traytor Thus he writeth of the beginning of the controuersy There was as authors doe affirme in that time of Henrie the second Pag 56. more then a hundred murthers besydes other felonyes proued vpon the cleargie which when the king would haue punished according to the lawes of the land A fâ—lse and slâ—undâ—rous beginning of the 〈…〉 Becket opposed himself and beardeth the king in this so iust an action vnder title of standing for the libertyes of the Churche from this strauÌ„ge ground these proceedings ensued In which words of the knight there is to bee noted first that where he saith authors doe affirmè that more then a hundred murders besides other â—ellonies were proued vpon the cleargie no other author is found to mention any such thing but onelie Nubergensis who yet doth not say that they were proued vpon the clergie but his words are Nuberg hist. Angl. l. 2 16. that it was said to haue byn tould the king at a certaine time that aboue a hundred murders had byn committed within the kingdome of England since his raigne by Cleargie men In which woords as you see NubergeÌ„sis doth not say that it was true or that it was proued as our knight doth and secondly he speaketh of the whole tyme of king Henries raigne vntil this contention which was some 14. or 15. yeares and thirdly the falling out of the Archbishop with the king was not for that he would not haue these clergie men punished if they had offended as wickedly this knight giueth to vnderstand saying presently after This proud prelate durst protect fellons and murderers against the king and iustice of the lanâ— but the controuersy was only about the maner of punishing those that did offend and by what iudges and iurisdiction they should be punished to wit whether by ecclesiastical or temporal power for that the Archbishop affirmed that equity required that clergie men offending should first be iudged condemned and degraded by ecclesiastical power according both to the cannon lawes as also the municipal lawes of the land confirmed by all former Christian Kings â—rom the first conuersion of England and that they being thus condemned should be deliuered to secular power for executâ—on of the sentence which is a case that faâ—leth out dayly in Spayn Italy France and other Cath. contreys where Bishops do defend their Eccâ—es iurisdiction in punishing Eccles. persons taking them also by force of censures out of secular iudges hands when occasioÌ„ is offered without all note of rebellion or treason And no lesse was this law of the realme of England confirmed by ancient parliaments and other antiquities then were the secular lawes for which S r. F. standeth and fondly calleth the defence of eccles lawes treason and rebellion Wherfore hauing set downe so false a relation of the beginning of this controuersy falsifying NubergeÌ„sis as yow see in many points he doth prosecute the same with lyke vntruth as presently yow shal see And first he beginneth with a certayne letter of Maud the Empresse vnto the Archbishop which she wrote at the instance of the King her sonne and vpoÌ„ the informatioÌ„ of such courtyers as were contrary to the Bishop and his cause In which letters she chargeth him that to vse S â— F. owne words as much as in him lay he went about to disinherit the King and depriue him of his crowne Whervnto I answere that truth it is Iohn Fox hath such a letter of thesaid Empresse Maud without telling where Pag â—8 or whence or how he had it or where we may read it for in none of all the authors aboue mentioned I do fynd it Yet one thing I would haue the reader to note S. F vntrue dealing in cyting matters against S. Thom. which testifieth the continuance of S r. F. vntrue dealing in this affayre that wheras in Iohn Fox the whole charge of the empresse against the Archbishop is mitigated by this pareÌ„thesius as the report is which sheweth that these were but suspitions only and reports of his enimies Fox Pag. 201. S r. F. hath left out the parenthesis as the report is as though she had charged him vpon her owne knowledge which is no true dealing or right meaning as yow see But let vs heare further S r. F. his words pretending a more certayne proof of treason rebellion in S. Thomas Pag. 58. But if the Empresse saith he might be thought to speak partialy on the K. her sonnes behalf yet the two Card. sent by the Pope to heare all this controuersy out of question wil not condemne him without iust cause and yet in a letter sent from them to the Pope they do condemne him c. Yf S. F. proue himself a true K â— in verifying this one poynt which here he sayth I am to pardon much of that which hath passed before But yf in this matter of so great moment he be taken in lyke falshood who wil then trust him hereafter Let vs examine then the matter I wil haue none other euideÌ„ces or witnesses but his owne woords for presently after he setteth downe a part of the letter of VVilliam and Otho Card. sent by Pope Alexander to heare the cause betwene the King the Archbishop and hauing trauayled therin the King being in Normandie and the Archb. at Paris they found the matter more hard then they imagined to compouÌ„d False dealing of Syr Fraunces for that the Archbishop demaunded restitution to his lyuings for himself and for his frends and reuocation of certayne lawes lately made preiudicial to ecclesiastical iurisdiction before he could end the matter wherwith the-sayd Card. being somwhat displeased for that they desired to carry with them to the Pope the glory of this accord made by them and for that the King had much gayned their good wil by liberallity towards theÌ„ for these causes they wrote to the Pope somwhat fauorably in the Kings behalf but yet nothing condemning the Archbishop as vntruly out K â— doth auow which now I shal shew out of the woords of their owne letter alleaged heere by S.F. which are these VVilliam and Otho Card. of the Churche of Rome to Alexander the Pope The letter of the tvvo Cardinals to the Pope â— VVe comming to the land of the K. of England found the controuersy betwixt him and the Archbishop of Canterbury more sharp and vehement then we would for the King the greater part about him said that the Archbishop had sâ—yâ—red vp the french King greuously against him as also the Earle of Flaunders his kinsman who was very louing and kynd to him before whome he made his open aduersary ready to wage warre against him as is by diuers euidences most certayne c. These are the words of the Card. by S. F. relation which supposing they were truly alleaged yet he that shal consider and ponder them wel wil see that out of them no more can be vrged against the Archbishop but
