in the Name of God to grant it us Nor let the blames and upbraidings which the Hereticks cast upon us any way hinder you As for ambition which they publish to be the cause of our taking up of Arms it is in your power to see us within and discover whether Religion be the cause or pretence leave you the Hereticks whom at the same time you both follow and detest If we lift up our hands to Heaven to give God thanks if we be disposed and ready to follow all good counsels to love you to honour you to yield you that respect and service that shall be due to you then praise us as honest men who have had the courage to despise all dangers for the preservation of Religion nor have wanted integrity and moderation to forbear the thought of any thing that is against honour and reason but if the contrary happen then accuse our dissimulation and condemn us as wicked persons by so doing you will set both Heaven and Earth against us and make our Arms fall out of our hands as conquered or leave us so weak that the Victory over us will be without danger and without glory In the mean time blame the mischief of Heresie which is known to you and rather fear that canker that devours us and every day gets ground than a vain imaginary Ambition when there is no such thing or if there be it will be left alone and poorly attended when it shall be deprived of the cloak of Religion It is likewise a calumny to accuse us that we bring Strangers into the Kingdom it is necessary either to lose Religion with our Honours Lives and Estates or else to oppose the force of the Heretick whom nothing can please but our ruine and therefore we are constrained to make use of them since your Arms are against us They are the most holy Fathers and the most holy See that have sent us relief and though many have been called to that supreme Dignity since these last troubles yet have there not been one of them who hath changed his affection towards us a most certain testimony that our cause is just It is the Catholick King a Prince allied and confederate to this Crown only powerful now adays to maintain and defend Religion who hath likewise helped us with his forces and powers yet without any other reward or recompence but the glory which so good a work hath justly acquired him Our Kings against the Rebellion of Hereticks and in the like necessity have had recourse to them we have followed their example without entring into any Treaty prejudicial to the State or to our reputation though our necessity hath been much greater than theirs Rather set before your eyes that the English who assist you to establish Heresie are the ancient Enemies of the Kingdom who yet bear the title of that usurpation and have their hands imbrued in the innocent blood of an infinite number of Catholicks who have constantly suffered death for the service of God and the Church Cease likewise to hold us guilty of High Treason because we will not obay an Heretick Prince whom you call our natural King and have a care that bending your eyes to
barricadoes being made up close and a greater number of men being in Arms they of the Council went armed unto him and told him that for the security of his person the people being in a mutiny and for the safety of the City that was in danger to be sacked they intended he should retire into the Castle of Pierre Ausise which not being able to contradict he was at last brought thither and with more severe Guards diligently looked to and the chief men having assembled the Council made a Decree whereby they deprived him of the Government and likewise the Marquis his Brother though from him they confessed they had never received any injury at all and gave the Authority of Governing the City unto the Archbishop which was afterward confirmed upon him by the Duke of Mayenne But this news being come to Paris many were exceedingly troubled at it the Spanish Ministers grieving that they had lost one of the chief Instruments of their power but Madam de Nemours being afflicted much more for the danger and ruine of her Son and many there were who perswaded themselves that all the mischief proceeded from the Duke of Mayenne who not only had desired to abate the arrogance of his Brother but had also done it to get Lyons into his power and join it â—o his Government of Bourgogne that he might remain Master thereof whatsoever the event of things should be it being known to every one that in the Treaties he held with the King and also with the Spanish Ministers he had demanded that Lyons and Bourgogne should jointly be granted to him wherefore though he laboured to seem disconâ—ented and angry at the accident that had happened unto his Brother there was not any body that believed him seeing he not only omitted to treat of freeing him indeed though he talked much of it but also that he had confirmed the authority of Governour upon the Archbishop which those Citizens had conferred upon him This new dissention opened a passage to new troubles which at that time were like to have steered a more prosperous course for the Duke of Mayenne had at last reunited himself and composed matters with the Duke of Guise their common Friends having made them perceive that their discord would in the end be the ruine of them both whereupon the Duke of Mayenne to free himself fâ—om the aspersions of crossing his Nephews advancement and the Duke of Guise not to shew himself regardless of his Uncle's labour in upholding the party wâ—re mutually agreed that if the Duke of Mayenne found means to attain the Crown for himself the Duke of Guise should be obliged to keep united with him and assist him with all his Forces and in case the Duke of Mayenne could not obtain the Kingdom for himself or for one of his Sons he should likewise be obliged to help the Duke of Guise to attain it either by the marriage of the Infanta or some other way This accommodation did infinitely displease the Duke of Feria and Diego d' Ivarra who saw themselves deprived of the proper instrument to keep the Duke of Mayenne in jealousie and to be able when occasion should require by that means to keep down and suppress his greatness and yet Iuan Bapâ—ista Tassis being returned from Flanders who had been there to confer with Don Pedro Enriquez of Toledo Conde de Fuenâ—es who held the Government of the Low-Countries till the arrival of the Archduke Ernest began to treat of piecing up again with the Duke of Mayenne such being the opinion and desire of that principal Minister who perceiving well that without his help and consent all other attempts would prove fruiâ—less and though the Spanish Ministers at Paris thought themselves deceived and ill dealt withal by him yet the Conde did not judge it a fit time to take revenge but to manage things with patience and dissimulation since they had seen by experience that the principal Deputies of the States depended upon the will and authority of the Duke of Mayenne At Tassis his aâ—rival they began to treaâ— the Legat also interposing though he was much more inâ—lined to the Duke of Guisâ— but not being willing to digrâ—ss from the King of Spain's reâ—olutions not only by reason of his ancient inclination but also because in that State of affairs there was no breaking friendship and good correspondence with him without indangering Religion Tassis began with letting him know the good will the Conde de Fuentes bore him then he went on himself condemning the perverse carriage of his Collegues and in the end intimated and implied but did not affirmatively declare That the Catholick King would be content to give the Infanta to one of his Sons provided they could but agree in other matters After this conference the other Spanish Ministers began to change their manner of proceeding and to bear more respect to the Dukes person and authority and the Cardinal-Legat himself to do the same so that it was easie for him to believe there were new orders come from Spain in favour of him as it was true King Philip being finally resolved to procure the Infanta's election with any Husband whatsoever and having conceived an opinion that the Duke of Mayenne standing fixt in his design of attaining the Crown for his posterity would consent to most profitable conditions for his Kingdom But that which made the business difficult was the present weakness of the Kings condition for his Treasures being wonderfully exhausted he could not make those great preparations that were necessary to uphold so great an enterprise and he was brought so low that the Merchants could no longer accept his Bills of Exchange and the Genoueses to whom he was indebted many Millions refused to make new payments this weakness was with all possible care concealed by his Ministers and they continued to affirm that against the end of the Truce twelve thousand Foot and three thousand Horse should be in a readiness to enter into Picardy and one hundred thousand Crowns should be paid to the Duke of Mayenne every month to maintain as many French Forces and to gain the greater belief they strained themselves to pay him twenty thousand in present and give him Bills for sixty thousand more upon their credits striving in all things to win and still to increase new hopes in him every day more and more This piecing up with the Spaniards besides the accommodation with the Duke of Guise was the cause of interrupting the Treaty of Peace which had been continued many days with the Kings Deputies in which though not only Monsiuer de Villeroy but also President Iannin had laboured very much yet was there not any conclusion agreed upon for the King was grown jealous that the Duke of Mayenne treated but feignedly without any desire to conclude and this suspition grew from some of the Legat's Letters to the Pope which were intercepted wherein though he spoke very ill of
seemed to urge that the Absolution given to the King in France might be confirmed and approved but not to propose the submitting of the King to the censure and judgment of the Apostolick See he said he would think upon aâ— aâ—swer and two dayes after not having the heart to talk any more with the Duke and to answer his reasons he let him know by Silvio Antoniani that he could not prorogue the term of ten dayes lest he should discontent those Catholicks who being obedient to the Church had ever and did yet uphold Religion and that that time was sufficient having nothing else to treat of that it was not fit he should speak unto the Cardinals having been admitted as a private man not as an Ambassador and that as concerning the Prelats that came along with him he could not admit them to his presence unless first they submitted themselves to Cardinal Santa Severinâ— the chief penitentiary to be examined by him This was the Popes last resolution for though the Duke obtained another audience yet could he not alter his determination but he sent Cardinal Toledo to let him know the same things with whom having had many long discourses the substance of the business varied not and though the Duke very much troubled with a Catarrhe was of necessity fain to stay beyond the time of ten dayes yet could he not prevail any thing at all and finally being brought to his last audience in the Popes presence after having at large repeated all his reasons he fell upon his knees and beseech'd him that at least he would give the King absolution in Foro Conscientiâ— but neither could he obtain this and departed exceeding ill satisfied having finally with more liberty and spirit than he was wont aggravated the wrongs that were done unto the King and the injuries that were put upon his own person who forgetting his want of health his age and quality had taken the pains to come that journey for the safety and quiet of Christians After he was gone from his audience Cardinal Toledo came to him again and told him that if the Prelats did so much abhor the face of Cardinal Santa Severina they should be heard by the Cardinal of Aragon Chief of the Congregation of the Holy Office but the Duke answered that they being come as Ambassadors in company with him he did not mean they should be used as Criminals but that the Pope should admit them to his presence for to him as Head of the Church they would give a good account of their actions but the Cardinal replied that it was not decent for them to contend and dispute with the Pope the Duke added that he would be content if the Pope would but admit them to kiss his feet and that then they should render an account to Cardinal Aldobrandino his Nephew But neither would the Pope accept of this condition whereupon the Duke of Nevers having distinctly set down in writing all that he had done departed from Rome taking the Prelates with him and went to the City of Venice where the Bishop of Mans published a little book in Print wherein he set forth the reasons that had moved the Prelates to absolve the King one of which was that the Canons permit the Ordinary whom it concerns to absolve from excommunication and every other case when the penitent is hindred by a lawful cause from going to the Popes feet hiâ—self and another that in the point and danger of death the penitent might be absolved by any one in which danger the King manifestly was being every day exposed in the encounters of War to the peril of his enemies and besides that conspired against a thousand wayes by their wicked treacheries to which reasons adding many others he concluded they had power to absolve him ad futuram Cautelam reserving his obedience and acknowledgment to the Pope which he at that time fully rendred him When the Duke was gone the Pope having assembled the Cardinals in the Consistory declared That he had not been willing to receive the King of Navar 's excuses and obedience because his conscience would not suffer him to lend his faith so easily to one that had formerly violated it that to admit one to so potent a Kingdom without great regard and due caution would have been a very great lightness and being certain that others would have believ'd and follow'd his judgment it was not fit proceeding blindly to make himself a guide to the blind and to lead the good French Catholicks to the ruinous precipice of damnation and that therefore they should be assured he would continue constant and would not accept of false dissimulations and politick tricks in a matter of so great consequence Thus the Spaniards remained satisfied and the Catholicks of the League contented yet was not the King moved with all this or turned aside from his first intention the Sieur de la Chelle's relation having applyed an antidote to that so bitter potion The King at this time was at Melun in which Town one Pierre Barriere was taken and put in Prison who had conspired to kill him but by whom he was instigated is not well known he was born obscurely in the City of Orleans and followed the profession of a Waterman in those Boats that are wont to go upon the Loyre but being known for a man of a brutish cruel nature he had been made use of in the acting of many villanies from which and the dissoluteness of his carriage being grown to a vagabond kind of life he was as last fallen upon a thought of this fact which having imparâ—ed to two Fryers the one a Capuchin the other a Carmelite he was as he â—aid earnestly persuaded to it by them but being yet doubtful and uncertain in his mind he would needs reveal his Secret also to Seraphinâ— Banchi a Dominican Frier born in Florence but living in Lyons This man struck with horror to hear the boldness and wicked intent of this Fellow dissembled nevertheless and told him It was a thing to be well considered and not to be so soon resolved on and bad him come again the next day for his answer which he would think upon and study to know how he should determine the question in the mean time thinking how the King might be warily advertised of it he intreated the Sieur de Brancaleon a servant of the Queen Dowagers who was then in the City to come to him the same day and hour he had appointed and they being both of them come at the same time he made them stay and talk a great while together to the end that Brancaleon might know Baâ—riâ—re perfectly then having told him he could not yet resolve what counsel he should give him because the question was very full of difficult doubts he dismissed him and discovered the whole business to Brancaleon to the end that giving the King notice of it the mischief might be prevented Barriere going from
the King and having brought Monsieur d' Humieres into the City drave out the Duke of Aumale who having lost the hope of being able to uphold himself chose to depart before he should enter into a thought of seizing upon his person The Sieur de Balagni was before this gone over to the King's party with the City of Cambray which having been in the power of the French ever since the time of the Duke of Alancon and after his death possessed by his mother as inheritrix of what her son had gotten had been put under the Government of the Sieur de Balagny who the Queen being dead and the revolution of France following chose to take part with the League to the end the Spaniards might be kept from troubling him and of Governor by little and little made himself absolute Master both of so noble and famous a City and of its most fertile Territory but now the affairs of the League declined he desiring to keep that dominion held a Treaty with the King that if he would declare him Prince of Cambray and after his declaration protect him from the Spanish Forces he would submit himself to his obedience and to the Soveraignty of the Crown of France and that moreover he would receive the King's Garrisons into the City and Castle obliging himself to serve him in time of War with Two thousand Foot and Five hundred Horse and that on the other side the King should pay Seventy thousand Crowns every year to maintain the Garrison at his devotion It was not hard to obâ—ain these conditions from the King as well because of his desire to keep the supream dominion of that Principality unto himself as to oppose such a difficult encounter unto the enemy upon the frontiers and though these reasons were manifest and apparent yet many stuck not to say that the King condescended to grant Balagni that Principality which was already in the power of the French to please Madam Gabrielle d' Estree whom he ardently loved and who was nearly allied to Balagni However it was the King having caused the Patents to be dispatched and allowed in the Parliament before he went from Paris sent the Mareschal de Reâ—z about this time to make him be elected and declared Prince of Cambray by the City confirming the Title to his Wife his Sons and his posterity and after the taking of Laon he entred personally into the Town with his Army received the homage of obedience and having setled a Garrison and the affairs of the City returned to Amienâ— where being received with wondrous pomp he granted the same conditions to the Citizens which with his wonted liberality had been granted to the other Cities In this expedition the King created two Mareschals of France the Duke of Bouillon and the Sieur de Balagni intending to make use of them both in the War which he already designed to make against the Spaniards The news of the King 's prosperous successes which from several parts came successively to Reme moved but did not much trouble the Pope for having already secretly given the King hopes that he would give him his Benediction and signified so much unto him not onely by the Sieur