aske why he reprehendeth not Cambden and other protestant wryters that say to her Ma â—ie Diua Elizabetha at euery word but all may passe with these men so it be not to the Pope And yet one thing yow must note that whatsoeuer Canonist or other Catholique do attribute to the Pope it is not in respect of his person but of his office and place vnder Christ so that if they flatter they flatter the office not the man but Diua Elizabetha flattereth the person and so it is flat and grosse flattery But let vs go forward Yow haue heard then the two first wayes wherby the K. goeth about to excuse himselfe from flattery wherof the first is but fond and the second fraudulent there followeth a third which is both impertinent and ridiculous For wheras he is accused by the warder to be coÌ„trary to himselfe A very foolish defence in that telling vs of so many blessings and English benedictions yet in the very same lyues confesseth infinite feares frightes and daungers of the realme he hath nothing in effect to answere but that EnglaÌ„d hath byn blessed for tymes past by the entraÌ„ce of their ghospel though now through their vnkyndnes they may be feard to be neare to misery which kind of defence how childish it is who seeth not and is as much as if he should say the head and face and first shew of his ghospel was fayer frolike as are the sweete singing Syrienes but the taile is troublesome and end pernicious and byteth like the scorpion But let vs heare both the warder the Apoâ—oger together in their owne speach Pag. 2. He that wil consider saith the warder with iudgment The present state of English blessings and indifferency the present estate of matters in England and round about it and this especially by reason of change made in religion and shal read together the fleering tale which Syr F. telleth vs in the first lynes of his book of the infinite and innumerable blessings receyued as he saith by the said chaÌ„ge he wil eyther say that the man lacked wit and discourse to see the deformity and contradiction of his owne talke or els modestie and shamefastnes in vttering it For notwithstanding the rare partes and good intentions of her Maiestie in this her gouernment which no man denyeth nor yet conioyneth with the euil successe of this alteration of religion as wel knowne not to haue proceeded of her owne inclination at the beginning who is there so simple that discouereth not or so euil affected that rueth not from his hart the difficultyes already growne and growing dayly by this most vnfortunate and fatal alteration of religion The vvachman contrary to himselfe which this man calleth the fountayne and welspring whence all the rest of this our litle Islandes benefits and blessings do yssue and flow Nay doth not the seely man himselfe in all this furious skâ—rneful libel of his endeauour to lay before vs a thousand feares and fryghtes of imminent perills which he sayth hang ouer vs by the diuision of hartes of hands of iudgements of affections of partes and partialityes and factions within the realme or is his whole argument any thing els in effect but a timerous abodement of infinite ruynes that do beset the realme at this day And are not his owne wordes these after a long discourse of peryls I doubt not deare countrymen but that yow are men of VVisdome and can easelie conceaue what daungers we stand in by that which hath byn set downe before And after a litle The lyfe of religion of Queene and countrie is at the stake And how then doth he pipe vnto vs this fayned note of melancholie musicke amidst so many dreadful cares and sorrowes hath he not read that Musica in luctu importuna narratio Eccles 22. It is importune chaunting when other men are weeping This said I then what answereth our knight with his Ministers now after so long so large and so mature deliberation of two yeares Yow shal haue it briefelie deliuered First they runne againe a very graue shifte to an other verse or two out of a poet against flaterie and dissimulation for with this kynd of armoure Winchester schole where afterward he braggeth to haue byn brought vp did somwhat furnish our knight Encount 6. therfore oftentymes we haue store therof But what more nay no more argument or reason alleadged at all but only this sentence noted in the margent No contrariety betwixt our present dangers and our former blessings VVherby he yeildeth to his aduersarie in the thing it selfe as yow see and varyeth onlie in the tyme confessing that England is not blessed for the present but was in old dayes which being past it remayneth rather cursed now if perils cares and frightes be curses and yet in his former booke if yow remember all seemed to be present bâ—essednes Foolish trifling in matter of moment who can suffer such tryfling in a matter of such moment And yet delighteth he so much in this deuise of his conning distinction of tymes past and present that he maketh a long narration ther-vpon how the people of Israel were blessed vnder diuers Kinges VVastvvord Pag 8. and namelie Iosias for a tyme and yet afflicted in the end for their ingratitude by this said Kings fearful slaughter In which example though I could trip him for alleaging a false cause of Iosias murther for he was slayne through his owne fault not the peoples for that expresly against Gods commandement 4. Reg. 25. 2. Paral. 35. he would needs fight with Nechao King of Egypt yet am I not delighted with this example for that it proueth nothing but that which it should not to wit that our blessings of England be not present Iosias slaughter euil applied but past and includeth further some euil aboadment towards her Ma tieâ— person as some may interpret for which cause it was not the wysâ—st part in the world for the K. to bring it in but that he seeth not or discerneth not alwayes what maketh for him or against him No way then can S. F. deliuer himselfe soundlie from the charge of flatterie in his former fond florish of protestant blessings except he could shew vs in deed some special Catalogue of blessings benedictions which England hath receyâ—ed eyther spiritual or temporal or both by changâ—ment vnto his religion more then it had beâ—ore vnder Catholique Religion which obligation of playne proofe the K. preceyuing hath taken vpon him at length to set vpon that enterprise and laying his head togeather with the consistorie of his ministers hath shaped vs out tenne new fresh benedictions and blessings neuer hard of before or had I thinke in consideration which now we are to examine and discusse as they ly in order But first we must see what Minister O. E. bringeth after the K. whose book came to my hand when this was writteÌ„ and I haue
in Dei maâ—u non quâ—uis Euery man is not in the hand of God And finally Deus non colitur ab homine malo Serm. 55. God is not worshipped by an euil man c. In all which sentences yow se there is need of some censure examimation according as this Index doth note and albeit by marginal notes they are pretended to be taken out of auncient Fathers yet neyther is it alwayes so nor do they coÌ„teyne good doctrine as yow see it appertayneth to the sollicitude of the Cath. churche to giue notice therof where need is least simple people be deceaued And thus yow se that we haue iustified the practise of our Churche in this behalf and haue shewed the quarrels to be vayne and foolish and not sincerely treated by him and when all is sayd and considered yow shal fynd it farre from his purpose which is and ought to be to proue if he could that we forbid lay men to meddle in matters of religion which â—e proued first for that they had not the scriptures in English and then for that we peruert as he sayth the ancient Fathers with the ceÌ„sure of deleatur when any sentence lyketh vs not Of which two proofes whether is most from the purpose let the reader iudge who hath heard them both discussed The calling in of O. E. But wil yow heare now in a woord or two what S r. F. FraÌ„cis souldiar of supply O.E. saith in this point VVhat the minister O. E. saith about this controuersy First yow must imagine he had seene all both what the watchman and the Warder had said before and what Syr Francis also had replied and yet he commeth in with a flat new assertion as though he had seene nothing hitherto Pag. 5â— Likewayes saith he they teach that laymen may not medle with matters of religion that is that Princes haue no power to reforme the Churche nor make Ecclesiastical lawes Yea Syr Minister wil yow run out at that hole and is that the meaning of the K t. assertion How then followeth the second part that therby we make all laymen carelesse of God and all godlynes and how doth the K t. himself go about to defend it by saying that we barre â—ay-men from reading scriptures in English can this be vnderstood only of Princes and their authority to make ecclesiastical lawes Who euer saw such brasen faces as not to blush thus to disagree But harken to his inference vpon this bold assertion and confesse that he may beare the bel for impudency Yf the Papists sayth he do so remoue lay-men from gouernment in Eeclesiastical causes that they need not to care how God is serued then are they not wroÌ„ged by S r. Francis c. Who would loose tyme to dispute with this compagnion and much lesse to answere him in his â—rantick contumelious speech against F. Persons which all men knowing to be vniust and false and so to be prooued by infinit witnesses and to proceed only from a slaunderous and ignominious tongue of a lewd malitious minister is rather to be â—ontemned then answered And so this shal suffice for examination of this position ABOVT S. THOMAS of Canterbury whether he were a traytor or no as malitiously he is called by sir Francis and O. E. and what notorious impostures both they and Fox do deuise to disgrace him against the testimony of all ancient wryters CAP. X. BVt now we must come to a greater controuersy about S. Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury whome Syr Francis without all occasion bringeth into controuersy among other impertinent points to maintayne matter of talk For his subiect being of lay-men debarred the scriptures and therby as he sayth made carelesse of God all godlynes how might it fal to his purpose think yow to rayle at this blessed archbishop martyred so long agoe and raigning now in heauen for so many hundred yeares but that such prince-parasits as these do think they cannot grace themselues sufficiently with Kings and Queenes now a dayes in EnglaÌ„d except they haue a fling at this hoâ—y man who stood in the gappe and lost his lyfe for the defence of his Churches liberty Wherfore S r. F. hauing both falsely and foolishly witten in the watchword that among Catholyks there was no more required at lay-mens handes to the exercise of pieâ—y but only to go deuoutly to masse and to confession once a yeare and then though he were to be taynted with the grossest sinnes yet Rome had a trick to hale them into the rabble of their saints and so to canonise them Yow se how liberal this gentleman is in canonizing that requireth no more perfection but once a yeare to go to masse and confession and then he addeth Of this we haue example of Tho. Becket in K. Henry the 3. his tyme whose treason to the Prince was apparant and manifest c. Thus saith he in his Watchword wherin the Warder tooke him vp for diuers vntruthes and absurdities as namely for saying that we hold it for sufficient perfection of holines to heare masse and confesse once a yeare and that a man may be a Saint with vs yea canonized though he be taynted with the grossest sinnes that may be That S. Tho. of Canterbury was such a one canonized in the tyme of K. Henry the third c. which last point to omit the rest about the tyme of the death A grosse error About the tyme of S Thomas his death and canonization of S. Thomas vnder K. Henry the third as this man saith and not the second is shewed not only to be false but of grosse ignorance also seing that K. Henry the 3. nephew to the second was borne more then 30. yeares after the death and canonization of S. Thomas to which represension of error in story I do not fynd that S. F. giueth any reason of iust excuse in this his reply now nor yet O. E. for him but rather as though nothing had byn said against him for it turneth to repeat againe the same error vnder pretence of a namelesse author though in the manner of telling his tale he would couertly seeme somwhat to answere the obiection for thus he wryteth To examyne a litle saith he the State of this Becket Pag 55. who was a traitor as I do affirme and not I only but * None euer except some late heretiks many before me against king Henry the second but to vse the words of my author taken vp and shryned for a new saint made of an old rebel 50. yeares after his death which was in the fourth yeare of king Henry the third c. But this being so notorious an vntruth if he meane of his canonization as by his former woords in the Watch word may appeare he being reprehended for it before as yow haue heard for modesties sake should at least haue named his author for some shew or defence For if it be Iohn Fox or