de la Clielle but also by words that might receive a double interpretation intimated as much to Paulo Paruta the Venetian Ambassador a prudent man who was well able to apprehend the Pope's intentions he was pleased to hear businesses went on in such a way that he might not prevent but be prevented by the motion of the people and that he might come to his last determination in such manner as he might seem to be drawn unto it by necessity and that the Spaniards might not condemn him of too inconsiderate forwardness nor accuse him of want of inclination to the interests of their greatness For this cause he had from the beginning of the year permitted Cardinal Gondi to come to Rome and though he did it with a manifest injunction that he should not open his mouth about the affairs of France yet secretly in their private meetings he gave him leave to alledge and repeat all the King's reasons to him to represent the disorders and wants of the Clergy to put him in minde of the causes why Religion would be in danger if he should not satisfie the King and finally to inform him of every small particular that he might make use thereof to the advantage of his design For this same cause though he knew it he was not offended at the Decree of the Divines at Paris in favour of the King but rather was well pleased those very men who had made the preamble and way to make him be excommunicated should now be as active in smoothing the passage to his reconciliation and though upon all occasions he shewed anger and disdain in his words in his private actions he did not so but rejoyced as often as he heard that his perseverance was interpreted obduratness telling the Spaniards as well Cardinals as Ambassadors who were at his ear every day that he suffered much and exposed his own reputation to a general blame because he would not dissent from their desires in the mean time he also satisfied his own conscience by making himself certain of the King's constancy and of the truth of his conversion and by means of Sannesio and d' Ossat had let him know that many conditions were necessary to his rebenediction and particularly that he not having any lawful heir male the young Prince of Conde who was nearest to the Crown should be taken out of the hands of the Hugonots and bred up in the Catholick Religion to the end that whatever should happen they might not fall again into the former dangers and inconveniences which having been also intimated by way of discourse both to Cardinal Gondi and the Venetian Ambassador the King was not only advertised of it but counsel'd to take away that scruple because it might hinder the progress of what was in Treaty wherefore he began to think by what means he might get him out of the Hugonots hands who after the King's Conversion esteemed him much more dearly that they might breed themselves up a head and support unto their faction But Cardinal Gondi thinking himself informed of all those things that might take away the Popes doubts and facilitate the King's reconciliation resolved to return into France and to endeavour the execution of them by speaking with the King himself in person so being come to the Camp before Laon he was two dayes in close conference with the King and going from thence to Paris feared not to command the Clergy to use those Prayers again which were wont to be made for the most Christian Kings and absolutely to acknowledge Henry the Fourth for their true and lawful Lord sharply also reprehending and driving from his presence certain men of Religious Orders who dared to oppose that determination which though as other things it was
all his own affairs had in times past troubled and little less than conquered the King himself in the heart of his own Provinces and in the midst of his Forces it seemed to them a ridiculous thing that now with his Forces still divided and discords still burniâ—g in his State he should dare to think of offending the States of the Catholick King founded upon the Basis of so great a Monarchy wherefore they should have thought it much more to the purpose for the King to have endeavoured by some tolerable conditions to attain Peace than to provoke and stir up War so much the more by the vanity of a publick Declaration But the Causes that moved the King were very powerful for he foresaw that the overture of a Foreign War would help to close the wounds of a Civil War as skilful Chirurgions are wont with seasonable Cauteries to divert the hurtful humours that corrupt and infect our Bodies He knew there was nothing that could move the French more to a Reconcilement and Re-union than the appearance of a War with the Spaniards the natural Enemies of their Nation he desired the War might no longer carry the name of a Civil War for Religion but of a Foreign one for interest of State and that in the flame of this Controversie between Crown and Crown the yet remaining sparks of the League might be extinguished he knew that howsoever he should still have the Catholick Kings forces against him which since they could by no means be avoided it was less hurtful to have them open and publick than treacherous and dissembled He thought the Princes confederate with the Crown of France would have much less caution in lending him favour and assistance in the War between the Spaniards and the French for matter of Empire than between Frenchmen and Frenchmen whether they were real or feigned for matter of Religion He considered that nothing would more please nor satisfie the Hugonots than War against the Spaniards in which they being imployed with their utmost spirits their minds might be withdrawn and diverted from the thoughts of new designs besides all these causes having made a League offensive and defensive with the United Provinces of the Low-Countries with a mutual obligation of concurring jointly in War and hoping to draw the Queen of England and some of the Princes of Germany into the same confederacy it was necessary to imploy his forces in some enterprize of common profit and conveniency in Flanders and the County of Bourgongne and being desirous to do it for his own reputation and to interess the other Confederates he judged the Declaration of the War to be very proper to stir up the minds of his Subjects and to necessitate the forces of the Confederates But above all being again to treat of his Reconciliation to the Apostolick See and knowing he should have all the power of the King of Spain against him he desired to have him known for his open Enemy and that he and his Ministers might not be admitted to that deliberation as being excluded and excepted by the publick and open War which should yet be between the Crowns and if the minds of great persons among so many interests of State are sometimes also moved and driven by passions the old persecution he had suffered from the Catholick King stirred up and spurred on by the so late danger in which he was like to have lost his life by the suggestions of persons whom he esteemed to be dependents upon that Crown had perchance some part in this resolution for the execution whereof upon the Twentieth day of Ianuary he caused a Declaration to be published and the same to be proclaimed by Heraulds in the Towns upon the Confines wherein after having related all the injuries done by the King of Spain unto himself and the King his Predecessor imputing also the act lately attempted against his person to the suggestion of his Champions he denounced open War against him by Land and Sea took away all Commerce between the two Nations and permitted his Subjects to invade spoil and possess the States under the Dominion of that Crown King Philip answered this Proclamation about two months after with another Writing wherein reckoning up the benefits and supplies lent to the most Christian Kings his Confederates and Allies he declared and protested that he would not break the peace which he had with the most Christian Crown and the good Catholicks of the Kingdom but persevere in their assistance and defence to the end they might not be oppressed by the Prince of Bearne and the Hugonots his Confederates and commanded all his Subjects not to molest or hurt those French that should follow the Catholick party in the Kingdom giving order on the other side to his Governours and Commanders to defend his Countries and likewise to offend the Prince of Bearne and his adherents This Declaration was slow but so were not the preparations for not only in Flaâ—ders Count Charles his Army was recruiting to enter upon the Confines of Picardy in the Spring but also Hernando de Valeseo Constable of Castile and Governour of the State of Milan was preparing a great Army in Italy to march into Bourgongne and in Spain new Forces were raising that they might send new Supplies to Don Iuan del Aquila in Bretagne as soon as the season would permit the like preparations were made in France Holland and England so that the course of this year seemed on all sides likely to prove formidable and bloody In the mean time the King cured of his hurt had celebrated the solemnity of the Knights of the Holy Ghost among the Ceremonies whereof he renewed his Oath of living and dying a Catholick and of defending Religion and afterwards with great pomp and demonstrations of honor he had received Vincenzo Gradenigo and Giovanni Delfino Ambassador of the Venetian Senate who came to congratulate his assumption to the Crown and Pietro Duodo that came to reside in the place of Giovanni Mocenigo who for the space of seven years together had made his residence with him and the King his Predecessor having with exceeding great praise of singular prudence managed the most weighty businesses in the ambiguous revolutions of past affairs The first action in the War of this year was the taking of Beaune a principal Town in the Dutchy of Bourgogne wherein some of the chief Citizens having begun to mutiny from the year before to put themselves under the Kings obedience the Duke of Mayenne who had a special jealousie concerning the affairs of that Province as being his own particular government went speedily at his return from Lorain into that City where having found businesses all in a combustion he caused fourteen of the Citizens which seemed to him more inclined to an alteration than the rest to be imprisoned in the Castle and having removed that difficult scruple he in all things else sought to appease the generality of
having been privy to the death of the Prince her Husband and the sentence that had been given against her by Judges that were not competent nor capable to sentence her they demanded that she having till then been kept in prison at S. Iehan d' Angely the King disanulling the first sentence would be pleased to grant that the Parliament of Paris a natural and competent Judge might hear her cause and having discussed the proofs give sentence upon it to which Petition the King answered That if the Princesses Kinsmen would oblige themselves to put her into the power of the Parliament of Paris he would disanul and make void the sentence that had been given and would refer the case to the aforesaid Parliament into whose power the Princess was to be delivered within the space of four months This served for a colour and excuse to take away suspicion from the Hugonots to deprive them of power to detain the person of the Princess and of her Son And the King sent the Marquiss de Pisani to S. Iehan who though the Hugonots murmured at it brought them both away to Paris where the Princess having declared that she would live for the time to come in the Catholick Religion was absolved by the Parliament of that imputation that had been layed against her the Prince of Conde remaining not only in the King's power but instructed and bred up in the Catholick Religion The Duke of Montmorancy came likewise to the City of Dijon and there took possession of his Office of Constable the Hugonots being thus deprived of those props wherewith they had designed to uphold themselves The Pope was by these lively effects very much confirmed of the King's sincerity who already was wholly averse from them and wholly intent to secure the State of Religion within his obedience He shewed the same inclination by the strict orders and particular Commissions which he had given to restore the use of the Mass in all those places from whence it had been taken and he laboured continually in seeking means to restore the estates of the Clergy possessed by others which by reason of the difficulty of the matter proved very hard and troublesome for the Lords and Gentlemen who in reward of their services had obtained them and had already possessed them a great while could hardly be brought to leave them without equivalent recompences which by reason of the number of the pretenders and the narrowness of affairs in a time of so great distraction it was not possible to satisfie yet the King with infinite patience and dexterity studied how to compose things so that if he could not altogether he did at least in part satisfie the Clergy though of necessity many of the principal of them could not be absolutely contented but discreet persons commended both the King's inclinations and dexterous manner of finding a way to compose interests that were so oppositely diverse and repugnant These things brought by fame unto the Court of Rome did opportunely promote the King's interests but much more were they helped on by the contrary circumstances which troubled the mind of the Pope and of that Court for Schism was in a manner totally setled the Parliament continued diligently to hinder that none should go suâ— for Benefices at Rome and whosoever procured any by such sutes did not certainly obtain the possession of them the King by some one of the great Council did still dispatch Spiritual Oeconomies to the Bishopricks and other cures of Souls that were vacant the name of the Apostolick See seemed to be utterly forgotten and the King's Forces prospering it was doubted he would demand Absolution no more the Duke of Nevers having sâ—id publickly at his departure that they should not look to have any more Ambassadors sent to Rome wherefore though the Treaty was set on foot again by means of Cardinal Gondi and that d' Ossat continued to treat with Sannesio and with Cardinal Aldobrandino yet the Pope fearing the mischief that was imminent and considering the example of other States that had withdrawn themselves from the obedience of the Apostolick See was wonderful anxious by reason of the danger of this division To this was added the Kings confederacy contracted with the States of Holland and the League which was still in treaty with England whereupon it was doubted that so near confederacy being made with Hereticks Religion would in some part be injured by it That which the more incited the Pope was the sharp War made by the Turk in Hungary for being constrained to think of the progress of the common Enemy on that side he desired to appease the tumults of France that he might turn all his Forces for the maintenance and benefit of the Commonweal of Christians for all these reasons being resolved within himself to condescend to the Kings benediction to which he thought himself obliged in Conscience he began to think of softning the Catholick King and therefore besides satisfying him in all his demands he resolved to send his Nephew Giovan Francesco Aldobrandino into Spain under colour of treating of the affairs of Hungary but withal to negotiate the absolution of France to which he laboured to bring the King of Spain gently by shewing that he depended much upon his consent In the mean time by the means of Monsieur d' Ossat he secretly let the King know that things were already ripe and that if he sent new Ministers to treat the absolution perchance might be concluded The King desirous to reconcile himself fully to the Church thought at first to send a gallant Embassy but being informed of the Popes intention who desired that the business should pass privately and with terms of very great submission he determined to send only Iaques Davy Sieur du Perron who should treat of matters together with d' Ossat being also desirous in case the business should not take effect that the manner of treating might not make it the more eminent and remarkable These men seasonably making use of the conjuncture of present affairs managed the Kings intentions modestly and dexterously shewing no less the prosperousness of his enterprizes which at last had gained him the whole Kingdom than his Piety and most ardent affection towards Religion from whence proceeded his infinite patience hardened to bear so many repulses as had been given him by the Pope But those that were well versed in the affairs of the World gave loose reins to their discourse concerning those very things which much troubled the Pope and said freely through the Court that in the end the Kings patience would turn into fury and that having subdued his Enemies and made himself a peaceable Master of his Estate it was to be doubted he would care but little to reconcile himself to the Pope or rather it was to be feared that with a dangerous Schism in the Church of God he would attempt to revenge so many past injuries and persecutions and upon these