shewed the greatest gaule against him yet coÌ„fessing the helps of nature that were in him to vse his owne words he addeth Fox act and mon. pag. 1â—6 col 2. n. 4. Besydes this sayth he he was of a chast and strickt lyfe yf the histories be true Mark Iohn Fox his exception if the histories be true why should he cal in doubt auncient histories more in this point then in others But yow must vnderstand that this Fox hauing a special spite against this blessed man being desirous by all meanes possible to disgrace him and his actions in his false lying martyrologe and finding no authors in the world before Luthers heresy to serue his purpose or to speak or wryte euil of him but all rather highly in his commendation what course taketh the miseriable man think yow truly a most desperate which is to vse these authors against themselues and against both their owne sayings and meanings and so patcheth he vp as it were out of them a long treatese and narration of aboue 40. pages of paper against S. Tho. pretending to take it out of the foresaid authors but yet spicing it with so many â—fs ands Fox his egregiouâ— falâ—e dealing against S. Thomas adioyning so many glosses parentheses notes obseruations interpretations commentaries and censures of his owne both in the text and margent as he maketh all those wryters to tel a quite contrary story to that they purposed and for which they wrote their books in such sort as if a man should set out the byble or new Testament it self with such corruption and peruersion it would more disgrace Christian religion for whose confirmation it was wrytten theÌ„ any other wicked book whatsoeuer yea then the Turks Alcaron it self And this is the dealing of Iohn Fox in cyting and corrupting authors as after shal appeare more particularly But Sir Francis taketh another course which is to tel his tale at his pleasure without cyting any testimony or author at all wherof I take the reason to be that which Iohn Fox telleth vs in these words plainly Iohn Fox discrediteth all ould vvryters Pag. 204. col 1. n. 4. Scarse any testimony is to be taken of that age being all blynded and corrupted with superstition Thus he saith and this is the cause why Sir F. alleageth no author and Fox forceth them to speake as he would haue them But I would aske Iohn Fox againe if no wryter of the age it self wherin S. Tho. liued be to be credited about his affaires how shal we beleeue wryters of later ages that must needs take it from the former if they write with foundation not deuise matter of themselues Againe I would aske whether it be probable that so great a king as K. Henry the second was could get no man to wryte the Story indifferently for him in his age How likely a fiction is this of Fox And this may be sufficient for the first point for seing all the foresaid wryters and their woorks are ful of high prayses of S. Thom. for his sanctity and perfection of lyfe and for that cause are specialy discredited heere by Iohn Fox it shal be sufficient to remit the reader in this behalf to thesaid volumes and wrytings before mentioned For the second which is his cause with the king whether his resisting as Primate of England for liberty to the English Churche were treason to the K. or no VVhether S. Thom. vvas a traitor is easy to be iudged by him that is not passionate and wil without flattery of temporal Princes consider indifferently the dignity preheminence duty and obligation of Ecclesiastical gouernours in this behalf for defence of their spiritual iurisdiction To which purpose the Warder said as followeth If in euery contention or dissention that a bishop VVard p. 22. priest or other spiritual subiect or Ecclesiastical Prelate may haue with his temporal prince That all spiritual men resisting temporal magistrats in Ecclesiastical matters are not traytors Marc. 18. the subiect shal presently be condemned of treason according to this seruile ceÌ„sure of our knight who for flattering princes doth make them absolute lords both of body and soule then Iohn Baptist also must be accompted a traitor that dealt so peremptorily with his king Herod his liege lord in temporal affaires Or yf yow wil haue examples of christian princes S. Ambrose must be a traytor first for resisting openly his â—ord and King Theod. lib 4. ca. 6. lib. 9. cap. 17 deinceps Valentinian the yonger and then for handling so hardly the elder Theodâ—sius in Miliayn as he shut him out of the Churche and made him go home againe with shame and do pennaÌ„ce Zozomenus lib. 8 fere pet totum S. Hilarius also and S. Athanasius shal be traytors for their contentions with Constantius their lawful Emperor and temporal lord who banished them from their bishopricks and the former of the two wrote two vehemeÌ„t books and inuectiues against thesaid Emperor and yet no man euer accompted him a traytor for thesame but rather a great Saynt for his christian liberty and constancy S. Chrysostome in like maner shal be condemned for a great traytor who had greater contentions with his temporal lords Arcadius and Honorius christian Emperors Socrat. lib. 6. cap. 16. and with their wiues Theodosia and Eudoxia then euer S. Thomas had with K. Henry the second Zozom lib. 8 cap. 17. for he preached against them publikely with great vehemency and thundered out excommunication against them Niceph. li. 14. cap. 43. and was twice banished and dryuen out of his bishoprick by their disfauours and died in exile And yet was he neuer called or accompted a traytor but a singular holy man and Theodosius the yonger sonne of Arcadius brought his body with great solemnity honor and reuerence into Constantinople and wept most bitterly for the synnes of his parents in persecuting so blessed a man as the Story saith made prayer to him now dead for pardon of his fathers synnes as did also often both our K. Henry the second himself and his sonne for the offence of his father Math. Parisien in vit Henr. who had ben some cause of the death of this iust man his pastor and spiritual father Thus wrote the Warder then and what replyeth now our knight or his minister to all this yow shal heare the knight in his owne woords VVho saith he but such a one as hath sold himself to all impudency and shamelesse gaynsaying the truth Pag. 54. would seek to couer Beckets rebellion by the facts of S. Iohn Baptist Ambrose Hilary Athanasius and Chrysostome which haue as much agreement with the cause of Becket as hath light with darknesse good with euil sweet with sower Heer yow se the knight in a great heat but his minister O. E. answereth somwhat more temperately saying only that These examples fit not Thomas Beckeâ—s cause Wel then of two
that the King and those about him did say that the Archbishop had styrred vp the K. of Fraunce and the Earle of Flanders against them and that this was held by them for most certayne vppon diuers euidences But what these euidences were none of them do set down So that heere is no condemnation at all from the Card themselues but only that they relate what the King and his part sayd and yet yow must note that S. Francis besydes other euil translation of the words hath wilfully corrupted the last clause of all to make it seeme as though it proceeded from the Card. iudgment to wit Quadrileg de vita B. Thom. lib. 5. cap. venientes as is by diuers euidences most certayn wheras in latyn after the first words Asserebat Rex sucrum pars c. The king with the greater part of his affirmed that the Archbishop had done this c. yt followeth Sicut sibi pro ceâ—to constabat euidâ—ntibus apparebat indicijs as to them it was held for certayne and appeared by euident signes Out of which woords S. F. of purpose cutteth of both sibi and indicijs False dealing of Syr Francis to them signes For that by the first yt was euident that this was spoken in the name of the King and his frends and not of the Card. and by the second appeareth that the euidence which the King and his had of this matter and accusation was founded only in signes and coniectures which being euident to our K â— he did not only stryke out the sayd words but maketh also a seuere inference vpon the rest that are left mangled by him self as yow haue seene his inference is this Pag. Ibid. Now sayth he for a subiect to styrre vp forrein states to make warre vpon his soueraygne and countrey was at all tymes high treason but that Becket did so by the Card confession was by diuers euidences most certayne Therfore Becket not now his enemies but his brethren the sonnes of his owne mother being iudges was a traytor Lo heer the inuincible argument of our learned knight yf any man can trust him hereafter vpon his woords I shal much maruaile seing him so shamelesse in a matter so euideÌ„t For who discouereth not the impudency of his second proposition when he sayeth that Becket did so by the Card. confession whâ—ras the Card. confesse no such thing but only say that the king and his people did affirme it nether did the Card. say as our K t. falsly chargeth them that the matter was certayne to them by diuers euidences but only that the king sayd yt was certayn or seemed so to him by diuers euident signes and coniectures Shamefully then hath our K t. abused the authority of these Card. as he doth comonly all authors that come through his haÌ„ds And with this I end this controuersy of S. Thomas his cause with the King which cause whatsoeuer the K t. tatleth to the coÌ„trary yet was yt neuer accouÌ„pted treason or named so by any author that wrote in that tyme eyther frend or foe nor shal S. F. be able to alleadge me any one instance to the contrary before Luthers dayes And as for the King himself though he pursued him eagerly for that he would not yeild to his desyre touching Eccles. iurisdiction yet neuer is it read that he euer called or couÌ„pted him for a traytor nor any forrayne Prince whatsoeuer And within 8. yeares after his death as before I noted both he and Lewes the K. of Fraunce went in Pilgrimage to his tombe at Canterbury which is lykely they would not haue done nether the one nor the other yf they had reputed him for a traytor Iohn Stow putteth downe the relation thus The 27. of August both the Kings came to Canterbury Stovv anno Domini 1179 reg Hent 21. 25. where they were with due honor receaued c. Lewes K. of France offered vpon the tombe and to the shryne of Thomas Becket a riche cup of gold he gaue also that renowned pretious stone that was called the regal of France which K. Henry the 8. put afterwards in a ring wore yt on his thombe c. Thus saith Stow out of other authors And whether king Lewes of France would haue taken a iorney into England to the shryne of a man that he knew and had talked withal few yeares before and would haue offered such pretious gyfts yf he had suspected him for a traytor or that his miracles had byn faynd as after Sir F. affirmeth and whether king Henry himself being no way forced therunto wold haue accompained him in such an action to his owne disgrace who commonly was reputed to haue byn the cause of his death yf he had held him for a traytor let euery man iudge And so we shal passe from his point to another about his miracles wherin the cauillers shew themselues more vayne conscienslesse and malitious yf it may be then in the former OF S. THOMAS HIS myracles and what may be thought of them and other such lyke with the malitious corruption and falshood vsed by Iohn Fox and S. F. to discredit them There is handled also the different manner of Canonising sainctes in their and our Churche CAP. XI AMONG many other arguments that I vsed in the VVardword for the holynes of this Archbishop to all which this VVastword answereth no one word at all I said also that many miracles haue byn recorded by graue authors and publike testimony of the whole Iland 〈◊〉 3. and of forraine wryters to haue byn wrought by God at his sepulcher and otherwise by his intercession in witnes of his sanctity Vpon which words Syr F. taketh occasion with his heretical spirit of incredulity to iest and blaspheme at all miracles of Pope-made Saints for that is his coÌ„tumelious terme but with what reason truth prudeÌ„ce or piety we shal somwhat here examine by this occasion noting first two poynts to this purpose The first that the miracles of S. Thomas doÌ„ne presently after his death had a circuÌ„staÌ„ce annexed vnto them Tvvo especial confiderations in the miracles of S. Thom. which greatly confirmeth their certainty to wit that they brought with them the publike reproof of one of the greatest kings that day in Christendome if not the greatest of all which was king Henry the second by whose fault he was put to death who laboured with all his power for auoyding that infamy eyther to suppresse or improue the miracles that fel out And who knoweth not what the force and fauour of such a Prince may do in such a cause and yet was the multitude and euidency of S. Thom. his miracles such as they brake through all obstacles that the king could put against them and so conquered himself also as he finally yeilded and went to his sepulcher wept did pennance as by all authors is euident This then is the first poynt of consideration in this affayre