Pope's obedience by any adversity whatsoever being now freed from that impediment closed up the Treaty of Agreement in which as Head of the Parâ—y he reserved an entrance for all those that would follow him In the Treaty of this Accommodation there arose two wondrous great difficulties which were very hard to be overcome one the great sum of the debts contracted by the Duke of Mayenne not only in many places and with many Merchants of the Kingdom of France but also with the Switzers Germans and Lorainers for the raising of Souldiers for the Duke of Mayenne standing upon it to have them paid by the King and he at that present not having money to satisfie them it was very difficult to find a mean in that business the Duke being resolved that his estate should not be lyable to the payment and on the other side the Creditors neither consenting to transfer nor defer what they had trusted but would have satisfaction in ready money The other difficulty was the commemoration of the late King's death for all the Decrees and Agreements made in favour of those of the League who were returned unto the Kings obedience having still contained pardon and forgiveness of all past offences except the death of Henry the Third which had always with express words been distinguished and excepted The Duke of Mayenne would have such a kind of mean found out whereby on the one side he might not appear to have been the Author of it and on the other he might not be subject to the Inquisition which might be made concerning that business for the future lest under that pretence occasion might be taken some time or other to revenge past injuries It was extreamly difficult to untie this knot for not only the King thought it very hard to let pass into oblivion so hainous a fact and pernicious an example of attempting against the persons of Kings but also the Parliament would not suffer it and it was most certain the Queen Dowager who often had demanded justice would oppose it These two difficulties hindered the concluding of the Accommodation in Bourgongne and the King being necessitated to go speedily into Picardy had taken President Ieannin with him to continue the Treaty but nothing at all having been concluded in the journey much less could it be done when they were come to Paris for the affairs of the War with the Spaniards were brought into so great danger that the King and all his Ministers were taken up and afflicted both in mind and body wherefore the President was fain to follow the Army into Picardy whither the King marched with an intent to relieve the City of Cambray but the speedy victory of the Spaniards having taken away the necessity of relief the King being come to Fol-ambray a house of pleasure built by King Francis the First for a hunting-seat called all his Council to him that the things appertaining to the peace with the Duke of Mayenne might with maturity be discussed and determined After much treating and much debating obstacles and oppositions arising in all things it seemed most expedient to send for the proofs and inquisitions that had been made by the Parliament touching the Kings death and also for some of the Presidents and Councellors of that Court to see what clearness there was in them and that they might determine which way was the best to manage the expedition of that business The Writings being seen and the matter put into consultation though some signs appeared diversly against divers persons yet did there not appear any such thing as was sufficient to determine the proceeding against any body and though neither the Queen Dowager as Plaintiff had yet brought in the particulars of her accusation nor the Parliament had dived very far into the discussion and inquiry into that business yet it was thought the not appearing at that present that the Duke of Mayenne or any of his were guilty of that fact might serve for a pretence of finding out a mean to satisfie his honour and likewise free him from the danger of future inquisition Wherefore it having been many days consulted of between the High Chancellour the first President Harlay the Sieur de Villeroy the Count de Schombergh and President Ieannin they at last determined That in the Decree which the King was to cause to be published and registred in the Parliament there should be a clause inserted which in substance should contain That the King having caused the Process made upon the death of the late King to be viewed in the presence of himself the Princes of the Blood and the Officers of the Crown in Council there had not been any token found against the Duke of Mayenne nor against any other Prince or Princess of his Blood and that having been desirous for the greater certainty to hear what they alledged about it they had sworn that they had not any any knowledge of nor participation in that crime and that if they had known it they would have opposed the execution of it Wherefore he did declare that the Duke of Mayenne and all the other Princes and Princesses his Adherents were innocent of that fact and therefore he prohibited his Atturney-General to urge at any time that they should be proceeded against and likewise forbad the Court of Parliament and all other Officers and Lawyers to make any inquisition about it The difficulty concerning the payment of debts was also taken away for the King promised secretly to disburse unto the Duke of Mayenne Four hundred and twenty thousand Crowns for the payment of his debts contracted to particular persons and as for the debt of the Leavies the King freed the Duke of Mayenne from it constituting himself Pay-master for him and transferring the debt upon the Crown forbidding the Duke or his estate to be molested for that occasion It was likewise established though not without dispute that peace should be made with the Duke of Mayenne as Head of his Party which the King had refused by reason of the multitude of those that were severally come in to his obedience and chiefly in respect of Paris and the other principal Cities And the Duke of Mayenne for his own honour and the reputation of his agreement stood obstinately for it The King granted three places to the Duke of Mayenne for his security which were Soissons Chalon and Seure the Dominion of which he was to hold for the space of six years and after the said term to restorâ— them He confirmed all the Collations of Offices and Benefices that had been vacant by death during his Government provided the Possessors should take new Patents for them under the Kings Broad-Seal He made a Decree of oblivion and silence of all things past intelligences with Foreign Princes raising of Moneys exactions of Taxes impositions of Payments gathering of Armies demolishings or buildings of Cities and Fortresses acts of Hostility killings of Men and particularly
to attempt to relieve la Fere but also very dangerous to make their retreat These causes fully debated in the Counsel made the Cardinal take a resolution to try to do it by way of diversion for by encamping before some Place of importance belonging to the King either he should constrain him to rise from la Fere with his whole Army to succor the place so straightned or if persisting in the siege he should not care to relieve it he might easily get another place as good as la Fere. But there arose no less difficulties in chosing the place that should be pitched upon for Guise Han Guines and the other such like places that were nearest to Flanders were not to be compared unto la Fere and S. Quentin Monstrueil and Boulogne were so well fortified and mann'd that it was impossible to think of attaining them so that between the ambiguity of these considerations the Cardinal would have been long unresolved if Monsieur du Rosne had not secretly perswaded him to a new enterprize not foreseen by any other body Monsieur du Rosne was by long experience versed in all the King of France his Fortresses and the example of things past made him remember how easily Calais might be taken for by how much more the strength of it by situation and art made it in appearance be counted impregnable so much less carefull were the defendants to guard it with that diligence wherewith places of such high importance ought to be kept wherefore while that Town was under the Dominion of the Kings of England the smallness of the Garrison they kept in it had invited Francis Duke of Guise to besiege it in the year 1557 which also had so happy an event that contrary to the Common expectation he made himself Master of it only by that defect which coming often into du Rosne's mind he as being curious and full of industry had got certain information that Monsieur de Bidassan Governor of the place at that present had not above Six hundred Foot in it a Garrison no way sufficient to make it good either private interest or the general error of men having perswaded him to trust more to the strength of his Works than to the number and valour of the defendants some add that the King of France having sent the Sieur de la Noue and de la Valliere to view the condition of all the places standing upon the Frontiers of Picardy they not making their visitation with that secrecy which ought to go along with such businesses had with the same French lightness discoursed very freely of the weak estate of those Frontiers and the strength of Calais so magnified by fame being objected to them they inconsiderately answered that whosoever should assault that Fortress in the place and manner that was fitting the taking of it would be but twelve dayes business which words being told du Rosne by one that he had imployed as a Spie excited him to search out the place and manner which these discoverers had intimated Thus being fallen into a thought that he might obtain the Town famous for its fortification by reason of its standing upon the Sea and the quality of the Haven opportune for the affairs of Flanders and England he with his reasons made the Cardinal Arch-Duke incline unto it and so much the rather because all other enterprizes were thwarted with exceeding great difficulties But having determined between themselves to apply their mindes to this attempt without making any outward shew of it they made all the other Commanders believe they would assault Montrevil a place standing upon the straight way that leads to la Fere and less considerable than either St. Quentin or Boulogne and with this pretence having caused great provision to be made of Victual and Carriages to bring them to Doway Arras and the other confining places the Cardinal having appointed Valentiennes for the general Rendezvous of his Forces went thither personally upon the thirtieth of March where having mustred his Army in which were Six thousand Spanish Foot Six thousand Walloons Two thousand Italians and Four thousand Germans Twelve hundred men at Arms and Cuirassiers and little less than Two thousand Light-horse he divided his Forces into many parts and made them march several wayes to hold the Enemies in the greater suspence He sent Ambrogio Landriano towards Montrevil with part of the Light-horse and with the Marquiss of Trevico's Tertia with the rest of the Light-horse Basti marched into the Territory of Cambray Agostino Messia with a Tertia of Spaniards and two of Walloons went towards St Paul and the Count de Bossa with the Flemish Troops took towards Arras and Bethune which outward shews while they held those of their own side in suspence no less than the French Monsieur du Rosne with the Spanish Tertia's of Ludovico Valasco and Alonso Mendozza and Four hundred Horse went out of Valentiennes upon the fourth of April in the evening and marched all the night to St. Omer where having joyned with Colonel la Berlotte and the Count de Buquoy who stayed there for them with two Tertia's of Walloons he took along with him three pieces of Cannon and four of smaller Artillery and advanced speedily towards Calais where he arrived so much the more unexpectedly because being a place out of the way standing in the utmost point of a tongue of Land which advances it self a great way into the Sea neither the Spaniards nor the French had ever thought of defending or besieging it Calais stands upon the shore of the Ocean Sea in the furthest parts of a Promontory not above Thirty Leagues from England and hath a very large Haven which sheltred on each side with great high banks of sand which they commonly call les Dunes is made secure and commodious for a very great number of Ships The Town is invironed almost quite round with low grounds where the Sea overflows and drowns the Plain for many miles and being shut up within four banks by a very large moat it is of a square form having at three of the angles besides many great Towers and Ravelines along the Courtine as many Royal Bastions of modern structure with their Cavaliers within them and at the fourth angle which reaches from the West unto the North stands the Castle built likewise of a square form but with great Towers of the old fashion that flank it round about The moats are very large and deep for they receive the water on both sides and the Town which is little less than a League in circuit is all fortified round with thick Ramparts though by reason of the carelessness of the Governors in many places by length of time grown defective and in some decayed and fallen down On the outside along the Haven there is a great Suburb full of Inhabitants in regard of Traffick and the conveniency of Marriners and on that side a great Current of
make an Agreement between those Crowns to the end that both together or at least the King of Spain for the common interest of the House of Austria might be able to lend his assistance He therefore had given strict Commission to the Legat that as soon as the Kings Absolution was ratified he should presently begin to introduce this business which he accounted not only necessary for the security and repose of Christendom but also highly glorious to the memory of his Papacy Neither was the Cardinal being a man of a mild peaceable nature and full of experience in the affairs of the world less ready to procure the general good and his own particular honour than the Pope was careful to incite him to it so that in the first meetings after the publick audience at St. Maur he deferred not to sound the Kings inclination who no less quick-sighted than others in discovering the wounds of his Kingdom and agreeing with the general opinion of all men that peace was the only remedy to cure them was inclined to imbrace any kind of peace wherein his reputation might not suffer The difficulties which his Ambassadors found in treating the League with England perswaded him the same for he perceived very well that the Queen aimed without regard to get some place in his Kingdom that she might have means to keep him bound and to procure greater matters as occasion should serve and it was not unknown to him that she by reason of the Irish commotions which were then in their height was so much taken up that though she had a desire to it she was not able to spare many forces to his assistance To this was added the condition of the Hollanders who though they endeavoured to have the War continue in France that the Spanish Forces might be diverted and divided yet had they not any ability to lend supplies unto their Neighbours whilst the War was so hot in all places at their own home Neither were the Protestant Princes of Germany whose minds were now bent upon the urgent necessity of the Turkish War either able or willing to trouble themselves about the Kingdom of France which they thought powerful enough of it self to make head against the Arms of Spain Insomuch that the King being able to promise himself little of the Foreign Aids of his â—onfederates was fain to make his whole foundation upon the Forces of his own Kingdom But these were hindred and debilitated by many weighty accidents For the Royal Revenues by the ruines of Civil Wars and the multiplicity of abuses introduced were subverted and little less than brought to nothing and the profit that was wont to rise from Imposts and Gabels in the Merchant Towns of the Mediterranean and Ocean Seas was extreamly diminished by interruption of the commerce with Spain the West Indies and the Catholick Kings other Territories Nor did the trading in English and Dutch-bottoms help much for navigation being interrupted the business was reduced rather to a kind of Piracy than Traffick To this want of money the vital substance of the War were added other perturbations The Duke of Mercoeur yet in Arms and potent in Bretagne who with his forces over-running and disquieting the Country sometimes toward Normandy sometimes towards Poictou and Xaintongâ— kept those Provinces in continual commotion Provence and Dauphine not yet well reduced to obedience and fiercely molested by the Duke of Savoy so that it was necessary to keep two Armies there continually employed and which imported most of all the Hugonots either incensed or grown jealous at the so near conjunction between the King and the Pope were in a manner up in Arms and asking liberty to meet together to take some course about their own affairs shewed designs of new Insurrections Whereupon there was great danger that before the Peace was totally established with the Catholicks it would be necessary to begin a War with the Hugonots These causes moved the King to wish for Peace but the spur of reputation which had ever been very sharp in his mind did make him in appearance desire War Wherefore in the first Treaties with the Legat he told him resolutely that he would not accept of any kind of Peace unless first all the places taken were restored and all the losses of the Crown repaired adding such lively aâ—â—ent speeches as shewed he would not lend an ear to a negotiation of Peace till first by his Arms he had set his reputation up again in War and yet the Legat gathering the Kings secret intention from the state of affairs which were very well known to him being upon the place and judging it by all means necessary to break the Ice first though there appeared no glimpse of hope he dispatched Father Bonaventura Calatagirone General of the Order of St. Francis to the Court of Spain to sound how mens minds corresponded on that side But the diligence the Legat shewed for Peace hindred not the King of France from being intent upon Provisions of Arms and preparations for the year following wherefore having called a Congregation of all the Officers of the Crown principal Magistrates and Treasurers of his Kingdom in the City of Rouen where besides regulating many disorders and abuses he intended to establish and settle his Revenues and to perswade the Heads of the Provinces and the chief of the Clergy and common people to assist him in such manner that he might be able to uphold the weight of the War by himself which he accounted not difficult as well by reason of the urgent necessity well known to them all as of the good condition many rich and fertil Provinces were getting into since Civil Wars had ceased in them if necessary rule and order were added to the benefit of quiet and he thought every one would run willingly to contribute to that expence which was not made as in former times either to satisfie the Kings appetites or to move domestick Arms against those of the same Blood but to maintain a War against strangers and to defend the Crown assaulted and invaded by its ancient Emulators and inveterate Enemies And because from the year before there had been a Truce though an uncertain one and from time to time violated and interrupted with the Duke of Mercoeur to treat in the interim and find some temper of Agreement with him the King at this time deputed the Count of Schombergh and President de Thoâ— who were to go to the Queen Dowager of France to treat in her presence with the Dukes Deputies But this Treaty was not only doubtful but also various and unsetled for the Duke a subtil man of a deep reach and one not easie to be withdrawn from his designs held several practices both in Spain and France promising himself yet that he should dismember the Dutchy of Bretagne from the Crown which had been united no longer than since the times of Lewis the Twelfth and Francis the First to establish