though they were different and opposite one to another A notorious rabble of martyrs as Barnes Hierome Carret burned in one fyre or that they held twise as many opinions against him as with him as Ihon Husse of whom I haue spoken before many others or that they were not martyred at all but dyed in their beds as Fox himself confesseth of Ihon wickliff or that they denied his religion at their death as is euident of Thomas Bilney or that they denied or blasphemed Christ himself as Coubridge or that they were mad in his iudgement as Colyns burned with his dog and the lyke of all which I shal say a word or two in order to the end that yow may see the certayntie and good order which these men haue in canonising their saincts Robert Barnes an Augustine Fryar Thomas Gerrat and William Ierome Apostata Priests were burned together in one fyre in Smithfeild the 30. of Iuly in the yeare 1540. as Ihon Stow D. Sanders and others do put it downe though Fox in his Calender doth agree with neither of them in yeare moneth nor day but putteth them in his Calender about the midst of Octobre 1539. Barnes Herome Gerat These three were ful contrary one to another in matter of Religion especially about the most important artycles of the real presence Barnes being an earnest Lutheran and zealous defender of the real presence as both a Fox act Mon. p. 1097. Fox and b Ibid. p. 9â—7 an 1536. Tindal do testifie of him and the other two no lesse vehement ZwingliaÌ„s against the same doctrine as their examination doth testifie set downe by Fox himself and yet did they all three protest at the fyar that they neuer held error or heresy in their lyues Fox p. 1â—93 col 2. n. 86. For thus Ihon Fox wryteth Those 3. good saincts of God the * This is contrarie to him selfe in his calendar 30. of Iuly were brought together from the tower to Smythfeild where they preparing themselues for the fier D. Barnes thus began God I take to record I neuer to my knowledge taught any erronious doctrine but only those things which scripture led me vnto and that in my sermons I neuer maynteyned any error c. Barnes his protestation at the fyer Thus wryteth Fox of him and alloweth wel therof so that if this man did erre as in the articles of the real presence Fox wil not deny then did the scripture lead him thervnto yet wil not he or Syr F. graunt that he or any man els can take hurt by reading of scriptures Wel but what did the other two his opposite mates did they protest nothing yes I trow Fox ibid. pag. 1094. col 2. for thus wryteth Fox The lyke confession made Hierome and Gerrat professing their belief as the tyme would suffer wherby the people might vnderstand that there was no cause nor error in their fayth wherfore iustly they ought to be condemned protesting that they denied nothing that was eyther in the old or new Testament set foorth by their soueraygne Lord the King whom they prayed the Lord long to continue c. Lo heere a contrary protestation for their contrary belief founded also in scriptures especially in the K. Byble And how can Ihon Fox now ioyne these togeather calling them those three good Saincts of God and making them all three martyrs but as Sampson ioyned his foxes tailes And because in this last protestation there is mention of their praying for the king yow must vnderstand that they being in hope as it seemed of some pardon euen at the fire flattered the king extremely and one of them hauing exhorted the people greatly to obey and follow the king in all things at length wryteth thus yea I say further that yf the king should command yow any thing against Gods law Barnes ibid. apud Fox pag. 1094. col 2. yf it be in your power to resist him yow may not do it Lo what a spirit of a good saint this is that teacheth kings to haue power aboue God but when he saw that the pardon came not he sent certayne messages to the king by the sheriff there present wherof the first was that he and his new fellowes the new-gospellers had made his Maiestie a whole king wheras he was but halfe a king before being not head of the churche nor of the cleargy of his realme a thing saith he that neuer any of his Maiesties ancestors had before Behold what a benefit this was the like wherof was bestowed by them vpon monks and friars as appeareth by a lamentable letter of Friar Peter Martyr wrytten from Oxford to Syr Iohn Cheke Hovv these nevv preachers make vvhole kings and vvhole fâ—iars of half ones King Edwards schoolmaster wherin the old man complayneth pittifully that his woman the nunne being dead whome he called his wife he was but dimidiatus homo half a man so as Barnes and his companions giuing wiues to monks and friars and spiritual primacy to kings and princes by their new doctrine they made aswel friars whole men of half as whole kings of half kings And thus much of these There followeth Iohn Husse of whome I sayd that he held more opinions against the protestants Iohn Husse then with them which is euident by the articles of his doctrine yet extant and authors that haue wrytten of him wherof we haue spoken sufficiently before in this * Cap. 3. encounter and yet is he put in Iohn Fox his calender for a solemne martyr in red letters vpoÌ„ the second day of May. And the like I might also shew of the VValdenses Albigenses Pauperes de Lugduno and many other base and desperate heretiks which Iohn Fox in his protestation to the whole churche of England doth allow for saints of his faith Fox protest pag. 10. wheras notwithstanding they held many more things against him then with him and some so beastly that they are not to be named As for Iohn VVickcliff there needeth no dispute or other proof then Iohn Fox himself and his owne testimony Iohn VVickliffe Fox pag. 411.412.413 c. For he confesseth that he died in Lincolneshire in his owne benefice and bed and yet he putteth him in his calender for a martyr the 2. day of Ianuary in fayre red letters saying thus Iohn VVickcliff preacher and martyr As touching Thomas Bilney Tho. Bilney Syr Tho. More in his preface before his confutation of Tyndales answere doth proue largely by many witnesses and euident demonstrations that he hauing recanted publikely certayn heresyes of Luther Thom. More in pâ—aefat ad Tyndal pag. â—49 which for a tyme he had held which Iohn Fox also confesseth and falling agayne afterward into relapse was condemned and burned but before his burning he recanted againe and confirmed the same at the fire was confessed heard masse deuoutly desyred absolution vpon his knees from the excommunication layd