met nor heeded because they carried but few with them got so near unto the Camp that they had conveniency to discover all things and returned well informed to the Cardinal Arch-Duke The King being returned to the Army and believing that relief would presently come caused the works to be so hastened that upon the fourth of September his men attempted to gain the Half-Moons which though it succeeded not the besieged received a greater loss for the Governor Portocarrero while he advanced to succor the Raveline being taken with a Musket-shot in the left-side under his Arms fell presently dead upon the ground which accident as most sad to the Defendants so was it by reason of his courage no less deplored by the enemies The Marquiss of Montenegro succeeded him in the command who with equal valour and constancy assumed the charge of the defence for the continuance whereof Alonso Ribera and Captain Durando entered into the Half-Moons and on the other side Monsieur de St. Luc with the Regiment of Navar and the Mareschal de Biron with the English Tertia drew two Trenches in the midst of the Rampart to take away the defences on both sides and to come to the work that was before them at which the Marquiss and Federico Pacciotto were continually present and because the Infantry was in a manner consumed by toil and hardship and many of them lay sick the Men-at-Arms Cuirassiers and Light-Horse refused not to do the same duties working with spades and shovels and fighting with Pikes and Muskets While these Trenches were making Monsieur de St. Luc upon the eighth of September being entered to hasten the Works was hit with a Musket-bullet in the head and was carried dead into the Camp to the exceeding great grief of the King who was very affectionate to his valour and dexterity for being beside Military experience adorned with learning and endowed by nature with a most noble aspect he did in action consultation conversation and discourse accomplish all the degrees of perfection The works that were before the Trenches were storm'd upon the twelfth day but though the assault lasted from Sun-rising till two of the Clock in the afternoon yet did not the assailants get any advantage at all and while in the following dayes they thought to redouble the assaults and break the constancy of the Defendants the arrival of the Spanish Camp diverted their mindes from the Siege to more dangerous thoughts The Cardinal Arch-Duke had found many difficulties in drawing an Army together for the Spanish Ministers having overlooked the accounts of those who had lent Money to the King and having used much rigour unseasonably the Merchants withheld their hands and afterward money could not be provided time enough for the payment of his Forces whereupon those that came out of Italy under the command of Alfonso d' Avalos moved late and those that were raised in Germany had been slowly gathered together and yet the Cardinal overcoming all impediments with industry and diligence had made a general Rendezvous of his Army in the end of August at Doway being Twenty thousand Foot and Four thousand Horse and though the States of Holland insulted in many places and made great progresses in Frieseland and the County of Brabant yet he either having such Commission from Spain or being more inclined to defend and keep what had been gotten in the time of his command resolved to lay aside all other interests and advance to relieve Amiens being desirous to preserve so many good Soldiers as were besieged in it and judging that he should obtain exceeding great glory if he could make the King of France retire who was at that siege with all the Forces of his Kingdom united With this determination departing from Doway in the beginning of September with a great Train of Artillery and great preparations of Bridges Carriages and Ammunition he came to Arras where having the informations of Belgiojoso and Vega he propounded in the Councel of War what course was to be taken to put relief into Amiens or to make the French Army rise Some Counselled to pass the River below Corbie and bring his Army on that side which standing toward France was not besieged by the King for putting strong relief into the City without resistance there would be no necessity of hazarding the danger of a Battel and the Kings attempts receiving a new and powerful opposition from new supplies would with the help of Winter which was coming on prove vain of themselves But the greater part of the Commanders considered that to pass the River and march into a Country quite destroyed desolate and encompassed with so many of the enemies Towns was a besieging of themselves for if the King who had all the passes upon the River should hinder them from going back they would be constrained either to die for hunger or to take many strange and dangerous resolutions which difficulty was the principal cause that it was determined to go the streight way by Dourlans to the French Camp believing that if the King moved to meet them he should afford them some opportunity to put relief into the Town wherefore the Arch-Duke went to Dourlans upon the twelfth of September and there having made provision of victual as well to feed his Army as to put into the City if he could make passage to it upon the fourteenth day he marched betimes in the morning towards the Enemy The first Troops of Horse were led by Lodovico Melzi Ambrogio Landriano between whom marched the flying Squadron of Four thousand Foot Spaniards and Italians under the command of Diego Pimentello And in the Front of it were above Two hundred Captains armed with Pikes and Corslets Next followed three Squadrons of Infantry two of Spaniards led by Carlo Colombo and Lodovico Velasco and the third which marched in the midst was of Walloons led by the Count de Boucquoy After these was the Battle in which were the Duke of Aumale the Count de Sore and the Prince of Orange and the Squadron of Alonso Mendozza in which were two Spanish Tertia's brought up the Rere The Artillery were guarded by the three first Squadrons and on both sides of the Army were the Carriages of Baggage chained together as the Duke of Parma's custom had taught them The charge of Camp-Master General was executed by Count Peter Ernest of Mansfelt an old man of venerable gray hairs who not being able to ride on horseback was carried in an open Litter and had taken that weight upon him because Monsieur du Rosne besieging Hulst a few Months before had been killed with a Cannon shot The Archduke likewise was carried in a Litteâ— and had near him the Duke of Arescot and the Almirante of Aragon for Counsellors But the King whose Army by the coming up of the Dukes of Nevers and Montpensier was so increased that he had Eighteen or Twenty thousand Foot and more than Eight thousand Horse having
restored But the Marquiss refused that the King should retain the Valley of Morienne and would not ratifie it without advertising the Duke and this by reason of his nature would have been a difficult impediment if good fortune had not removed the obstacle for the Duke about this time recovered Morienne with a great slaughter of Les Diguieres his Forces and on the other side Les Diguieres took a Fort which the Duke had built near Grenoble and having put the Garison to the Sword demolished it to the very ground wherefore there remaining nothing but Berre in Provence in the Dukes possession they agreed that he should restore that Town in present and that the business of the Marquesate should be decided by the Pope The Peace was concluded and subscribed by the Deputies upon the second day of May with express condition that it should not be published till a month after for the King of France desired that the English and Holland Ambassadors should first be gone from Court that the Peace might not be published in their presence and the Cardinal Archduke desired space to receive the Countersign of Blauet from Spain The Peace was published upon the seventh day of Iune in Paris and the same day at Amiens in the presence of the Legat and the Kings Deputies as by agreement it was likewise done at Bruxels all men generally rejoycing that after so long and so calamitous Wars the Kingdom of France distracted into so many Factions was at last re-united in the entire obedience of a Catholick French King to enjoy the fruitâ— and blessings of Peace for the future in recompence of so many past miseries and afflictions FINIS AN Alphabetical Table OF THE PRINCIPAL THINGS Contained in this HISTORY A. ABbot of Orbais sent to Rome by the Duke of Mayence treats of the affairs of the League very effectually Page 387 Administration of the Royal Family 4 Admiral Coligny's Propositions to the Malecontents embraced 19. made General of the Hugonots 84. hires one to kill the King 107 flies to Rochel 129. the Army committed to his care 143. sickneth yet desists not from the Siege of Poictiers 155. quits it and goes to relieve Chastel-rault 156 wounded and flees 162. being sick is carried with the Army in a Litter 168. Duke of Savoy grows suspicious of him for marrying Madam d'Antramont a Savoyard against his will 174. after many years Wars against the King prostrates at his feet and is graciously received 176. causes the Hugonots to surprize Mons in Flanders to force him to a War with Spain 178. is seemingly made friends with the Lords of the House of Lorrain before the King ibid. prefers himself before Julius Caesar or Alexander the Great 179. shot in the left elbow 181. King and Queen mother set strict Guards upon his House is slain thrown out at the window and drag'd into a stable ib. Cruelties used to his Body 184. his Statue burnt and his Palace razed 185 Admiral Villars goes to besiege Quilleboeuf 558. is forc d to rise from thence 559. submits Rouen to the King 638. fighting gallantly at Dourleans is slain â—84 Agreement between Henry IV. and Duke of Mayence 694 Aix in Provence submits to the King 629 Albanians or Croats 3â—4 their story 322 Ambassadors from the Low-Countries to the King of France entreating him to take the Protection and Dominion of their States 259. from the Pope King of Spain and Duke of Savoy to Charles IX to sollicite the Publication of the Council of Trent 93. from the Protestant Princes of Germany speaking highly to the King for the Hugonots are sharply answered and depart 300. from the King to Pope Sixtus to excuse the Cardinal de Guise's death sharply answered 382. from Venice to Henry III. passe a Compliment in Publick with Henry IV. as King of France 427. of Venice sent to Congratulate Henry IV. his Assumption to the Crown 665 Amiens puts it self into the Kings hands 652 surprized by Porto-Carero 716 717. besieged by Henry IV. an account thereof 718 c. Andelot with the Reliques of the Hugonots sustains the Siege of Orleans 85. mingling with the Enemy at Brisac lifts up the Duke of Monsalez's Bever and discharges a Pistol in his face 140. after loss of the Battel dyes for Grief 142 Answer of the King Queen and Parliament of Paris to the Prince of Conde's Manifesto 62. of Grillon Captain of the Guards 368 Antony of Vendosm of the House of Bourbon he that was Father to Henry IV. marrieth the Daughter of the King of Navarre by whom he inherits the Pretensions of that Kingdom 10 Antonio Possevino a Iesuite sâ—nt by Pope Clement VIII to tell the Duke of Nevers hâ— should not come to Rome to execute his Embassage 621. sends him again to bid him come as a Catholick Italian Prince though not as Ambassador Page 622 Arcenal is the Magazine of Arms designed to be taken but not effected 302 Archbishop of Lyons made Prisoner 370. often examined would never answer alledging as Primate of all France he had no Superior but the Catholick Church 374. with others put into the Castle of Ambois ib is made High Chancellor to the Duke of Mayenne 437. he and Cardinal Gondi chose by the Council of Paris to treat with Henry IV 466. Archbishop of Bourges his Pretensions upon the Spiritual Superiority of Gallia 558 Archduke Ernest his resolutions at the loss of Paris 642. approved by them of Spain 643 Archduke Albert Cardinal of Austria goes to be Governor in Flanders 696. his History 704 c. Arms of Henry III. thrown down 379 Armies dismissed and Peace published 193. an Army sent by Henry III. against the King of Navarr 311. one of 40000 men raised by the Protestant Princes of Germany under conduct of Prince Casimire led by the Baron d'Onaw his Lieutenant General 313. its Transactions 315 c. disbanded 328 Assemblies secret of the Princes of Bourbon and other discontented Lords 14 Assembly of the States at Fontainbleaâ— 28 c. dismissed and a general one resolved on 31. begins 37. dismissed 45. at Moulins the Decree made there 98 appointed at Blois 220. meets 227. whether it or the King be superior 228. is dismissed without concluding any thing 232 358. of Catholicks to consult about a future King 408. of the States appointed by Henry IV. at â—ours 416 Attigâ—y taken by Henry IV. and the Germans he gives them the pillage 512 Ausone a strong place in Bourgogne besieged and taken by the Duke of Guise 305 B. BArons take Arms against Queen Blanch Mother to St. Lewis taking upon her the Government in her Sons minority to maintain the right in whom it belonged 18 Baron de Guiry recovers Corbiel and Lagny which had been taken by the Duke of Parma 478. having undertaken to defend New-Chastel though weak against the Duke of Parma he does it gallantly at last the Duke grants him honourable conditions 535. sorely wounded 536. slain 650 Baron d'Onaw Lieutenant
General to Prince Casimire leads the Army 313. His excuse to the Emperor commanding him to disband ib. his Acts 324. disbands his Army 328 Battel between the Armies 37. at Brisac 140. at St. Denis 117 Bellegarde usurps the Marquisate of Saluzza 238 Birth of Henry IV. in the Territory of Pau 10. in the Viscounty of Bearn a free State Decemb. 13. 1554. ib. Bishop of Monsâ— sent on purpose by the King to demand absolution for the Cardinal of Guise's death 385 Bishop of Paris gives way that the Church-Plate should be turned into money for relief of the Poor 460 Bishops to judge â—f Heresie 50 Blois taken and pillaged by the Kings Army 70 Jean Bodin contradicts the Prelates in the General Assembly 229 Body of Henry III. laid in the great Church of Campeign 416 Francis de Bonne made Head of the Hugonots and after Constable of the Kingdom 212 Bourges rendred upâ—â— Condition 71 Brigues in French signifies Factions 64 C. CAhors taken and sacked by the Hugonots 241 Calais recovered from the English and besieged by the Spanish Army 702. A description of its situation 703. agrees to surrender if not relieved within six days but de Martelet getting in with 300 Foot they refuse the Castle stormed Governor killed and all put to the Sword 705 John Calvin a Picard preacheth and publisheth in Print 128 Principles differing from the Roman-Catholick Religion which had their foundaetion in Geneva at first hearkned to out of curiosity but at last produce great mischief 19. Henry II. severe against the Calvinists of whose death they boast much 20 Cambray its Siege 685 c. yields to the Spaniard 690 Cardinal Alessandrino Legat from Pope Pius Quintus refuses a rich Iewel presented to him by the Kings own hand 177 Cardinal Alessandro de Medici who was after Pope Leo XI appointed Legat into France 675. received with great demonstrations of Honour by Monsieur des Digâ—ieres a Hugonot His solemn entry into Paris 710. setling Religion he begins to promote a Treaty between France and Spain 711 Cardinal of Bourbon Vncle to the King of Navarre desired for the Head of the Catholicks 252. His pretensions to the succession of the Crown 253. put into the Castle of Amboise 374 declared King of France by the League and called Charles X. 417 Cardinal of Chastillon changing his Religion calls himself Count of Beauvais 64. the Lye passes between the Constable and him 115. flies disguised like a Mariner into England and remains with the Queen as Agent for the Hugonots Page 130 Cardinal of Guise made Prisoner 370. is slain and his body and the Duke of Guise's two Brothers burn'd in Quick-lime and their bones buried in an unknown place 373 Cardinal Gondi and the Legat meet the Marquis of Pisani upon a Treaty but nothing concluded 465. he and the Archbishop of Lyons chose by the Council of Paris to treat with the King 466. he and the Marquis of Pisani chosen to go to Rome by Henry IV. 557. sends his Secretary to excuse himself to the Pope 561. notice that he should not enter into the Ecclesiastical State by the Pope 163. is permitted by the Pope to come to Rome but not to speak a word of the affairs of France 644. return'd to Paris commands they should use the Prayers were wont to be made for the King and to acknowledge Henry IV. lawful King 653 Cardinal Henrico Gaetano a man partial to Spain declared Legat to the League in France 431. the Popes Commissions to him 432. his request to Colonel Alphonso Corso and his answer 433. overcoming many difficulties arrives at Paris 434. Grants the Duke of Mayenne 300000 Crowns brought for enlargement of the Cardinal of Bourbon 439 meets with the Mareshal de Byron they treat of divers things without any conclusion 453 Cardinal of Sancti Quattro succeeds Gregory XIV by name of Innocent IX 530 Cardinal Hippoliâ—o d'Esâ—é Legat in France 51 Cardinal Hippolito Aldebrandino aged 56 succeeds Pope Innocent IX by the name of Clement VIII 555 Cardinal of Lenon-Court gives the King notice of the Cardinal of Vendosme's designs 499 Cardinal Sega Legat in France hath prudent instructions from the Pope by Monseignor Agucchi touching the affairs thereof 564. executes not his Orders ib. his Declaration and Exhortation 577. his Proposition 584. opposes an offer of the Catholick Lords but to no purpose 500 persuaded by the Archbishop of Lyons he secretly consents to it 597. sets forth a Writing to keep the League on 〈◊〉 630 Goes out of the Kingdom 637 Cardinal of Tournon called a second time to Court 13 Cardinal of Vendosme raises a third party of Catâ—olicks to make himself Head and so come to the Crown 498. sâ—ndâ— Scipio Balbani to treat with the Pope and communicate his design 499. Cardinal Lenon-Court gives the King notice of his designs ib Catharine de Medicis Wife to Henry II. dyed in the 70th year of her age thirty whereof she spent in the regency and management of greatest affairs and troubles of France 374 Catholicks besiege la Charité which being stoutly defended they give it over 156 raise the Siege before Chastel-rault 157. take all the Hugonots Baggage and Cannon and 200 Colours 163. King of Navarre proceeds against them 217. desire the Cardinal of Bourbon for their Head 259 War again between them and the Hugonots 288. recover the Castle of Angâ—ers taken suddenly by the Hugonots 290 besiege Maran 295. Lâ—se a Battel are all killed and taken Prisoners except a very few that save themselves by flight 322. assemble themselves to consult about a future King 408. resolve to declare the King of Navarre King of France upon assurance of changing his Religion 409. swear Fidelity to the King by a Writing sign'd and establish'd 410. complain of Henry IV. continuing in Calvinism 405. they of Henry IV. party displeased that the Peace should be treated by du Plessis a Hugonot renew a third party 555 Causes that moved the Guises to frame the League 224. vid. 325 Cause of distaste between Duke d'Espernon and Secretary Villeroy 348. of Hatred between the Prince and King of Navarre 407 that moved the Duke of Mayenne to hope to be chosen King 565 Ceremonies used at the Conversion of Henry IV. 613 Chancellor Birago made Cardinal and Philip Huralt chose in his place 235 Chancellor Chiverney put out of his place 357 recall'd to his Office by Henry IV. 466. his opinion 467 Chancellor Olivier call'd a second time to Court 13. dyes Chancellor de l'Hospital succeeds him 29. put out of his Office upon the Kings jealousie 130. and conferred upon Monsieur de Morvilliers ib. Charles IX marries Izabella Daughter of Maximilian the Emperor 171 Charlotte de la Marc Heir to the Dutchy of Bouillon married to Henry de la Tour Viscount de Turenne 511 Chartres voluntarily sets open its Gates 402. its Description and Siege 494 496 Chastel-rault besieged 156. Siege raised 157 Jaques Clement his birth age and
condition 404. having advised with the Prior and others of his Order resolves to kill the King 405. his answer to a question made to him brought in to the King gives him a Letter then drawing a Knife thrusts it into his Belly ib. cast out of the window and torn in pieces ib. Colonel Alphonso Corso's answer to Cardinal Gaetano's request 433 Colonel St. Paul kill'd by the Duke of Guise 651 Colledge of Sorbon declares Henry III. to have forfeited his Right to the Crown and his Subjects free from their Oath of Allegiance 378. its Decree 439. Declares Henry IV. Absolution valid and the Doctors thereof do him Homage at the Louvre 645 Conditions of Peace concluded at Orleans 88 Conditions agreed upon between the Deputies of the King of Spain and the Heads of the Catholick League Page 254 Conditions between Henry III. of France and the League 353 Conditions to be observed by Henry IV. upon his Absolution 675 Conspiracy against the person of Henry III. 334 Constable Momorancy falls in disgrace with King Francis 7. recalled to management of affairs ib. Constables Vnion with the King of Navarre and Duke of Guise 52. taken Prisoner and his Son killed 82. parlies with the Hugonots and the Lye passes between him and the Cardinal de Chastillon 115 Consultation between the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal his brother 369 Corbiel besieged and taken by the Duke of Parma 477 c. Corby assaulted by the King and taken 485 Council of Trent breaks up Novemb. 1563. in the Papacy of Pius Quintus 92 Cabinet Council iâ—s beginning 127. a Proposition of receiving it made in the Assembly of the States General rejected 361. The Council â—f sixteen framed at Paris by suggestion of the Heads of the League 300. informs the Duke of Guise of 20000 men ready for any design 333. suspect a Plot of theirs discovered by the Kings preparations dismay'd thereupon send for the Duke of Guise 336. of the Union consisting of 40 of the chiefest persons of thâ— League 385 Secret Council resolves to punish the Favourers of the Hugonots 27 Counsellors of Parliament who adhered to Henry III imprisoned in the Bastille 379 Count de Bouchage Brother to the Duke of Joyeuse after the death of his wife whom he dearly loved turns Capuchin 312 Count de Brienne defeated by the Duke of Mayenne and taken Prisoner 397 Count de Brisac's Forces that came to divert the siege of Falaise defeated by Monpensier 396. is made Governor of Paris in place of Count Belin 632. deals presently with the chief of the City to submit to King Henry IV. 633. Conditions in favour of him 634 by his artifice Proclamation is made that upon pain of Death and confiscation of Goods none should assemble but in the Town-house 635. his Decree to receive the King into Paris 636 Count Egmont and his Lanciers all cut in pieces 446 Count de St. Fiore sends 26 Ensigns to Rome taken by his Soldiers 163 Count de Fuentes made Governor of the Low Countries 678. besieges Chastelet in Picardy 679. causes Goneron to be beheaded in sight of the French and besiege Dourlans 681. his manner of besieging Cambray 687 Count Mansfelt succeeds the Duke of Deux-pont 146. enters France and besieges la Chapelle 644. the Governor surrenders it 645 Count de Schomberg treats with the Duke of Mayenne but with weak hope of success 600 Count de Soissons of the House of Bourbon 363. assaulted at Chasteau-Guiron by the Duke of Mercaeur and taken Prisoner 401. removed from the Government of Poictou 501 Crown pretended to by the Cardinal of Bourbon 253. aspir'd to by the Cardinal of Vendosme 498. divolved upon the House of Bourbon 400 D. DAughter of Charles the Great and Godfrey of Bullen were Ancestors of the House of Lorrain and Guise 6 Declaration of the Duke d' Alanson 214. of the Heads of the Catholick League 261. of the King of Navarre 276. of the Duke of Mayenne for the States 511. of the Popes Legat. 577 Decree at Moulins 98 Decree of the Holy Union made to combine themselves for defence of Religion 378. for receiving the Council of Trent â—14 of the Colledge of Sorbon 439. of Henry IV. in favour of Ecclâ—siaestical Dignities and Catholick Religion 558 Deputies of Henry IV. present a Writing to the League is accepted 604 Description of the misâ—rable condition France fell into by the death of the Duke of Guise 381. of the Confederate Army 531 Design of taking Bastille Arcenal Paris and the Louvre and to cut in pieces the Kings Minions and Adherents and to take him Prisoner revealed and not effected 302 Device of the Royallists 422. of the Colledge of Sorbon 439 Discord arises between the Duke d'Espernon and Secretary Villeroy producing evil effects 280 Dreux Battel 82. besieged by Henry IV. 400 607 c. Francis Duke of Alanson the Kings youngest Brother makes himself Head of the Malecontents with hope to usurp the Crown 195. imprisoned 196. excluded from the Crown of Poland 213 his flight and declaration 214. declared Head of the Hugonots by the Prince of Condé 215. musters 35000 fighting men 219. made the Kings Lieutenant General 233. rejected by those called him into Flanders driven thence by the Duke of Parma returns into France and awhile after dyes 245 Henry Duke of Anjou made Lieutenant General of the Army 118. batters Loudun on one side and the Prince of Condé coming to relieve it on the other both resolving to fight are hindred by coldness of weather 136. dismisses the Nobility of his Army sends the rest into Garison and goes to Loches 149. recovers many places from the Hugonots 165. goes with mighty preparations to the siâ—ge of Rochel 190. not to prejudice his Election to be King of Poland moves slowly in that enterprisâ— Page 192 Duke d'Aumale made Governor of Paris by the City arms them and orders them Commanders 318. is in readiness with 500 Horse to assist the Conspiracy of the Parisians 333. bâ—sieges Senlis Longueville with small Forces raises it loses his Artillery Baggage and 30 Colours 400. going to relieve Noyen after a sharp Fight retires 506. for 40000 Crowns Pension revolts to the Spaniard with the places under his Government 642. incensed at being declared Rebel keeps with the Spaniards 695 Duke of Bouillon flies to Geneva and dyes there 328 Duke of Deuxponts enters France spoiling the Countrey dyes with excess of drinking before he joins the Princes 145 Duke d'Elbeus first of the House of Lorrain that makâ—s peace with Henry IV. 641 Duke d'Espernon sent from Henry III. to meet the King of Navarre 25â— Government of Provence conferred on him by the King 283. marries the Countess of Candale a rich Heir 312. Treats with the Suisses Army and they have leave to return home 327. is declared Admiral of the Kingdom and Governor of Normandy 348. cause of distaste between him and Villeroy ib. quits his Government of Normandy by the Kings order and retires
to Aâ—golesme 51. where he is conspired against Villeroy fâ—menting the business by secret order from the King 356. returned to his former greatness treats a Truce with the King of Navarre 389. standing upon precedency will not sign the writing to make him King f France parts from Court 411. recalled by the King 486. recovers all the Towns heâ—d by the Duke of Savoy as far as Vare 568. will not be removed from the Government of Provence but refers himself to the Constable who declares he should go out 659 Duke of Feria and Mendozza Spanish Ambassadors and Juan Baptista Tassis at the meeting of the States urge and propose the Infanâ—a to be chosen Queen 592 c. thâ—ir Answer concerning a Husâ—band for her 604. promise to give her to the Duke of Guise as soon as she shall be chosen Queen 608. are abused going through the streets of Paris 611. Duke of Guise falls into disgrace with K. Francis 7. recalled to management of affairs 17. Keyes of the Palace taken from him and given to the King of Navarre 46. as first Peer of France is declared to precede the rest 47. his union with the King of Navarre and Constable 52. is hurt with a stone in a conflict between his Servants and the Hugonots A saying of his made him thought Author of the War 57. giving it under his hand that he would leave the Court the Catholick Lords leave the Camp 66. takes the Prince of Condé Prisoner 83. sups and lies in the same Bed with the Prince of Condé his bitter Enemy Made General of the Kings Forces 84. shot in the shoulder treacherously by one Poltrot a Hugonot whereof â—e dyes 86. leaves three Sons Henry Duke of Guise Lodowick a Cardinal whom Henry III. caused to be murthered and the Duke of Mayenne who was after Head of the Catholick League 94 Charles Duke of Guise having been long Prisoner at Tours escapes at noon day and flees to Bourges 510. tells the Spaniards his being chosen King would prove ridiculous to others and ruinous to himself 613. he and the Duke â—f Mayenne unite to favor each other to be choâ—en King 623. leaves the League and makes his composition with the King 655. as Heir of the House of Anjou pretends right to Provence ib. ploâ—s to get into Marseiâ—les 699. makes himself Master of it 700 Francis Duke of Guise recovered Calais from the English anno 1557. invited by their negligence in guarding it 702 Henry the young Duke of Guise gets great reputation by sustaining the Siege of Poictiers 156. admitted to the Cabinet Council 158. resoâ—ves to marry Catharine de Cleves 173. besets the Admirals house 183. shot in the face 216 by his cunning politick discourses are brought into Assemblies instituted for Devotion 221. Causes that moved him and his Brothers to frame the League 224. v. 325. they foment the peoples hatred against the King 237. forâ—sâ—eing their own ruine contrive new designs 247. by means of Preachers and Fryars in Pulpits and other places of Devotion labours to insinuate the Catholick League into the people 250. besieges and takes Ausone 305. falls upon the Germans in their quarters and gives them a sudden assault at Auneau and with a great slaughter obtains a famous Victory 326. causes a Writing to be presentâ—d to the King with many cunning demands redounding to his own benâ—fit 332. is discontented at the Kings declaring the Duke of Espernon Admiral of the Kingdom and Governor of Normandy 333. disobeys the King commanding him not to come to Paris 337. goes to wait upon the Queen-mother visits the King who is angry with him in words and looks perceiving what danger he was in takes leave and departs 338. being fearful of the King is strongly guarded and goes with 400 Gentlemen privately well armed to the Louvre to wait upon the King to Mass his discourse with the King and Queen-mother 339. makes the Parisians believe the King meant to put One hundred and twenty of the chief Catholicks to death 341. ceases to force the Louvre and appeaseth the people seeing the King as it were a Prisoner and the City in his power 343. he and his adherents are stung at the Kings Speech at the Assembly of Blois 359. sends with the King and States to the Duke of Savoy to demand restitution of the Marquisate of Saluzzo and upon refusal to denounce War 365. his consultation with the Archbishop of Lyons the Cardinal his brother and Duke d'Elbeuf 369. hath an Handkerchief sent him by his Secretary Pelicart to bid him save himself but it comes not to his hands swoons in the Council-chamber an ill omen of his approaching death slain as he lifts up the hangings of the Closet-door all his chief Adherents made Prisoners 't was reported he received two millions of Crowns from Spain 370. his and the Cardinal his brothers bodies burnt in quick-lime and their bones buried in an unknown place his virtues and endowments both in body and mind Page 373 Duke of Joyeuse at Coutras prepares to Battel with great confusion 321. is thrown to the ground offers 100000 Crowns in ransom yet is slain 322 Duke of Lorrain agrees secretly with the Duke of Mayenne not to elect any to be King that was not only a stranger but not of their family 513. offers the grand Duke of Thuscany in the Kings behalf the Princess Catharine in marriage to the Duke his son 610 Duke of Mantua Ludovico Gonzaga marries Henrietta de Cleve sister to the Duke of Nevers 99 Duke of Mayenne commands his mutinous Soldiers to be cut in pieces 18. persuaded by his sister Madam de Monpensier makes himself Head of the Holy Union at Paris is declared Lieutenant General of the Crown of France 384. refuses a Truce 388 defeats the Count de Brienne and takes him Prisoner 397. assaults the Kings Army at Tours fights a long time but supplies coming from the King of Navâ—rre gives off 398. a Treaty of Agreement between him and Henry IV. 436. he will not hearken to it 437. makes the Archbishop of Lyons his High-Chancellor ibid. layes siege to Melun 439. after twenty five dayes raises the siege and marches towards Rouen to appease new Troubles 440. invites the Deputies of the Provinces upon the death of the Cardinal de Bourbon to choose another King 460. confers the Government of Paris on the Duke d'Esguillon his eldest Son and appoints the Marquis of Belun his Lieutenant 448. is troubled at the attempts of his Family designs of the Duke of Savoy and delays of the Spaniard 489. is not satisfied with the new Pope sends President Jeannin to the King of Spain and Sieur des Portes to the Pope to sollicite aid ibid. orders Marquis Menelay to be killed gives a Scalado to Manâ—e but is beaten off 504. goes to assault the Suisses at Hudam but forced to return 505. marches to Han to give courage to the besieged of Noyon 506. will not hazard a Battel with the King
507. afflicted for the Duke of Guise's escape strives to shew signs of joy but treats underhand with the Cardinal of Bourbon and other Lords to set up a third Party 511. he and the Duke of Lorrain agree not to elect any King of France that is not only a Stranger but not of their Family or a Prince of the blood and a Catholick 513. receives the Duke of Guise at Retel with outward shews of love but corresponds not in their conference ibid. going to oppose an Insurrection in Paris takes the Baâ—â—â—â—le and causes four of the Council of sixteen to be strangled 518. murmurs against the Duke of Parma ascribing the glory of all actions to himself 551. besieges Ponteau de Mer 558 takes it 559. gives Villeroy liberty to favor the Kings conversion at Rome and at the same time opposes it with all his power 563. interpreting the Popes proceeding in favour of him hâ—pes to be chosen King â—64 Causes moving him thereto his Declaration for the States 571. Troubled at the pretensions the Lords of his House had to the Crown as well as he c. 583. sitting under the Cloth of State as King in the Hall of the Louvre â—xhorts the States to choose a Cathol King 584. Threatned by the Spanish Ambassadors departs in anger 593. besieges Noyon is surrendred to him sends his Sons Regiment to Paris 595. being sure none of his Sons should be named Husband to the Infanta prosecutes a Treaty with the Royalists 604. Troubled at offering to give her to the Duke of Guise desires to disturb it c. 608. dâ—siring to hinder the Duke of Guise's greatness asks exorbitant Conditions of the Spaniards 609. seeing himself excluded from the Crown treats to bring in the Cardinal of Bourbon 610. gets the Parliament of Paris to decree the Crown should not be transferred on strangers c. 611. sends Montpezat into Spain to have the Infanta given to his eldest Son 617. he and the Duke of Guise agree to favour each other to be chosen King 623. v. 630 643. his office of Lieutenant General taken away by the Parliament of Paris goes to Bruxels to â—reat with the Archduke 645. makes an Agreement with the King 670. declared innocent of the death of Henry III. 694 Duke de Mercoeur takes the Count de Soisons Prisoner at Chasteau-Eyron 401. his pretensions to the Dutchy of Bretagne 482. being brother-in-law to Henry III. agrees with Henry IV. giving his onely Daughâ—er to Caesar of Bourbon his Bastard-son and what he had in Bretagne under his obedience 733 Duke of Monpensier begins the War against those of the League and besieges Falaise 394. defeats the Count de Brisac who came to divest it 396. dyes at Liseaux 551 Duke of Nemour's vigilancy at the siege of Pâ—ris 475. refuses the Government of it for some discontent from his brother the Duke of Mayenne 488. Insurrection against him at Lyons imprisoned and escapes out of the Castle 660. seeing himself deprived of all retreat falls sick and dyes 692 Duke of Nevers disgusted at the marriage of Viscount de Tâ—renne and Charlotte de la Maâ—k 511. relieves the Kings Army 533. ordered by the Pope not to come to Rome as Ambassador from Henry IV. but as an Italian Prince 621 622. entred privately goes the same evening to kiss his feet 625. beseeches the Pope upon his knees he would absolve the King at least in Foro Conscientiae is denied goes discontented to Venice 626. his death Page 695 Duke of Parma's saying of the Duke of Guise 344. refuses to treat with him without the Duke of Mayenne 519. resolves to succor the League only for Religion 529. marches with his the Popes and French Forces in allTwenty four thousand Foot and Six thousand Horse to relieve Rouen 530. his Answer to the French Lords 534. besieges Neuâ—-chaâ—el and grants Byron de Guiry honourable Conditions 535 sends Eight hundred Horse into Rouen goes to besiege St. Esprit de Hue 539. leaves it and goes to relieve Rouen 540 viewing the Siege of Laudebec shot with a Musquet in the arm 544 shewing he had twice delivered the League sayes the French were the cause the King of Nâ—varre was not quite suppressed 551. goes to the Spâ—w to be cured of a Dropsie 559. his death hurtful to the interests of Spain 556 Duke of Savoy hath certain places restored him by Henry III. at Thurin coming from Poland kept by the Kings of France for security 207 Grand Duke of Thuscany Ferdinando de Medicis is desired by Henry IV. to use his endeavors with the Pope and Colledge of Cardinals about his reconciliation with the Church 556. with his consent Girolâ—mo Condi treats with the Duke of Lorrain in the Kings behalf offâ—rs him the Princess Catharine in marriage for the Duke his Son 610 Dutchâ—ss of Guise demands justice of the Parliamâ—nt they grant it her and choose those should form the Process 380 E. Earl of Essex challenges Sieur de Villars to a Duel who puts it off till another time 524 Walter d'Evereux Brother to the Earl of Essex slain in the first Skirmish at the Siege of Rouen 523 Ecclesiastical Affairs in an unhappy condition 563 Edict that no body should be molested for Religion 48. of July 49. of January 51. to forbid the Hugonots Assemblies in Paris or near the Court 63. Another against them 131. forbidding raising of Soldiers 260. against the Hugonots 281. to succor them 488 Emperor Rodalphus II. commands the Baron d'Onaw by a publick Edict to disband the Army he had raised without his leave upon pain of Imperial banishment 313 Bitter Enemies Conde and Guise sup together and lie in the same Bed 84 Errors imputed to Henry IV. and his Army 475. Excuses in his favour 476 Espernay taken by the League 559. yields to Henry IV. with condition to leave their Colours much desired by him because there were some Spanish Ensigns among them 561 Estamps taken by the King the Magistrates hanged and Pillage given to the Soldiers 402. caused to be dismantled by him 425 Estates of the Kingdom are three 33 F. FActions by the name of Hugonot and Catholick 46. of Royalists and Guizards 365. are fought for by Learned men with their Pens as Soldiers with their Swords 434 Father Robert a Franciscan condemn'd to death at Vendosme for having commended the killing of Henry III. 426 La Fere a place strong by art and nature besieged by Henry IV. 696. yields having large Conditions granted 709 Flanders under that name the Italians usually comprehend all the Low-Countries 299 Forces of Henry IV. sent to relieve Villamur the Foot almost all cut in pieces 570 France the Princes that aspir'd to its Kingdom 435 Francis go to King  Franconians a people of Germany not being able to subsist in their own Countrey issue out in armed multitudes anno 419. and possess themselves of the Gallias being then possest of the Romans 3 4 Fougade what ' t is 650 G.