vpon him and finally receyued the B. sacrament as a true Catholike and so died About which later recantation albeit Iohn Fox would seme to wrangle somwhat yet saith he Fox pag. 920 col 2. admit he did so being a man of a timerous conscience not fully resolued touching that matter of the Churche c. And then againe It is not impossible but that Bilney might both heare masse and receyue the sacrament for in that matter it may be he was not resolued otherwise c. Neyther do I fynd in all the articles against him that he was charged with any opinion against the masse or sacrament which makes me think that he was yet therin ignorant c. Thus answereth Fox about Thom. Bilney granting him as yow se not to haue byn fully and in all points of his religion yet he setteth him downe in his calender for a special martyr of his Churche in great red letters vpon the teÌ„th day of March saying Thomas Bilney martyr Whervpon I would aske Iohn Fox how he defendeth the second verse of S. Athanasius his creed coÌ„firmed in the first councel of Nice that except a man do keep the whole entyre Catholike faith In Symbol S. Athanal he shal perish without all doubt eternally Thomas Bilney did not hold all Foxes religâ—on by his owne confession and how then â—oth he put him in his calender for a martyr of his Churche As for VVilliam Coubridge whome we gaue for an instance of Fox his martyrs that blasphemed Christ VVill. Coubridge his articles are extant which he confessed openly by publike register vnder the B. of Lincolne in the yeare of Christ 1539. as Fox counteth them Blasphemous articles of Coubridg Of which articles the 7. is this that Christ was not the redeemer but the deâ—eyuer of the world and the 8. I esteemed saith he the word Christ Apud AlanuÌ„ Capum dial 6 p. 623. as a filthy word and therfore did blot it out of my books whersoeuer I found it And the tenth I affirmed and wrote that all those which belâ—eued in the name of Christ are damned to hel c. Thus do relate the registers but what saith Iohn Fox Fox p 1033. col 1 n 79. Coubridge saith he being mad and besides his right senses was condemned by Longland C. of Lincolne and comitted to the fire by him to be burnt at Oxford c. So saith Fox but he concealeth one thing which is that Coubridge his cause was sent by the bishop to the L. Cromwel Vicegerent to the king at this tyme in spiritual affayres and that by his voice also he was condemned as Alanus Copus in the foresaid place doth shew But how soeuer this was yf it be true that VVilliam Coubridge was mad and besides his senses as Fox here for his excuse deuiseth how happeneth it then that himself maketh him a martyr of his Churche doth register him vnder that name and worthy title in his ecclesiastical calender vpon the 10. of October an 1539. Is not this to make mad and furious men pillers of his new Churche The last was one Collyns of whome Fox wryteth thus Colyns and his dog Fox Ibid. 1033. Colyns being besides his wits seing the priest holding vp the host ouer his head at masse shewing it to the people he in like manner counterfetting the priest took vp a litle dog by the legs held him ouer his head shewing him also to the people for which he was brought to examination condemned to the fyre c. This is the narratioÌ„ of Fox himself touching Colyns whome notwithstanding this he setteth downe for a solemne martyr vpoÌ„ the foresaid 10. of October in the yeare of our Lord 1538. So as heer no man can deny nor Fox himself doth but that he maketh diuers wicked blasphemous and distracted men to be of his martyrs patroÌ„s in heauen so with mad men I leaue him among whome we may wel account him whether we consider his wit or wrytings Wel then to returne to our purpose treated I would aske our aduersaryes which of these two wayes hath more indifferency or reason in it to haue saints declared by publike inquisition examination and sentence or by euery particular mannes iudgment and fancy at his pleasure And thus much is spoken of this matter by occasioÌ„ of Syr F. his Pope-made saints which must needs haue more authority then Fox-made-saints and as for his prophane proposition which he calleth a prouerb to wit that many be worshipped in heauen for saincts that are damned in hel Pag. 59. he would draw all mennes harts into mistrust and contempt of all saints their miracles and memories I thought good to enlarge my self somwhat in this behalf to shew the conformity of spirit betwene auncient christians vs for the care towards saincts and our equal proceeding conforme to all reason and piety in declaring the holynes of saincts the contrary mad fantastical dealing of heretiks doing or vndoing of their owne heads what each maÌ„ for the tyme thinketh best For imagine yow yf the Lutherans in Germany should haue the vewing or correcting of Iohn Fox his martyrologe how many saints would they strike out and cast to the dunghil which he hath put in and painted out in the highest degree And the like would Brownists and Puritans doe Nothing then is certayne among these goodfellowes and so let vs leaue them for this is the diuels drift by discrediting some to cal all in question But now to return to the Archbishop S. Thomas whome in particular our knight desyreth to discredit let vs heare what he sayth First he cyteth out of Caesarius a monk as he calleth him Pag. 59. That there was a question made in Paris after S. Thom. his death whether he were damned or saued Roger the Norman who had byn a special enimy to the Archbishop saying that he was daÌ„ned for that heresisted his King Peter a Parisian that was chaunter of that Churche holding that he was a true martyr This story out of Caesarius is in part true but yet powdered with so many falsities corruptions partly by S r. F. and partly by Iohn Fox from whome he took it as it is a world to see and sheweth euidently that a maÌ„ may beleeue nothing they alleadge further then he seeth it with his eyes For first they alleadge this author quite against his owne meaning A notorious corruption of Caesarius by Fox and Syr F. for he being a German and lyuing about Colonia at the same tyme or soone after the Archb. was murdered he proueth his great holines among other things by his great and many miracles for that is the title of his book Illustrum miraculorum historiarum memorabilium libri 12. Twelue books of famous miracles and histories happened in the world And hauing spoken of other countryes and men at length he commeth to treat of S. Tho. of Canterbury in these words