after eight months siege 1573. The Duke of Anjou with mighty preparations goes to the siege of Rochel The strong situation of Rochel The Duke of Anjou not to prejudice his election to be King of Poland moves slowly in the enterprise of Rochel Rochel yielded to the King The Conditions The Peace is published and the Army dismissed A third party called Politicks and Male-contents composed of Catholicks and Hugonots Prancâ—s Duke of Alancon the Kings youngest Brother makes himself Head of the Male-contents with hope to usurp the Crown The Hugonots begin again to take Arms. The Duke of Alancon and the King of Navarre imprisoned 1574. A new Insurrection of Hugonots stirred up by Monsieur de la Noue The Queen sends three Armies into three parts of the Kingdom to suppress the Insurrections The Mareshal d' Anville Son of Anna de Momorancy is by the Kings decree deprived of his dignities Villers Brother-in-law to the Author St. Lo is besieged by the Catholicks Montgomery being in it Montgomery flees from St. Lo. The Count Montgomery is taken in Danfront sent to the Court and executed Charles the IX dieth the 30 of May 1574. In the absence of the new King Henry 3. a Truce is made for two months The Parliament of Tholouse ordains that the Truce shall not be accepted noâ— executed The Rochellers break the Truce 1573. Henry the III. ill affected to the King of Navarre and Prince of Câ—ndâ— Heads of the Hugonots as also to the Duke of Gâ—ise Heaâ— of the Catholicks The Prince of Conde is made Head of the Hugonots Henrâ— the III. returning out of Poland stays at Thurin and restores certain places to the Duke of Savoy kept by the Kings of France for sâ—curity * Qu' il estoit temps de metâ—re les Roys horâ— Page Henry the III. ill-affected to the King of Navarre and Prince of Conde Heads of the Hugonots as also to the Duke of Guise Head of the Catholicks The King demands the Sister of the King of Sweden to Wife The death of the Cardinal of Lorain 1575. The King is consecrated at Reims by Lewis Cardinal of Lorain Brother to the Duke of Guise and next day marrieth Louyse de Vaudemont Neece to the Duke of Lorain Mombrun who had taken the Kings carriages is taken himself and executed Francis Bonne made Head of the Hugoâ—ots and after High-Constable of the Kingdom Henry the III. frames a new Model of Government The manner observed at Court in the granting of Petitions The Duke of Alancon excluded from the Crown of Poland and Stephano Battori a Hungarian elected to succeed Henry the Third The Duke of Alancon his flight and Declaration The Mareshals of Momorancy and Cosse set at liberty The Prince of Conde comes with a great Army out of Germany The Prince of Conde declares the Duke of Alancon General of the Hugonots The Duke of Guise is shot in the face A Cessation of Arms for six months 1576. The King of Navarre displeased for many causes flees from the Court and proceeds against the Catholicks The King of Navarre publisheth that he was forced to turn Catholick Charles Duke of Mayenne commands his mutinous Solâ—diers to be cut in pieces The Duke of Alancon mustered 35000 fighting men The King of Navarre and Prince of Conde offended at the Duke of Alancons power think to free themselves of him by a Peace Peace is made with the Hugonots the fifth time The Prince of Orange formerly declared Rebel is restored to his Estate The Assembly of the State is appointed at Blois the 15 of November By the Duke of Guise his cunning politick discourses are brought into those assemblies which were instituted for devotion The form of the League or Covenant Causes that moved the Guises to frame the Catholick League The King of Spain becomes Protector of the Catholick League The King of Navarre declared General of the Hugonots and the Prince of Conde his Lieutenant-General At the intercession of the King of Navarre the Rochellers permit the Catholicks to say Mass in their City The Assembly of the States at Bloys King Henry the Third his speech at the beginning of the Assembly of the States at Bloys It 's an ancient question whether the Assembly of the States or the King be Superiour Iean Bodin contradicts the Prelates in tâ—e general Asseâ—bly 1577. The Prince of Conde will not acknowledge the Assembly of Bloys to be the States General nor treat with their Commissioners Henry the III. declares himself Head of the Catholick League After many disputes the general Assembly is dismissed without concluding any thing The King sends two Armies against the Hugonots The Duke of Alancon made the Kings Lieutenant-General Through weakness of both parties the Peace is concluded and published by torch light * High jurisdiction authority to judge and determine all criminal or capital matters except High-treason within his own precincts and all civil actions or controversies except in Royal cases and such as concern Gentlemen and the high ways * Courts of justice wherein half were Catholicks half Hugonots The High-Chancellour Biraâ—o being made Cardinal Philip Hurault is chosen in his place 1578. 1579. 1579. Henry the III. his manner of life * Including the Gentry who are alwayes meant by the French Nobless as well as the Lords The Guises foment the Peoples hatred against the King Henry the 3d institutes the order of Knighthood of the Holy Ghost Bellegarde by intelligence with the Duke of Savoy usurps the Marquesate of Saluzzo The Low-Countries being withdrawn from the King of Spain's Dominion first seek protection from the King of France and then put themselves under the Duke of Alancon * The Italians under the name of Flanders usually comprehend all the Low-Countries The Hugonots stir up new commotions 1580. Cahors is taken 〈◊〉 sackeâ—â—y 〈◊〉 â—â—gonots At the news of these stirs the King sends forth three Armies La Fâ—re recovered by Monsieur de Matignon * Geographers call these Islands the Acores and only one of them the Tercera as being third in the passage from Spain towards Virginia Florida and those parts 1581. 1582. 1583. The Duke of Alancon rejected by those who had called him into Flaâ—ders is driven thence by the Prince of Parma returns into Fraâ—ce and a while after dies there 1584. The Guises foreseeing their own ruine contrive new designs * Lord High Steward of the Kings Houshold heretofore called Le Comâ—â— du Pâ—lais le Senesebal de France Henry the III. takes upon him the protection of Geneva The Duke of Guise by means of the Preachers and Friars in Pulpits and other places of Devotion labours to insinuate the Catholick League into the people The Catholick League composed of men disaffected to the present Government and Zealous in Religion The Sieur de Vins at Rochel receives a Musquet shot to save Hen. 3. * De Robe Longue Charles Cardinal of Bourbon Uncle to the King of Navarre is desired for head of tke
moved at the King of France his answer to their Ambassadors raise an Army under the conduct of Prince Casimir which being come into Alsatia was forty thousand men led by the Baron d'Onaw Lieutenant-General to Prince Casimir Rodolphus the Second the Emperor commands the Baron d' Onaw by a publick Edict to disband the Army raised without his leave and to desist from the business upon pain of the Impeâ—ial banishment to which the Baron answers with excuses that he ought not to desist * Or Crâ—ates Care taken by the Duke of Lorain that the German Army might not stay in his Country The first assault given by those of the League to the Germans in Lorain A bold act of a German Trooper The German Army going out of Lorain rich with spoil enters France where not esteeming the Duke of Guises small Forces they continue to pillage and destroy the Country The great abundance of all things causing surfeits brings great morttality in the German Army Hâ—nry the III. goes in person with an Army to oppose the Germans and to keep thâ—m from joining with the King of Navarre The German Army mutinies At Coutras the D. of Ioyeuse with his Army prepares himself to Battel but with great confusion The King of Navarre takes opporâ—unity â—y the Enemies slowness aâ—d puts his Army in excellent order * Thâ— French Translation sayes and to the Maâ—quess of Galerande The Armies face one another and the Battel begins The Albanians break through a Squadron of Cuirassiers run to Couâ—ras pillage the Hugonots baggage and could no more be rallied in the Battel The D. of Ioyeuse thrown to the ground offers 100000 Crowns in ransom yet is slain The Catholicks lose the day are all killed and taken prisoners except a very few that save themselves by flight The King is not displeased at the loss nor at the Duke of Ioyeuse death The Swisses do not willingly fight when they see the Ensignes of their Cantons displayed in the Enemies Army The Duke of Guise jested at by the Duke of Mayenne for saying he would assault the Enemy because they were indiscreetly quartered The D. of Guise knowing the want of discipline and experience in the German Army resolves though much inferiour in number to fall upon them in their quarters The Baron dâ— Onaw gets out of Vilâ—ory and having fought is wounded in the head and saves himself by favour of the night The Duke of Guise gives a sudden assault to the Germans at Auneau and with a great slaughter of them obtains another famous Victory The Duke of Espernon begins again to treat an Agâ—eement with the Swisses of the German Army and they have leave granted them to return with a safe-conduct to their own home The Reiters and the Geâ—mans following the exaâ—ple of the Swisses do thâ— same All the Army that was commanded by the Baron d' Onau disbands at last The Duke of Bouillon flies to Gâ—â—â—va and diâ—s there A Woman kills 〈…〉 with a knife * And therefore usually called Colonel Alfonso Corso The miserable end of the reliques of the mighty Army of the Germans 1588. Vast thoughts of the House of Lorain too much puffed up by prosperous successes The Duke of Guise causes a Writing to be presented to the King with many cunning demands redounding to his own benefit The King declares â—he D. of Espâ—â—non Admiral of the Kingdom and Governour of Normandy to the great discontent of the Duke of Guise The Council of Sixteen informâ— the Duke of Guise of 20000 men in readiness for any design The Duke of Aumale is in a readiness with 500 Horse to assist the conspiracy of the Parisians A Conspiracy against the Kings person Nicholas Poulain reveals the whole Plot to the High Chancellour and confirms it also to the King himself Henry Prince of Conde poisoned at S. Iehan d' Angâ—ly by his own servants * He that will stir up a Wasps-nest had first need to cover his face well A saying of the Queen-Mother Resolutions taken to free themselves of the Conspiracy of the Parisians The Kings preparations to make himself sure of the Conspirators to block up the passages about Paris and keep victuals from thence The Council of Sixteen by the Kings preparationâ— begin to suspect that their Plot is discovered and the Heads being dismayed send for the Duke of Guise to Paris The King commands the Duke of Guise not to come to Paris but he disobeys The Duke goes to wait upon the Queen-mother who becomes pale and affrighted * I will strike the Shâ—pherd and the Sheep shall be scattered The King being visited by the Duke of Guise shews himself angry both in words and looks because he was come to Paris contrary to his command The Queen disswades the King from his boughts aâ—gainst the Duke of Guise who perceiving in what danger he was presently takes his leave and departs The King and Queen are strongly guarded for fear of the Duke of Guise and he being fearful alsâ— takes the same care The Duke of Guise goes with 400 Gentlemen privately well armed to the Louvre to wait upon the King to Mass. Discourses that pass between the King the Queen-mother and the Duke of Guise The King commands fiâ—teen thousand strangers to be driven out of Paris but the execution is hindered whereupon he resolves to suppress the Insurrection by force The Duke of Guise makes the Parisians bâ—lieve that the King meant to put Sixscore of the chief Catholicks to death The Kings Soldiers come into Paris and guard the Loâ—vre with the streets about it as also the Bridges and Market-places of the City The Parisians raised at the ringing of the bells make barricadoes cross the streets and blocking up all the Kings Corps de Garde come up to the Louvre and begin to assaule the Royalists The Duke of Guise seeing the City in his power and the King as is were a prisoner ceaseth to prosecute the forâ—eing of the Louvre and appeaseth the people Aleâ—â—andro Farâ—â—se Duke of Parma his saying of the Duke of Guise The opinion that the Duke of Guise made way for his designs to seise upon the Crown of France and possess it after the death of Henry the III. The Queen-Mother goes to the Duke of Guise in her Sedan being denied passage in her Coach confers with him but brings back nothing but complaints and exorbitant demands While the Queen returns to the Duke of Guisâ— treaâ—s with him the King with sixteen Gentlemen leaves Paris and retires to Chartres The cause of distaste between the Duke of Espernon and Villeroy The Duke of Espernon coming to Court is not received by the King with his wonted favour by his order quits his Government of Normandy and retires to Angoulesme The Conditions of Peace between the King and the League The Duke of Guise goes with the Q Mother to Câ—artres to the King and is received by him with great demâ—nstrations of honour in appearance Pope Sixtâ—s
the King ' Ambassadors very sharply who came to excuse it to him Sixtus Quintus chuseth a congregation of Cardinals who were to consult about the affairs of France * The French sayes Commandeur Vn Commandeur is one that having Ecclesiastical Livings may not Marry and yet is not compelled to be a Priest as the Grand Prior of France and all the Knights of St Iohn's in Iâ—rusalem Commines lib. 7. cap. 9. The King writes kind Letters to the Duke of Mayâ—nne promising him very great things The Duke of Mayenne notwithstanding the Kings promises being perswaded by Madam de Montpensier his sister makes himself Head of the Holy Vnion * Oâ— sâ—veral C urâ—s The Duke of Mayenne being come to Paris is declared Lieutenant-General of the Crown of France The Council of the Union is chosen consisting of forty of the chiefest persons of the League The Bishop of Mans is sent by the King on purpose to demand absolution for the Cardinal of Guise his death The Abbot of Orbais sent to Rome by the Duke of Mayenne treats of the affairs of the League very effectually The Legat propounds a Truce to the Duke of Mayenne but he refuseth it The King of Navarre grants Liberty of Conscience in those places he had taken and publisheth a Manifâ—st offering to take Arms against those that rebelled against their natural King The Duke of Espernon returned into his former Greatness treats a Truce with the King of Navarre Cardinal Moresini the Legat makes grievous complaints unto the King The Spanish Ambassador departs from Court without taking leave and goes to Paris Cardinal Moresini stays with the King and the Pope falling into suspicion of him accounts him guilty The peace is concluded between the King of France and the King of Navarre Capt. du Gast who killed the Cardinal of Guise treats an agreement with those of the League by the perswasion of the Archbishop of Lyons The prisoners given in custody to Captain du Gast Governour of Amboise are sent to several fortresses under safer guards The Truce is concluded for a year between the most Christian King and the King of Navarre Cardinal Mâ—resini the Legat assoon as the Peace is concluded with the Hugonots departs from Court to go out of the Kingdom * Two thousand pounds sterling The Legat moves the Duke of Mayenne to an accommodation who refuses to hearken to it The Parisians at the news of the Truce between the King and the Hugonots besides many publick signs of contempt forbid the King to be prayed for any longer in the Canon of the Mass. The Duke of Montpensier begins the war against those of the League and besieges the Falaise The Gautiers Country people up in Arms to the number of 16000 fight for the League Montpensiâ—r defeats the Count de Brissac's Forces who came to divert the siege of Falaise The Gautiers being fortified in three places after they had fought a long time some are cut in pieces and some yield Vendosme taken by the League by agreement with the Governour * Or Plessis les Tours The Interview between the most Christian King and the King of Navarre at Tours The Duke of Mayenne defeats the Count de Brienne and takes him prisoner The Duke of Mayenne assaults the Kings Army at Tours where they fight a long time The King himself orders and disposes his Souldiers puts himself among those that fight At last supplies coming from the King of Navarre the Duke of Mayenne gives off the enterprise St. Malin who gave the first wound to the Duke of Guise at Blois slain in the Fight at Tours his death is boasted of as a Miracle and as a presage of Victory The Duke of Aumale besieges Sâ—nlis Monsieur de Longueville goes with small forces to relieve it and raises the siege with a great slaughter of the Leaguers The Duke of Aumale loses the day with his Artillery Baggage and thirty Colours Monsieur de Sancy having raised great Forces in Switzerland and begun the War with Savoy marches-towards Paris against the Leaguers The Count de Soissons assaulted at Chasteau-Gyron by the Duke de Mercoeur is taken prisoner The Sieur de Saveuse going with 400 horse to joyn with the Duke of Mayenne is routed by the Sieur de Chastilloâ— and taken prisoner The King takes Gergeau and Piviers Chartres voluntarily sets open the Gates The Pope by a Monitory declares the King liable to Censure if within 60 dayes he releases not the Prelates and does not Penance for the Cardinal of Guise's death The King troubled at it fasts forty hours Words of Hen. the Third upon the Excommunication thundered out against him The King of Navarr's Answer The King taking Estampes hangs the Magistrates and gives the pillage of the Town to the Soldiers The Swisses arrive and joyn with the King at Poissy The King with a victorious and numerous Army lays siege to Paris having taken all those placâ—s that furnisht it with victual A saying of the Kings who having been to discover the Enemies Works staid at a place from whence he looked upon the whole City of Paris The birth age and condition of Iaques Clement a Fryar of the Order of St. Dominick The King is called Henry of Valois the Tyrant and Persecutor of the Faith Frier Iaques Clement having advised with the Prior and others of his Order resolves to kill the King and to that end goes from Paris A Question made to the Frier and his Answer Upon the first of August the Frier brought in to the King gives him a Letter and then drawing a Knife thrust it into his Belly The King strikes the same Knife into the Friers Forehead Monsieur de la Guesle runs him thorough and being cast out of the window he is torn in pieces The death of Hen. the third upon the first of August at night Anno 1589 he having lived 36 years and reigned 1â— and two months the House of Valois ended in him and the Crown devolved upon the House of Bourbon The King of Navarre having many Lords in the Camp ill-affected to him in respect of Religion and other private causes is in great perplexity Causes of hatred between the King of Navarre and the Duke of Espernon The Catholicks assemble themselves to consult about the future Kâ—ng The Catholicks resolve to declare the K. of Navarre K. of France upon assurance that he would change his Religion The Duke of Luxembourg delivers the resolution of the Catholick Lords in the Camp to the K. of Navarre The King thanks the Catholicks and his answer about changing his Religion The Sieur de la Noue a Hugonot tells the King that he must never think to be King of France if he turn not Catholick The Catholicks of the Camp swear fidelity to the King by a Writing signed and established and the King Swears to the maintenance of the Catholick Religion by the same Writing The Duke of Espernon standing upon precedency will not sign the
King beats up the quarters of the Light-horse of the League The Duke of Parma sends Prince Ranuccio to assault the Kings out-guards and while they are fighting there being favoured by a mist he removes his Camp without noise of either Drum or Trumpet The Army of the League shut up in the Peninsula is reduced unto necessity of Victual and is in a great strait The Duke of Parma to free the Army which was in a manner imprisoned in the Country of Caux resolves to pass the River Seine and his attempt succeeds The King perceiving the Enemies design though too late goes to hinder their passage over the River but they were past already The King dissolves his forces and sends the Lords to their Governments and with a quick fleeing Army follows the march of the enemy Francois de Bourbon Dukâ— of Montpensâ—er as he was returning to his Government of Normandy dies at Lisieâ—x the third of Iune 1592. The Duke of Mayenne murmurs against the Duke of Parma ascribing the glory of all the actions to himself The Duke of Parma shâ—wing that he had twice delivered the League attributeâ— the cause unto the French why the King of Navarre was not utterly suppressed The Duke of Mayenne upon excuse of taking Physick stayes at Rouen The Sieur du Plesâ—is Mornay Secretary of State to the King and the Sieur de Villerâ—y for the Duke of Mayenne Treat of an Accommodation with mutuâ—l promises of Secrecy President Ieannin by order from the D. of Mayenne signifies those Conditions to Monsieur de Villeroy who was in Treaty which the Duke desires for the effecting an Accommodation The Treaty of Agreement divulged by the Sieur du Plessis comes to the ears of the Princesses and Spanish Ministers working a contrary effect to what he that published them desired The Duke of Parma leaves Forces in France under the Sieur de Rosne depending upon the Duke of Mayenne to whom also the other Spanish Ministers forbear to give further discontents The Catholicks of the Kings party displeased that the Peace should be treated by the Sieur de Plessis a Hugonot renew the Treaty of a third party Innocent the Ninth is succeeded in the Papacy by Cardinal Hippolito Aldobrandino with the name of Clement the Eighth being aged Fifty six years Clement the Eighth gives supplies unto the League with more moderate expences and resolutions than his Predecessors had done The King by the means of Mocenigo the Venetian Ambassador prays that Republick to treat with the Pope concerning his reconciliation with the Church The King desires Ferdinando de Medici Grand Duke of Thuscany to use his endeavors also with the Pope and the Colledge of Cardinals in favour of his business The Duke of Mayenne who had still deferred the Convocation of the States writes to the Cardinal Legat and to the Duke of Parma that the time of assembling them was now present Cardinal Gondi and the Marquiss de Pisani are chosen to be sent to Rome The Decree of the Parliaments of Tours and Chalons that none should run to Rome for the procuring of Benefices The pretensions of Râ—nâ—ud de Bâ—aune Archbishop of Bâ—urges upon the Spiritual Superiority of the Galliae A Decree made by Henry the Fourth in favour of the Ecclesiastical Dignities and of the Catholick Religion The Duke of Mayenne besieges Ponteau de Mer. The Sieur de Villars goes to besiege Quilleboeuf a Fort not yet brought to perfection The Sieur de Villars is forced to rise from Quillâ—boeuf The Duke of Mayenne takeâ— Ponteau de Mer The Duke of Parma goes into Flanders to the â—aths of Spaw to be cured of the Dropsie Monsieur de Rosne takes Espernay The King sends his Forces to recover Espernay The Mareschal de Byron a Commander of great valour is killed with a Cannon-shot Iuly 26. in the Sixty fifth year of his age The King wept â—or the Mareschal de Byâ—on The Baron de Byron to revenge the death of his Father scales a great Tower at Espernay and takes it but is sorely wounded Espernay yieldeth it self with condition to leave their colours which were much desired by the King because there were some Spanish Ensigns among them The King desires a reconciliation with the Catholick Church by way of Agreement not by way of Pardon Causes that make the Pope backward in determining about the affairs of the Crown of France The Duke of Mayenne gives Villeroy liberty to favour the Kings Conversion at Rome and at the same time opposes it with all his power Pope Clâ—m 8. gives notice to Cardinal Gondi and to the Marquiss de Pisans that they should not enter into the Ecclesiastical State Cardinal Gondi sends his Secretary to Rome to excuse himself to the Pope The unhappy condition of Ecclesiastical affairs in the Kingdom of France The Pope sends Monsignor Agucchi to Cardinal Sega Legat in France with prâ—dent Instructions concerning the affairs of that Kingdom Cardinal Sega affectionate to the Lords of the League and perswaded by hope being become partial to the Spaniards doth not execute his orders accordding to the Popes intentions The Duke of Mayenne interpreting the Popes manner of proceeding to be in favour of him applies himself to the Convocation of the States with hope to be chosen King of France The City of Paris is appointed for the Convocation of the States The Duke of Mayenne leaves the command of the Army to the Sieur de Rosne and goes himself to Parâ—â— Causes that move the Duke of Mayenne to hope to be chosen King of France The Duke of Parâ—a's death was hurtful to the interests of the King of Spain Monsieur de la Valette is slain with a Musket shot at the siege of Râ—câ—ebrâ—ne The River Vare is the confine that separates Italy from France The Sieur de Les Diguiâ—res makes great incuâ—sions against the Duke of Savoy Monsieur de Maugiron Governour of Valence for the King gives up the place to the Lords of the League The Duke of Savoy recovers the places taken by Les Diguieres and takes Antibo The Duke of Espernon going into Provence recovers Antibo and all the towns held by the Duke of Savoy as far as the River Vare Antoine Scipion Duke of Iâ—yeuse lays siege to Villemuâ— Fortresâ— near Montauban Monsieur de Temines enters with men into Villemur The Kings Forces sent to relieve Villemur assault the Duke of Ioyeuse's Camp and make themselves masters of the first Trench While the Royalists fight with the Leaguers with equal fortune Temines sallies with most of the Garrison of Villemur and catching the Enemy in the midst routs them and puts them to flight Câ—aon a great strong Town that held for the League is besieged by the Princes of Câ—nty and Dombes The Royallists raise their siege at Craon by reason of the Duke of Merâ—oeurs arrival with relief The Kings Forces desiring to make their retreat in sight of the enemy losâ— almost all their Foot who are
take a great deal of Victual and Ammunition which were brought from Noâ—on to be put into Laon. The Mareschal de Byron having placed himself in ambush falls upon and takes great store of victual which were going from la Fere to the Enemies Camp The Duke of Mayenne makes his retreat by day in the face of the Enemy much superior to him in number with so good order that he receives no losâ— at all The Baron de Guiry slain The mines are sprung Laon is assaulted and valiantly defended * Fougade is a kind of mine of about eight or ten foot square covered with stones pieces of Timber bricks and such things as â—hey do mischief to to the â—ssailanâ—s bâ—ing fiered when they come upon it The number of the defendents being diminished they not longer able to hold out Capitulate and Surrender Col. St. Paul takes upon him the title of Duke of Retelois and while he plots to get also the City of Rheims he is killed by the D. of Guise The Sieur de Presâ—â—ay Governor of Chasteau-Thierry submits himself with that place to the Kings obedience The Citizens of Amiens raise a tumult against the D. of Aumale and put themselves into the Kings hands The Sieur de Balagny who had had the Government of Cambray from Queen Kâ—therine as hetress to the D. of Alancon and after adhering to the League had made himself Master of it makes composition with the King up-very large conditions Cardinal Gondi being returned to Paris commands as superior of the Clergy of that City that they should use again the Prayers that were wâ—nt to be made for the King of France and that they should acknowledge H. the Fourth their lawful King Words of Pope Clemâ—nt the Eighth to the Duke of Sâ—ssa the Spanish Ambassador The Duke of Mayenne goes to Bruxelles where he is treated with complyance The Substance of the agreement concluded between the Duke of Mayenne and the Spaniards at Bruxelles The Duke of Lorain makes a truce with the King * Or County of Bourgongne The King sends the Lorain â—orces that were come to him to make incursions into the County of Bourgongne The Duke of Guise leaves the League and makes his composition with the King The Duke of Guisâ— as heiâ— of the House of Anjou pretends rights unto Provence The Duke of Mercoeur is disgusted at the Spaniards in Bretagne because they would not meddle in matters out of that Province The Mareschal d' Aumont Governor for the King in Bretagne besieges the Fort of Croisil begun by the Spaniard * Sir Iohn Norris The French assault Coisil but are bravely repulsed by the Spaniards * Storm-piles The French renew the assault but are beaten off with great loss The Duke of Mercoeur takes no care to relieve Croisil Don Iuan del Aquila marches to relieve his Country-men but having neither horse nor other preparations sufficient he finds the enterprize very difficult After many assaults the defendents of Croisil are all cut in pieces but with fame of most remarkable valour and very great loss to the assailants Fort Croisil slighted by the French The City and Parliament of Aix not being able to resist the Kings forces under the Duke of Espernon surrender upon condition that the Duke shall have no superiority in that City The Mareschal d' Anville is deputed by the King to compose the differences of the Provencials by removing the Duke of Espernon The Duke of Espernon declares that he will defend the Government of Provence and the Sieur de Les Diguieres goes with good forces into the Province to put him out The Duke of Espernon refers himself to the Constables arbitrement who declares that he should go out of the Governmenâ— The Duke of Savoy besieges Briqueras and the French not being able to pass to relieve it he takes it The Duke of Nemours escapes out of the Castle of Piâ—rre Ancise Iehan Chastel a Merchant of Paris wounds the King in the mouth with a knife whilst he was Saluting the Knights of the Holy Ghost in his lodgings at the Louvre Iehan Chastel being imprisoned and tortured confesseth that he was moved to attempt the killing of the King by the Doctrine he had learned of the Jesuiâ—es whereupon some of them are put in prison Iehan Chastell is condemned to be dragged in pieces by four horses The Jesuites are banished out of the whole Kingdom of France The Divines of Paris make a Decree wherein they declare the Doctrine that teaches to kill Princes to be Heretical 1595. The Mareschal d' Anville imbraces the Kings Conversion The Hugonots threaten to forsake the King and take the Crown from him which they said they had gotten him After many difficulties the Edict in succour of the Hugonots is accepted by the Parliament and proclaimed being the same which King Henry the III. had made Anno 1577. Henry the IV. resolves to proclaim open War against the King of Spain Causes that moved King Henry the IV. to proclaim Wars against Spain Upon the 20th of Ian. 1595. Henry the IV. causes War against Spain to be proclaimed by his Heralds in all the Confines King Philip answerâ— the King of France his Declaration about two months after 1594. The Venetian Ambassadors sent to congratulate the Kings assumption to the Crown are received with great demonstrations of honor The Citizens of Beâ—â—ne in the Dutchy of Bourgâ—ngne calling the Mareschal de Biron submit themselves to the Kings obedience 1595. The Baron de Sâ—nâ—cey goes over to the Kings party with the City of Ossonne The Citizens of Autun put themselves under the Kings obedience The Constablâ— of Castile with 8000 Foot and 2000 Horse goes into the Franche 〈◊〉 and being united with the Duke of Mayenne recovers some places and takes others The Sieur de Tremblecâ—urt not being relieved by the Marâ—schal de Biron surrenders the Castle of Vezu to the Constable of â—astile The King comes to Dijâ—n and gives order that both the Castles be besieged The Constable of Castile perswaded by the Duke of Mayenne advances with his Army to attempt the recovery of Dijon The Baron d'Ossonville sent â—orth to discover the Army of the League is charged and constrained to retire The Mareschal de Biron going to receive the Baron d'Ossonville puts a Troop of the Enemies Cavalry to flâ—ght The Mareschal de Biron being without his head-piece is wounded in the head The King half disarmed succors the Mareschal de Biron The King follows the Forces of the League which retire still skirmishing The Constable of Castile noâ— to hazard the Fraâ—che â—â—mte by a Battel makesa halt having resolved not to fight The Constable retires with his Forces though the Duke of Mayenne labours to the contrary The Duke of Mayenne seeing himself forsaken by the Spaniards and advertised that the Pope inclined to the absolution of the King makes an agreement with him The King goes into the Fraâ—che Comâ—e to molest the Spaniards The French pass
the other of Foot under the conduct of Andelot and the third mingled both with Horse and Foot which he commanded himself he marched with great silence and expedition to assault the Enemies Camp about midnight But fortune frustrated his design for though the way were plain through a free open Country yet the guides that led the first Squadron either through treachery or amazedness or else through ignorance losing their way they so wandred up and down that the next morning at break of day he found that he was advanced but little more than a league from the place whence he set out over night and still two great leagues from the Kings Camp Notwithstanding necessity compelling to attempt the greatest difficulties the Commanders resolved to pursue their design and the same order to perform that in the day which they could not effect in the night But Monsieur d' Anville who with the light horse quartered in the front of the Kings Army having presently advertisement by his Scouts of their coming had by shooting off two pieces of Cannon given notice thereof to the Camp that lay behind him Whereupon the Souldiers and Gentlemen running from all parts to their colours he going before to make good the high-way that they might have time to put the Army in order having divided his Horse into divers little Squadrons began to skirmish fiercely with the first Troops of the Hugonots By reason whereof they being forced to march slowlier and closer together often making halts through the heat of the skirmish and not to disoâ—der themselves in the face of the Enemy the King of Navarre had more commodity of time to get his men together and to order them for a Battel So the Princes Army still advancing and the King of Navarre ranging his men in a Battalia upon the plain but with the Camp behind them at the last about noon both Armies faced one another that there was nothing between them but a little plain without any manner of impediment But though the Ordnance plaid fiercely on both sides yet no body advancing to begin the battel it was perceived the Commanders were not of opinion to fight For the Prince who thought to have surprised the Catholicks on a sudden before they could either get together or put themselves in order seeing them all together and drawn out in excellent order for the Battel and not believing that his men who were but newly raised would be able to stand against the Kings Foot that were all choice old Souldiers had more mind to retreat than to fight And the King of Navarre who knew that within a few days his forces would be increased would not in absence of the other Catholick Lords expose himself without any provocation to the hazard of a Battel Wherefore after they had stood still facing one another at least three hours the Prince retiring more than a league backwards quartered with his Army at Lorges a little Village in Beausse and the King of Navarre drew off his men but in much better order to the place where they encamped before The same evening arrived from Chasteadune at the Army the Constable and the Duke of Guise being sent for in great haste and causing all the Guards to be doubled they commanded quite thorow the Quarters at every hundred paces great piles of wood to be made which being set on fire if the enemy came to assault them by night the Souldiers might the better see what they were to do and the Canoneers how to point their Ordnance Which orders being known to the Prince of Conde and finding that the enemy was not to be surprized after he had stayed three days at Lorges the second day of Iuly in the morning he rose with all his Army and went to take Baugency a great walled Town and with the pillage thereof to refresh his Souldiers which were in great want of money and not over-abounding with victuals Nor was the enterprise of any great difficulty for the wall being battered with four peeces of Cannon brought thither for that purpose and an assault given in another part by the Regiment of Provensals at a certain breach they made by sapping it was taken the same day and sackt with great slaughter of the inhabitants Whilst the Hugonots assaulted Baugency there arrived at the Kings Army ten Cornets of German Horse led by the Rhinegrave and six thousand Swisses under the conduct of Ierosme Freulich a man for experience and valour of great esteem among his own Nation With which Forces the Catholick Lords designed without any delay to set upon the Enemies Army But the Prince of Conde being advertised of the arrival of those foreign supplies having slighted Baugency that the Catholicks might make no use of it in great haste retired to Orleans absolutely quitting the field without making any other attempt In Orleans it was no longer possible to keep the Army together partly through want of money to give the Souldiers their pay without which being shut up in the Town they could not possibly live partly because the Nobility that followed the War as Voluntiers having spent what they brought with them could no longer subsist Wherefore having called a Council the chief of the Hugonots determined to turn this necessity to their best advantage For not being able to resist the Kings Army with the Forces they then had nor to remain shut up within those walls they took a resolution to separate themselves into divers places and to defend those Towns and fortresses which they held in other parts of the Kingdom in this manner subsisting as well as they might until they could have such aids from their friends and confederates that they might again meet the Enemy in the field Their chief hopes of Succours were from the Protestant Princes of Germany so they call those who separated from the Catholick Church do follow the opinions of Luther and from Elizabeth Queen of England not only an adherent to the same Religion but also desirous through the ancient Maxims of that Nation to have some footing in the Kingdom of France The Princes of Germany had already freely promised them their aid and there wanted nothing but only to send Commanders and Money to conduct and pay the Souldiers But the Queen of England proposed harder and more difficult conditions without which she denied to afford them any Succours For she offered to imbrace the protection of the Confederates and to send into France an Army of eight thousand Foot with a great train of Artillery at her own charge and to maintain it there till the War were fully ended that at the same time with her Fleet mann'd with Land-forces she would invade the Coasts of Normandy and Brittany to divert and divide the Kings Forces but upon these terms That the Confederates should promise in recompence to cause Calais to be restored to her a strong place situated upon the narrow Sea in Picardy held many