lay men must not medle with matters of religion and that the Pope or any Priest comming from him is to be obayed though he teach blasphemies and finally that our cheef remedy against all sinnes consisteth in buying of pardons c. In defence of which obtruded positions how yow behaue your self and what your carriage is both by flying euery where from the true state of the question cogging dissembling and bringing in other odde matters litle or nothing concerning the controuersy it self and by other such sleights and fhifts See cap. 7.9.12.14 c. I may not heer stand to repeat agayne but do remit the Reader to that which is written in euery chapter of this affayre yet cannot I but put yow in mynd the Reader also that all defaults may better be borne and digested then wilful corruptions and falsifications of authors whome yow alleadge I meane eyther in words yow cite or in sense when yow alleadg them quite contrary to their owne meaning purpose and drift as yow are often shewed to haue done in sundry places and vpon fundry occasions wherof some we shal take the payne to repeat breefly in this place for better establishing the readers memory about your manner of proceeding Diuers authoâ—s abused First then yow are shewed in the second Chapter of this Encounter to haue greatly abused the story of Thâ— VValsingham Cap. 2. nu 7.8 c. in alleading him fraudulently about the lying of corrupted fryars in K. Richard the 2. his tyme concealing craftily both the tyme occasion of his wryting and the men corrupted by VVicliffe Cap. 3. nâ— 3.4 5. c. of whome he wrote And then immediatly in the very next chapter yow are proued to offer no lesse iniury to the authority of S. Bede as though he should allow and testifie the promiscuous reading of holy scriptures in vulgar laÌ„guages in his dayes the truth being nothing so but rather the quite contrary appearing by his wordes and no lesse violeÌ„ce are yow declared to vse in thesame place to Arnobius an anciÌ„ent author Ibid. 9. nu 7. as though he had reproued the pious vse of Christian Images wheras indeed he speaketh only and expressely of idols made Gods among Gentils the title also of his book concealed by yow being Aduersus gentes S. Chrisostome also is prooued to haue byn egregiously misused by yow in the 9. chapter Cap. 9. nu 1â— not only by peruerting his whole sense and meaning in the matter for which yow alleadge him but by cutting of also and mangling his very words and sentences alleadged about which point the Warder noteth no fewer then 8. seueral abuses and falsifications in that place and not vnlyke iniury is shewed to be offered also to Index expurgatorius Hispanicus in thesame place concerning the note obiected by yow in your answere Cap. 9. nu 15. deleatur dictio solumodò in Gregory Nissen his sentence where yow both conceale the reason alleadged by the Index of that deletion or putting out to wit for that it was an error in the coppy and wholy from the authors argument drift and meaning in that place as also for that yow father that sentence vpon Gregory Nissene which is none of his as there is shewed But of all other your dishonorable dealing Syr Francis in this kynd of abusing authors Cap. 10. that doth most exceed which yow do vse in the 10. Chapter against that holy renowned man S. Tho. of CaÌ„terbury FalsificatioÌ„s against S. Tho. of Canterbury where yow ioyne perfidiously with Iohn Fox your maister the most shamlesse corrupter of authors that euer perhaps took pen in hand to disgrace that worthy Saint and Prelate both in his person and cause with the king and for that yow are ofteÌ„ taken attaynted of this trick throughout the whole said tenth chapter and in the other that ensueth especially where yow are shewed to falsifie most egregiously Caesarius Heislerbacius about S. Thom. his miracles I shal not need to set downe heer more particulars Cap. 11. nu 12.13 c. but rather wil end putting yow in mynd only therby to mooue you a scruple yf it might be of these many and notorious corruptions and falsifications vsed by yow and your said scholmaister Iohn Fox concerning the faigned poysoning of king Iohn by a monk and the absolution for the fact before hand in which narration there are so many shamelesse impostures vsed by yow two combyned companions in lying About the poysoning of K. Iohn sup Cap. 15. as I persuade my self the reuewing therof wil make yow blush or at leastwayes your modest reader for yow yf he loue his soule he wil take heed of yow and yours for the tyme to come Aud so for breuities sake I wil passe no further in this recitall but only vse a word or two of aduise to your procter O.E. and so an end Neyther yet wil I enter into any more particulars with him at this tyme About the minister O. E. for that this admonition would grow ouerlong and I am ful wearied already with repeating so much drosse of corrupted myndes that haue no conscience what they say or affirme but yet assure your self that this minister is farre worse then the knight in shamelesse manner of proceeding though somwhat more wary in citations and he that wil know him or take a scantling of his turbulent spirit in wryting let him read the sixt eight and thirteene Chapters of this encounter where he is dealt withall alone and singled into his Ierkin to vse his owne phrase and many of his tricks discouered and layd open and yf by this examen and by the rest of the former Encounter and the Epistles going before the man come not to be sufficiently knowne A nevv match for O. E. in hand then shal I remit me to that which after also is to ensue especially in the seueral answere to his new chalenges which I vnderstand some frend of myne seeing my present lettes occupations is like inough to take in hand and to buccle with him alone singulari certamine which yf my frend do performe as O.E. himself desyreth and craueth I dare fortel hauing considered wel the subiect which they are to discusse that O. E. wil be left in a very poor pickle and made a ridiculous companion as one that vnderstandeth neyther himself nor his aduersary nor the true state of the questioÌ„ he handleth and yf this proue not soo the match going forward then let me be condemned both of temerity and vanity for making that prophesy so long before hand And so to the proof I remit me beseeching in the meane space the moderate and indifferent reader which hath care of his saluation and readeth not so much for curiosity contention or loue to partes and faction as sincerely to be instructed in matter of truth concerning religion that he weigh seriously with himself what good meaning or