years by the Kings of England her Predecessors and at last recovered by the Duke of Guise in the Reign of Henry the Second But because the Hugonots were not Masters of that place she demanded that in the mean time they should consign to her Havre de Grace a Fortress and Port of less consequence upon the coast of Normandy and that they should receive her Garrisons into Diepe and Rouen These conditions seemed to many intolerable and not to be consented unto through any necessity whatsoever knowing the infamy and publick hate they should undergo if they made themselves instruments to dismember the Kingdom of such important places and bring into them the most cruel implacable enemies of the French Nation But the Ministers who in all deliberations were of great Authority and in a manner reverenced as Oracles alledged that no consideration was to be had of worldly things where there was question of the heavenly Doctrine and propagation of GOD's Word Wherefore all other things were to be contemned so as Religion might be protected and Liberty of Conscience established The Prince of Conde and the Admiral being desirous to continue their Commands and necessitated by their own private affairs to pursue the enterprise were of the same opinion so that their Authority overcoming all opposition after many consultations it was at last concluded to satisfie Queen Elizabeth and by all means to accept the conditions proposed To which effect they presently dispatched Monsieur de Briquemaut and the new Vidame of Chartres with Letters of credit from the Prince and the Confederates to confirm the agreement in England Andelot and the Prince of Portian with such a sum oâ— money as they could get together went to sollicit the levies of the Germans the Count de la Roch-foucaut went to Angoulesme the Count de Montgomery retired into Normandy Monsieur de Soâ—bize to Lyons the Prince the Admiral Genlis and Bouchavenes stayed to defend Orleans and the places adjacent But many of the Commissioners for the confederacy which was treated with England not being able to endure such dishonourable conditions began to forsake them amongst which Monsieur de Pienne went over to the Kings Army and the Sieur de Morvilliers chosen by the Prince to be Governour of Rouen that he might not be forced to admit an English Garrison into a Town of such consequence leaving that charge retired into Picardy to his own house Whilst by these means the Hugonots endeavoured to provide themselves with Forces the Catholicks designed to make an attempt upon Orleans as the chief sourse and seat of all the War But in regard it was exceedingly well provided for Defence and furnished with Munition of all kinds they knew it was an enterprise of great difficulty Wherefore first to cut off from it the hopes of succours they resolved to take in the places round about that so they might afterwards with more facility straighten it with a siege or being deprived of succours assault it by force For which purpose they raised their Camp the 11 of Iuly and the Duke of Guise leading the Van and the King of Navarre the Battalia whilst every one of both sides expected to see them setled before Orleans they leaving that Town on the left hand and passing sixteen leagues farther on a suddain assailed Blois which though it were full of people beautified with one of the noblest Castles for a Kings house in the whole Kingdom and situated upon the same side of the River of Loire yet it was not so fortified that it could hope to make any long resistance against the Kings Army Wherefore after the Souldiers which were in guard saw the Cannon planted being terrified with the danger they passed the River upon the Bridge and throwing away their Arms sought to save themselves by flight which though the Duke of Guise knew who with the Van-guard was nearest to the wall yet being more intent to take the Town than to pursue those that ran away whilst the Citizens dispatched their Deputies to capitulate he sent a party of foot to make an assault who finding the breach forsaken that was made by a few Cannon shot took the place without resistance which by the fury of the Souldiers their Commanders not forbidding them was miserably sackt From Blois the Army marched towards Tours a much more noble populous and ancient City wherein the name of the Hugonots first took vigour and force but the people who for a few days at the bginning of the Siege made shew that they would stand resolutely upon their defence when they perceived the Trenches were made and the Artillery planted of their own accord cast out the Commanders and rendered the place saving their goods and persons which conditions were intirely observed In the mean while the Mareshal de St. Andre with the Rear of the Army went another way to besiege Poictiers a City likewise famous for antiquity great and spacious where the â—atholicks thought they should find a strong resistance But it fell out to be a work of much less difficulty than they imagined For the Mareshal having battered it two days together with his Artillery and made an assault upon the Town rather to try the resolution of the Defendants than with any hope to gain it the Captain of the Castle who till then had shew'd himself more violent than any other of the Hugonot party suddenly changing his mind began to play from within with his Cannon upon those who stood ready to receive the Assault by which unexpected accident the Defendants losing their courage not knowing in such a tumult what way to take for their safety as men astonished left the entry of the breach free to the Assailants who not finding any resistance entered furiously into the Town which by the example of Blois was in the heat of the fight sackt and many of the peole put to the sword The Catholicks having thus in a few days taken those Towns which from Poictiou and Touraine backed and succoured Orleans and stopt the passage for supplies from Guyenne Gasâ—oigne and other places beyond the River it remained that turning backwards and passing to the other side they should take in Bourges so to cut off those aids that might come from Auvergne Lyonoise and other Provinces joyning to Daulphine Bourges anciently called Avaricum is one of the greatest and most populous Cities in France a residence for Students of all sorts but especially famous for the Civil Law This Town being within twenty leagues of Orleans and by reason of the Traffick of Wooll as also through the great concourse of Scholars much replenished with strangers was at the beginning possest by the Hugonots and afterwards as an important passage for the Commerce of those Provinces that being nearest depended upon it diligently guarded and fortified so that now foreseeing a Siege Monsieur d' Yvoy Brother to Genlis was entered thereinto with two Thousand French foot and four Troops of horse
the siege lost many Gentlemen and no inconsiderable number of Souldiers In the mean time the affairs of both Factions were prosecuted in Bearn whither the Prince of Navarre sollicitous to preserve his own patrimony had sent the Count of Montgomery to oppose Messieurs de Monluc and de Terride the first of which possessed the Confines of the Province and the other with a great power battered Navarines the only place that after many losses and troubles of the Country remained in the power of the Hugonots but in conclusion whatsoever the fault was for the Commanders laid it upon one another the business went very prosperously for the Prince of Navarre for Monsieur de Terride being risen from before Navarines was in his retreat fought withal surrounded and taken prisoner and Monsieur de Monluc not being able or not coming time enough to help him was fain to retire into Gascony so that all the Country began to submit to the devotion of Montgomery who using strange unaccustomed cruelties had with terrour constrained even those places that were best manned and most strongly fortified to yield themselves up into his hands In the interim the Duke of Anjou who because he was not yet strong enough to raise the siege of Poictiers had encamped before Chastel-rault to obtain the same effect by that diversion conceived some hopes of taking the place and persisted in battering it with much violence but the issue proved very contrary for when there was a a sufficient breach in the wall he made the Italian Infantry to fall on who putting themselves forward by reason of their emulation with the French possessed themselves at first very prosperously of the breach but with more rashness and fury than discretion for being plaid upon with great execution both in the front and flank by the Artillery planted opportunely upon the ramparts that were cast up within which they had not as according to the Rules of War they ought been careful to discover after they had fought in vain above three hours they retired to their trenches with the loss of above 250 men amongst whom were Fabiano del Monte and many other Gentlemen and Officers The next day their thoughts of assaulting the Town were changed into those of marching away for the Admiral with all his Army desirous to recover the time and recompence the losses he had received at Poictiers had in three several quarters possessed himself of the Suburbs on the other side Chastel-rault opposite to the place where the Catholick Army lay and resolved by any means to try his fortune if he could do it without disadvantage for which cause the Duke of Anjou knowing himself much inferiour in strength the Nobility not being yet joined with him nor many Companies of Foot which were too far from the Army thought it best to retire and therefore took the opportunity to do it at the same time that the Admirals Souldiers being quartered to refresh themselves after their march in one of the Suburbs of the Town that lay beyond the River Vienna were either securely sleeping or making provision of victuals and lodging it not being probable the day being so far spent that either side would change their quarter that night So taking the opportunity of the time the Duke caused his Artillery to be drawn off with good order but incredible expedition and having sent them before with all his baggage some two hours after it being about Sun-set he marched without noise away neither the Admiral nor any of his party at all perceiving it till the last Squadrons were moving who made good the retreat being led by Monsieur de Chavigny Monsieur de la Valette and the Count di Sancta Fiore At that time it being far in the night the Hugonot Army was at rest in their quarters or else scattered up and down therefore the Admiral seeing his men weary dispersed and unfit for the pursuit thought it not best rashly to follow the Catholick Army which being many hours before him retired quietly without any disorder or confusion Thus the Duke of Anjou not being followed nor molested by the Enemies the same night passed the River Creuse at Porte de Piles four leagues from Chastel-rault and the next morning having left the bridge sufficiently guarded on both sides of the River he drew his Army to Selle a very strong and well-fortified quarter At break of day the Admiral marched after the Catholicks and being come to Porte de Piles he sent forth Monsieur de Soubise with a party well-horsed to discover the state of the Enemy who having routed and put to flight many scattered Souldiers that were cast behind the Army fell on hotly skirmishing even to the very Turn-pike of the Bridge the Infantry seconding him resolutely assaulted the barricadoes of the Catholicks using their uttermost endeavour to drive away the guard and to gain that pass but notwithstanding the redoubled onsets made with exceeding courage by the most valiant Commanders of the Hugonots la Valet and Paulo Sforza with the French light Horse and the Italian Foot defended the Bridge and being helped by the strong situation of it beat off the Enemy with much loss and frustrated all their attempts whereupon the Admiral giving over that design made a foord to be sought for in some other place which being easily found by reason of the shallowness of the water he passed over the next day four leagues below Piles and came so near to the quarter of the Duke of Anjou that he hoped to force him to give battel but seeing that the Duke containing himself within his trenches was very well stored with victual because all the Country behind him were his friends and that on the other side his Army suffered great scarcity being forced to make his provisions afar off because two Rivers were between him and the Country that was well-affected to him he despairing to force the Catholicks to fight against their will resolved the third day to retire and having passed the two Rivers of Creusa and Vienna marched to Faye la Vineuse and lodged his Army in the neighbouring Villages to refresh his men after so much toil and sufferance who being all especially the Germans impatient and unaccustomed to lie in the fields began to grow very mutinous and disorderly The Duke of Anjou took the like course who withdrawing his Army to Chinon in Turain went to see the King his Brother and the Queen his Mother who according to their ordinary custom of being near the Army were come to Tours where likewise was arrived the Duke of Guise loaden with honour and reputation for his famous and prosperous defence of Poictiers Here they began to advise of the means of managing the War and this was the first time the Duke of Guise being received into his Fathers place was admitted to the Cabinet Council and the participation of the most secret affairs The cause and beginning of this trust
besides the nobleness of his Blood the merits of his Father his own Vertue and the protection of the Cardinal his Uncle was chiefly the implacable hatred the King bare the Admiral for after the death of the Prince of Conde in the Battel of Bassac he had entertained confident hopes that the Hugonot party being deprived of the Authority of so great a Prince and having lost their principal Head upon whose valour and reputation chiefly depended the conduct of so weighty a business would dissolve and dissipate or at least incline to the yoak of his obedience but he found on the contrary the Authority of the Blood Royal by the sagacity of the Admiral revived in the persons of the two young Princes and the union of the Hugonot Faction founded on their proper strength and valour to occasion more mischiefs and to bring the state of affairs into greater dangers than ever formerly they had been in the revolution of so many years and therefore having with a publick and heavy sentence divulged in many languages made him to be declared Rebel by the Parliament of Paris he also caused his effigies to be dragged through the streets and to be hung up in places where they used to execute publick malefactors and so ordered the matter that his houses were razed to the ground and his goods sold by the Officers of his Courts after all which continuing a resolution to persecute him to death he began to exalt and favour the House of Lorain and particularly the Duke of Guise who desirous to revenge the death of his Father professed a publick and irreconcileable hatred to the Admiral The Kings Cabinet Council coming now to debate of those courses that were to be taken in ordering the War at first their opinions disagreed for the Mareshal de Cosse by his severe proceedings against the Hugonots in Picardy having purged himself of the suspicions conceived against him and regained his former credit and estimation of wisdom thought it best to try rather by time than force to overcome the Enemy who being without money without means to victual their Army without retreat without any considerable supply from abroad and full of want disorder discord and desperation would quickly be vanquished by their own necessities and dissolve to nothing of themselves On the other side the Count de Tavanes represented that the Hugonot Army was lessened wearied out and put into confusion by the long and fruitless siege of Poictiers and therefore very easie to be overcome and that it was necessary to fight presently and not to stay till the Prince of Orange who was gone disguised into Germany had time to make new levies or that the Count Montgomery who had gotten the better in Bearn should come with the Forces of Gascony to join with the Admiral for so the War would be again renewed which could not by any means be more certainly extinguished than by fighting and by eager pursuing of the Enemy now they were diminished both in number and courage The resolution would have been hard to agree upon but the Duke of Anjou cutting off all dispute of different opinions concluded that it was expedient to fight with the Army of the Princes now that tired and wasted with their late losses and sufferances they were not likely to have force and vigour enough to resist the Catholick Army which fresh in full strength and well recruited had an ardent desire to see the Enemy in the field With this intention he departed from Tours in the company of the Dukes of Guise and Montpensier and so gathering together thirty Ensigns of Foot and 2000 Horse of the Nobility and Gentry that held their lands of the Crown who about that time came to the Army he advanced with his whole body towards Faye la Vineuse where the Hugonots were encamped with a design to meet them and as soon as possibly he could force them to give him Battel But matters were not so resolved among the Hugonots for though the Gentry who for the space of a whole year had lived from their own houses spending all they had thinking they had done much more than either the nature or custom of the French is wont to bear desired earnestly to meet the Enemy or to be dismissed the Camp and that every hour were heard the groans of those that wished for an end of those miseries or of their lives though Count Volrade with his Germans weary of suffering and lying in the field and deprived of their fancied hopes of rich booty in a mutinous way demanded their pay and to be led on to encounter the Enemy yet the Princes the Admiral and the most experienced Commanders of the Army knowing the valour of the Kings Souldiers and the weariness and disunion of their own inwardly disapproved the advice of coming to a final trial and desired to govern their affairs with the same prudence which they had observed in the Catholicks who when they found themselves inferiour in strength had always avoided the hazard of a Battel though now being assured of the advantage they very much desired it Therefore as when the Duke of Anjou shunned the encounter they had used all possible means to provoke him to it so now that he came resolved to do the like they endeavoured to prolong the event of things and to proceed with more slow and more secure advice but they dared not to make show of this intention for fear of filling the Army with tumults and discontents being certain the Gentry would presently forsake them and the Germans undoubtedly mutiny as soon as they should know there was no hopes of putting it to a Battel Wherefore letting themselves be led by necessity and by the inclination of the Army as a man doth for the most part that rides a fiery ill-managed horse they seemed to consent to the opinion and desire of the Souldiers and made show of readiness and resolution to give battel but the Admiral who thought he could compass any thing by his arts and subtilties deluding their expectation and declining all occasions absolutely determined in himself with all possible care to avoid the doubtful issue of a battel To this end as soon as he heard the motion of the Catholicks towards him the Princes being made privy to his counsels he marched with his whole Army from Faye which is in the Confines of Poictou and Anjou to pass the Rivers that are near to gain the other side called Basse Poictou bordering upon Guienna where by reason of its strong situation and the many Cities that were there of his Faction he thought it more easie to delay the Battel or else to fight with so much advantage that the Victory might not at all be doubtful and to the end the Gentry and the Germans might more willingly follow him he caused a report to be spread through the whole Army that the Count de Montgomery grown strong and victorious in Bearn was upon his way to